fbpx
Wikipedia

Austronesian peoples

April 09, 2023

The Austronesian peoples, sometimes referred to as Austronesian-speaking peoples,[43] are a large group of peoples in Taiwan, Maritime Southeast Asia, Micronesia, coastal New Guinea, Island Melanesia, Polynesia, and Madagascar that speak Austronesian languages.[44][45] They also include indigenous ethnic minorities in Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, Hainan, the Comoros, and the Torres Strait Islands.[44][46][47] The nations and territories predominantly populated by Austronesian-speaking peoples are sometimes known collectively as Austronesia.[48]

Austronesian people
The Amis people of Taiwan performing a traditional tribal dance
Total population
c. 400 million
Regions with significant populations
 Indonesiac. 270 million (2020)[1][2]
 Philippinesc. 109.3 million (2020)[3]
 Madagascarc. 24 million (2016)[4]
 Malaysiac. 19.2 million (2017)[5]
 Thailandc. 1.9 million[6]
 Papua New Guineac. 1.3 million[citation needed]
 East Timorc. 1.2 million (2015)[7]
 Vietnamc. 1.2 million (2019)[8]
 New Zealandc. 855,000 (2006)[9][10]
 Singaporec. 576,300[11]
 Taiwanc. 575,067 (2020)[12]
 Solomon Islandsc. 478,000 (2005)[citation needed]
 Fijic. 936,375 (2023)[13]
 Bruneic. 450,000 (2006)[14]
 Vanuatuc. 272,000 [15][16]
 Cambodiac. 249,000 (2011)[17]
 French Polynesiac. 230,000 (2017)[18][19]
 Samoac. 195,000 (2016)[20]
 Guamc. 150,000 (2010)[21]
 Hawaiic. 140,652–401,162[22] (depending on definition)
 Kiribatic. 119,940 (2020)[23]
 New Caledoniac. 106,000 (2019)[24][25]
 Federated States of Micronesiac. 102,000[15][16][26]
 Tongac. 100,000 (2016)[27]
 Surinamec. 93,000 (2017)[28]
 Marshall Islandsc. 72,000 (2015)[29]
 American Samoac. 55,000 (2010)[30]
 Sri Lankac. 40,189 (2012)[31]
 Australia
(Torres Strait Islands)		c. 38,700 (2016)[32]
 Myanmarc. 31,600 (2019)[33][34]
 Northern Mariana Islandsc. 19,000[35]
 Palauc. 16,500 (2011)[15][16][36]
 Wallis and Futunac. 11,600 (2018)[37]
 Nauruc. 11,200 (2011)[38]
 Tuvaluc. 11,200 (2012)[39][40]
 Cook Islandsc. 9,300 (2010)[41]
 Easter Island
(Rapa Nui)		c. 2,290 (2002)[42]
 Niuec. 1,937[15][16]
Languages
Austronesian languages
Religion
Various religions

They originated from a prehistoric seaborne migration, known as the Austronesian expansion from pre-Han Taiwan, at around 1500 to 1000 BCE. Austronesians reached the northernmost Philippines, specifically the Batanes Islands, by around 2200 BCE. Austronesians used sails some time before 2000 BCE.[49]: 144  In conjunction with their use of other maritime technologies (notably catamarans, outrigger boats, lashed-lug boat building, and the crab claw sail), this enabled their dispersal into the islands of the Indo-Pacific, culminating in the settlement of New Zealand c. 1250 CE. From 2000 BCE they assimilated (or were assimilated by) the earlier Paleolithic pre-Austronesian, and Australo-Melanesian Papuan populations. They reached as far as Easter Island to the east, Madagascar to the west,[50] and New Zealand to the south. At the furthest extent, they might have also reached the Americas.[51][52]

Aside from language, Austronesian peoples widely share cultural characteristics, including such traditions and technologies as tattooing, stilt houses, jade carving, wetland agriculture, and various rock art motifs. They also share domesticated plants and animals that were carried along with the migrations, including rice, bananas, coconuts, breadfruit, Dioscorea yams, taro, paper mulberry, chickens, pigs, and dogs.

History of research

See also: Malay race

The linguistic connections between Madagascar, Polynesia, and Southeast Asia, particularly the remarkable similarities between Malagasy, Malay, and Polynesian numerals, were recognized early in the colonial era by European authors.[53] The first formal publication on these relationships was in 1708 by Dutch Orientalist Adriaan Reland, who recognized a "common language" from Madagascar to western Polynesia, although Dutch explorer Cornelis de Houtman observed linguistic links between Madagascar and the Malay Archipelago a century earlier in 1603.[46] German naturalist Johann Reinhold Forster, who traveled with James Cook on his second voyage, also recognized the similarities of Polynesian languages to those of Island Southeast Asia. In his book Observations Made during a Voyage round the World (1778), he posited that the ultimate origins of the Polynesians might have been the lowland regions of the Philippines and proposed that they arrived to the islands via long-distance voyaging.[54] But, Johann Reinhold's Observations Made During a Voyage Round the World (1778) and Georg's A Voyage Round the World (1777), mark a key moment in the beginnings of modern racism. "Employing the English word "race" as a synonym for human variety, they interpret the multiplicity of Polynesian culture in terms of a linear hierarchy that naturally ascends towards the white European ideal."[55]

 
Skulls representing Johann Friedrich Blumenbach's "five races" in De Generis Humani Varietate Nativa (1795). The Tahitian skull labelled "O-taheitae" represented what he called the "Malay race"

The Spanish philologist Lorenzo Hervás later devoted a large part of his Idea dell'universo (1778–1787) to the establishment of a language family linking the Malay Peninsula, the Maldives, Madagascar, Indonesia (Sunda Islands and Moluccas), the Philippines, and the Pacific Islands eastward to Easter Island. Multiple other authors corroborated this classification (except for the erroneous inclusion of Maldivian), and the language family came to be known as "Malayo-Polynesian," first coined by the German linguist Franz Bopp in 1841 (German: malayisch-polynesisch).[53][56] The connections between Southeast Asia, Madagascar, and the Pacific Islands were also noted by other European explorers, including the orientalist William Marsden and the naturalist Johann Reinhold Forster.[57]

Johann Friedrich Blumenbach added Austronesians as the fifth category to his "varieties" of humans in the second edition of De Generis Humani Varietate Nativa (1781). He initially grouped them by geography and thus called Austronesians the "people from the southern world." In the third edition published in 1795, he named Austronesians the "Malay race" or the "brown race," after correspondence with Joseph Banks who was part of the first voyage of James Cook.[57][58] Blumenbach used the term "Malay" due to his belief that most Austronesians spoke the "Malay idiom" (i.e. the Austronesian languages), though he inadvertently caused the later confusion of his racial category with the Malay (ethnic group).[59] The other varieties Blumenbach identified were the "Caucasians" (white), "Mongolians" (yellow), "Ethiopians" (black), and "Americans" (red). Blumenbach's definition of the Malay race is largely identical to the modern distribution of the Austronesian peoples, including not only Islander Southeast Asians, but also the people of Madagascar and the Pacific Islands. Although Blumenbach's work was later used in scientific racism, Blumenbach was a monogenist and did not believe the human "varieties" were inherently inferior to each other.[57][58]

 
The New Physiognomy map (1889) printed by the Fowler & Wells Company depicting Johann Friedrich Blumenbach's five human races. The region inhabited by the "Malay race" is shown enclosed in dotted lines. Like in most 19th century sources, Islander Melanesians are excluded. Taiwan, which was annexed by the Qing dynasty in the 17th century is also excluded.

Malay variety. Tawny-coloured; hair black, soft, curly, thick and plentiful; head moderately narrowed; forehead slightly swelling; nose full, rather wide, as it were diffuse, end thick; mouth large, upper jaw somewhat prominent with parts of the face when seen in profile, sufficiently prominent and distinct from each other. This last variety includes the islanders of the Pacific Ocean, together with the inhabitants of the Mariannas, the Philippine, the Molucca and the Sunda Islands, and of the Malayan peninsula. I wish to call it the Malay, because the majority of the men of this variety, especially those who inhabit the Indian islands close to the Malacca peninsula, as well as the Sandwich, the Society, and the Friendly Islanders, and also the Malambi of Madagascar down to the inhabitants of Easter Island, use the Malay idiom.

— Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, The anthropological treatises of Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, translated by Thomas Bendyshe, 1865.[60]

By the 19th century, however, scientific racism was favoring a classification of Austronesians as being a subset of the "Mongolian" race, as well as polygenism. The Australo-Melanesian populations of Southeast Asia and Melanesia (whom Blumenbach initially classified as a "subrace" of the "Malay" race) were also now being treated as a separate "Ethiopian" race by authors like Georges Cuvier, Conrad Malte-Brun (who first coined the term "Oceania" as Océanique), Julien-Joseph Virey, and René Lesson.[57][61]

The British naturalist James Cowles Prichard originally followed Blumenbach by treating Papuans and Indigenous Australians as being descendants of the same stock as Austronesians. But by his third edition of Researches into the Physical History of Man (1836–1847), his work had become more racialized due to the influence of polygenism. He classified the peoples of Austronesia into two groups: the "Malayo-Polynesians" (roughly equivalent to the Austronesian peoples) and the "Kelænonesians" (roughly equivalent to the Australo-Melanesians). He further subdivided the latter into the "Alfourous" (also "Haraforas" or "Alfoërs", the Native Australians), and the "Pelagian or Oceanic Negroes" (the Melanesians and western Polynesians). Despite this, he acknowledges that "Malayo-Polynesians" and "Pelagian Negroes" had "remarkable characters in common", particularly in terms of language and craniometry.[57][53][56]

In linguistics, the Malayo-Polynesian language family also initially excluded Melanesia and Micronesia, due to what they perceived were marked physical differences between the inhabitants of these regions from the Malayo-Polynesian speakers. However, there was growing evidence of their linguistic relationship to Malayo-Polynesian languages, notably from studies on the Melanesian languages by Georg von der Gabelentz, Robert Henry Codrington and Sidney Herbert Ray. Codrington coined and used the term "Ocean" language family rather than "Malayo-Polynesian" in 1891, in opposition to the exclusion of Melanesian and Micronesian languages. This was adopted by Ray who defined the "Oceanic" language family as encompassing the languages of Southeast Asia and Madagascar, Micronesia, Melanesia, and Polynesia.[46][62][63][64]

In 1899, the Austrian linguist and ethnologist Wilhelm Schmidt coined the term "Austronesian" (German: austronesisch, from Latin auster, "south wind"; and Greek νῆσος, "island") to refer to the language family.[65] Schmidt had the same motivations as Codrington. He proposed the term as a replacement to "Malayo-Polynesian", because he also opposed the implied exclusion of the languages of Melanesia and Micronesia in the latter name.[53][56] It became the accepted name for the language family, with Oceanic and Malayo-Polynesian languages being retained as names for subgroups.[46]

 
Distribution of the Austronesian languages (Blust, 1999)[66]

The term "Austronesian", or more accurately "Austronesian-speaking peoples", came to refer the people who speak the languages of the Austronesian language family. Some authors, however, object to the use of the term to refer to people, as they question whether there really is any biological or cultural shared ancestry between all Austronesian-speaking groups.[43][67] This is especially true for authors who reject the prevailing "Out of Taiwan" hypothesis and instead offer scenarios where the Austronesian languages spread among preexisting static populations through borrowing or convergence, with little or no population movements.[44][68]

 
Paraw sailboats from Boracay, Philippines. Outrigger canoes and crab claw sails are hallmarks of the Austronesian maritime culture.[69][70][71]

Despite these objections, the general consensus is that the archeological, cultural, genetic, and especially linguistic evidence all separately indicate varying degrees of shared ancestry among Austronesian-speaking peoples that justifies their treatment as a "phylogenetic unit." This has led to the use of the term "Austronesian" in academic literature to refer not only to the Austronesian languages, but also the Austronesian-speaking peoples, their societies, and the geographic area of Austronesia.[67][44][68][72][73]

Some Austronesian-speaking groups are not direct descendants of Austronesians and acquired their languages through language shift, but this is believed to have happened only in a few instances since the Austronesian expansion was too rapid for language shifts to have occurred fast enough.[74] In parts of Island Melanesia, migrations and paternal admixture from Papuan groups after the Austronesian expansion (estimated to have started at around 500 BCE) also resulted in gradual population turnover. These secondary migrations were incremental, and happened gradually enough that the culture and language of these groups remained Austronesian, even though in modern times they are genetically more Papuan.[75] In the vast majority of cases, the language and material culture of Austronesian-speaking groups descend directly through generational continuity, especially in islands that were previously uninhabited.[74]

Serious research into the Austronesian languages and its speakers has been ongoing since the 19th century. Modern scholarship on Austronesian dispersion models is generally credited to two influential papers in the late 20th century: The Colonisation of the Pacific: A Genetic Trail (Hill & Serjeantson, eds., 1989), and The Austronesian Dispersal and the Origin of Languages (Bellwood, 1991).[76][77] The topic is particularly interesting to scientists for the remarkably unique characteristics of the Austronesian speakers: their extent, diversity, and rapid dispersal.[78][79]

Regardless certain disagreements still exist among researchers with regards to chronology, origin, dispersal, adaptations to the island environments, interactions with preexisting populations in areas they settled, and cultural developments over time. The mainstream accepted hypothesis is the "Out of Taiwan" model first proposed by Peter Bellwood. But there are multiple rival models that create a sort of "pseudo-competition" among their supporters due to narrow focus on data from limited geographic areas or disciplines.[78][79][80] The most notable of which is the "Out of Sundaland" (or "Out of Island Southeast Asia") model. As a generalization, authors that are based in Indonesia and Malaysia tend to favor the "Out of Sundaland" model, while authors based in Taiwan and the Pacific Islands tend to favor the "Out of Taiwan" model.[citation needed]

Geographical distribution

See also: Micronesian navigation and Polynesian navigation

Prior to the 16th century Colonial Era, the Austronesian language family was the most widespread language family in the world, spanning half the planet from Easter Island in the eastern Pacific Ocean to Madagascar in the western Indian Ocean.[44]

 
Coconuts in Rangiroa island in the Tuamotus, French Polynesia, a typical island landscape in Austronesia. Coconuts are native to tropical Asia, and were spread as canoe plants to the Pacific Islands and Madagascar by Austronesians.[81][82][83]

It is spoken today by about 386 million people (4.9% of the global population), making it the fifth-largest language family by number of speakers. Major Austronesian languages with the highest number of speakers are Malay (around 250–270 million in Indonesia alone in its own literary standard named "Indonesian"), Javanese, and Filipino (Tagalog). The family contains 1,257 languages, which is the second most of any language family.[84]

The geographic region that encompasses native Austronesian-speaking populations is sometimes referred to as Austronesia.[72] Other geographic names for various subregions include Malay Peninsula, Greater Sunda Islands, Lesser Sunda Islands, Island Melanesia, Island Southeast Asia (ISEA), Malay Archipelago, Maritime Southeast Asia (MSEA), Melanesia, Micronesia, Near Oceania, Oceania, Pacific Islands, Remote Oceania, Polynesia, and Wallacea. In Indonesia, the nationalistic term Nusantara from the Old Javanese is also popularly used for their islands.[72][85]

 
Extent of contemporary Austronesia and possible further migrations and contact (Blench, 2009)[86]

Historically, Austronesians uniquely live in an "island world". Austronesian regions are almost exclusively islands in the Pacific and Indian oceans, with predominantly tropical or subtropical climates with considerable seasonal rainfall. They had limited penetration into the interiors of large islands or mainlands.[46][87]

They include Taiwanese indigenous peoples, the majority of ethnic groups in Brunei, East Timor, Indonesia, Madagascar, Malaysia, Micronesia, the Philippines, and Polynesia. Also included are the Malays of Singapore; the Polynesians of New Zealand, Hawaii, and Chile; the Torres Strait Islanders of Australia; the non-Papuan peoples of Melanesia and coastal New Guinea; the Shibushi-speakers of Comoros, and the Malagasy and Shibushi-speakers of Réunion. They are also found in the regions of Southern Thailand; the Cham areas in Vietnam and Cambodia, and Hainan; and the Mergui Archipelago of Myanmar.[44][46][47]

Additionally, modern-era migration brought Austronesian-speaking people to the United States, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, mainland Europe, Cocos (Keeling) Islands, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Hong Kong, Macau, and West Asian countries.[88]

Some authors also propose further settlements and contacts in the past in areas that are not inhabited by Austronesian speakers today. These range from likely hypotheses to very controversial claims with minimal evidence. In 2009, Roger Blench compiled an expanded map of Austronesia that encompass these claims based on various evidence like historical accounts, loanwords, introduced plants and animals, genetics, archeological sites, and material culture. They include areas like the Pacific coast of the Americas, Japan, the Yaeyama Islands, the Australian coast, Sri Lanka and coastal South Asia, the Persian Gulf, some of the Indian Ocean islands, East Africa, South Africa, and West Africa.[86]

List of Austronesian peoples

 
Map showing the distribution of the Austronesian language family (light rose pink). It roughly corresponds to the distribution of all the Austronesian peoples.
 
Samoan man carrying two containers over his shoulder
 
The Javanese people of Indonesia are the largest Austronesian ethnic group.

Austronesian peoples include the following groupings by name and geographic location (incomplete):

Prehistory

The broad consensus on Austronesian origins is the "two-layer model" where an original Paleolithic indigenous population in Island Southeast Asia were assimilated to varying degrees by incoming migrations of Neolithic Austronesian-speaking peoples from Taiwan and Fujian, in southern China from around 4,000 BP.[79][89] Austronesians also mixed with other preexisting populations as well as later migrant populations among the islands they settled, resulting in further genetic input. The most notable are the Austroasiatic-speaking peoples in western Island Southeast Asia (peninsular Malaysia, Sumatra, Borneo, and Java);[90] the Bantu peoples in Madagascar[50] and the Comoros; as well as Japanese,[91][92][93] Persian, Indian, Arab, and Han Chinese traders and migrants in the more recent centuries.[94]

Paleolithic

See also: Peopling of Southeast Asia, Negrito, History of Indigenous Australians, Indigenous Australians, Australian Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders, Papuans, Melanesians, Micronesians, and Polynesians

Island Southeast Asia was settled by modern humans in the Paleolithic following coastal migration routes, presumably starting before 70,000 BP, long before the development of Austronesian cultures.[95][failed verification – see discussion][96][failed verification – see discussion] These populations are typified by having dark skin, curly hair, and short statures, leading Europeans to believe, in the 19th century, that they were related to African Pygmies. However, despite these physical differences, genetic studies have shown that they are more closely related to other Eurasian populations than to Africans.[97][96]

 
Representation of the coastal migration model, with the indication of the later development of mitochondrial haplogroups

These early population groups originally lacked sophisticated watercraft technology, and thus could only cross narrow interisland seas with simple floats or rafts (likely bamboo or log rafts) or through accidental means. Especially the deeper waters of the Wallace Line, Weber Line, and Lydekker Line left some significant islands disconnected from mainland Asia in the lower sea levels of the last glacial period. They settled in what are now islands mostly through land migrations into the coastal lowland plains of Sundaland and Sahul, most of which are now underwater.[95][failed verification – see discussion][note 1]

Humans reached the islands in Wallacea as well as the Sahul landmass (Australia and New Guinea) by around 53,000 BP (some give even older dates up to 65,000 BP). By 45,400 years ago, humans had reached the Bismarck Archipelago in Near Oceania.[95] They were once also present in mainland China and Taiwan, but their populations are now extinct or assimilated.[98][99][100] The oldest confirmed human fossils in the Philippines is from the Tabon Caves of Palawan, dated to around 47,000 BP.[101] Previously, it was believed that the earliest putative record of modern humans in Southeast Asia is from the Callao Cave of northern Luzon in the Philippines dated to around 67,000 BP.[95][102] However, in 2019, the remains were identified as belonging to a new species of archaic humans, Homo luzonensis.[103]

These people are generally historically referred to as "Australo-Melanesians", though the terminology is problematic as they are genetically diverse and most groups within Austronesia have significant Austronesian admixture and culture. The unmixed descendants of these groups today include the interior Papuans and Indigenous Australians.[94][96]

 
Aeta fishermen in an outrigger canoe in Luzon, Philippines (c. 1899)

In modern literature, descendants of these groups located in Island Southeast Asia west of Halmahera are usually collectively referred to as "Negritos", while descendants of these groups east of Halmahera (excluding Indigenous Australians) are referred to as "Papuans".[97] They can also be divided into two broad groups based on Denisovan admixture. Philippine Negritos, Papuans, Melanesians, and Indigenous Australians display Denisovan admixture; while Malaysian and western Indonesian Negritos (Orang Asli) and Andamanese islanders do not.[96][104][105][note 2]

Mahdi (2017) also uses the term "Qata" (from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *qata) to distinguish the indigenous populations of Southeast Asia, versus "Tau" (from Proto-Austronesian *Cau) for the later settlers from Taiwan and mainland China; both are based on proto-forms for the word "person" in Malayo-Polynesian languages that referred to darker-skinned and lighter-skinned groups respectively.[97] Jinam et al. (2017) also proposed the term "First Sundaland People" in place of "Negrito", as a more accurate name for the original population of Southeast Asia.[96]

These populations are genetically distinct from later Austronesians, but through fairly extensive population admixture, most modern Austronesians have varying levels of ancestry from these groups. The same is true for some populations historically considered "non-Austronesians" due to physical differences; like Philippine Negritos, Orang Asli, and Austronesian-speaking Melanesians, all of whom have Austronesian admixture.[44][94] In Polynesians in Remote Oceania, for example, the admixture is around 20 to 30% Papuan, and 70 to 80% Austronesian. The Melanesians in Near Oceania are roughly around 20% Austronesian and 80% Papuan, while in the natives of the Lesser Sunda Islands, the admixture is around 50% Austronesian and 50% Papuan. Similarly, in the Philippines, the groups traditionally considered to be "Negrito" vary between 30 and 50% Austronesian.[44][94][96]

The high degree of assimilation among Austronesian, Negrito, and Papuan groups indicate that the Austronesian expansion was largely peaceful. Rather than violent displacement, the settlers and the indigenous groups absorbed each other.[106] It is believed that in some cases, like in the Toalean culture of Sulawesi (c. 8,000–1,500 BP), it is even more accurate to say that the densely-populated indigenous hunter-gatherer groups absorbed the incoming Austronesian farmers, rather than the other way around.[107] Mahdi (2016) further asserts that Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *tau-mata ("person")[note 3] is derived from a composite protoform *Cau ma-qata, combining "Tau" and "Qata" and indicative of the mixing the two ancestral population types in these regions.[108]

Neolithic China

See also: Dapenkeng culture, Neolithic Revolution, Neolithic China, and Baiyue
 
Possible language family homelands and the spread of rice into Southeast Asia (ca. 5,500–2,500 BP). The approximate coastlines during the early Holocene are shown in lighter blue.[109]
 
Suggested early migration route of early Austronesians into and out of Taiwan based on ancient and modern mtDNA data. This hypothesis assumes the Sino-Austronesian grouping, a minority view among linguists. (Ko et al., 2014)[110]

The broad consensus on the Urheimat (homeland) of Austronesian languages as well as the Neolithic early Austronesian peoples is accepted to be Taiwan, as well as the Penghu Islands.[111][112][113] They are believed to have descended from ancestral populations in coastal mainland southern China, which are generally referred to as the "pre‑Austronesians".[note 4] Through these pre-Austronesians, Austronesians may also share a common ancestry with neighboring groups in Neolithic southern China.[114]

These Neolithic pre-Austronesians from the coast of southeastern China are believed to have migrated to Taiwan between approximately 10,000–6000 BCE.[115][66] Other research has suggested that, according to radiocarbon dates, Austronesians may have migrated from mainland China to Taiwan as late as 4000 BCE (Dapenkeng culture).[116] They continued to maintain regular contact with the mainland until 1500 BCE.[117][118]

The identity of the Neolithic pre-Austronesian cultures in China is contentious. Tracing Austronesian prehistory in Fujian and Taiwan has been difficult due to the southward expansion of the Han dynasty (2nd century BCE), and the recent Qing dynasty annexation of Taiwan (1683 CE).[109][119][120][121] Today, the only Austronesian language in southern China is Tsat language in Hainan. The politicization of archaeology is also problematic, particularly erroneous reconstructions among some Chinese archaeologists of non-Sinitic sites as Han.[122] Some authors, favoring the "Out of Sundaland" model like William Meacham, reject the southern Chinese mainland origin of pre-Austronesians entirely.[123]

Nevertheless, based on linguistic, archaeological, and genetic evidence, Austronesians are most strongly associated with the early farming cultures of the Yangtze River basin that domesticated rice from around 13,500 to 8,200 BP. They display typical Austronesian technological hallmarks, including tooth removal, teeth blackening, jade carving, tattooing, stilt houses, advanced boat-building, aquaculture, wetland agriculture, and the domestication of dogs, pigs, and chickens. These include the Kuahuqiao, Hemudu, Majiabang, Songze, Liangzhu, and Dapenkeng cultures which occupied the coastal regions between the Yangtze River delta to the Min River delta.[124][125][126][127]

Relations with other groups

See also: Austronesian languages § Hypothesized relations

Based on linguistic evidence, there have been proposals linking Austronesians with other linguistic families into linguistic macrofamilies that are relevant to the identity of the pre-Austronesian populations. The most notable are the connections of Austronesians to the neighboring Austroasiatic, Kra-Dai, and Sinitic peoples (as Austric, Austro-Tai, and Sino-Austronesian, respectively). But they are still not widely accepted as evidence of these relationships are still tenuous and the methods used are highly contentious.[128]

In support of both the Austric and Austro-Tai hypothesis, Robert Blust connects the lower Yangtze Neolithic Austro-Tai entity with the rice-cultivating Austroasiatic cultures; assuming the center of East Asian rice domestication, and putative Austric homeland, to be located in the Yunnan/Burma border area,[129]: 188  instead of the Yangtze River basin as is currently accepted.[130][131][132][133] Under that view, there was an east–west genetic alignment, resulting from a rice-based population expansion, in the southern part of East Asia: Austroasiatic-Kra-Dai-Austronesian, with unrelated Sino-Tibetan occupying a more northerly tier.[129]: 188  Depending on the author, other hypotheses have also included other language families like Hmong-Mien and even Japanese-Ryukyuan into the larger Austric hypothesis.[134]

 
Proposed routes of Austroasiatic and Austronesian migrations into Indonesia (Simanjuntak, 2017)[90]

While the Austric hypothesis remains contentious, there is genetic evidence that at least in western Island Southeast Asia there had been earlier Neolithic overland migrations (pre-4,000 BP) by Austroasiatic-speaking peoples into what is now the Greater Sunda Islands when the sea levels were lower in the early Holocene. These peoples were assimilated linguistically and culturally by incoming Austronesian peoples in what is now modern-day Indonesia and Malaysia.[90]

 
Proposed genesis of Daic languages and their relation with Austronesians (Blench, 2018)[135]

Several authors have also proposed that Kra-Dai speakers may actually be an ancient daughter subgroup of Austronesians that migrated back to the Pearl River delta from Taiwan and/or Luzon shortly after the Austronesian expansion. Later migrating further westwards to Hainan, Mainland Southeast Asia and Northeast India. They propose that the distinctiveness of Kra-Dai (it is tonal and monosyllabic) was the result of linguistic restructuring due to contact with Hmong-Mien and Sinitic cultures. Aside from linguistic evidence, Roger Blench has also noted cultural similarities between the two groups, like facial tattooing, tooth removal or ablation, teeth blackening, snake (or dragon) cults, and the multiple-tongued jaw harps shared by the Indigenous Taiwanese and Kra-Dai-speakers. However archaeological evidence for this is still sparse.[128][125][135][136] This is believed to be similar to what happened to the Cham people, who were originally Austronesian settlers (likely from Borneo) to southern Vietnam at around 2,100 to 1,900 BP, and had languages similar to Malay. Their languages underwent several restructuring events to syntax and phonology due to contact with the nearby tonal languages of Mainland Southeast Asia and Hainan.[136][137] Although the populations of the Malay peninsula, Sumatra, Java, and neighboring islands are Austronesian-speaking, they have significantly high admixture from Mainland Southeast Asian populations. These areas were already populated (most probably by speakers of Austroasiatic languages) before they were reached by the Austronesian expansion roughly 3000 years ago. Currently, only the indigenous Aslians still speak Austroasiatic languages. However, some of the languages in the region show signs of underlying Austroasiatic substrates.

According to Juha Janhunen and Ann Kumar, Austronesians may have also settled parts of southern Japan, especially on the islands of Kyushu and Shikoku, and influenced or created the "Japanese-hierarchical society". It is suggested that Japanese tribes like the Hayato people, the Kumaso and the Azumi people were of Austronesian origin. Until today, local traditions and festivals show similarities to the Malayo-Polynesian culture.[138][139][140][141][142]

 
Early waves of migration to Taiwan proposed by Roger Blench (2014)

The Sino-Austronesian hypothesis, on the other hand, is a relatively new hypothesis by Laurent Sagart, first proposed in 1990. It argues for a north–south linguistic genetic relationship between Chinese and Austronesian. This is based on sound correspondences in the basic vocabulary and morphological parallels.[129]: 188  Sagart places special significance in shared vocabulary on cereal crops, citing them as evidence of shared linguistic origin. However, this has largely been rejected by other linguists. The sound correspondences between Old Chinese and Proto-Austronesian can also be explained as a result of the Longshan interaction sphere, when pre-Austronesians from the Yangtze region came into regular contact with Proto-Sinitic speakers in the Shandong Peninsula at around the 4th to 3rd millennia BCE. This corresponded with the widespread introduction of rice cultivation to Proto-Sinitic speakers and conversely, millet cultivation to Pre-Austronesians.[143] An Austronesian substratum in formerly Austronesian territories that have been Sinicized after the Iron Age Han expansion is also another explanation for the correspondences that do not require a genetic relationship.[144][145]

In relation to Sino-Austronesian models and the Longshan interaction sphere, Roger Blench (2014) suggests that the single migration model for the spread of the Neolithic into Taiwan is problematic, pointing out the genetic and linguistic inconsistencies between different Taiwanese Austronesian groups.[146]: 1–17  The surviving Austronesian populations on Taiwan should rather be considered as the result of various Neolithic migration waves from the mainland and back migration from the Philippines.[146]: 1–17  These incoming migrants almost certainly spoke languages related to Austronesian or pre-Austronesian, although their phonology and grammar would have been quite diverse.[146]

Blench considers the Austronesians in Taiwan to have been a melting pot of immigrants from various parts of the coast of East China that had been migrating to Taiwan by 4,000 BP These immigrants included people from the foxtail millet-cultivating Longshan culture of Shandong (with Longshan-type cultures found in southern Taiwan), the fishing-based Dapenkeng culture of coastal Fujian and the Yuanshan culture of northernmost Taiwan which Blench suggests may have originated from the coast of Guangdong. Based on geography and cultural vocabulary, Blench believes that the Yuanshan people may have spoken Northeast Formosan languages. Thus, Blench believes that there is in fact no "apical" ancestor of Austronesian in the sense that there was no true single Proto-Austronesian language that gave rise to present-day Austronesian languages. Instead, multiple migrations of various pre-Austronesian peoples and languages from the Chinese mainland that were related but distinct came together to form what we now know as Austronesian in Taiwan. Hence, Blench considers the single-migration model into Taiwan by pre-Austronesians to be inconsistent with both the archaeological and linguistic (lexical) evidence.[146]

Migration from Taiwan

Further information: Austronesian languages § History
 
Colorized photograph of a Tsou warrior from Taiwan wearing traditional clothing (pre-World War II)
 
Map showing the migration of the Austronesians from Taiwan
 
Hōkūleʻa, a modern replica of a Polynesian double-hulled voyaging canoe, is an example of a catamaran, another of the early sailing innovations of Austronesians

The Austronesian expansion (also called the "Out of Taiwan" model) is a large-scale migration of Austronesians from Taiwan, occurring around 1500-1000 BCE. Population growth primarily fueled this migration. These first settlers settled in northern Luzon in the archipelago of the Philippines, intermingling with the earlier Australo-Melanesian population who had inhabited the islands since about 23,000 years earlier. Over the next thousand years, Austronesian peoples migrated southeast to the rest of the Philippines, and into the islands of the Celebes Sea, Borneo, and Indonesia. The Austronesians that spread westward through Maritime Southeast Asia also colonized parts of mainland Southeast Asia.[115][147]

Soon after reaching the Philippines, Austronesians colonized the Northern Mariana Islands by 1500 BCE and Palau and Yap by 1000 BCE, becoming the first humans to reach Remote Oceania. Another important migration branch was by the Lapita culture, which rapidly spread into the islands off the coast of northern New Guinea and into the Solomon Islands and other parts of Island Melanesia by 1200 BCE. They reached the islands of Fiji, Samoa and Tonga by around 900 to 800 BCE. This remained the furthest extent of the Austronesian expansion into Polynesia until around 700 CE when there was another surge of island colonization. They reached the Cook Islands, Tahiti, and the Marquesas by 700 CE; Hawaiʻi by 900 CE; Rapa Nui by 1000 CE; and New Zealand by 1200 CE.[76][148] There is also putative evidence, based in the spread of the sweet potato, that Austronesians may have reached South America from Polynesia where they traded with American Indians.[51][52]

In the Indian Ocean, they sailed west from Maritime Southeast Asia; the Austronesian peoples reached Madagascar in the second half of the first millennium CE.[149]

Alternative views

See also: Nusantao Maritime Trading and Communication Network

A competing hypothesis to the "Out of Taiwan" model is the "Out of Sundaland" hypothesis, favored by a minority of authors. Notable proponents include William Meacham, Stephen Oppenheimer, and Wilhelm Solheim. For various reasons, they proposed that the homelands of Austronesians were within Island Southeast Asia (ISEA), particularly in the Sundaland landmass drowned during the end of the Last Glacial Period by rising sea levels. Proponents of these hypotheses point to the ancient origins of mtDNA in Southeast Asian populations, pre-dating the Austronesian expansion, as proof that Austronesians originated from within Island Southeast Asia.[150][151][152]

However, these have been repudiated by studies using whole genome sequencing which has found that all ISEA populations had genes originating from the aboriginal Taiwanese.[153] Contrary to the claim of a south-to-north migration in the "Out of Sundaland" hypothesis, the new whole genome analysis strongly confirms the north-to-south dispersal of the Austronesian peoples in the prevailing "Out of Taiwan" hypothesis. The researchers further pointed out that while humans have been living in Sundaland for at least 40,000 years, the Austronesian people were recent arrivals. The results of the previous studies failed to take into account admixture with the more ancient but unrelated Negrito and Papuan populations.[154][153]

Historical period

 
Queen Liliʻuokalani, the last sovereign monarch of the Kingdom of Hawaii

By the beginning of the first millennium CE, most of the Austronesian inhabitants in Maritime Southeast Asia began trading with India and China. The adoption of Hindu statecraft model allowed the creation of Indianized kingdoms such as Tarumanagara, Champa, Butuan, Langkasuka, Melayu, Srivijaya, Mataram, Majapahit, and Bali. Between the 5th to 15th century Hinduism and Buddhism were established as the main religion in the region. Muslim traders from the Arabian peninsula were thought to have brought Islam by the 10th century. Islam was established as the dominant religion in the Malay archipelago by the 16th century [2]. The Austronesian inhabitants of Near Oceania and Remote Oceania were unaffected by this cultural trade and retained their indigenous culture in the Pacific region.[155]

Kingdom of Larantuka in Flores, East Nusa Tenggara was the only Christian (Roman Catholic) indigenous kingdom in Indonesia and in Southeast Asia, with the first king named Lorenzo.[156]

Western Europeans in search of spices and gold later colonized most of the Austronesian-speaking countries of the Asia-Pacific region, beginning from the 16th century with the Portuguese and Spanish colonization of the Philippines, Palau, Guam, the Mariana Islands, and some parts of Indonesia (present-day East Timor); the Dutch colonization of the Indonesian archipelago; the British colonization of Malaysia and Oceania; the French colonization of French Polynesia; and later, the American governance of the Pacific.

Meanwhile, the British, Germans, French, Americans, and Japanese began establishing spheres of influence within the Pacific Islands during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The Japanese later invaded most of Southeast Asia and some parts of the Pacific during World War II. The latter half of the 20th century initiated independence of modern-day Indonesia, Malaysia, East Timor and many of the Pacific Island nations, as well as the re-independence of the Philippines.

Culture

The native culture of Austronesia varies from region to region. The early Austronesian peoples considered the sea as the basic feature of their life.[citation needed] Following their diaspora to Southeast Asia and Oceania, they migrated by boat to other islands. Boats of different sizes and shapes have been found in every Austronesian culture, from Madagascar, Maritime Southeast Asia, to Polynesia, and have different names. In Southeast Asia, head-hunting was restricted to the highlands as a result of warfare. Mummification is only found among the highland Austronesian Filipinos, and in some Indonesian groups in Celebes and Borneo.

Ships and sailing

See also: Outrigger canoe, Catamaran, Trimaran, Crab claw sail, Tanja sail, Lashed-lug boat, Austronesian maritime trade network, and Austronesian vessels
 
Traditional Austronesian generalized sail types. C, D, E, and F are types of crab claw sails.[69]
A: Double sprit (Sri Lanka)
B: Common sprit (Philippines)
C: Oceanic sprit (Tahiti)
D: Oceanic sprit (Marquesas)
E: Oceanic sprit (Philippines)
F: Crane sprit (Marshall Islands)
G: Rectangular boom lug (Maluku Islands, Indonesia)
H: Square boom lug (Gulf of Thailand)
I: Trapezial boom lug (Vietnam)

Sea-going catamaran and outrigger ship technologies were the most important innovations of the Austronesian peoples. They were the first humans with vessels capable of crossing vast distances of water, which enabled them to colonize the Indo-Pacific in prehistoric times. Austronesian groups continue to be the primary users of the outrigger canoes today.

 
Succession of forms in the development of the Austronesian boat[157]

Early researchers like Heine-Geldern (1932) and Hornell (1943) once believed that catamarans evolved from outrigger canoes, but modern authors specializing in Austronesian cultures like Doran (1981) and Mahdi (1988) now believe it to be the opposite.[157][69][158]

Two canoes bound together developed directly from minimal raft technologies of two logs tied together. Over time, the double-hulled canoe form developed into the asymmetric double canoe, where one hull is smaller than the other. Eventually the smaller hull became the prototype outrigger, giving way to the single outrigger canoe, then to the reversible single outrigger canoe. Finally, the single outrigger types developed into the double outrigger canoe (or trimarans).[157][69][158]

This would also explain why older Austronesian populations in Island Southeast Asia tend to favor double outrigger canoes, as it keeps the boats stable when tacking. But they still have small regions where catamarans and single-outrigger canoes are still used. In contrast, more distant outlying descendant populations in Micronesia, Polynesia, Madagascar, and the Comoros retained the double-hull and the single outrigger canoe types, but the technology for double outriggers never reached them (although it exists in western Melanesia). To deal with the problem of the instability of the boat when the outrigger faces leeward when tacking, they instead developed the shunting technique in sailing, in conjunction with reversible[note 5] single-outriggers.[157][69][158][159][160]

The simplest form of all ancestral Austronesian boats had five parts. The bottom part consists of a single piece of hollowed-out log. At the sides were two planks, and two horseshoe-shaped wood pieces formed the prow and stern. These were fitted tightly together edge-to-edge with dowels inserted into holes in between, and then lashed to each other with ropes (made from rattan or fibre) wrapped around protruding lugs on the planks. This characteristic and ancient Austronesian boat-building practice is known as the "lashed-lug" technique. They were commonly caulked with pastes made from various plants as well as tapa bark and fibres which would expand when wet, further tightening joints and making the hull watertight. They formed the shell of the boat, which was then reinforced by horizontal ribs. Shipwrecks of Austronesian ships can be identified from this construction, as well as the absence of metal nails. Austronesian ships traditionally had no central rudders but were instead steered using an oar on one side.[161][162][163]

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Typical Austronesian ship designs, left to right (also see Austronesian vessels):

The ancestral rig was the mastless triangular crab claw sail which had two booms that could be tilted to the wind. These were built in the double-canoe configuration or had a single outrigger on the windward side. In Island Southeast Asia, these developed into double outriggers on each side that provided greater stability. The triangular crab claw sails also later developed into square or rectangular tanja sails, which like crab claw sails, had distinctive booms spanning the upper and lower edges. Fixed masts also developed later in both Southeast Asia (usually as bipod or tripod masts) and Oceania.[161][162] Austronesians traditionally made their sails from woven mats of the resilient and salt-resistant pandanus leaves. These sails allowed Austronesians to embark on long-distance voyaging. In some cases, however, they were one-way voyages. The failure of pandanus to establish populations in Rapa Nui and New Zealand is believed to have isolated their settlements from the rest of Polynesia.[165][166]

 
Austronesian proto-historic and historic maritime trade network in the Indian Ocean[167]

The ancient Champa of Vietnam also uniquely developed basket-hulled boats whose hulls were composed of woven and resin-caulked bamboo, either entirely or in conjunction with plank strakes. They range from small coracles (the o thúng) to large ocean-going trading ships like the ghe mành.[168][169]

The acquisition of the catamaran and outrigger technology by the non-Austronesian peoples in Sri Lanka and southern India is due to the result of very early Austronesian contact with the region, including the Maldives and the Laccadive Islands, estimated to have occurred around 1000 to 600 BCE and onwards. This may have possibly included limited colonization that have since been assimilated. This is still evident in Sri Lankan and South Indian languages. For example, Tamil paṭavu, Telugu paḍava, and Kannada paḍahu, all meaning "ship", are all derived from Proto-Hesperonesian *padaw, "sailboat", with Austronesian cognates like Javanese perahu, Kadazan padau, Maranao padaw, Cebuano paráw, Samoan folau, Hawaiian halau, and Māori wharau.[157]

Architecture

Austronesian architecture is a vernacular highly diverse, often with striking designs; but they all share certain characteristics that indicate a common origin. The reconstructed Proto-Austronesian and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian forms of various terms for "house", "building", or "granary" among the different linguistic subgroups of Austronesians include *Rumaq ("house");[note 6] *balay ("public building", "community house", or "guest house");[note 7] *lepaw ("hut", "field hut", or "granary");[note 8] *kamaliR ("bachelor's house" or "men's house");[note 9] and *banua ("inhabited land" or "community territory").[note 10][170][171]

The most ubiquitous common feature of Austronesian structures is the raised floor. The structures are raised on piles, usually with space underneath also utilized for storage or domestic animals. The raised design had multiple advantages, they mitigate damage during flooding and (in very tall examples) can act as defensive structures during conflicts. The house posts are also distinctively capped with larger-diameter discs at the top, to prevent vermin and pests from entering the structures by climbing them. Austronesian houses and other structures are usually built in wetlands and alongside bodies of water, but can also be built in the highlands or even directly on shallow water.[172][173][174]

Building structures on pilings is believed to be derived from the design of raised granaries and storehouses, which are highly important status symbols among the ancestrally rice-cultivating Austronesians.[172][174] The rice granary shrine was also the archetypal religious building among Austronesian cultures and was used to store carvings of ancestor spirits and local deities.[174]

Another common feature are pitched roofs with ornamented gables. The most notable of which are the saddlebacked roofs, a design common for longhouses used for village meetings or ceremonies. The overall effect of which is reminiscent of boats, underlining the strong maritime connections of Austronesian cultures. The boat motif is common throughout, particularly in eastern Indonesia. In some ethnic groups, the houses are built on platforms that resemble catamarans. Among the Nage people, a woven representation of a boat is added to the ridge of the roof; among the Manggarai people, the roofs of houses are shaped like an upside-down boat; while among the people of Tanimbar and eastern Flores, the ridge itself is carved into a representation of a boat. Furthermore, elements of Austronesian structures (as well as society in general) are often referred to in terminologies used for boats and sailing. These include calling elements of structures as "masts", "sails", or "rudders" or calling the village leaders as "captains" or "steersmen". In the case of the Philippines, the villages themselves are referred to as barangay, from an alternate form of balangay, a type of sailboat used for trading and colonization.[106][173][175][174]

Austronesian buildings have spiritual significance, often containing what is coined by anthropologist James J. Fox as a "ritual attractor." These are specific posts, beams, platforms, altars, and so on that embody the house as a whole, usually consecrated at the time of building.[170]

The Austronesian house itself also often symbolizes various aspects of indigenous Austronesian cosmology and animism. In the majority of cases, the loft of the house (usually placed above the hearth), is considered to be the domain of deities and spirits. It is essentially a raised granary built into the structure of the house itself and functioned as a second floor. It is usually used to store sacred objects (like effigies of granary idols or deceased ancestors), heirlooms, and other important objects. These areas are usually not part of the regular living space, and may only be accessible to certain members of the family or after performing a specific ritual. Other parts of the house may also be associated with certain deities, and thus certain activities like receiving guests or conducting marriage ceremonies can only be performed in specific areas.[172]

While rice cultivation wasn't among the technologies carried into Remote Oceania, raised storehouses still survived. The pataka of the Māori people is an example. The largest pataka are elaborately adorned with carvings and are often the tallest buildings in the Māori pā. These were used to store implements, weapons, ships, and other valuables; while smaller patakas were used to store provisions. A special type of pataka supported by a single tall post also had ritual importance and were used to isolate high-born children during their training for leadership.[172]

The majority of Austronesian structures are not permanent. They are made from perishable materials like wood, bamboo, plant fibre, and leaves. Similar to traditional Austronesian boats, they do not use nails but are traditionally constructed solely by joints, weaving, ties, and dowels. Elements of the structures are repaired and replaced regularly or as they get damaged. Because of this, archaeological records of prehistoric Austronesian structures are usually limited to traces of house posts, with no way of determining the original building plans.[176]

Indirect evidence of traditional Austronesian architecture, however, can be gleaned from their contemporary representations in art, like in friezes on the walls of later Hindu-Buddhist stone temples (like in reliefs in Borobudur and Prambanan). But these are limited to the recent centuries. They can also be reconstructed linguistically from shared terms for architectural elements, like ridge-poles, thatch, rafters, house posts, hearth, notched log ladders, storage racks, public buildings, and so on. Linguistic evidence also makes it clear that stilt houses were already present among Austronesian groups since at least the Late Neolithic.[173][174]

In modern Indonesia, varying styles are collectively known as Rumah adat.

Arbi et al. (2013) have also noted the striking similarities between Austronesian architecture and Japanese traditional raised architecture (shinmei-zukuri). Particularly the buildings of the Ise Grand Shrine, which contrast with the pit-houses typical of the Neolithic Yayoi period. They propose significant Neolithic contact between the people of southern Japan and Austronesians or pre-Austronesians that occurred prior to the spread of Han Chinese cultural influence to the islands.[173] Rice cultivation is also believed to have been introduced to Japan from a para-Austronesian group from coastal eastern China.[177] Waterson (2009) has also argued that the architectural tradition of stilt houses is originally Austronesian, and that similar building traditions in Japan and mainland Asia (notably among Kra-Dai and Austroasiatic-speaking groups) correspond to contacts with a prehistoric Austronesian network.[174][106]

Pottery

See also: Lapita culture and Tapayan
 
 
Left: The Manunggul Jar, a secondary burial jar from the Tabon Caves of Palawan, Philippines (c. 890–710 BCE)
Right: Capped burial jar from the Sa Huỳnh culture of central Vietnam (1000 BCE-200 CE)

Outside of Taiwan, assemblages of red-slipped pottery, plainware, and incised and stamped pottery associated with the Austronesian migrations are first documented from around 2000 to 1800 BCE in the northern Philippines, from sites in the Batanes Islands and the Cagayan Valley of Northern Luzon. From there pottery technology rapidly spread to the east, south, and southwest.[181][182][183]

 
Cast of a Lapita red-slipped earthenware shard from the Santa Cruz Islands (c. 1000 BCE), showing dentate-stamped, circle-stamped, and cross-in-circle decorations. The latter two are shared elements from Neolithic red-slipped pottery from the Nagsabaran Site in the Philippines.

This type of pottery dispersed south and southwest to the rest of Island Southeast Asia. The eastward and the southward branches of the migrations converged in Island Melanesia resulting in what is now known as the Lapita culture centered around the Bismarck Archipelago.[181][182][183]

The oldest known pottery assemblages in Oceania are circle and punctate/dentate-stamped pottery in the Marianas Islands, securely dated to 1500 BCE to 1300 BCE from multiple archaeological sites. It pre-dates the earliest Lapita culture pottery assemblages (c. 1350 to 1300 BCE) and bears closest resemblance to a subset of the more diverse Nagsabaran pottery of the northern Philippines. It is currently disputed on whether this is indicative of a direct ancient voyage from the northern Philippines to the Marianas. Hung et al. (2011) proposed a direct deliberate voyage from eastern Luzon, which would make it the longest sea-crossing undertaken by that time in human history.[183] This has also been proposed by earlier authors like Blust (2000) and Reid (2002) based on linguistics.[183][184][185]

Winter et al. (2012), on the other hand, dismissed the similarities as being generic rather than specific to the region. This is from both analysis of the microscopic structure of the shards (indicating manufacturing techniques) and the impossibility of drift voyaging from Luzon due to the prevailing wind and currents. Instead of a voyage directly from Luzon, they instead proposed an origin either from a direct single voyage from Mindanao (southern Philippines) or Morotai (Maluku Islands) to Guam; or two voyages, with way-stations in Palau or Yap.[186]

Hung et al. (2012) has pointed out in response that no pottery assemblages older than 2000 years old have been found in Morotai, which also has a Papuan-speaking population. They also pointed out that present-day data on wind and currents is not a reliable way of ascertaining migration routes, and that the voyages settling Remote Oceania would have been deliberate, not uncontrolled drifting. Similar presumptions by Thor Heyerdahl led to his erroneous conclusion that Polynesia was settled from the Americas. Pottery manufacturing techniques are also diverse, even within a single community. Thus analysis of manufacturing methods is less significant than comparison of decorative systems. Nevertheless, Hung et al. (2012) emphasized that they also did not discount other sources (yet undiscovered) from the southern Philippines. They also propose the Eastern Visayas as a likely point-of-origin. Sources south of the Philippines remain unlikely without further archaeological findings due to their related pottery assemblages being younger than 1500 BCE.[187]

The dentate-stamped pottery of the Lapita culture (c. 1350 to 1300 BCE) also retained elements also found in the Nagsabaran pottery in the Philippines, including stamped circles as well as the cross-in-circle motif.[188][183] They carried pottery technology as far as Tonga in Polynesia. Pottery technology in Tonga, however, became reduced to undecorated plainware within only two centuries before abruptly disappearing completely by around 400 BCE. The reasons for this are still unknown. Pottery was absent in subsequent migrations to the rest of Remote Oceania, being replaced instead with carved wooden or bamboo containers, bottle gourds, and baskets.[189][182][190][188] However, the geometric designs and stylized figures used in the pottery are still present in other surviving artforms like in tattooing, weaving, and barkcloth patterns.[191][188]

A common practice among Austronesians in a large area of Island Southeast Asia is the use of burial jars which emerged during the Late Neolithic and flourished in the first millennium CE. They are characteristic of a region bordered by the Philippines to the north, southern Sumatra in the southwest, and Sumba and the Maluku Islands in the southeast. However, these didn't comprise a single tradition, but can be grouped into at least fourteen different traditions scattered across the islands. In most cases, the earliest burial jars used were large indigenous earthenware jars, followed by indigenous or imported stoneware jars (martaban), and finally imported porcelain jars acquired from the burgeoning maritime trade with China and Mainland Southeast Asia at around the 14th century CE.[192]

Music and dance

Further information: Indonesian music, Malaysian music, Philippine folk music, Polynesian music, Melanesian music, and Malagasy music

Slit drums are indigenous Austronesian musical instrument that were invented and used by the Southeast Asian-Austronesian, and Oceanic-Austronesian ethnic groups.

Gong ensembles are also a common musical heritage of Island Southeast Asia. The casting of gong instruments are believed to have originated from the Bronze Age cultures of Mainland Southeast Asia. It spread to Austronesian islands initially through trade as prestige goods. However, Mainland Asian gongs were never used in ensembles. The innovation of using gong sets is uniquely Austronesian. Gong ensembles are found in western Malayo-Polynesian groups, though they never penetrated much further east. There are roughly two gong ensemble traditions among Austronesians, which also produced gongs in ancient times.[136]

In western Island Southeast Asia, these traditions are collectively known as Gamelan, being centred on the island of Java in Indonesia. It includes the Celempung of the Malay Peninsula, Talempung of northern Sumatra, Caklempung of central Sumatra, Chalempung of southern Sumatra, Bonang of Java, Kromong of western Kalimantan, Engkromong of Sarawak, and Trompong of western Nusa Tenggara.[136]

In eastern Island Southeast Asia, these traditions are known as Kulintang and are centred in Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago of the southern Philippines. It includes the Kulintangan of Sabah and Palawan, Kolintang of northern Sulawesi, Kulintang of Halmahera and Timor, and the Totobuang of the southern Maluku Islands.[136]

Jade carving

See also: Sa Huynh-Kalanay Interaction Sphere

The ancestral pre-Austronesian Liangzhu culture (3400–2250 BCE) of the Yangtze River delta was one of the ancient centres of Neolithic jade carving. Jade was spread to Taiwan by around 3,000 BCE, then further into the Philippines at 2,000 BCE and Vietnam at 1,800–1,500 BCE. All of them began to produce various tools and ornaments in indigenous jade workshops, including adzes, bracelets, beads, and rings.[193][194]

The most notable jade products of these regions were the vast amounts of penannular and double-headed earrings and pendants known as lingling-o, primarily produced in the Philippines and the Sa Huỳnh culture of Vietnam, though remarkably mostly with the raw jade material sourced from eastern Taiwan. These typically depict two-headed animals or were ring-shaped with side projections. They were indicative of a very active ancient maritime trading region that imported and exported raw jade and finished jade ornaments known as the Sa Huynh-Kalanay Interaction Sphere. They were produced during a period between 500 BCE to as late as 1000 CE, although later examples were replaced with metal, wood, bone, clay, green mica, black nephrite, or shell materials, rather than green jade.[195][193][196][194]

Polished and ground stone adzes, gouges, and other implements, some of which are made from jade-like stone, have also been recorded in areas of Island Melanesia and eastern New Guinea associated with the Lapita culture. These were considered valuable currency and were primarily used to trade for goods.[197][198] In 2012, a Lapita culture jadeite gouge used for wood carving was found in Emirau Island in the Bismarck Archipelago. It was dated to around 3,300 BP, but the origin of the jade material is unknown.[199][200] Similar prestige stone tools have also been found in New Caledonia.[201]

Jade was absent in most of Remote Oceania, due to the lack of jade deposits. However, there is putative evidence that Polynesians may have remained familiar with jade and may have acquired them through prehistoric trade contacts with New Caledonia, Island Melanesia, and/or New Zealand.[197][202]

Jade carving traditions reappeared among the Māori people of New Zealand. These were produced from locally sourced pounamu (greenstone) and were used to produce taonga (treasure). They include various tools and weapons like adzes, scrapers, fishing hooks, and mere, as well as ornaments like the hei-tiki and hei matau. Certain ornaments like the pekapeka (double-headed animal pendant) and the kākā pōria (bird leg ring) bear remarkably strong resemblances to the double-headed and ring-type lingling‑o.[196][203] Bellwood et al. (2011) has suggested that the reappearance of these motifs might be evidence of a preserved tradition of Southeast Asian jade motifs (perhaps carved in perishable wood, bone, or shell by Polynesians prior to the reacquisition of a jade source), or they might even be the result of a later Iron Age contact between eastern Polynesia and the Philippines.[196]

Rock art

There are around six hundred to seven hundred rock art sites discovered in Southeast Asia and Island Melanesia, as well as over eight hundred megalithic sites. The sites specifically associated with the Austronesian expansion contain examples of indigenous pictograms and petroglyphs. Within Southeast Asia, the sites associated with Austronesians can be divided into three general rock art traditions: the Megalithic Culture of Borneo, Sulawesi, and the Greater Sunda Islands; the Austronesian Painting Tradition of the Lesser Sunda Islands, coastal New Guinea, and Island Melanesia; and the Austronesian Engraving Style of Papua New Guinea and Island Melanesia.[204] Despite proximity, these traditions can be distinguished readily from the Australo-Melanesian rock art traditions of Australia (except the Torres Strait Islands) as well as the interior highlands of New Guinea, indicating the borders of the extent of the Austronesian expansion.[188]

Dating rock art is difficult, but some of the sites subjected to direct dating pre-date Austronesian arrival, like the Lene Hara paintings of East Timor which has an age range of 6,300 to 26,000 BP. Conversely, others are more recent and can be dated indirectly by their subjects. The depictions of pottery, ships, and metal objects, for example, put certain rock art sites at a range of 2,000 to 4,000 BP. Some hunter-gatherer groups have also continued to produce rock art well into the present period, as evidenced by their modern subjects.[204][205][206]

The Megalithic Culture is mostly limited to western Island Southeast Asia, with the greatest concentration being western Indonesia. While most sites are not dated, the age ranges of dating sites are between the 2nd to 16th century CE. They are divided into two phases. The first is an older megalithic tradition associated with the Neolithic Austronesian rectangular axe culture (2,500 to 1,500 BCE); while the second is the 3rd or 4th century BCE megalithic tradition associated with the (non-Austronesian) Dong Son culture of Vietnam. Prasetyo (2006) suggests that the megalithic traditions are not originally Austronesian, but rather innovations acquired through trade with India and China, but this has little to no evidence in the intervening regions in Thailand, Vietnam, and the Philippines.[204][208]

The Austronesian Painting Traditions (APT) are the most common types of rock art in Island Southeast Asia. They consist of scenes and pictograms typically found in rock shelters and caves near coastal areas. They are characteristically rendered in red ochre pigments for the earlier forms, later sometimes superseded by paintings done in black charcoal pigments. Their sites are mostly clustered in Eastern Indonesia and Island Melanesia, although a few examples can be found in the rest of Island Southeast Asia. Their occurrence has a high correlation to Austronesian-speaking areas, further evidenced by the appearance of metal (bronze) artifacts in the paintings. They are mostly found near the coastlines. Their common motifs include hand stencils, "sun-ray" designs, boats, and active human figures with headdresses or weapons and other paraphernalia. They also feature geometric motifs similar to the motifs of the Austronesian Engraving Style.[204][209] Some paintings are also associated with traces of human burials and funerary rites, including ship burials. The representations of boats themselves are believed to be connected to the widespread "ship of the dead" Austronesian funerary practices.[209][210]

The earliest APT sites dated is from Vanuatu, which was found to be around 3,000 BP, corresponding to the initial migration wave of the Austronesians. These early sites are largely characterized by face motifs and hand stencils. Later sites from 1,500 BP onwards, however, begin to show regional divergence in their art styles. APT can be readily distinguished from older Pleistocene-era Australo-Melanesian cave paintings by their motifs, color, and composition, though they can often be found in the same locality. The most recognizable motifs of APT (like boats) do not occur in cave paintings (or engravings) that definitely pre-date the Austronesian arrival, the sole exception being the stencilled hand motif. Some APT examples are also characteristically found in relatively inaccessible locations like very high up in cliffsides overlooking the sea. No traces of APT has been found in Taiwan or the Philippines, though there is continuity in the motifs of spirals and concentric circles found in ancestral petroglyphs.[204][209]

The Austronesian Engraving Style (AES), consisting of petroglyphs carved into rock surfaces, is far less common than APT. The majority of these sites are in coastal New Guinea, and Island Melanesia. AES sites, which can be tentatively traced back to the similar Wanshan petroglyphs of Taiwan, are believed to be largely correlated to the prehistoric extent of the Lapita culture. The common motif of this tradition is curvilinear geometric engravings like spirals, concentric circles, and face-like forms. These resemble the geometric motifs in APT, though they are considered to be two separate artistic traditions.[204][209] AES is particularly dominant in the Solomon Islands and New Caledonia, where engravings are far more abundant than painted sites.[188]

O'Connor et al. (2015) proposes that APT developed during the initial rapid southward Austronesian expansion, and not before, possibly as a response to the communication challenges brought about by the new maritime mode of living. Along with AES, these material symbols and associated rituals and technologies may been the manifestations of "powerful ideologies" spread by Austronesian settlers that were central to the "Neolithization" and rapid assimilation of the various non-Austronesian indigenous populations of ISEA and Melanesia.[209]

 
Rai stones from Yap islands, Micronesia.

The easternmost islands of Island Melanesia (Vanuatu, Fiji, and New Caledonia) are considered part of Remote Oceania as they are beyond the interisland visibility threshold. These island groups begin to show divergence from the APT and AES traditions of Near Oceania. While their art traditions show a clear continuation of the APT and AES traditions, they also feature innovations unique to each island group, like the increasing use of black charcoal, rectilinear motifs, and being found more inside sacred caves rather than in open cliffsides.[188]

In Micronesia, the rock art traditions can be divided into three general regions: western, central, and eastern Micronesia. The divisions reflect the various major migration waves from the Philippines into the Mariana Islands and Palau at 3,500 BP; a Lapita culture back-migration from Island Melanesia into central and eastern Micronesia at around 2,200 BP; and finally a back-migration from western Polynesia into eastern Micronesia at around 1,000 BP.[188]

In western Micronesia (Palau, Yap, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands), rock art primarily consist of paintings on high cave ceilings and sea-facing cliffs. They are very similar to APT in terms of their motifs as well as their relatively inaccessible locations. Common motifs include hand stencils, faces, turtles and fish, concentric circles, and characteristic four-pointed stars. Petroglyphs are rare, but mainly consist of human forms with triangular bodies without heads or arms. This is believed to be connected to the funerary rite of removing the heads from the bodies of deceased relatives.[188] A notable megalithic tradition in western Micronesia are the haligi stone pillars of the Chamorro people. These are capped stone pillars which are believed to have served as supports for raised buildings. They are associated with the Latte period (900 to 1700 CE), when a new wave of migrants from Southeast Asia reintroduced rice cultivation into the islands. Another megalithic tradition is also that of the rai stones, massive doughnut-shaped discs of rock which were used as currency in Yap.[211][212][213]

Rock art in central Micronesia (Chuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae), in contrast, are dominated by rock engravings with motifs tying it to the rock art traditions of Island Melanesia. They include curvilinear shapes like spirals and concentric circles, tree-like shapes, and the distinctive "enveloped cross" motif. The Pohnpaid petroglyphs are the largest assemblage of rock engravings in the region, with motifs dominated by footprints, enveloped crosses, and outlined "sword-paddles".[188] Central Micronesia also hosts the ruins of the stone cities of Nan Madol (1,180–1,200 CE) and Leluh (1,200–1,800 CE), in the islands of Pohnpei and Kosrae, respectively.[188][214][215]

In the low-lying atolls of eastern Micronesia, rock art is rare to nonexistent, due to the absence of suitable rock surfaces for painting or engraving.[188]

In Polynesia, rock art is dominated by petroglyphs, rather than paintings, and they show less variation than the rock art of Near Oceania and ISEA. In the western Polynesian islands nearest to Island Melanesia, rock art is rare (like in Tonga and Samoa) or are absent entirely (like in the Cook Islands). However, petroglyphs are abundant in the islands in the further reaches of the Polynesian triangle, particularly in Hawaii, the Marquesas, and Rapa Nui. Rapa Nui has the densest concentration of engravings in Polynesia as a whole; while the Puʻuloa petroglyphs site in Hawaiʻi has the largest number of petroglyphs in a single site at over 21,000 engravings.[188] Polynesia also features megalithic sacred ceremonial centres generally known as marae.

In Tonga and Samoa, the existing rock art sites consist mostly of engravings with motifs including curvilinear shapes, human figures, "jellyfish", turtles, birds, and footprints. These are typically carved in natural rock formations or marae sites.[188]

In the central-eastern Polynesian islands, which include the Marquesas and the Society Islands, petroglyphs are more numerous. They show the archetypal Polynesian motifs of turtles, faces, cup-like depressions (cupules), stick-like human figures, boats, fish, curvilinear shapes, and concentric circles. Like in western Polynesia, they are typically carved into marae sites or in rocks beside streams. The existing rock paintings also display the same motifs but are rendered in different styles.[188]

In the Hawaiian islands, the abundant petroglyphs are remarkably all similar in execution. Their common subjects include stick-like human figures, dogs, boats, sails, paddles, footprints, and ceremonial headdresses. Depictions of marine life, however, is rare, unlike the rest of Polynesia. They are typically carved into boulders, lava rock formations, and cliffsides. Red paintings of dogs in cliffsides and caves can also be found in Kauʻai and Maui.[188] The megalithic traditions of Hawaii can be exemplified by the heiau sacred sites, which can range from simple earth terraces to standing stones.

In Rapa Nui, the engravings are distinctive but still show similarities to the techniques and motifs of the Marquesas. Their motifs commonly include disembodied parts of the human body (vulvae in particular), animals, plants, ceremonial objects, and boats. A prominent motif is also that of the "birdman" figure which is associated with the tangata manu cult of Makemake. The most well-known rock art assemblage of Rapa Nui, however, are the moai megaliths. A few paintings mostly of birds and boats have also been discovered which are associated with the engravings, rather than being separate artforms.[188]

The rock art in New Zealand can be divided into two regions. North Island features more engravings than paintings, while South Island is unique in that it is the only Polynesian island where there are more paintings than engravings. New Zealand rock paintings are done in red and black pigments and can sometimes be found in inaccessible heights. They typically depict human figures (particularly a front-facing human figure with flexed arms), birds, lizards, dogs, fish, and what has been identified as "birdmen". Engravings in open spaces like cliffsides are generally of spirals and curvilinear shapes, while engravings in enclosed caves and shelters depict faces and boats. The same motifs can also be seen in dendroglyphs on living trees.[188]

Body art

 
 
Left: A young Bontoc man from the Philippines (c. 1908) with tattoos on the chest and arms (chaklag). These indicated that the man was a warrior who had taken heads during battle.[216]
Right: A young Māori woman with traditional tattoos (moko) on the lips and chin (c. 1860–1879). These were symbols of status and rank, as well as being considered marks of beauty.

Body art among Austronesian peoples is common, especially elaborate tattooing which is one of the most well-known pan-Austronesian traditions.[217]

Tattooing

In modern times, tattoos are usually associated with Polynesian culture, due to the highly influential accounts of James Cook in his explorations of the Pacific in the 18th century. Cook introduced the word "tattoo" (archaic: "tattaow", "tattow") into the English vocabulary, from Tahitian and Samoan tātau ("to tap"). However, tattoos exist prominently in various other Austronesian groups prior to contacts with other cultures.[218][219][220]

Tattoos had various functions among Austronesian societies. Among men, they were strongly linked to the widespread practice of head-hunting raids. In head-hunting societies, tattoos were records of how many heads the warriors had taken in battle, and was part of the initiation rites into adulthood. The number and location of tattoos, therefore, were indicative of a warrior's status and prowess.[221]

 
Elder Tayal women from Taiwan with facial tattoos

Among the Indigenous Taiwanese, tattoos were present for both men and women. Among the Tayal people, facial tattoos are dominant. They indicated maturity and skill in weaving and farming for women, and skill in hunting and battle for men. Like in most of Austronesia, tattooing traditions in Taiwan have largely disappeared due to the Sinicization of native peoples after the Chinese colonization of Taiwan in the 17th century, as well as conversion to Christianity. Most of the remaining tattoos are only found among elders.[citation needed]

One of the earliest descriptions of Austronesian tattoos by Europeans was during the 16th century Spanish expeditions to the Philippines, beginning with the first voyage of circumnavigation by Ferdinand Magellan. The Spanish encountered the heavily tattooed Visayan people in the Visayas Islands, whom they named the "Pintados" (Spanish for "the painted ones").[222][223] However, Philippine tattooing traditions (batok) have mostly been lost as the natives of the islands converted to Christianity and Islam, though they are still practiced in isolated groups in the highlands of Luzon and Mindanao. Philippine tattoos were usually geometric patterns or stylized depictions of animals, plants, and human figures.[224][225][226] Some of the few remaining traditional tattoos in the Philippines are from elders of the Igorot peoples. Most of these were records of war exploits against the Japanese during World War II.[227]

Among the Māori of New Zealand, tattoos (moko) were originally carved into the skin using bone chisels (uhi) rather than through puncturing as in usual practice.[228] In addition to being pigmented, the skin was also left raised into ridges of swirling patterns.[229][230]

Dental modification

Teeth blackening was the custom of dyeing one's teeth black with various tannin-rich plant dyes. It was practiced throughout almost the entire range of Austronesia, including Island Southeast Asia, Madagascar, Micronesia, and Island Melanesia, reaching as far east as Malaita. However, it was absent in Polynesia. It also existed in non-Austronesian populations in Mainland Southeast Asia and Japan. The practice was primarily preventative, as it reduced the chances of developing tooth decay similar to modern dental sealants. It also had cultural significance and was seen as beautiful. A common sentiment was that blackened teeth separated humans from animals.[231][232][233][234]

Teeth blackening was often done in conjunction with other modifications to the teeth associated with beauty standards, including dental evulsion and teeth filing.[235]

Religion

The religious traditions of the Austronesian people focus mostly on ancestral spirits, nature spirits and gods. It is basically a complex animistic religion. Mythologies vary by culture and geographical location but share common basic aspects such as ancestor worship, animism, shamanism and the belief in a spirit world and powerful deities.[236] There is also a great amount of shared mythology and a common belief in Mana.[237]

Currently, many of these beliefs have gradually been replaced. Examples of native religions include: Indigenous Philippine folk religions (including beliefs on the Anito), Sunda Wiwitan, Kejawen, Kaharingan or the Māori religion. Many Austronesian religious beliefs were incorporated into foreign religions introduced unto them, such as Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity and Islam.[238]

Writing

See also: Decipherment of rongorongo

With the possible exception of rongorongo on Rapa Nui, Austronesians did not have an indigenous writing system but rather adopted or developed writing systems after contact with various non-Austronesian cultures.[239] There are various forms of symbolic communication by pictograms and petroglyphs, but these did not encode language.

Rongorongo, said to have originally been called kohau motu mo rongorongo ("lines of inscriptions for chanting out"), is the only pre-contact indigenous Austronesian system of glyphs that appear to be true writing or at least proto-writing. They consist of around 120 glyphs, ranging from representations of plants to animals, celestial objects, and geometric shapes. They were inscribed into wooden tablets about 12 to 20 in (30 to 51 cm) long using shark teeth and obsidian flakes. The wood allegedly came from toromiro and makoʻi trees, which is notable given that Rapa Nui was completely deforested at the time of European contact. Although of the surviving two dozen tablets, a few were made from trees introduced after European contact, as well as wood originating from European ships and driftwood.[240][239][241] Rapa Nui also has a very rich assemblage of petroglyphs largely associated with the tangata manu ("birdman") cult of Makemake. Although some rongorongo glyphs may have been derived from these petroglyphs, rongorongo does not appear in any of the abundant rock carvings in Rapa Nui and seems to be restricted to the wooden tablets.[242]

The tablets were first described by an outsider in 1864 by the Catholic missionary Eugène Eyraud who said they were found "in all the houses." However, he paid them little attention and they remained unnoticed by the outside world. It wasn't until 1869 that one of the tablets came into the possession of Florentin-Étienne Jaussen, the Bishop of Tahiti. He brought the tablets to the world's attention and instructed the Rapa Nui mission to gather more information about them. But by then, most of the tablets were allegedly already destroyed, presumed to have been used as fuel by the natives in the deforested island.[240]

At the time of discovery of the tablets, Rapa Nui had undergone severe depopulation. This was largely due to the loss of the island's last trees and the Peruvian and Chilean slave raids in the early 1860s. The literate ruling classes of the Rapa Nui people (including the royal family and the religious caste) and the majority of the island's population were kidnapped or killed in the slave raids. Most of those taken died after only one or two years in captivity from the harsh working conditions and European diseases. Succeeding epidemics of smallpox and tuberculosis further decimated the island's population to the point that there were not enough people to bury the dead. The last remnants of the Rapa Nui people were assimilated by the Tahitians who were later brought to the island in an effort to repopulate it, further resulting in the loss of most of the Old Rapa Nui language.[239]

 
Lontara script used by Buginesse on the island of Sulawesi, Indonesia.

Oral tradition holds that the ruling classes were the only ones who could read the tablets, and the ability to decipher the tablets was lost along with them. Numerous attempts have been made to read the tablets, starting from a few years after their discovery. But to this day, none have proven successful. Some authors have proposed that rongorongo may have been an attempt to imitate European script after the idea of writing was introduced during the "signing" of the 1770 Spanish Treaty of Annexation or through knowledge of European writing acquired elsewhere. They cite various reasons including the lack of attestation of rongorongo prior to the 1860s, the clearly more recent provenance of some of the tablets, the lack of antecedents, and the lack of additional archaeological evidence since its discovery. Others argue that it was merely a mnemonic list of symbols meant to guide incantations. Whether rongorongo is merely an example of trans-cultural diffusion, or a true indigenous Austronesian writing system (and one of the few independent inventions of writing in human history) remains unknown and may never be known.[240][239][243] In Southeast Asia, the first true writing systems of pre-modern Austronesian cultures were all derived from the Grantha and Pallava Brahmic scripts, all of which are abugidas from South India. Various forms of abugidas spread throughout Austronesian cultures in Southeast Asia as kingdoms became Indianized through early maritime trading. The oldest use of abugida scripts in Austronesian cultures are 4th century stone inscriptions written in Cham script from Vietnam. There are numerous other Brahmic-derived writing systems among Southeast Asian Austronesians, usually specific to a certain ethnic group. Notable examples include Balinese, Batak, Baybayin, Buhid, Hanunó'o, Javanese, Kulitan, Lontara, Old Kawi, Rejang, Rencong, Sundanese, and Tagbanwa. They vary from having letters with rounded shapes to letters with sharp cuneiform-like angles; a result of the difference in writing mediums, with the former being ideal for writing on soft leaves and the latter ideal for writing on bamboo panels. The use of the scripts ranged from mundane records to encoding esoteric knowledge on magico-religious rituals and folk medicine.[244]

In regions which converted to Islam, abjads derived from the Arabic script started replacing the earlier abugidas at around the 13th century in Southeast Asia. Madagascar, as well, adopted the Arabic script in the 14th century. Abjads, however, have an even greater inherent problem with encoding Austronesian languages than abugidas, because Austronesian languages have more varied and salient vowels which the Arabic script can not usually encode. As a result, the Austronesian adaptations such as the Jawi and the Pegon scripts have been modified with a system of diacritics that encode sounds, both vowels and consonants, native to Austronesian languages but absent in Semitic languages.[244] With the advent of the Colonial Era, almost all of these writing systems have been replaced with alphabets adapted from the Latin alphabet, as in the Hawaiian alphabet, Filipino alphabet, and Malay alphabet; however, several Formosan languages had been written in zhuyin, and Cia-Cia off Sulawesi has experimented with hangul.

On Woleai and surrounding islands, a script was developed for the Woleaian language in the early 20th century. Approximately 20% of the script's letterforms were borrowed from Latin letters; the remaining characters seem to have been derived from indigenous iconography. Despite this heavy Latin influence, the script was a syllabary.

Vanuatu has a unique tradition of sand drawing, by which images are created by a single continuous line drawn in the sand. It is believed to have functioned as a means of symbolic communication in pre-contact Island Melanesia, especially between travelers and ethnic groups that do not speak the same language. The sand drawings consist of around 300 different designs, and seem to be shared across language groups.[245] In the 1990s, elements of the drawings were adapted into a modern constructed script called Avoiuli by the Turaga indigenous movement on Pentecost Island.[246]

Genetic studies

See also: Genetic studies on Filipinos

Genetic studies have been done on the people and related groups.[247] The Haplogroup O1 (Y-DNA)a-M119 genetic marker is frequently detected in Native Taiwanese, northern Philippines and Polynesians, as well as some people in Indonesia, Malaysia and non-Austronesian populations in southern China.[248] A 2007 analysis of the DNA recovered from human remains in archaeological sites of prehistoric peoples along the Yangtze River in China also shows high frequencies of Haplogroup O1 in the Neolithic Liangzhu culture, linking them to Austronesian and Tai-Kadai peoples. The Liangzhu culture existed in coastal areas around the mouth of the Yangtze. Haplogroup O1 was absent in other archaeological sites inland. The authors of the study suggest that this may be evidence of two different human migration routes during the peopling of Eastern Asia; one coastal and the other inland, with little gene flow between them.[127]

An important breakthrough in studies in Austronesian genetics was the identification of the "Polynesian motif" (Haplogroup B4a1a1) in 1989, a specific nine-base-pair deletion mutation in mtDNA. Several studies have shown that it is shared by Polynesians and Island Southeast Asians,[249] with a sub-branch also identified in Madagascar, indicating shared maternal ancestry of Austronesians.[250] Austronesian-speaking regions also have high to moderate frequencies of Haplogroup O1 of the Y-DNA (including Madagascar) indicating shared paternal ancestry, with the exception of Polynesia where the Papuan-derived Haplogroup C2a1 predominates (although lower frequencies of Austronesian Haplogroup O-M122 also exist). This indicates that the Lapita people, the direct ancestors of Polynesians, were likely matrilocal, assimilating Papuan men from outside the community by marriage in Near Oceania, prior to the Polynesian expansion into Remote Oceania.[249][250][251][54]

 
A group of native Indonesians having discussions outdoor. Most notable features of Austronesian people in common are the skin color and the rounded, if not smooth, jaw shape.[252]

Moodley et al. (2009) identified two distinct populations of the gut bacteria Helicobacter pylori that accompanied human migrations into Island Southeast Asia and Oceania, called hpSahul and hspMāori. The study sampled Native Australians, Native Taiwanese, highlanders in New Guinea, and Melanesians and Polynesians in New Caledonia, which were then compared with other H. pylori haplotypes from Europeans, Asians, Pacific Islanders, and others. They found that hpSahul diverged from mainland Asian H. pylori populations approximately 31,000 to 37,000 years ago and have remained isolated for 23,000 to 32,000 years confirming the Australo-Melanesian substratum in Island Southeast Asia and New Guinea. hspMāori, on the other hand, is a subpopulation of hpEastAsia, previously isolated from Polynesians (Māori, Tongans, and Samoans) in New Zealand, and three individuals from the Philippines and Japan. The study found hspMāori from Native Taiwanese, Melanesians, Polynesians, and two inhabitants from the Torres Strait Islands, all of which are Austronesian sources. As expected, hspMāori showed greatest genetic diversity in Taiwan, while all non-Taiwanese hspMāori populations belonged to a single lineage they called the "Pacific clade." They also calculated the isolation-with-migration model (IMa), which showed that the divergence of the Pacific clade of hspMāori were unidirectional from Taiwan to the Pacific. This is consistent with the Out-of-Taiwan model of the Austronesian expansion.[253]

On 16 January 2020, the personal genomics company 23andMe added the category "Filipino & Austronesian" after customers with no known Filipino ancestors were getting false positives for 5% or more "Filipino" ancestry in their Ancestry Composition report (the proportion was as high as 75% in Samoa, 71% in Tonga, 68% in Guam, 18% in Hawaii, and 34% in Madagascar). The company's scientists surmised that this was due to the shared Austronesian genetic heritage being incorrectly identified as Filipino ancestry.[254]

A recent study from 2021 found that an ancient preboreal holocene hunter-gatherer from South Sulawesi had ancestry from both a distinct lineage related to modern Papuans and Aboriginal Australians and from an East-Eurasian lineage (represented by modern East Asians). The hunter-gatherer individual had approximately ~50% "Basal-East Asian" ancestry, and was positioned in between modern East Asians and Papuans of Oceania. The authors concluded that East Asian-related ancestry expanded much earlier into Maritime Southeast Asia than previously suggested, long before the expansion of Austroasiatic and Austronesian groups.[255]

Another study about the ancestral composition of modern ethnic groups in the Philippines from 2021 similarly suggests that distinctive Basal-East Asian (East-Eurasian) ancestry originated in Mainland Southeast Asia at ~50,000 BCE, and expanded through multiple migration waves southwards and northwards respectively. Basal-East Asian ancestry, as well as later Austroasiatic ancestry, from Mainland Southeast Asia, arrived into the Philippines prior to the Austronesian expansion. Austronesian-speakers themself are suggested to have arrived on Taiwan and the northern Philippines between 10,000 BCE to 7,000 BCE from coastal Fujian. The authors concluded that the Austronesian expansion into Insular Southeast Asia and Polynesia was outgoing from the Philippines rather than Taiwan, and that modern Austronesian-speaking people have largely ancestry from the earliest Basal-East Asians, Austroasiatic migrants from Mainland Southeast Asia, and Austronesian-speaking seafarers from the Philippines.[256]

Evidence from agriculture

See also: Rice § Origins, Genomics of domestication, and Domesticated plants and animals of Austronesia

Genomic analysis of cultivated coconut (Cocos nucifera) has shed light on the movements of Austronesian peoples. By examining 10 microsatellite loci, researchers found that there are 2 genetically distinct subpopulations of coconut – one originating in the Indian Ocean, the other in the Pacific Ocean. However, there is evidence of admixture, the transfer of genetic material, between the two populations. Given that coconuts are ideally suited for ocean dispersal, it seems possible that individuals from one population could have floated to the other. However, the locations of the admixture events are limited to Madagascar and coastal east Africa and exclude the Seychelles and Mauritius. Sailing west from Maritime Southeast Asia in the Indian Ocean, the Austronesian peoples reached Madagascar by ca. 50–500 CE, and reached other parts thereafter. This forms a pattern that coincides with the known trade routes of Austronesian sailors. Additionally, there is a genetically distinct sub-population of coconuts on the eastern coast of South America which has undergone a genetic bottleneck resulting from a founder effect; however, its ancestral population is the pacific coconut, which suggests that Austronesian peoples may have sailed as far east as the Americas.[81][83][257]

Pre-Columbian contact with the Americas

A genome analysis in 2020 showed Austronesian contact to South America around 1150–1200 CE, the earliest one between Fatu Hiva from the Marquesas Islands, and Colombia.[258]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Some authors that support an ISEA origin of Austronesians, however, have proposed that they may have later been the original developers of the maritime culture that later characterized Austronesians, during several rapid sea-level rise events that took place near the end of the last glacial period that flooded the landmasses in Southeast Asia. Developing the catamaran originally from lashing two canoes, which eventually became the prototype for the numerous types of water vessels of the Austronesians, as well as the Chinese chuán, after northward migrations of Negrito populations in the Neolithic (Mahdi, 2017).
  2. ^ The absence of Denisovan admixture in western Southeast Asian populations seem to indicate that interbreeding between modern humans and Denisovans happened within Southeast Asia itself, possibly east of the Wallace Line, and not in mainland Eurasia (Reich et al., 2011; Cooper & Stringer, 2013)
  3. ^ Cognates include Sangir taumata, Molima tomotau, Kola tamata, Fijian tamata, Samoan tangata, and Hawaiian kanaka
  4. ^ Sometimes confusingly also as "early Austronesians" or "proto-Austronesians". The latter should not be confused with the reconstructed Proto-Austronesian language (PAN), which the pre-Austronesians did not speak. (Bellwood, 1988)
  5. ^ The boat is symmetrical front and back, and the prow alternately becomes the stern and vice versa when sailing against the wind
  6. ^ Cognates include Paiwan umaq, T'boli lumak, Malay rumah, Acehnese rumòh, Sawai um, Rotinese uma, Torau ruma, and Chuukese iimw.
  7. ^ Cognates include Tagalog báhay, Cebuano baláy, Malay balai, Balinese bale, Fijian vale, Hawaiian hale, and Māori whare.
  8. ^ Cognates include Kavalan repaw, Kenyah lepaw, Malay lepau, and Sika lepo.
  9. ^ Cognates include Yami kamalig, Tagalog kamálig, Old Javanese kamalir, Hawu kemali, and Papitalai kamal.
  10. ^ Cognates include Cebuano banwá, Iban menoa, Banggai bonua, Selaru hnua, Sawai pnu, Fijian vanua, Samoan fanua, Hawaiian honua, and Māori whenua.

References

  1. ^ "Hasil Sensus Penduduk 2020" (PDF) (in Indonesian). Statistics Indonesia. 21 January 2021. p. 9. Retrieved 21 January 2021.
  2. ^ Proyeksi penduduk Indonesia/Indonesia Population Projection 2010–2035 (PDF), Badan Pusat Statistik, 2013, ISBN 978-979-064-606-3, (PDF) from the original on 30 April 2020, retrieved 15 August 2016
  3. ^ "2020 Census of Population and Housing (2020 CPH) Population Counts Declared Official by the President". Philippine Statistics Authority.
  4. ^ "Population, total". Data. World Bank Group. 2017. from the original on 25 December 2018. Retrieved 29 April 2018.
  5. ^ "Malaysia". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 29 April 2018.
  6. ^ . Archived from the original on 7 February 2013. Retrieved 22 July 2013.
  7. ^ . Government of Timor-Leste. Archived from the original on 7 February 2016. Retrieved 24 July 2016.
  8. ^ General Statistics Office of Vietnam (2019). "Completed Results of the 2019 Viet Nam Population and Housing Census" (PDF). Statistical Publishing House (Vietnam). ISBN 978-604-75-1532-5.
  9. ^ . Archived from the original on 7 February 2013. Retrieved 22 July 2013.
  10. ^ "Archived copy". from the original on 27 November 2007. Retrieved 23 March 2007.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  11. ^ About 13.5% of Singapore Residents are of Malay descent. In addition to these, many Chinese Singaporeans are also of mixed Austronesian descent. See also (PDF). Singapore Department of Statistics. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 July 2007. Retrieved 25 April 2007.
  12. ^ Ramzy, Austin (1 August 2016). "Taiwan's President Apologizes to Aborigines for Centuries of Injustice". The New York Times. from the original on 5 June 2020. Retrieved 17 January 2020.
  13. ^ (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 April 2007. Retrieved 23 March 2007.
  14. ^ "Brunei". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. July 2018. Retrieved 10 April 2019.
  15. ^ a b c d "World Population Prospects 2022". population.un.org. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. Retrieved 17 July 2022.
  16. ^ a b c d "World Population Prospects 2022: Demographic indicators by region, subregion and country, annually for 1950-2100" (XSLX). population.un.org ("Total Population, as of 1 July (thousands)"). United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. Retrieved 17 July 2022.
  17. ^ Joshua Project. "Cham, Western in Cambodia". Joshua Project. from the original on 22 March 2016. Retrieved 15 October 2019.
  18. ^ . ISPF. Archived from the original on 9 February 2018. Retrieved 16 February 2018.
  19. ^ Most recent ethnic census, in 1988. "Frontières ethniques et redéfinition du cadre politique à Tahiti" (PDF). (PDF) from the original on 26 March 2009. Retrieved 31 May 2011. Approximately 87.7% of the total population (275,918) are of unmixed or mixed Polynesian descent.
  20. ^ . Samoa Bureau of Statistics. Archived from the original on 3 April 2019. Retrieved 25 June 2018.
  21. ^ "The Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander Population: 2010" (PDF). census.gov. US Census Bureau. (PDF) from the original on 24 July 2017. Retrieved 11 August 2017.
  22. ^ . Archived from the original on 18 November 2011. Retrieved 23 November 2014.
  23. ^ . Kiribati National Statistics Office. Ministry of Finance & Economic Development, Government of Kiribati. Archived from the original on 8 January 2017. Retrieved 17 January 2020.
  24. ^ "La Nouvelle-Calédonie compte 271 407 habitants en 2019". Institut de la statistique et des études économiques. ISEE. from the original on 13 November 2014. Retrieved 17 January 2020.
  25. ^ "Recensement de la population en Nouvelle-Calédonie en 2009". ISEE. from the original on 29 February 2020. Retrieved 17 January 202039.1% if the population are native Kanak{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link)
  26. ^ Approximately 90.4% of the total population (113,131) is native Pacific Islander.
  27. ^ [1] 27 February 2018 at the Wayback Machine. Tonga 2016 Census Results (11 November 2016).
  28. ^ "Suriname". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 29 April 2018.
  29. ^ "Australia-Oceania :: MARSHALL ISLANDS". CIA The World Factbook. Retrieved 17 January 2020.
  30. ^ . 2010 United States Census. census.gov. Archived from the original on 23 July 2012. Retrieved 1 October 2018.
  31. ^ "A2 : Population by ethnic group according to districts, 2012". Census of Population& Housing, 2011. Department of Census& Statistics, Sri Lanka. from the original on 10 March 2018. Retrieved 25 April 2017.
  32. ^ "3238.0.55.001 – Estimates of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, June 2016". Australian Bureau of Statistics. 31 August 2018. from the original on 29 February 2020. Retrieved 27 December 2019.
  33. ^ Joshua Project. "Malay in Myanmar (Burma)". Joshua Project. from the original on 16 October 2019. Retrieved 15 October 2019.
  34. ^ Joshua Project. "Moken, Salon in Myanmar (Burma)". Joshua Project. from the original on 16 October 2019. Retrieved 15 October 2019.
  35. ^ Data Access and Dissemination Systems (DADS). "American FactFinder – Results". U.S. Census Bureau. Archived from the original on 12 February 2020. Retrieved 17 January 2020. Approximately 34.9% of the total population (53,883) are native Pacific Islander
  36. ^ Approximately 92.2% of the total population (18,024) is of Austronesian descent.
  37. ^ INSEE. "Les populations légales de Wallis et Futuna en 2018". from the original on 14 April 2019. Retrieved 7 April 2019.
  38. ^ (PDF). Nauru Bureau of Statistics. Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 9 June 2015.
  39. ^ "Population of communities in Tuvalu". world-statistics.org. 11 April 2012. from the original on 23 March 2016. Retrieved 20 March 2016.
  40. ^ "Population of communities in Tuvalu". Thomas Brinkhoff. 11 April 2012. from the original on 24 March 2016. Retrieved 20 March 2016.
  41. ^ "Australia-Oceania ::: COOK ISLANDS". CIA The World Factbook. Retrieved 17 January 2020.
  42. ^ "RAPA NUI IW 2019". IWGIA. International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs. from the original on 24 October 2019. Retrieved 17 January 2020. Approximately 60% of the population of total population of Rapa Nui (3,765) is of native descent.
  43. ^ a b According to the anthropologist Wilhelm Solheim II: "I emphasize again, as I have done in many other articles, that 'Austronesian' is a linguistic term and is the name of a super language family. It should never be used as a name for a people, genetically speaking, or a culture. To refer to people who speak an Austronesian language the phrase 'Austronesian-speaking people' should be used." Origins of the Filipinos and Their Languages (January 2006)
  44. ^ a b c d e f g h Bellwood P, Fox JJ, Tryon D (2006). The Austronesians: Historical and Comparative Perspectives. Australian National University Press. ISBN 9781920942854. from the original on 2 April 2020. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
  45. ^ Pierron, Denis; Razafindrazaka, Harilanto; Pagani, Luca; Ricaut, François-Xavier; Antao, Tiago; Capredon, Mélanie; Sambo, Clément; Radimilahy, Chantal; Rakotoarisoa, Jean-Aimé; Blench, Roger M.; Letellier, Thierry (21 January 2014). "Genome-wide evidence of Austronesian–Bantu admixture and cultural reversion in a hunter-gatherer group of Madagascar". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 111 (3): 936–941. Bibcode:2014PNAS..111..936P. doi:10.1073/pnas.1321860111. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 3903192. PMID 24395773.
  46. ^ a b c d e f Blust, Robert A. (2013). The Austronesian languages. Asia-Pacific Linguistics. Australian National University. hdl:1885/10191. ISBN 9781922185075.
  47. ^ a b Cheke, Anthony (2010). "The timing of arrival of humans and their commensal animals on Western Indian Ocean oceanic islands". Phelsuma. 18 (2010): 38–69. from the original on 21 April 2017. Retrieved 21 January 2019.
  48. ^ Ku, Kun-Hui; Gibson, Thomas (3 July 2019). "Hierarchy and Egalitarianism in Austronesia". Anthropological Forum. 29 (3): 205–215. doi:10.1080/00664677.2019.1626216. S2CID 197705560.
  49. ^ Horridge, Adrian (2006). Bellwood, Peter (ed.). The Austronesians : historical and comparative perspectives. Canberra, ACT. ISBN 978-0731521326.
  50. ^ a b Pierron, Denis; Heiske, Margit; Razafindrazaka, Harilanto; Rakoto, Ignace; Rabetokotany, Nelly; Ravololomanga, Bodo; Rakotozafy, Lucien M.-A.; Rakotomalala, Mireille Mialy; Razafiarivony, Michel; Rasoarifetra, Bako; Raharijesy, Miakabola Andriamampianina (8 August 2017). "Genomic landscape of human diversity across Madagascar". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 114 (32): E6498–E6506. doi:10.1073/pnas.1704906114. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 5559028. PMID 28716916.
  51. ^ a b Van Tilburg, Jo Anne. 1994. Easter Island: Archaeology, Ecology and Culture. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press
  52. ^ a b Langdon, Robert. The Bamboo Raft as a Key to the Introduction of the Sweet Potato in Prehistoric Polynesia, The Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 36, No. 1, 2001
  53. ^ a b c d Crowley T, Lynch J, Ross M (2013). The Oceanic Languages. Routledge. ISBN 9781136749841. from the original on 26 July 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  54. ^ a b Hudjashov, Georgi; Endicott, Phillip; Post, Helen; Nagle, Nano; Ho, Simon Y. W.; Lawson, Daniel J.; Reidla, Maere; Karmin, Monika; Rootsi, Siiri; Metspalu, Ene; Saag, Lauri; Villems, Richard; Cox, Murray P.; Mitchell, R. John; Garcia-Bertrand, Ralph L.; Metspalu, Mait; Herrera, Rene J. (December 2018). "Investigating the origins of eastern Polynesians using genome-wide data from the Leeward Society Isles". Scientific Reports. 8 (1): 1823. Bibcode:2018NatSR...8.1823H. doi:10.1038/s41598-018-20026-8. PMC 5789021. PMID 29379068.
  55. ^ Race and nobility in the works of Johann Reinhold and Georg Forster, by Timothy McInerney, in Études anglaises 2013/2 (Vol. 66), pp. 250 à 266.
  56. ^ a b c Ross M (1996). "On the Origin of the Term 'Malayo-Polynesian'". Oceanic Linguistics. 35 (1): 143–145. doi:10.2307/3623036. JSTOR 3623036.
  57. ^ a b c d e Douglas, Bronwen (2008). "'Novus Orbis Australis': Oceania in the science of race, 1750-1850". In Douglas, Bronwen; Ballard, Chris (eds.). Foreign Bodies: Oceania and the Science of Race 1750–1940 (PDF). ANU E Press. pp. 99–156. ISBN 9781921536007.
  58. ^ a b Bhopal, Raj (22 December 2007). "The beautiful skull and Blumenbach's errors: the birth of the scientific concept of race". BMJ. 335 (7633): 1308–1309. doi:10.1136/bmj.39413.463958.80. PMC 2151154. PMID 18156242.
  59. ^ "Pseudo-theory on origins of the 'Malay race'". Aliran. 19 January 2014. Retrieved 30 November 2020.
  60. ^ (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 September 2006. Retrieved 10 September 2006.
  61. ^ The Encyclopaedia Britannica: A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and General Literature. Vol. 15 (9th ed.). Henry G. Allen and Company. 1888. pp. 323–326.
  62. ^ Codrington, Robert Henry (1891). The Melanesians: Studies in their Anthropology and Folklore. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
  63. ^ Ray, Sidney H. (1896). "The common origin of Oceanic languages". The Journal of the Polynesian Society. 5 (1): 58–68. from the original on 30 January 2019. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
  64. ^ Fox, Charles Elliot (1906). "The Comparison of the Oceanic Languages" (PDF). Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New Zealand. 39: 464–475. (PDF) from the original on 3 April 2020. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
  65. ^ Simpson, John; Weiner, Edmund, eds. (1989). Official Oxford English Dictionary (OED2) (Dictionary). Oxford University Press. p. 22000.
  66. ^ a b Blust, Robert A. (1999). "Subgrouping, circularity and extinction: some issues in Austronesian comparative linguistics". In Zeitoun, Elizabeth; Li, Paul Jen-kuei (eds.). Selected Papers from the Eighth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Institute of Linguistics (Preparatory Office), Academia Sinica. pp. 31–94.
  67. ^ a b Baldick, Julian (2013). Ancient Religions of the Austronesian World: From Australasia to Taiwan. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 9780857733573. from the original on 26 July 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  68. ^ a b Blench, Roger (2012). "Almost Everything You Believed about the Austronesians Isn't True" (PDF). In Tjoa-Bonatz, Mai Lin; Reinecke, Andreas; Bonatz, Dominik (eds.). Crossing Borders. National University of Singapore Press. pp. 128–148. ISBN 9789971696429. (PDF) from the original on 30 December 2019. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
  69. ^ a b c d e Doran, Edwin B. (1981). Wangka: Austronesian Canoe Origins. Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 9780890961070.
  70. ^ Dierking, Gary (2007). Building Outrigger Sailing Canoes: Modern Construction Methods for Three Fast, Beautiful Boats. International Marine/McGraw-Hill. ISBN 9780071594561.
  71. ^ Horridge, Adrian (1986). "The Evolution of Pacific Canoe Rigs". The Journal of Pacific History. 21 (2): 83–89. doi:10.1080/00223348608572530. JSTOR 25168892.
  72. ^ a b c Abels, Birgit (2011). Austronesian Soundscapes: Performing Arts in Oceania and Southeast Asia. Amsterdam University Press. pp. 16–21. ISBN 9789089640857. from the original on 26 July 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  73. ^ Wibisono, Sonny Chr. (2006). "Stylochronology of Early Pottery in the Islands of Southeast Asia: A Reassessment of Archaeological Evidence of Austronesia". In Simanjuntak, Truman; Pojoh, Ingrid H.E.; Hisyam, Mohammad (eds.). Austronesian Diaspora and the Ethnogeneses of People in Indonesian Archipelago: Proceedings of the International Symposium. Indonesian Institute of Sciences. p. 107. ISBN 9789792624366. from the original on 15 July 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  74. ^ a b Bellwood, Peter; Chambers, Geoffrey; Ross, Malcolm; Hung, Hsiao-chun (2011). "Are 'Cultures' Inherited? Multidisciplinary Perspectives on the Origins and Migrations of Austronesian-Speaking Peoples Prior to 1000 BC". In Roberts, Benjamin W.; Linden, Marc Vander (eds.). Investigating Archaeological Cultures: Material Culture, Variability, and Transmission. Springer. pp. 321–354. ISBN 978-1-4419-6970-5.
  75. ^ Posth, Cosimo; Nägele, Kathrin; Colleran, Heidi; Valentin, Frédérique; Bedford, Stuart; Kami, Kaitip W.; Shing, Richard; Buckley, Hallie; Kinaston, Rebecca; Walworth, Mary; Clark, Geoffrey R.; Reepmeyer, Christian; Flexner, James; Maric, Tamara; Moser, Johannes; Gresky, Julia; Kiko, Lawrence; Robson, Kathryn J.; Auckland, Kathryn; Oppenheimer, Stephen J.; Hill, Adrian V. S.; Mentzer, Alexander J.; Zech, Jana; Petchey, Fiona; Roberts, Patrick; Jeong, Choongwon; Gray, Russell D.; Krause, Johannes; Powell, Adam (April 2018). "Language continuity despite population replacement in Remote Oceania". Nature Ecology & Evolution. 2 (4): 731–740. doi:10.1038/s41559-018-0498-2. PMC 5868730. PMID 29487365.
  76. ^ a b Bellwood, Peter (1991). "The Austronesian Dispersal and the Origin of Languages". Scientific American. 265 (1): 88–93. Bibcode:1991SciAm.265a..88B. doi:10.1038/scientificamerican0791-88. JSTOR 24936983.
  77. ^ Hill, Adrian V.S.; Serjeantson, Susan W., eds. (1989). The Colonization of the Pacific: A Genetic Trail. Research Monographs on Human Population Biology No. 7. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198576952.
  78. ^ a b Simanjuntak, Truman; Pojoh, Ingrid H.E.; Hisyam, Mohammad, eds. (2006). Austronesian Diaspora and the Ethnogeneses of People in Indonesian Archipelago: Proceedings of the International Symposium. Indonesian Institute of Sciences. p. 107. ISBN 9789792624366. from the original on 15 July 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  79. ^ a b c Blench, Roger (2016). "Splitting up Proto-Malayopolynesian: New Models of Dispersal from Taiwan" (PDF). In Prasetyo, Bagyo; Nastiti, Tito Surti; Simanjuntak, Truman (eds.). Austronesian Diaspora: A New Perspective. Gadjah Mada University Press. ISBN 9786023862023. (PDF) from the original on 26 July 2018. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
  80. ^ Solheim, Wilhelm G., II (1984–1985). "The Nusantao Hypothesis: The Origin and Spread of Austronesian Speakers". Asian Perspectives. 26 (1): 77–78. JSTOR 42928107.
  81. ^ a b Burney DA, Burney LP, Godfrey LR, Jungers WL, Goodman SM, Wright HT, Jull AJ (August 2004). "A chronology for late prehistoric Madagascar". Journal of Human Evolution. 47 (1–2): 25–63. doi:10.1016/j.jhevol.2004.05.005. PMID 15288523.
  82. ^ Gunn BF, Baudouin L, Olsen KM (22 June 2011). "Independent origins of cultivated coconut (Cocos nucifera L.) in the old world tropics". PLOS ONE. 6 (6): e21143. Bibcode:2011PLoSO...621143G. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0021143. PMC 3120816. PMID 21731660. S2CID 14226647.
  83. ^ a b Dewar RE, Wright HT (1993). "The culture history of Madagascar". Journal of World Prehistory. 7 (4): 417–466. doi:10.1007/BF00997802. hdl:2027.42/45256. S2CID 21753825.
  84. ^ Blust R (2016). History of the Austronesian Languages. University of Hawaii at Manoa.
  85. ^ Embong, Abdul Mutalib; Jusoh, Juhari Sham; Hussein, Juliani; Mohammad, Razita (31 May 2016). "Tracing the Malays in the Malay Land". Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences. 219: 235–240. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2016.05.011. ISSN 1877-0428.
  86. ^ a b Blench, Roger (2009). "Remapping the Austronesian expansion" (PDF). In Evans, Bethwyn (ed.). Discovering History Through Language: Papers in Honour of Malcolm Ross. Pacific Linguistics. ISBN 9780858836051. (PDF) from the original on 20 April 2020. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
  87. ^ Bulbeck, David (December 2008). "An Integrated Perspective on the Austronesian Diaspora: The Switch from Cereal Agriculture to Maritime Foraging in the Colonisation of Island Southeast Asia". Australian Archaeology. 67 (1): 31–51. doi:10.1080/03122417.2008.11681877. hdl:1885/36371. S2CID 141892739. from the original on 24 September 2020. Retrieved 10 May 2019.
  88. ^ Goss J, Lindquist B (2000). "Placing Movers: An Overview of the Asian-Pacific Migration System" (PDF). The Contemporary Pacific. 12 (2): 385–414. doi:10.1353/cp.2000.0053. hdl:10125/13544. (PDF) from the original on 14 August 2017. Retrieved 21 January 2019.
  89. ^ Matsumura H, Shinoda KI, Shimanjuntak T, Oktaviana AA, Noerwidi S, Octavianus Sofian H, et al. (22 June 2018). "Cranio-morphometric and aDNA corroboration of the Austronesian dispersal model in ancient Island Southeast Asia: Support from Gua Harimau, Indonesia". PLOS ONE. 13 (6): e0198689. Bibcode:2018PLoSO..1398689M. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0198689. PMC 6014653. PMID 29933384. S2CID 49377747.
  90. ^ a b c Simanjuntak T (2017). "The Western Route Migration: A Second Probable Neolithic Diffusion to Indonesia" (PDF). In Piper PJ, Matsumura H, Bulbeck D (eds.). New Perspectives in Southeast Asian and Pacific Prehistory. terra australis. Vol. 45. ANU Press. pp. 201–212. doi:10.22459/TA45.03.2017.11. ISBN 9781760460952. JSTOR j.ctt1pwtd26.18. Retrieved 4 November 2021.
  91. ^ . ethnicgroupsphilippines. Archived from the original on 2 January 2013.
  92. ^ Agnote, Dario (11 October 2017). . The Japan Times. Archived from the original on 7 June 2011. Retrieved 9 August 2016.
  93. ^ Ohno, Shun (2006). "The Intermarried issei and mestizo nisei in the Philippines". In Adachi, Nobuko (ed.). Japanese diasporas: Unsung pasts, conflicting presents, and uncertain futures. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-135-98723-7.
  94. ^ a b c d Lipson M, Loh PR, Patterson N, Moorjani P, Ko YC, Stoneking M, et al. (August 2014). "Reconstructing Austronesian population history in Island Southeast Asia" (PDF). Nature Communications. 5 (1): 4689. Bibcode:2014NatCo...5.4689L. doi:10.1038/ncomms5689. PMC 4143916. PMID 25137359. (PDF) from the original on 21 January 2019. Retrieved 21 January 2019.
  95. ^ a b c d Jett, Stephen C. (2017). Ancient Ocean Crossings: Reconsidering the Case for Contacts with the Pre-Columbian Americas. University of Alabama Press. pp. 168–171. ISBN 9780817319397. from the original on 26 July 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  96. ^ a b c d e f Jinam TA, Phipps ME, Aghakhanian F, Majumder PP, Datar F, Stoneking M, et al. (August 2017). "Discerning the Origins of the Negritos, First Sundaland People: Deep Divergence and Archaic Admixture". Genome Biology and Evolution. 9 (8): 2013–2022. doi:10.1093/gbe/evx118. PMC 5597900. PMID 28854687. S2CID 34661604.
  97. ^ a b c Mahdi, Waruno (2017). "Pre-Austronesian Origins of Seafaring in Insular Southeast Asia". In Acri, Andrea; Blench, Roger; Landmann, Alexandra (eds.). Spirits and Ships: Cultural Transfers in Early Monsoon Asia. ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. pp. 325–440. ISBN 9789814762755. from the original on 26 July 2020. Retrieved 4 June 2020.
  98. ^ Jennings, Ralph (17 November 2008). ""Negritos" celebrated as early Taiwan settlers". Reuters. from the original on 23 March 2019. Retrieved 6 January 2019.
  99. ^ "New evidence of Negrito presence unearthed in Taiwan". Taiwan Today. 26 October 2010. from the original on 31 December 2018. Retrieved 6 January 2019.
  100. ^ Matsumara, Hirofumi; Hung, Hsiao-chun; Cuong, Nguyen Lan; Zhao, Ya-feng; He, Gang; Chi, Zhang (2017). "Mid-Holocene Hunter-Gatherers 'Gaomiao' in Hunan, China: The First of the Two-layer Model in the Population History of East/Southeast Asia". In Piper, Philip J.; Matsumura, Hirofumi; Bulbeck, David (eds.). New Perspectives in Southeast Asian and Pacific Prehistory. ANU Press. pp. 61–78. doi:10.22459/TA45.03.2017.04. ISBN 9781760460945. from the original on 24 September 2020. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
  101. ^ Détroit F, Dizon E, Falguères C, Hameau S, Ronquillo W, Sémah F (2004). "Upper Pleistocene Homo sapiens from the Tabon cave (Palawan, The Philippines): description and dating of new discoveries" (PDF). Human Palaeontology and Prehistory. 3 (2004): 705–712. doi:10.1016/j.crpv.2004.06.004. (PDF) from the original on 12 December 2019. Retrieved 23 March 2019.
  102. ^ Détroit F, Corny J, Dizon EZ, Mijares AS (2013). ""Small size" in the Philippine human fossil record: is it meaningful for a better understanding of the evolutionary history of the negritos?". Human Biology. 85 (1–3): 45–65. doi:10.3378/027.085.0303. PMID 24297220. S2CID 24057857. from the original on 7 August 2020. Retrieved 21 August 2020.
  103. ^ Détroit F, Mijares AS, Corny J, Daver G, Zanolli C, Dizon E, et al. (April 2019). "A new species of Homo from the Late Pleistocene of the Philippines" (PDF). Nature. 568 (7751): 181–186. Bibcode:2019Natur.568..181D. doi:10.1038/s41586-019-1067-9. PMID 30971845. S2CID 106411053.
  104. ^ Reich D, Patterson N, Kircher M, Delfin F, Nandineni MR, Pugach I, et al. (October 2011). "Denisova admixture and the first modern human dispersals into Southeast Asia and Oceania". American Journal of Human Genetics. 89 (4): 516–28. doi:10.1016/j.ajhg.2011.09.005. PMC 3188841. PMID 21944045.
April 09, 2023
austronesian, peoples, sometimes, referred, austronesian, speaking, peoples, large, group, peoples, taiwan, maritime, southeast, asia, micronesia, coastal, guinea, island, melanesia, polynesia, madagascar, that, speak, austronesian, languages, they, also, incl. The Austronesian peoples sometimes referred to as Austronesian speaking peoples 43 are a large group of peoples in Taiwan Maritime Southeast Asia Micronesia coastal New Guinea Island Melanesia Polynesia and Madagascar that speak Austronesian languages 44 45 They also include indigenous ethnic minorities in Vietnam Cambodia Myanmar Thailand Hainan the Comoros and the Torres Strait Islands 44 46 47 The nations and territories predominantly populated by Austronesian speaking peoples are sometimes known collectively as Austronesia 48 Austronesian peopleThe Amis people of Taiwan performing a traditional tribal danceTotal populationc 400 millionRegions with significant populations Indonesiac 270 million 2020 1 2 Philippinesc 109 3 million 2020 3 Madagascarc 24 million 2016 4 Malaysiac 19 2 million 2017 5 Thailandc 1 9 million 6 Papua New Guineac 1 3 million citation needed East Timorc 1 2 million 2015 7 Vietnamc 1 2 million 2019 8 New Zealandc 855 000 2006 9 10 Singaporec 576 300 11 Taiwanc 575 067 2020 12 Solomon Islandsc 478 000 2005 citation needed Fijic 936 375 2023 13 Bruneic 450 000 2006 14 Vanuatuc 272 000 15 16 Cambodiac 249 000 2011 17 French Polynesiac 230 000 2017 18 19 Samoac 195 000 2016 20 Guamc 150 000 2010 21 Hawaiic 140 652 401 162 22 depending on definition Kiribatic 119 940 2020 23 New Caledoniac 106 000 2019 24 25 Federated States of Micronesiac 102 000 15 16 26 Tongac 100 000 2016 27 Surinamec 93 000 2017 28 Marshall Islandsc 72 000 2015 29 American Samoac 55 000 2010 30 Sri Lankac 40 189 2012 31 Australia Torres Strait Islands c 38 700 2016 32 Myanmarc 31 600 2019 33 34 Northern Mariana Islandsc 19 000 35 Palauc 16 500 2011 15 16 36 Wallis and Futunac 11 600 2018 37 Nauruc 11 200 2011 38 Tuvaluc 11 200 2012 39 40 Cook Islandsc 9 300 2010 41 Easter Island Rapa Nui c 2 290 2002 42 Niuec 1 937 15 16 LanguagesAustronesian languagesReligionVarious religionsThey originated from a prehistoric seaborne migration known as the Austronesian expansion from pre Han Taiwan at around 1500 to 1000 BCE Austronesians reached the northernmost Philippines specifically the Batanes Islands by around 2200 BCE Austronesians used sails some time before 2000 BCE 49 144 In conjunction with their use of other maritime technologies notably catamarans outrigger boats lashed lug boat building and the crab claw sail this enabled their dispersal into the islands of the Indo Pacific culminating in the settlement of New Zealand c 1250 CE From 2000 BCE they assimilated or were assimilated by the earlier Paleolithic pre Austronesian and Australo Melanesian Papuan populations They reached as far as Easter Island to the east Madagascar to the west 50 and New Zealand to the south At the furthest extent they might have also reached the Americas 51 52 Aside from language Austronesian peoples widely share cultural characteristics including such traditions and technologies as tattooing stilt houses jade carving wetland agriculture and various rock art motifs They also share domesticated plants and animals that were carried along with the migrations including rice bananas coconuts breadfruit Dioscorea yams taro paper mulberry chickens pigs and dogs Contents 1 History of research 2 Geographical distribution 2 1 List of Austronesian peoples 3 Prehistory 3 1 Paleolithic 3 2 Neolithic China 3 3 Relations with other groups 4 Migration from Taiwan 4 1 Alternative views 5 Historical period 6 Culture 6 1 Ships and sailing 6 2 Architecture 6 3 Pottery 6 4 Music and dance 6 5 Jade carving 6 6 Rock art 6 7 Body art 6 7 1 Tattooing 6 7 2 Dental modification 6 8 Religion 6 9 Writing 7 Genetic studies 7 1 Evidence from agriculture 7 2 Pre Columbian contact with the Americas 8 See also 9 Notes 10 References 11 Books 12 External linksHistory of research EditSee also Malay race The linguistic connections between Madagascar Polynesia and Southeast Asia particularly the remarkable similarities between Malagasy Malay and Polynesian numerals were recognized early in the colonial era by European authors 53 The first formal publication on these relationships was in 1708 by Dutch Orientalist Adriaan Reland who recognized a common language from Madagascar to western Polynesia although Dutch explorer Cornelis de Houtman observed linguistic links between Madagascar and the Malay Archipelago a century earlier in 1603 46 German naturalist Johann Reinhold Forster who traveled with James Cook on his second voyage also recognized the similarities of Polynesian languages to those of Island Southeast Asia In his book Observations Made during a Voyage round the World 1778 he posited that the ultimate origins of the Polynesians might have been the lowland regions of the Philippines and proposed that they arrived to the islands via long distance voyaging 54 But Johann Reinhold s Observations Made During a Voyage Round the World 1778 and Georg s A Voyage Round the World 1777 mark a key moment in the beginnings of modern racism Employing the English word race as a synonym for human variety they interpret the multiplicity of Polynesian culture in terms of a linear hierarchy that naturally ascends towards the white European ideal 55 Skulls representing Johann Friedrich Blumenbach s five races in De Generis Humani Varietate Nativa 1795 The Tahitian skull labelled O taheitae represented what he called the Malay race The Spanish philologist Lorenzo Hervas later devoted a large part of his Idea dell universo 1778 1787 to the establishment of a language family linking the Malay Peninsula the Maldives Madagascar Indonesia Sunda Islands and Moluccas the Philippines and the Pacific Islands eastward to Easter Island Multiple other authors corroborated this classification except for the erroneous inclusion of Maldivian and the language family came to be known as Malayo Polynesian first coined by the German linguist Franz Bopp in 1841 German malayisch polynesisch 53 56 The connections between Southeast Asia Madagascar and the Pacific Islands were also noted by other European explorers including the orientalist William Marsden and the naturalist Johann Reinhold Forster 57 Johann Friedrich Blumenbach added Austronesians as the fifth category to his varieties of humans in the second edition of De Generis Humani Varietate Nativa 1781 He initially grouped them by geography and thus called Austronesians the people from the southern world In the third edition published in 1795 he named Austronesians the Malay race or the brown race after correspondence with Joseph Banks who was part of the first voyage of James Cook 57 58 Blumenbach used the term Malay due to his belief that most Austronesians spoke the Malay idiom i e the Austronesian languages though he inadvertently caused the later confusion of his racial category with the Malay ethnic group 59 The other varieties Blumenbach identified were the Caucasians white Mongolians yellow Ethiopians black and Americans red Blumenbach s definition of the Malay race is largely identical to the modern distribution of the Austronesian peoples including not only Islander Southeast Asians but also the people of Madagascar and the Pacific Islands Although Blumenbach s work was later used in scientific racism Blumenbach was a monogenist and did not believe the human varieties were inherently inferior to each other 57 58 The New Physiognomy map 1889 printed by the Fowler amp Wells Company depicting Johann Friedrich Blumenbach s five human races The region inhabited by the Malay race is shown enclosed in dotted lines Like in most 19th century sources Islander Melanesians are excluded Taiwan which was annexed by the Qing dynasty in the 17th century is also excluded Malay variety Tawny coloured hair black soft curly thick and plentiful head moderately narrowed forehead slightly swelling nose full rather wide as it were diffuse end thick mouth large upper jaw somewhat prominent with parts of the face when seen in profile sufficiently prominent and distinct from each other This last variety includes the islanders of the Pacific Ocean together with the inhabitants of the Mariannas the Philippine the Molucca and the Sunda Islands and of the Malayan peninsula I wish to call it the Malay because the majority of the men of this variety especially those who inhabit the Indian islands close to the Malacca peninsula as well as the Sandwich the Society and the Friendly Islanders and also the Malambi of Madagascar down to the inhabitants of Easter Island use the Malay idiom Johann Friedrich Blumenbach The anthropological treatises of Johann Friedrich Blumenbach translated by Thomas Bendyshe 1865 60 By the 19th century however scientific racism was favoring a classification of Austronesians as being a subset of the Mongolian race as well as polygenism The Australo Melanesian populations of Southeast Asia and Melanesia whom Blumenbach initially classified as a subrace of the Malay race were also now being treated as a separate Ethiopian race by authors like Georges Cuvier Conrad Malte Brun who first coined the term Oceania as Oceanique Julien Joseph Virey and Rene Lesson 57 61 The British naturalist James Cowles Prichard originally followed Blumenbach by treating Papuans and Indigenous Australians as being descendants of the same stock as Austronesians But by his third edition of Researches into the Physical History of Man 1836 1847 his work had become more racialized due to the influence of polygenism He classified the peoples of Austronesia into two groups the Malayo Polynesians roughly equivalent to the Austronesian peoples and the Kelaenonesians roughly equivalent to the Australo Melanesians He further subdivided the latter into the Alfourous also Haraforas or Alfoers the Native Australians and the Pelagian or Oceanic Negroes the Melanesians and western Polynesians Despite this he acknowledges that Malayo Polynesians and Pelagian Negroes had remarkable characters in common particularly in terms of language and craniometry 57 53 56 In linguistics the Malayo Polynesian language family also initially excluded Melanesia and Micronesia due to what they perceived were marked physical differences between the inhabitants of these regions from the Malayo Polynesian speakers However there was growing evidence of their linguistic relationship to Malayo Polynesian languages notably from studies on the Melanesian languages by Georg von der Gabelentz Robert Henry Codrington and Sidney Herbert Ray Codrington coined and used the term Ocean language family rather than Malayo Polynesian in 1891 in opposition to the exclusion of Melanesian and Micronesian languages This was adopted by Ray who defined the Oceanic language family as encompassing the languages of Southeast Asia and Madagascar Micronesia Melanesia and Polynesia 46 62 63 64 In 1899 the Austrian linguist and ethnologist Wilhelm Schmidt coined the term Austronesian German austronesisch from Latin auster south wind and Greek nῆsos island to refer to the language family 65 Schmidt had the same motivations as Codrington He proposed the term as a replacement to Malayo Polynesian because he also opposed the implied exclusion of the languages of Melanesia and Micronesia in the latter name 53 56 It became the accepted name for the language family with Oceanic and Malayo Polynesian languages being retained as names for subgroups 46 Distribution of the Austronesian languages Blust 1999 66 The term Austronesian or more accurately Austronesian speaking peoples came to refer the people who speak the languages of the Austronesian language family Some authors however object to the use of the term to refer to people as they question whether there really is any biological or cultural shared ancestry between all Austronesian speaking groups 43 67 This is especially true for authors who reject the prevailing Out of Taiwan hypothesis and instead offer scenarios where the Austronesian languages spread among preexisting static populations through borrowing or convergence with little or no population movements 44 68 Paraw sailboats from Boracay Philippines Outrigger canoes and crab claw sails are hallmarks of the Austronesian maritime culture 69 70 71 Despite these objections the general consensus is that the archeological cultural genetic and especially linguistic evidence all separately indicate varying degrees of shared ancestry among Austronesian speaking peoples that justifies their treatment as a phylogenetic unit This has led to the use of the term Austronesian in academic literature to refer not only to the Austronesian languages but also the Austronesian speaking peoples their societies and the geographic area of Austronesia 67 44 68 72 73 Some Austronesian speaking groups are not direct descendants of Austronesians and acquired their languages through language shift but this is believed to have happened only in a few instances since the Austronesian expansion was too rapid for language shifts to have occurred fast enough 74 In parts of Island Melanesia migrations and paternal admixture from Papuan groups after the Austronesian expansion estimated to have started at around 500 BCE also resulted in gradual population turnover These secondary migrations were incremental and happened gradually enough that the culture and language of these groups remained Austronesian even though in modern times they are genetically more Papuan 75 In the vast majority of cases the language and material culture of Austronesian speaking groups descend directly through generational continuity especially in islands that were previously uninhabited 74 Serious research into the Austronesian languages and its speakers has been ongoing since the 19th century Modern scholarship on Austronesian dispersion models is generally credited to two influential papers in the late 20th century The Colonisation of the Pacific A Genetic Trail Hill amp Serjeantson eds 1989 and The Austronesian Dispersal and the Origin of Languages Bellwood 1991 76 77 The topic is particularly interesting to scientists for the remarkably unique characteristics of the Austronesian speakers their extent diversity and rapid dispersal 78 79 Regardless certain disagreements still exist among researchers with regards to chronology origin dispersal adaptations to the island environments interactions with preexisting populations in areas they settled and cultural developments over time The mainstream accepted hypothesis is the Out of Taiwan model first proposed by Peter Bellwood But there are multiple rival models that create a sort of pseudo competition among their supporters due to narrow focus on data from limited geographic areas or disciplines 78 79 80 The most notable of which is the Out of Sundaland or Out of Island Southeast Asia model As a generalization authors that are based in Indonesia and Malaysia tend to favor the Out of Sundaland model while authors based in Taiwan and the Pacific Islands tend to favor the Out of Taiwan model citation needed Geographical distribution EditSee also Micronesian navigation and Polynesian navigation Prior to the 16th century Colonial Era the Austronesian language family was the most widespread language family in the world spanning half the planet from Easter Island in the eastern Pacific Ocean to Madagascar in the western Indian Ocean 44 Coconuts in Rangiroa island in the Tuamotus French Polynesia a typical island landscape in Austronesia Coconuts are native to tropical Asia and were spread as canoe plants to the Pacific Islands and Madagascar by Austronesians 81 82 83 It is spoken today by about 386 million people 4 9 of the global population making it the fifth largest language family by number of speakers Major Austronesian languages with the highest number of speakers are Malay around 250 270 million in Indonesia alone in its own literary standard named Indonesian Javanese and Filipino Tagalog The family contains 1 257 languages which is the second most of any language family 84 The geographic region that encompasses native Austronesian speaking populations is sometimes referred to as Austronesia 72 Other geographic names for various subregions include Malay Peninsula Greater Sunda Islands Lesser Sunda Islands Island Melanesia Island Southeast Asia ISEA Malay Archipelago Maritime Southeast Asia MSEA Melanesia Micronesia Near Oceania Oceania Pacific Islands Remote Oceania Polynesia and Wallacea In Indonesia the nationalistic term Nusantara from the Old Javanese is also popularly used for their islands 72 85 Extent of contemporary Austronesia and possible further migrations and contact Blench 2009 86 Historically Austronesians uniquely live in an island world Austronesian regions are almost exclusively islands in the Pacific and Indian oceans with predominantly tropical or subtropical climates with considerable seasonal rainfall They had limited penetration into the interiors of large islands or mainlands 46 87 They include Taiwanese indigenous peoples the majority of ethnic groups in Brunei East Timor Indonesia Madagascar Malaysia Micronesia the Philippines and Polynesia Also included are the Malays of Singapore the Polynesians of New Zealand Hawaii and Chile the Torres Strait Islanders of Australia the non Papuan peoples of Melanesia and coastal New Guinea the Shibushi speakers of Comoros and the Malagasy and Shibushi speakers of Reunion They are also found in the regions of Southern Thailand the Cham areas in Vietnam and Cambodia and Hainan and the Mergui Archipelago of Myanmar 44 46 47 Additionally modern era migration brought Austronesian speaking people to the United States Canada Australia the United Kingdom mainland Europe Cocos Keeling Islands South Africa Sri Lanka Suriname Hong Kong Macau and West Asian countries 88 Some authors also propose further settlements and contacts in the past in areas that are not inhabited by Austronesian speakers today These range from likely hypotheses to very controversial claims with minimal evidence In 2009 Roger Blench compiled an expanded map of Austronesia that encompass these claims based on various evidence like historical accounts loanwords introduced plants and animals genetics archeological sites and material culture They include areas like the Pacific coast of the Americas Japan the Yaeyama Islands the Australian coast Sri Lanka and coastal South Asia the Persian Gulf some of the Indian Ocean islands East Africa South Africa and West Africa 86 List of Austronesian peoples Edit Map showing the distribution of the Austronesian language family light rose pink It roughly corresponds to the distribution of all the Austronesian peoples Samoan man carrying two containers over his shoulder The Javanese people of Indonesia are the largest Austronesian ethnic group Austronesian peoples include the following groupings by name and geographic location incomplete Formosan Taiwan e g Amis Atayal Bunun Paiwan collectively known as Taiwanese indigenous peoples Malayo Polynesian Borneo groups e g Kadazan Dusun Murut Iban Bidayuh Dayak Lun Bawang Lundayeh Chamic group Cambodia Hainan Cham areas of Vietnam remnants of the Champa kingdom which covered central and southern Vietnam as well as Aceh in northern Sumatra e g Acehnese Chams Jarai Utsuls Central Luzon group e g Kapampangan Sambal Igorot Cordillerans Cordilleras e g Balangao Ibaloi Ifugao Itneg Kankanaey Lumad Mindanao e g Kamayo Mandaya Mansaka Kalagan Manobo Tasaday T boli Malagasy Madagascar e g Betsileo Merina Sihanaka Bezanozano Melanesians Melanesia e g Fijians Kanak Ni Vanuatu Solomon Islands Micronesians Micronesia e g Carolinian Chamorro Palauans Moken Burma Thailand Moro Bangsamoro Mindanao amp Sulu Archipelago e g Maguindanao Iranun Maranao Tausug Yakan Sama Bajau Northern Luzon lowlanders e g Ilocano Pangasinan Ibanag Itawes Polynesians Polynesia e g Maori Native Hawaiians Samoans Tongans Southern Luzon lowlanders e g Tagalog Bicolano Sunda Sulawesi language and ethnic groups including Malay Sundanese Javanese Balinese Batak geographically includes Malaysia Brunei Pattani Singapore Cocos Keeling Islands parts of Sri Lanka southern Myanmar and much of western and central Indonesia Visayans Visayas and neighbouring islands e g Aklanon Boholano Cebuano Hiligaynon Masbateno Waray Prehistory EditThe broad consensus on Austronesian origins is the two layer model where an original Paleolithic indigenous population in Island Southeast Asia were assimilated to varying degrees by incoming migrations of Neolithic Austronesian speaking peoples from Taiwan and Fujian in southern China from around 4 000 BP 79 89 Austronesians also mixed with other preexisting populations as well as later migrant populations among the islands they settled resulting in further genetic input The most notable are the Austroasiatic speaking peoples in western Island Southeast Asia peninsular Malaysia Sumatra Borneo and Java 90 the Bantu peoples in Madagascar 50 and the Comoros as well as Japanese 91 92 93 Persian Indian Arab and Han Chinese traders and migrants in the more recent centuries 94 Paleolithic Edit See also Peopling of Southeast Asia Negrito History of Indigenous Australians Indigenous Australians Australian Aborigines Torres Strait Islanders Papuans Melanesians Micronesians and Polynesians Island Southeast Asia was settled by modern humans in the Paleolithic following coastal migration routes presumably starting before 70 000 BP long before the development of Austronesian cultures 95 failed verification see discussion 96 failed verification see discussion These populations are typified by having dark skin curly hair and short statures leading Europeans to believe in the 19th century that they were related to African Pygmies However despite these physical differences genetic studies have shown that they are more closely related to other Eurasian populations than to Africans 97 96 Representation of the coastal migration model with the indication of the later development of mitochondrial haplogroups These early population groups originally lacked sophisticated watercraft technology and thus could only cross narrow interisland seas with simple floats or rafts likely bamboo or log rafts or through accidental means Especially the deeper waters of the Wallace Line Weber Line and Lydekker Line left some significant islands disconnected from mainland Asia in the lower sea levels of the last glacial period They settled in what are now islands mostly through land migrations into the coastal lowland plains of Sundaland and Sahul most of which are now underwater 95 failed verification see discussion note 1 Coastlines of Island Southeast Asia New Guinea and Australia during the last glacial period Humans reached the islands in Wallacea as well as the Sahul landmass Australia and New Guinea by around 53 000 BP some give even older dates up to 65 000 BP By 45 400 years ago humans had reached the Bismarck Archipelago in Near Oceania 95 They were once also present in mainland China and Taiwan but their populations are now extinct or assimilated 98 99 100 The oldest confirmed human fossils in the Philippines is from the Tabon Caves of Palawan dated to around 47 000 BP 101 Previously it was believed that the earliest putative record of modern humans in Southeast Asia is from the Callao Cave of northern Luzon in the Philippines dated to around 67 000 BP 95 102 However in 2019 the remains were identified as belonging to a new species of archaic humans Homo luzonensis 103 These people are generally historically referred to as Australo Melanesians though the terminology is problematic as they are genetically diverse and most groups within Austronesia have significant Austronesian admixture and culture The unmixed descendants of these groups today include the interior Papuans and Indigenous Australians 94 96 Aeta fishermen in an outrigger canoe in Luzon Philippines c 1899 In modern literature descendants of these groups located in Island Southeast Asia west of Halmahera are usually collectively referred to as Negritos while descendants of these groups east of Halmahera excluding Indigenous Australians are referred to as Papuans 97 They can also be divided into two broad groups based on Denisovan admixture Philippine Negritos Papuans Melanesians and Indigenous Australians display Denisovan admixture while Malaysian and western Indonesian Negritos Orang Asli and Andamanese islanders do not 96 104 105 note 2 Mahdi 2017 also uses the term Qata from Proto Malayo Polynesian qata to distinguish the indigenous populations of Southeast Asia versus Tau from Proto Austronesian Cau for the later settlers from Taiwan and mainland China both are based on proto forms for the word person in Malayo Polynesian languages that referred to darker skinned and lighter skinned groups respectively 97 Jinam et al 2017 also proposed the term First Sundaland People in place of Negrito as a more accurate name for the original population of Southeast Asia 96 These populations are genetically distinct from later Austronesians but through fairly extensive population admixture most modern Austronesians have varying levels of ancestry from these groups The same is true for some populations historically considered non Austronesians due to physical differences like Philippine Negritos Orang Asli and Austronesian speaking Melanesians all of whom have Austronesian admixture 44 94 In Polynesians in Remote Oceania for example the admixture is around 20 to 30 Papuan and 70 to 80 Austronesian The Melanesians in Near Oceania are roughly around 20 Austronesian and 80 Papuan while in the natives of the Lesser Sunda Islands the admixture is around 50 Austronesian and 50 Papuan Similarly in the Philippines the groups traditionally considered to be Negrito vary between 30 and 50 Austronesian 44 94 96 The high degree of assimilation among Austronesian Negrito and Papuan groups indicate that the Austronesian expansion was largely peaceful Rather than violent displacement the settlers and the indigenous groups absorbed each other 106 It is believed that in some cases like in the Toalean culture of Sulawesi c 8 000 1 500 BP it is even more accurate to say that the densely populated indigenous hunter gatherer groups absorbed the incoming Austronesian farmers rather than the other way around 107 Mahdi 2016 further asserts that Proto Malayo Polynesian tau mata person note 3 is derived from a composite protoform Cau ma qata combining Tau and Qata and indicative of the mixing the two ancestral population types in these regions 108 Neolithic China Edit See also Dapenkeng culture Neolithic Revolution Neolithic China and Baiyue Possible language family homelands and the spread of rice into Southeast Asia ca 5 500 2 500 BP The approximate coastlines during the early Holocene are shown in lighter blue 109 Yue statue of a tattooed Baiyue man in the Zhejiang Provincial Museum c 3rd century BCE Suggested early migration route of early Austronesians into and out of Taiwan based on ancient and modern mtDNA data This hypothesis assumes the Sino Austronesian grouping a minority view among linguists Ko et al 2014 110 The broad consensus on the Urheimat homeland of Austronesian languages as well as the Neolithic early Austronesian peoples is accepted to be Taiwan as well as the Penghu Islands 111 112 113 They are believed to have descended from ancestral populations in coastal mainland southern China which are generally referred to as the pre Austronesians note 4 Through these pre Austronesians Austronesians may also share a common ancestry with neighboring groups in Neolithic southern China 114 These Neolithic pre Austronesians from the coast of southeastern China are believed to have migrated to Taiwan between approximately 10 000 6000 BCE 115 66 Other research has suggested that according to radiocarbon dates Austronesians may have migrated from mainland China to Taiwan as late as 4000 BCE Dapenkeng culture 116 They continued to maintain regular contact with the mainland until 1500 BCE 117 118 The identity of the Neolithic pre Austronesian cultures in China is contentious Tracing Austronesian prehistory in Fujian and Taiwan has been difficult due to the southward expansion of the Han dynasty 2nd century BCE and the recent Qing dynasty annexation of Taiwan 1683 CE 109 119 120 121 Today the only Austronesian language in southern China is Tsat language in Hainan The politicization of archaeology is also problematic particularly erroneous reconstructions among some Chinese archaeologists of non Sinitic sites as Han 122 Some authors favoring the Out of Sundaland model like William Meacham reject the southern Chinese mainland origin of pre Austronesians entirely 123 Nevertheless based on linguistic archaeological and genetic evidence Austronesians are most strongly associated with the early farming cultures of the Yangtze River basin that domesticated rice from around 13 500 to 8 200 BP They display typical Austronesian technological hallmarks including tooth removal teeth blackening jade carving tattooing stilt houses advanced boat building aquaculture wetland agriculture and the domestication of dogs pigs and chickens These include the Kuahuqiao Hemudu Majiabang Songze Liangzhu and Dapenkeng cultures which occupied the coastal regions between the Yangtze River delta to the Min River delta 124 125 126 127 Relations with other groups Edit See also Austronesian languages Hypothesized relations Based on linguistic evidence there have been proposals linking Austronesians with other linguistic families into linguistic macrofamilies that are relevant to the identity of the pre Austronesian populations The most notable are the connections of Austronesians to the neighboring Austroasiatic Kra Dai and Sinitic peoples as Austric Austro Tai and Sino Austronesian respectively But they are still not widely accepted as evidence of these relationships are still tenuous and the methods used are highly contentious 128 In support of both the Austric and Austro Tai hypothesis Robert Blust connects the lower Yangtze Neolithic Austro Tai entity with the rice cultivating Austroasiatic cultures assuming the center of East Asian rice domestication and putative Austric homeland to be located in the Yunnan Burma border area 129 188 instead of the Yangtze River basin as is currently accepted 130 131 132 133 Under that view there was an east west genetic alignment resulting from a rice based population expansion in the southern part of East Asia Austroasiatic Kra Dai Austronesian with unrelated Sino Tibetan occupying a more northerly tier 129 188 Depending on the author other hypotheses have also included other language families like Hmong Mien and even Japanese Ryukyuan into the larger Austric hypothesis 134 Proposed routes of Austroasiatic and Austronesian migrations into Indonesia Simanjuntak 2017 90 While the Austric hypothesis remains contentious there is genetic evidence that at least in western Island Southeast Asia there had been earlier Neolithic overland migrations pre 4 000 BP by Austroasiatic speaking peoples into what is now the Greater Sunda Islands when the sea levels were lower in the early Holocene These peoples were assimilated linguistically and culturally by incoming Austronesian peoples in what is now modern day Indonesia and Malaysia 90 Proposed genesis of Daic languages and their relation with Austronesians Blench 2018 135 Several authors have also proposed that Kra Dai speakers may actually be an ancient daughter subgroup of Austronesians that migrated back to the Pearl River delta from Taiwan and or Luzon shortly after the Austronesian expansion Later migrating further westwards to Hainan Mainland Southeast Asia and Northeast India They propose that the distinctiveness of Kra Dai it is tonal and monosyllabic was the result of linguistic restructuring due to contact with Hmong Mien and Sinitic cultures Aside from linguistic evidence Roger Blench has also noted cultural similarities between the two groups like facial tattooing tooth removal or ablation teeth blackening snake or dragon cults and the multiple tongued jaw harps shared by the Indigenous Taiwanese and Kra Dai speakers However archaeological evidence for this is still sparse 128 125 135 136 This is believed to be similar to what happened to the Cham people who were originally Austronesian settlers likely from Borneo to southern Vietnam at around 2 100 to 1 900 BP and had languages similar to Malay Their languages underwent several restructuring events to syntax and phonology due to contact with the nearby tonal languages of Mainland Southeast Asia and Hainan 136 137 Although the populations of the Malay peninsula Sumatra Java and neighboring islands are Austronesian speaking they have significantly high admixture from Mainland Southeast Asian populations These areas were already populated most probably by speakers of Austroasiatic languages before they were reached by the Austronesian expansion roughly 3000 years ago Currently only the indigenous Aslians still speak Austroasiatic languages However some of the languages in the region show signs of underlying Austroasiatic substrates According to Juha Janhunen and Ann Kumar Austronesians may have also settled parts of southern Japan especially on the islands of Kyushu and Shikoku and influenced or created the Japanese hierarchical society It is suggested that Japanese tribes like the Hayato people the Kumaso and the Azumi people were of Austronesian origin Until today local traditions and festivals show similarities to the Malayo Polynesian culture 138 139 140 141 142 Early waves of migration to Taiwan proposed by Roger Blench 2014 The Sino Austronesian hypothesis on the other hand is a relatively new hypothesis by Laurent Sagart first proposed in 1990 It argues for a north south linguistic genetic relationship between Chinese and Austronesian This is based on sound correspondences in the basic vocabulary and morphological parallels 129 188 Sagart places special significance in shared vocabulary on cereal crops citing them as evidence of shared linguistic origin However this has largely been rejected by other linguists The sound correspondences between Old Chinese and Proto Austronesian can also be explained as a result of the Longshan interaction sphere when pre Austronesians from the Yangtze region came into regular contact with Proto Sinitic speakers in the Shandong Peninsula at around the 4th to 3rd millennia BCE This corresponded with the widespread introduction of rice cultivation to Proto Sinitic speakers and conversely millet cultivation to Pre Austronesians 143 An Austronesian substratum in formerly Austronesian territories that have been Sinicized after the Iron Age Han expansion is also another explanation for the correspondences that do not require a genetic relationship 144 145 In relation to Sino Austronesian models and the Longshan interaction sphere Roger Blench 2014 suggests that the single migration model for the spread of the Neolithic into Taiwan is problematic pointing out the genetic and linguistic inconsistencies between different Taiwanese Austronesian groups 146 1 17 The surviving Austronesian populations on Taiwan should rather be considered as the result of various Neolithic migration waves from the mainland and back migration from the Philippines 146 1 17 These incoming migrants almost certainly spoke languages related to Austronesian or pre Austronesian although their phonology and grammar would have been quite diverse 146 Blench considers the Austronesians in Taiwan to have been a melting pot of immigrants from various parts of the coast of East China that had been migrating to Taiwan by 4 000 BP These immigrants included people from the foxtail millet cultivating Longshan culture of Shandong with Longshan type cultures found in southern Taiwan the fishing based Dapenkeng culture of coastal Fujian and the Yuanshan culture of northernmost Taiwan which Blench suggests may have originated from the coast of Guangdong Based on geography and cultural vocabulary Blench believes that the Yuanshan people may have spoken Northeast Formosan languages Thus Blench believes that there is in fact no apical ancestor of Austronesian in the sense that there was no true single Proto Austronesian language that gave rise to present day Austronesian languages Instead multiple migrations of various pre Austronesian peoples and languages from the Chinese mainland that were related but distinct came together to form what we now know as Austronesian in Taiwan Hence Blench considers the single migration model into Taiwan by pre Austronesians to be inconsistent with both the archaeological and linguistic lexical evidence 146 Migration from Taiwan EditFurther information Austronesian languages History Colorized photograph of a Tsou warrior from Taiwan wearing traditional clothing pre World War II Map showing the migration of the Austronesians from Taiwan Hōkuleʻa a modern replica of a Polynesian double hulled voyaging canoe is an example of a catamaran another of the early sailing innovations of Austronesians The Austronesian expansion also called the Out of Taiwan model is a large scale migration of Austronesians from Taiwan occurring around 1500 1000 BCE Population growth primarily fueled this migration These first settlers settled in northern Luzon in the archipelago of the Philippines intermingling with the earlier Australo Melanesian population who had inhabited the islands since about 23 000 years earlier Over the next thousand years Austronesian peoples migrated southeast to the rest of the Philippines and into the islands of the Celebes Sea Borneo and Indonesia The Austronesians that spread westward through Maritime Southeast Asia also colonized parts of mainland Southeast Asia 115 147 Soon after reaching the Philippines Austronesians colonized the Northern Mariana Islands by 1500 BCE and Palau and Yap by 1000 BCE becoming the first humans to reach Remote Oceania Another important migration branch was by the Lapita culture which rapidly spread into the islands off the coast of northern New Guinea and into the Solomon Islands and other parts of Island Melanesia by 1200 BCE They reached the islands of Fiji Samoa and Tonga by around 900 to 800 BCE This remained the furthest extent of the Austronesian expansion into Polynesia until around 700 CE when there was another surge of island colonization They reached the Cook Islands Tahiti and the Marquesas by 700 CE Hawaiʻi by 900 CE Rapa Nui by 1000 CE and New Zealand by 1200 CE 76 148 There is also putative evidence based in the spread of the sweet potato that Austronesians may have reached South America from Polynesia where they traded with American Indians 51 52 In the Indian Ocean they sailed west from Maritime Southeast Asia the Austronesian peoples reached Madagascar in the second half of the first millennium CE 149 Alternative views Edit See also Nusantao Maritime Trading and Communication Network A competing hypothesis to the Out of Taiwan model is the Out of Sundaland hypothesis favored by a minority of authors Notable proponents include William Meacham Stephen Oppenheimer and Wilhelm Solheim For various reasons they proposed that the homelands of Austronesians were within Island Southeast Asia ISEA particularly in the Sundaland landmass drowned during the end of the Last Glacial Period by rising sea levels Proponents of these hypotheses point to the ancient origins of mtDNA in Southeast Asian populations pre dating the Austronesian expansion as proof that Austronesians originated from within Island Southeast Asia 150 151 152 However these have been repudiated by studies using whole genome sequencing which has found that all ISEA populations had genes originating from the aboriginal Taiwanese 153 Contrary to the claim of a south to north migration in the Out of Sundaland hypothesis the new whole genome analysis strongly confirms the north to south dispersal of the Austronesian peoples in the prevailing Out of Taiwan hypothesis The researchers further pointed out that while humans have been living in Sundaland for at least 40 000 years the Austronesian people were recent arrivals The results of the previous studies failed to take into account admixture with the more ancient but unrelated Negrito and Papuan populations 154 153 Historical period Edit Queen Liliʻuokalani the last sovereign monarch of the Kingdom of Hawaii By the beginning of the first millennium CE most of the Austronesian inhabitants in Maritime Southeast Asia began trading with India and China The adoption of Hindu statecraft model allowed the creation of Indianized kingdoms such as Tarumanagara Champa Butuan Langkasuka Melayu Srivijaya Mataram Majapahit and Bali Between the 5th to 15th century Hinduism and Buddhism were established as the main religion in the region Muslim traders from the Arabian peninsula were thought to have brought Islam by the 10th century Islam was established as the dominant religion in the Malay archipelago by the 16th century 2 The Austronesian inhabitants of Near Oceania and Remote Oceania were unaffected by this cultural trade and retained their indigenous culture in the Pacific region 155 Kingdom of Larantuka in Flores East Nusa Tenggara was the only Christian Roman Catholic indigenous kingdom in Indonesia and in Southeast Asia with the first king named Lorenzo 156 Western Europeans in search of spices and gold later colonized most of the Austronesian speaking countries of the Asia Pacific region beginning from the 16th century with the Portuguese and Spanish colonization of the Philippines Palau Guam the Mariana Islands and some parts of Indonesia present day East Timor the Dutch colonization of the Indonesian archipelago the British colonization of Malaysia and Oceania the French colonization of French Polynesia and later the American governance of the Pacific Meanwhile the British Germans French Americans and Japanese began establishing spheres of influence within the Pacific Islands during the 19th and early 20th centuries The Japanese later invaded most of Southeast Asia and some parts of the Pacific during World War II The latter half of the 20th century initiated independence of modern day Indonesia Malaysia East Timor and many of the Pacific Island nations as well as the re independence of the Philippines Culture EditThe native culture of Austronesia varies from region to region The early Austronesian peoples considered the sea as the basic feature of their life citation needed Following their diaspora to Southeast Asia and Oceania they migrated by boat to other islands Boats of different sizes and shapes have been found in every Austronesian culture from Madagascar Maritime Southeast Asia to Polynesia and have different names In Southeast Asia head hunting was restricted to the highlands as a result of warfare Mummification is only found among the highland Austronesian Filipinos and in some Indonesian groups in Celebes and Borneo Ships and sailing Edit See also Outrigger canoe Catamaran Trimaran Crab claw sail Tanja sail Lashed lug boat Austronesian maritime trade network and Austronesian vessels Traditional Austronesian generalized sail types C D E and F are types of crab claw sails 69 A Double sprit Sri Lanka B Common sprit Philippines C Oceanic sprit Tahiti D Oceanic sprit Marquesas E Oceanic sprit Philippines F Crane sprit Marshall Islands G Rectangular boom lug Maluku Islands Indonesia H Square boom lug Gulf of Thailand I Trapezial boom lug Vietnam Sea going catamaran and outrigger ship technologies were the most important innovations of the Austronesian peoples They were the first humans with vessels capable of crossing vast distances of water which enabled them to colonize the Indo Pacific in prehistoric times Austronesian groups continue to be the primary users of the outrigger canoes today Succession of forms in the development of the Austronesian boat 157 Early researchers like Heine Geldern 1932 and Hornell 1943 once believed that catamarans evolved from outrigger canoes but modern authors specializing in Austronesian cultures like Doran 1981 and Mahdi 1988 now believe it to be the opposite 157 69 158 Two canoes bound together developed directly from minimal raft technologies of two logs tied together Over time the double hulled canoe form developed into the asymmetric double canoe where one hull is smaller than the other Eventually the smaller hull became the prototype outrigger giving way to the single outrigger canoe then to the reversible single outrigger canoe Finally the single outrigger types developed into the double outrigger canoe or trimarans 157 69 158 This would also explain why older Austronesian populations in Island Southeast Asia tend to favor double outrigger canoes as it keeps the boats stable when tacking But they still have small regions where catamarans and single outrigger canoes are still used In contrast more distant outlying descendant populations in Micronesia Polynesia Madagascar and the Comoros retained the double hull and the single outrigger canoe types but the technology for double outriggers never reached them although it exists in western Melanesia To deal with the problem of the instability of the boat when the outrigger faces leeward when tacking they instead developed the shunting technique in sailing in conjunction with reversible note 5 single outriggers 157 69 158 159 160 The simplest form of all ancestral Austronesian boats had five parts The bottom part consists of a single piece of hollowed out log At the sides were two planks and two horseshoe shaped wood pieces formed the prow and stern These were fitted tightly together edge to edge with dowels inserted into holes in between and then lashed to each other with ropes made from rattan or fibre wrapped around protruding lugs on the planks This characteristic and ancient Austronesian boat building practice is known as the lashed lug technique They were commonly caulked with pastes made from various plants as well as tapa bark and fibres which would expand when wet further tightening joints and making the hull watertight They formed the shell of the boat which was then reinforced by horizontal ribs Shipwrecks of Austronesian ships can be identified from this construction as well as the absence of metal nails Austronesian ships traditionally had no central rudders but were instead steered using an oar on one side 161 162 163 Typical Austronesian ship designs left to right also see Austronesian vessels Hōkuleʻa a modern replica of a Polynesian voyaging catamaran wa a kaulua with crab claw sails A Filipino double outrigger trimaran paraw with a crab claw sail A Carolinian single outrigger wa with a crab claw sail A Melanesian single outrigger tepukei with a forward mounted crab claw sail from the Solomon Islands A Javanese Borobudur ship with two canted rectangular tanja sails Waka narrow Maori war canoes propelled by paddling A Malagasy single outrigger lakana with a square sail set on a V shaped arrangement of spars 164 The ancestral rig was the mastless triangular crab claw sail which had two booms that could be tilted to the wind These were built in the double canoe configuration or had a single outrigger on the windward side In Island Southeast Asia these developed into double outriggers on each side that provided greater stability The triangular crab claw sails also later developed into square or rectangular tanja sails which like crab claw sails had distinctive booms spanning the upper and lower edges Fixed masts also developed later in both Southeast Asia usually as bipod or tripod masts and Oceania 161 162 Austronesians traditionally made their sails from woven mats of the resilient and salt resistant pandanus leaves These sails allowed Austronesians to embark on long distance voyaging In some cases however they were one way voyages The failure of pandanus to establish populations in Rapa Nui and New Zealand is believed to have isolated their settlements from the rest of Polynesia 165 166 Austronesian proto historic and historic maritime trade network in the Indian Ocean 167 The ancient Champa of Vietnam also uniquely developed basket hulled boats whose hulls were composed of woven and resin caulked bamboo either entirely or in conjunction with plank strakes They range from small coracles the o thung to large ocean going trading ships like the ghe manh 168 169 The acquisition of the catamaran and outrigger technology by the non Austronesian peoples in Sri Lanka and southern India is due to the result of very early Austronesian contact with the region including the Maldives and the Laccadive Islands estimated to have occurred around 1000 to 600 BCE and onwards This may have possibly included limited colonization that have since been assimilated This is still evident in Sri Lankan and South Indian languages For example Tamil paṭavu Telugu paḍava and Kannada paḍahu all meaning ship are all derived from Proto Hesperonesian padaw sailboat with Austronesian cognates like Javanese perahu Kadazan padau Maranao padaw Cebuano paraw Samoan folau Hawaiian halau and Maori wharau 157 Architecture Edit Austronesian architecture is a vernacular highly diverse often with striking designs but they all share certain characteristics that indicate a common origin The reconstructed Proto Austronesian and Proto Malayo Polynesian forms of various terms for house building or granary among the different linguistic subgroups of Austronesians include Rumaq house note 6 balay public building community house or guest house note 7 lepaw hut field hut or granary note 8 kamaliR bachelor s house or men s house note 9 and banua inhabited land or community territory note 10 170 171 The most ubiquitous common feature of Austronesian structures is the raised floor The structures are raised on piles usually with space underneath also utilized for storage or domestic animals The raised design had multiple advantages they mitigate damage during flooding and in very tall examples can act as defensive structures during conflicts The house posts are also distinctively capped with larger diameter discs at the top to prevent vermin and pests from entering the structures by climbing them Austronesian houses and other structures are usually built in wetlands and alongside bodies of water but can also be built in the highlands or even directly on shallow water 172 173 174 Building structures on pilings is believed to be derived from the design of raised granaries and storehouses which are highly important status symbols among the ancestrally rice cultivating Austronesians 172 174 The rice granary shrine was also the archetypal religious building among Austronesian cultures and was used to store carvings of ancestor spirits and local deities 174 Another common feature are pitched roofs with ornamented gables The most notable of which are the saddlebacked roofs a design common for longhouses used for village meetings or ceremonies The overall effect of which is reminiscent of boats underlining the strong maritime connections of Austronesian cultures The boat motif is common throughout particularly in eastern Indonesia In some ethnic groups the houses are built on platforms that resemble catamarans Among the Nage people a woven representation of a boat is added to the ridge of the roof among the Manggarai people the roofs of houses are shaped like an upside down boat while among the people of Tanimbar and eastern Flores the ridge itself is carved into a representation of a boat Furthermore elements of Austronesian structures as well as society in general are often referred to in terminologies used for boats and sailing These include calling elements of structures as masts sails or rudders or calling the village leaders as captains or steersmen In the case of the Philippines the villages themselves are referred to as barangay from an alternate form of balangay a type of sailboat used for trading and colonization 106 173 175 174 Austronesian buildings have spiritual significance often containing what is coined by anthropologist James J Fox as a ritual attractor These are specific posts beams platforms altars and so on that embody the house as a whole usually consecrated at the time of building 170 The Austronesian house itself also often symbolizes various aspects of indigenous Austronesian cosmology and animism In the majority of cases the loft of the house usually placed above the hearth is considered to be the domain of deities and spirits It is essentially a raised granary built into the structure of the house itself and functioned as a second floor It is usually used to store sacred objects like effigies of granary idols or deceased ancestors heirlooms and other important objects These areas are usually not part of the regular living space and may only be accessible to certain members of the family or after performing a specific ritual Other parts of the house may also be associated with certain deities and thus certain activities like receiving guests or conducting marriage ceremonies can only be performed in specific areas 172 While rice cultivation wasn t among the technologies carried into Remote Oceania raised storehouses still survived The pataka of the Maori people is an example The largest pataka are elaborately adorned with carvings and are often the tallest buildings in the Maori pa These were used to store implements weapons ships and other valuables while smaller patakas were used to store provisions A special type of pataka supported by a single tall post also had ritual importance and were used to isolate high born children during their training for leadership 172 The majority of Austronesian structures are not permanent They are made from perishable materials like wood bamboo plant fibre and leaves Similar to traditional Austronesian boats they do not use nails but are traditionally constructed solely by joints weaving ties and dowels Elements of the structures are repaired and replaced regularly or as they get damaged Because of this archaeological records of prehistoric Austronesian structures are usually limited to traces of house posts with no way of determining the original building plans 176 Indirect evidence of traditional Austronesian architecture however can be gleaned from their contemporary representations in art like in friezes on the walls of later Hindu Buddhist stone temples like in reliefs in Borobudur and Prambanan But these are limited to the recent centuries They can also be reconstructed linguistically from shared terms for architectural elements like ridge poles thatch rafters house posts hearth notched log ladders storage racks public buildings and so on Linguistic evidence also makes it clear that stilt houses were already present among Austronesian groups since at least the Late Neolithic 173 174 In modern Indonesia varying styles are collectively known as Rumah adat Arbi et al 2013 have also noted the striking similarities between Austronesian architecture and Japanese traditional raised architecture shinmei zukuri Particularly the buildings of the Ise Grand Shrine which contrast with the pit houses typical of the Neolithic Yayoi period They propose significant Neolithic contact between the people of southern Japan and Austronesians or pre Austronesians that occurred prior to the spread of Han Chinese cultural influence to the islands 173 Rice cultivation is also believed to have been introduced to Japan from a para Austronesian group from coastal eastern China 177 Waterson 2009 has also argued that the architectural tradition of stilt houses is originally Austronesian and that similar building traditions in Japan and mainland Asia notably among Kra Dai and Austroasiatic speaking groups correspond to contacts with a prehistoric Austronesian network 174 106 Aboriginal Taiwanese Architecture Sama Bajau villages are typically built directly on shallow water The raised bale houses of the Ifugao people with capped house posts 172 Tongkonan houses of the Toraja people with the distinctive saddleback roofs reminiscent of boats 173 Bai meeting house of the Palauan people with colourfully decorated gables Besakana of the Merina people Bahay kubo of the Tagalog people Maori pataka storehouses Bure of the Fijian people Uma mbatangu of the Sumba people Jabu of the Toba Batak people Rumoh of the Acehnese people Rumah gadang of the Minangkabau people Torogan of the Maranao people with decorative wing like awang boat prows panolong 178 The B5 structure a stone storehouse with distinctive boat shaped roofs exemplifying Champa architecture in Mỹ Sơn southern Vietnam c 10th century 179 180 Pottery Edit See also Lapita culture and Tapayan Left The Manunggul Jar a secondary burial jar from the Tabon Caves of Palawan Philippines c 890 710 BCE Right Capped burial jar from the Sa Huỳnh culture of central Vietnam 1000 BCE 200 CE Outside of Taiwan assemblages of red slipped pottery plainware and incised and stamped pottery associated with the Austronesian migrations are first documented from around 2000 to 1800 BCE in the northern Philippines from sites in the Batanes Islands and the Cagayan Valley of Northern Luzon From there pottery technology rapidly spread to the east south and southwest 181 182 183 Cast of a Lapita red slipped earthenware shard from the Santa Cruz Islands c 1000 BCE showing dentate stamped circle stamped and cross in circle decorations The latter two are shared elements from Neolithic red slipped pottery from the Nagsabaran Site in the Philippines This type of pottery dispersed south and southwest to the rest of Island Southeast Asia The eastward and the southward branches of the migrations converged in Island Melanesia resulting in what is now known as the Lapita culture centered around the Bismarck Archipelago 181 182 183 The oldest known pottery assemblages in Oceania are circle and punctate dentate stamped pottery in the Marianas Islands securely dated to 1500 BCE to 1300 BCE from multiple archaeological sites It pre dates the earliest Lapita culture pottery assemblages c 1350 to 1300 BCE and bears closest resemblance to a subset of the more diverse Nagsabaran pottery of the northern Philippines It is currently disputed on whether this is indicative of a direct ancient voyage from the northern Philippines to the Marianas Hung et al 2011 proposed a direct deliberate voyage from eastern Luzon which would make it the longest sea crossing undertaken by that time in human history 183 This has also been proposed by earlier authors like Blust 2000 and Reid 2002 based on linguistics 183 184 185 Winter et al 2012 on the other hand dismissed the similarities as being generic rather than specific to the region This is from both analysis of the microscopic structure of the shards indicating manufacturing techniques and the impossibility of drift voyaging from Luzon due to the prevailing wind and currents Instead of a voyage directly from Luzon they instead proposed an origin either from a direct single voyage from Mindanao southern Philippines or Morotai Maluku Islands to Guam or two voyages with way stations in Palau or Yap 186 Hung et al 2012 has pointed out in response that no pottery assemblages older than 2000 years old have been found in Morotai which also has a Papuan speaking population They also pointed out that present day data on wind and currents is not a reliable way of ascertaining migration routes and that the voyages settling Remote Oceania would have been deliberate not uncontrolled drifting Similar presumptions by Thor Heyerdahl led to his erroneous conclusion that Polynesia was settled from the Americas Pottery manufacturing techniques are also diverse even within a single community Thus analysis of manufacturing methods is less significant than comparison of decorative systems Nevertheless Hung et al 2012 emphasized that they also did not discount other sources yet undiscovered from the southern Philippines They also propose the Eastern Visayas as a likely point of origin Sources south of the Philippines remain unlikely without further archaeological findings due to their related pottery assemblages being younger than 1500 BCE 187 The dentate stamped pottery of the Lapita culture c 1350 to 1300 BCE also retained elements also found in the Nagsabaran pottery in the Philippines including stamped circles as well as the cross in circle motif 188 183 They carried pottery technology as far as Tonga in Polynesia Pottery technology in Tonga however became reduced to undecorated plainware within only two centuries before abruptly disappearing completely by around 400 BCE The reasons for this are still unknown Pottery was absent in subsequent migrations to the rest of Remote Oceania being replaced instead with carved wooden or bamboo containers bottle gourds and baskets 189 182 190 188 However the geometric designs and stylized figures used in the pottery are still present in other surviving artforms like in tattooing weaving and barkcloth patterns 191 188 A common practice among Austronesians in a large area of Island Southeast Asia is the use of burial jars which emerged during the Late Neolithic and flourished in the first millennium CE They are characteristic of a region bordered by the Philippines to the north southern Sumatra in the southwest and Sumba and the Maluku Islands in the southeast However these didn t comprise a single tradition but can be grouped into at least fourteen different traditions scattered across the islands In most cases the earliest burial jars used were large indigenous earthenware jars followed by indigenous or imported stoneware jars martaban and finally imported porcelain jars acquired from the burgeoning maritime trade with China and Mainland Southeast Asia at around the 14th century CE 192 Music and dance Edit Further information Indonesian music Malaysian music Philippine folk music Polynesian music Melanesian music and Malagasy music Slit drums are indigenous Austronesian musical instrument that were invented and used by the Southeast Asian Austronesian and Oceanic Austronesian ethnic groups Gong ensembles are also a common musical heritage of Island Southeast Asia The casting of gong instruments are believed to have originated from the Bronze Age cultures of Mainland Southeast Asia It spread to Austronesian islands initially through trade as prestige goods However Mainland Asian gongs were never used in ensembles The innovation of using gong sets is uniquely Austronesian Gong ensembles are found in western Malayo Polynesian groups though they never penetrated much further east There are roughly two gong ensemble traditions among Austronesians which also produced gongs in ancient times 136 In western Island Southeast Asia these traditions are collectively known as Gamelan being centred on the island of Java in Indonesia It includes the Celempung of the Malay Peninsula Talempung of northern Sumatra Caklempung of central Sumatra Chalempung of southern Sumatra Bonang of Java Kromong of western Kalimantan Engkromong of Sarawak and Trompong of western Nusa Tenggara 136 In eastern Island Southeast Asia these traditions are known as Kulintang and are centred in Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago of the southern Philippines It includes the Kulintangan of Sabah and Palawan Kolintang of northern Sulawesi Kulintang of Halmahera and Timor and the Totobuang of the southern Maluku Islands 136 Kubing jaw harps flutes and a kagul slit drum from the Philippines Karinding jaw harps of the Sundanese people Indonesia Sapeh traditional lutes of the Orang Ulu people of Malaysia Atingting kon wooden slit drums from Vanuatu An Indonesian gamelan ensemble A kanaka maoli native from Hawaii performing the hula Kapa haka of the Maori people Traditional song and dance at a funeral in Tana Toraja Sulawesi Indonesia Ramayana Ballet traditional theatre dance from Java Indonesia Gending Sriwijaya traditional dance from Palembang Indonesia A Minahasan Kabasaran war dancer from Tomohon North Sulawesi Indonesia Kecak dancers from Bali Indonesia Hudoq traditional dance from Kalimantan IndonesiaJade carving Edit See also Sa Huynh Kalanay Interaction Sphere Igorot gold double headed pendants lingling o from the Philippines Sa Huỳnh white jade double headed pendant from Vietnam Maori greenstone double headed pendant pekapeka from New Zealand Maori hei matau jade pendantThe ancestral pre Austronesian Liangzhu culture 3400 2250 BCE of the Yangtze River delta was one of the ancient centres of Neolithic jade carving Jade was spread to Taiwan by around 3 000 BCE then further into the Philippines at 2 000 BCE and Vietnam at 1 800 1 500 BCE All of them began to produce various tools and ornaments in indigenous jade workshops including adzes bracelets beads and rings 193 194 The most notable jade products of these regions were the vast amounts of penannular and double headed earrings and pendants known as lingling o primarily produced in the Philippines and the Sa Huỳnh culture of Vietnam though remarkably mostly with the raw jade material sourced from eastern Taiwan These typically depict two headed animals or were ring shaped with side projections They were indicative of a very active ancient maritime trading region that imported and exported raw jade and finished jade ornaments known as the Sa Huynh Kalanay Interaction Sphere They were produced during a period between 500 BCE to as late as 1000 CE although later examples were replaced with metal wood bone clay green mica black nephrite or shell materials rather than green jade 195 193 196 194 Polished and ground stone adzes gouges and other implements some of which are made from jade like stone have also been recorded in areas of Island Melanesia and eastern New Guinea associated with the Lapita culture These were considered valuable currency and were primarily used to trade for goods 197 198 In 2012 a Lapita culture jadeite gouge used for wood carving was found in Emirau Island in the Bismarck Archipelago It was dated to around 3 300 BP but the origin of the jade material is unknown 199 200 Similar prestige stone tools have also been found in New Caledonia 201 Jade was absent in most of Remote Oceania due to the lack of jade deposits However there is putative evidence that Polynesians may have remained familiar with jade and may have acquired them through prehistoric trade contacts with New Caledonia Island Melanesia and or New Zealand 197 202 Jade carving traditions reappeared among the Maori people of New Zealand These were produced from locally sourced pounamu greenstone and were used to produce taonga treasure They include various tools and weapons like adzes scrapers fishing hooks and mere as well as ornaments like the hei tiki and hei matau Certain ornaments like the pekapeka double headed animal pendant and the kaka pōria bird leg ring bear remarkably strong resemblances to the double headed and ring type lingling o 196 203 Bellwood et al 2011 has suggested that the reappearance of these motifs might be evidence of a preserved tradition of Southeast Asian jade motifs perhaps carved in perishable wood bone or shell by Polynesians prior to the reacquisition of a jade source or they might even be the result of a later Iron Age contact between eastern Polynesia and the Philippines 196 Rock art Edit There are around six hundred to seven hundred rock art sites discovered in Southeast Asia and Island Melanesia as well as over eight hundred megalithic sites The sites specifically associated with the Austronesian expansion contain examples of indigenous pictograms and petroglyphs Within Southeast Asia the sites associated with Austronesians can be divided into three general rock art traditions the Megalithic Culture of Borneo Sulawesi and the Greater Sunda Islands the Austronesian Painting Tradition of the Lesser Sunda Islands coastal New Guinea and Island Melanesia and the Austronesian Engraving Style of Papua New Guinea and Island Melanesia 204 Despite proximity these traditions can be distinguished readily from the Australo Melanesian rock art traditions of Australia except the Torres Strait Islands as well as the interior highlands of New Guinea indicating the borders of the extent of the Austronesian expansion 188 Dating rock art is difficult but some of the sites subjected to direct dating pre date Austronesian arrival like the Lene Hara paintings of East Timor which has an age range of 6 300 to 26 000 BP Conversely others are more recent and can be dated indirectly by their subjects The depictions of pottery ships and metal objects for example put certain rock art sites at a range of 2 000 to 4 000 BP Some hunter gatherer groups have also continued to produce rock art well into the present period as evidenced by their modern subjects 204 205 206 Watu Molindo the entertainer stone one of the megaliths in Bada Valley Central Sulawesi Indonesia usually found near megalithic stone vats known as kalamba 207 Hand stencils in the Tree of Life cave painting in Gua Tewet Kalimantan Indonesia Toraja megaliths memorializing the deceased in Sulawesi Indonesia Boats and human figures in a cave painting in the Niah National Park of Sarawak Malaysia an example of the Austronesian Painting Traditions APT Petroglyphs in Vanuatu with the concentric circles and swirling designs characteristic of the Austronesian Engraving Style AES Haligi pillars from the Latte period of Guam these served as supports for raised buildings The ruins of Nan Madol a stone city built on artificial islets in Pohnpei A rai stone large stone discs used as currency in Yap A marae sacred site in Raiatea French Polynesia Hawaiian petroglyph depicting a poi dog ʻilio Carving of Rongo the Maori deity atua of kumara from Taranaki North Island New Zealand A 1782 illustration of a heiau temple in HawaiiThe Megalithic Culture is mostly limited to western Island Southeast Asia with the greatest concentration being western Indonesia While most sites are not dated the age ranges of dating sites are between the 2nd to 16th century CE They are divided into two phases The first is an older megalithic tradition associated with the Neolithic Austronesian rectangular axe culture 2 500 to 1 500 BCE while the second is the 3rd or 4th century BCE megalithic tradition associated with the non Austronesian Dong Son culture of Vietnam Prasetyo 2006 suggests that the megalithic traditions are not originally Austronesian but rather innovations acquired through trade with India and China but this has little to no evidence in the intervening regions in Thailand Vietnam and the Philippines 204 208 The Austronesian Painting Traditions APT are the most common types of rock art in Island Southeast Asia They consist of scenes and pictograms typically found in rock shelters and caves near coastal areas They are characteristically rendered in red ochre pigments for the earlier forms later sometimes superseded by paintings done in black charcoal pigments Their sites are mostly clustered in Eastern Indonesia and Island Melanesia although a few examples can be found in the rest of Island Southeast Asia Their occurrence has a high correlation to Austronesian speaking areas further evidenced by the appearance of metal bronze artifacts in the paintings They are mostly found near the coastlines Their common motifs include hand stencils sun ray designs boats and active human figures with headdresses or weapons and other paraphernalia They also feature geometric motifs similar to the motifs of the Austronesian Engraving Style 204 209 Some paintings are also associated with traces of human burials and funerary rites including ship burials The representations of boats themselves are believed to be connected to the widespread ship of the dead Austronesian funerary practices 209 210 The earliest APT sites dated is from Vanuatu which was found to be around 3 000 BP corresponding to the initial migration wave of the Austronesians These early sites are largely characterized by face motifs and hand stencils Later sites from 1 500 BP onwards however begin to show regional divergence in their art styles APT can be readily distinguished from older Pleistocene era Australo Melanesian cave paintings by their motifs color and composition though they can often be found in the same locality The most recognizable motifs of APT like boats do not occur in cave paintings or engravings that definitely pre date the Austronesian arrival the sole exception being the stencilled hand motif Some APT examples are also characteristically found in relatively inaccessible locations like very high up in cliffsides overlooking the sea No traces of APT has been found in Taiwan or the Philippines though there is continuity in the motifs of spirals and concentric circles found in ancestral petroglyphs 204 209 The Austronesian Engraving Style AES consisting of petroglyphs carved into rock surfaces is far less common than APT The majority of these sites are in coastal New Guinea and Island Melanesia AES sites which can be tentatively traced back to the similar Wanshan petroglyphs of Taiwan are believed to be largely correlated to the prehistoric extent of the Lapita culture The common motif of this tradition is curvilinear geometric engravings like spirals concentric circles and face like forms These resemble the geometric motifs in APT though they are considered to be two separate artistic traditions 204 209 AES is particularly dominant in the Solomon Islands and New Caledonia where engravings are far more abundant than painted sites 188 O Connor et al 2015 proposes that APT developed during the initial rapid southward Austronesian expansion and not before possibly as a response to the communication challenges brought about by the new maritime mode of living Along with AES these material symbols and associated rituals and technologies may been the manifestations of powerful ideologies spread by Austronesian settlers that were central to the Neolithization and rapid assimilation of the various non Austronesian indigenous populations of ISEA and Melanesia 209 Rai stones from Yap islands Micronesia The easternmost islands of Island Melanesia Vanuatu Fiji and New Caledonia are considered part of Remote Oceania as they are beyond the interisland visibility threshold These island groups begin to show divergence from the APT and AES traditions of Near Oceania While their art traditions show a clear continuation of the APT and AES traditions they also feature innovations unique to each island group like the increasing use of black charcoal rectilinear motifs and being found more inside sacred caves rather than in open cliffsides 188 In Micronesia the rock art traditions can be divided into three general regions western central and eastern Micronesia The divisions reflect the various major migration waves from the Philippines into the Mariana Islands and Palau at 3 500 BP a Lapita culture back migration from Island Melanesia into central and eastern Micronesia at around 2 200 BP and finally a back migration from western Polynesia into eastern Micronesia at around 1 000 BP 188 In western Micronesia Palau Yap Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands rock art primarily consist of paintings on high cave ceilings and sea facing cliffs They are very similar to APT in terms of their motifs as well as their relatively inaccessible locations Common motifs include hand stencils faces turtles and fish concentric circles and characteristic four pointed stars Petroglyphs are rare but mainly consist of human forms with triangular bodies without heads or arms This is believed to be connected to the funerary rite of removing the heads from the bodies of deceased relatives 188 A notable megalithic tradition in western Micronesia are the haligi stone pillars of the Chamorro people These are capped stone pillars which are believed to have served as supports for raised buildings They are associated with the Latte period 900 to 1700 CE when a new wave of migrants from Southeast Asia reintroduced rice cultivation into the islands Another megalithic tradition is also that of the rai stones massive doughnut shaped discs of rock which were used as currency in Yap 211 212 213 Rock art in central Micronesia Chuuk Pohnpei and Kosrae in contrast are dominated by rock engravings with motifs tying it to the rock art traditions of Island Melanesia They include curvilinear shapes like spirals and concentric circles tree like shapes and the distinctive enveloped cross motif The Pohnpaid petroglyphs are the largest assemblage of rock engravings in the region with motifs dominated by footprints enveloped crosses and outlined sword paddles 188 Central Micronesia also hosts the ruins of the stone cities of Nan Madol 1 180 1 200 CE and Leluh 1 200 1 800 CE in the islands of Pohnpei and Kosrae respectively 188 214 215 In the low lying atolls of eastern Micronesia rock art is rare to nonexistent due to the absence of suitable rock surfaces for painting or engraving 188 In Polynesia rock art is dominated by petroglyphs rather than paintings and they show less variation than the rock art of Near Oceania and ISEA In the western Polynesian islands nearest to Island Melanesia rock art is rare like in Tonga and Samoa or are absent entirely like in the Cook Islands However petroglyphs are abundant in the islands in the further reaches of the Polynesian triangle particularly in Hawaii the Marquesas and Rapa Nui Rapa Nui has the densest concentration of engravings in Polynesia as a whole while the Puʻuloa petroglyphs site in Hawaiʻi has the largest number of petroglyphs in a single site at over 21 000 engravings 188 Polynesia also features megalithic sacred ceremonial centres generally known as marae In Tonga and Samoa the existing rock art sites consist mostly of engravings with motifs including curvilinear shapes human figures jellyfish turtles birds and footprints These are typically carved in natural rock formations or marae sites 188 In the central eastern Polynesian islands which include the Marquesas and the Society Islands petroglyphs are more numerous They show the archetypal Polynesian motifs of turtles faces cup like depressions cupules stick like human figures boats fish curvilinear shapes and concentric circles Like in western Polynesia they are typically carved into marae sites or in rocks beside streams The existing rock paintings also display the same motifs but are rendered in different styles 188 In the Hawaiian islands the abundant petroglyphs are remarkably all similar in execution Their common subjects include stick like human figures dogs boats sails paddles footprints and ceremonial headdresses Depictions of marine life however is rare unlike the rest of Polynesia They are typically carved into boulders lava rock formations and cliffsides Red paintings of dogs in cliffsides and caves can also be found in Kauʻai and Maui 188 The megalithic traditions of Hawaii can be exemplified by the heiau sacred sites which can range from simple earth terraces to standing stones In Rapa Nui the engravings are distinctive but still show similarities to the techniques and motifs of the Marquesas Their motifs commonly include disembodied parts of the human body vulvae in particular animals plants ceremonial objects and boats A prominent motif is also that of the birdman figure which is associated with the tangata manu cult of Makemake The most well known rock art assemblage of Rapa Nui however are the moai megaliths A few paintings mostly of birds and boats have also been discovered which are associated with the engravings rather than being separate artforms 188 The rock art in New Zealand can be divided into two regions North Island features more engravings than paintings while South Island is unique in that it is the only Polynesian island where there are more paintings than engravings New Zealand rock paintings are done in red and black pigments and can sometimes be found in inaccessible heights They typically depict human figures particularly a front facing human figure with flexed arms birds lizards dogs fish and what has been identified as birdmen Engravings in open spaces like cliffsides are generally of spirals and curvilinear shapes while engravings in enclosed caves and shelters depict faces and boats The same motifs can also be seen in dendroglyphs on living trees 188 Body art Edit Left A young Bontoc man from the Philippines c 1908 with tattoos on the chest and arms chaklag These indicated that the man was a warrior who had taken heads during battle 216 Right A young Maori woman with traditional tattoos moko on the lips and chin c 1860 1879 These were symbols of status and rank as well as being considered marks of beauty Body art among Austronesian peoples is common especially elaborate tattooing which is one of the most well known pan Austronesian traditions 217 Tattooing Edit In modern times tattoos are usually associated with Polynesian culture due to the highly influential accounts of James Cook in his explorations of the Pacific in the 18th century Cook introduced the word tattoo archaic tattaow tattow into the English vocabulary from Tahitian and Samoan tatau to tap However tattoos exist prominently in various other Austronesian groups prior to contacts with other cultures 218 219 220 Tattoos had various functions among Austronesian societies Among men they were strongly linked to the widespread practice of head hunting raids In head hunting societies tattoos were records of how many heads the warriors had taken in battle and was part of the initiation rites into adulthood The number and location of tattoos therefore were indicative of a warrior s status and prowess 221 Elder Tayal women from Taiwan with facial tattoos Among the Indigenous Taiwanese tattoos were present for both men and women Among the Tayal people facial tattoos are dominant They indicated maturity and skill in weaving and farming for women and skill in hunting and battle for men Like in most of Austronesia tattooing traditions in Taiwan have largely disappeared due to the Sinicization of native peoples after the Chinese colonization of Taiwan in the 17th century as well as conversion to Christianity Most of the remaining tattoos are only found among elders citation needed One of the earliest descriptions of Austronesian tattoos by Europeans was during the 16th century Spanish expeditions to the Philippines beginning with the first voyage of circumnavigation by Ferdinand Magellan The Spanish encountered the heavily tattooed Visayan people in the Visayas Islands whom they named the Pintados Spanish for the painted ones 222 223 However Philippine tattooing traditions batok have mostly been lost as the natives of the islands converted to Christianity and Islam though they are still practiced in isolated groups in the highlands of Luzon and Mindanao Philippine tattoos were usually geometric patterns or stylized depictions of animals plants and human figures 224 225 226 Some of the few remaining traditional tattoos in the Philippines are from elders of the Igorot peoples Most of these were records of war exploits against the Japanese during World War II 227 Among the Maori of New Zealand tattoos moko were originally carved into the skin using bone chisels uhi rather than through puncturing as in usual practice 228 In addition to being pigmented the skin was also left raised into ridges of swirling patterns 229 230 Dental modification Edit Teeth filing on a Mentawai man in the Mentawai Islands Dutch East Indies c 1938 Teeth blackening was the custom of dyeing one s teeth black with various tannin rich plant dyes It was practiced throughout almost the entire range of Austronesia including Island Southeast Asia Madagascar Micronesia and Island Melanesia reaching as far east as Malaita However it was absent in Polynesia It also existed in non Austronesian populations in Mainland Southeast Asia and Japan The practice was primarily preventative as it reduced the chances of developing tooth decay similar to modern dental sealants It also had cultural significance and was seen as beautiful A common sentiment was that blackened teeth separated humans from animals 231 232 233 234 Teeth blackening was often done in conjunction with other modifications to the teeth associated with beauty standards including dental evulsion and teeth filing 235 Religion Edit The religious traditions of the Austronesian people focus mostly on ancestral spirits nature spirits and gods It is basically a complex animistic religion Mythologies vary by culture and geographical location but share common basic aspects such as ancestor worship animism shamanism and the belief in a spirit world and powerful deities 236 There is also a great amount of shared mythology and a common belief in Mana 237 Currently many of these beliefs have gradually been replaced Examples of native religions include Indigenous Philippine folk religions including beliefs on the Anito Sunda Wiwitan Kejawen Kaharingan or the Maori religion Many Austronesian religious beliefs were incorporated into foreign religions introduced unto them such as Hinduism Buddhism Christianity and Islam 238 Aloalo funerary pole of the Sakalava people of Madagascar Adu zatua ancestor carvings of the Nias people of western Indonesia Taotao carvings of anito ancestor spirits from the Ifugao people Philippines Stone tiki from Hiva Oa Marquesas Ki i carving at Puʻuhonua o Hōnaunau Hawaii Maori poupou from the Ruato tomb of Rotorua Moai in Ahu Tongariki Rapa Nui Toraja tau tau wooden statue of the deceased in South Sulawesi Indonesia Balinese small familial house shrines to honor the households ancestors in Bali IndonesiaWriting Edit See also Decipherment of rongorongo Tablet B of rongorongo an undeciphered system of glyphs from Rapa Nui An example of the abundant petroglyphs in Orongo Rapa Nui associated with the tangata manu cult of Makemake Rongorongo does not appear in any of these petroglyphs The Talang Tuo inscription a 7th century Srivijaya stele featuring Old Malay written in a derivative of the Pallava script Page from Doctrina Cristiana Espanola Y Tagala 1593 featuring the Baybayin script alongside the Latin alphabetWith the possible exception of rongorongo on Rapa Nui Austronesians did not have an indigenous writing system but rather adopted or developed writing systems after contact with various non Austronesian cultures 239 There are various forms of symbolic communication by pictograms and petroglyphs but these did not encode language Rongorongo said to have originally been called kohau motu mo rongorongo lines of inscriptions for chanting out is the only pre contact indigenous Austronesian system of glyphs that appear to be true writing or at least proto writing They consist of around 120 glyphs ranging from representations of plants to animals celestial objects and geometric shapes They were inscribed into wooden tablets about 12 to 20 in 30 to 51 cm long using shark teeth and obsidian flakes The wood allegedly came from toromiro and makoʻi trees which is notable given that Rapa Nui was completely deforested at the time of European contact Although of the surviving two dozen tablets a few were made from trees introduced after European contact as well as wood originating from European ships and driftwood 240 239 241 Rapa Nui also has a very rich assemblage of petroglyphs largely associated with the tangata manu birdman cult of Makemake Although some rongorongo glyphs may have been derived from these petroglyphs rongorongo does not appear in any of the abundant rock carvings in Rapa Nui and seems to be restricted to the wooden tablets 242 The tablets were first described by an outsider in 1864 by the Catholic missionary Eugene Eyraud who said they were found in all the houses However he paid them little attention and they remained unnoticed by the outside world It wasn t until 1869 that one of the tablets came into the possession of Florentin Etienne Jaussen the Bishop of Tahiti He brought the tablets to the world s attention and instructed the Rapa Nui mission to gather more information about them But by then most of the tablets were allegedly already destroyed presumed to have been used as fuel by the natives in the deforested island 240 At the time of discovery of the tablets Rapa Nui had undergone severe depopulation This was largely due to the loss of the island s last trees and the Peruvian and Chilean slave raids in the early 1860s The literate ruling classes of the Rapa Nui people including the royal family and the religious caste and the majority of the island s population were kidnapped or killed in the slave raids Most of those taken died after only one or two years in captivity from the harsh working conditions and European diseases Succeeding epidemics of smallpox and tuberculosis further decimated the island s population to the point that there were not enough people to bury the dead The last remnants of the Rapa Nui people were assimilated by the Tahitians who were later brought to the island in an effort to repopulate it further resulting in the loss of most of the Old Rapa Nui language 239 Lontara script used by Buginesse on the island of Sulawesi Indonesia Oral tradition holds that the ruling classes were the only ones who could read the tablets and the ability to decipher the tablets was lost along with them Numerous attempts have been made to read the tablets starting from a few years after their discovery But to this day none have proven successful Some authors have proposed that rongorongo may have been an attempt to imitate European script after the idea of writing was introduced during the signing of the 1770 Spanish Treaty of Annexation or through knowledge of European writing acquired elsewhere They cite various reasons including the lack of attestation of rongorongo prior to the 1860s the clearly more recent provenance of some of the tablets the lack of antecedents and the lack of additional archaeological evidence since its discovery Others argue that it was merely a mnemonic list of symbols meant to guide incantations Whether rongorongo is merely an example of trans cultural diffusion or a true indigenous Austronesian writing system and one of the few independent inventions of writing in human history remains unknown and may never be known 240 239 243 In Southeast Asia the first true writing systems of pre modern Austronesian cultures were all derived from the Grantha and Pallava Brahmic scripts all of which are abugidas from South India Various forms of abugidas spread throughout Austronesian cultures in Southeast Asia as kingdoms became Indianized through early maritime trading The oldest use of abugida scripts in Austronesian cultures are 4th century stone inscriptions written in Cham script from Vietnam There are numerous other Brahmic derived writing systems among Southeast Asian Austronesians usually specific to a certain ethnic group Notable examples include Balinese Batak Baybayin Buhid Hanuno o Javanese Kulitan Lontara Old Kawi Rejang Rencong Sundanese and Tagbanwa They vary from having letters with rounded shapes to letters with sharp cuneiform like angles a result of the difference in writing mediums with the former being ideal for writing on soft leaves and the latter ideal for writing on bamboo panels The use of the scripts ranged from mundane records to encoding esoteric knowledge on magico religious rituals and folk medicine 244 In regions which converted to Islam abjads derived from the Arabic script started replacing the earlier abugidas at around the 13th century in Southeast Asia Madagascar as well adopted the Arabic script in the 14th century Abjads however have an even greater inherent problem with encoding Austronesian languages than abugidas because Austronesian languages have more varied and salient vowels which the Arabic script can not usually encode As a result the Austronesian adaptations such as the Jawi and the Pegon scripts have been modified with a system of diacritics that encode sounds both vowels and consonants native to Austronesian languages but absent in Semitic languages 244 With the advent of the Colonial Era almost all of these writing systems have been replaced with alphabets adapted from the Latin alphabet as in the Hawaiian alphabet Filipino alphabet and Malay alphabet however several Formosan languages had been written in zhuyin and Cia Cia off Sulawesi has experimented with hangul On Woleai and surrounding islands a script was developed for the Woleaian language in the early 20th century Approximately 20 of the script s letterforms were borrowed from Latin letters the remaining characters seem to have been derived from indigenous iconography Despite this heavy Latin influence the script was a syllabary Vanuatu has a unique tradition of sand drawing by which images are created by a single continuous line drawn in the sand It is believed to have functioned as a means of symbolic communication in pre contact Island Melanesia especially between travelers and ethnic groups that do not speak the same language The sand drawings consist of around 300 different designs and seem to be shared across language groups 245 In the 1990s elements of the drawings were adapted into a modern constructed script called Avoiuli by the Turaga indigenous movement on Pentecost Island 246 Genetic studies EditSee also Genetic studies on Filipinos Genetic studies have been done on the people and related groups 247 The Haplogroup O1 Y DNA a M119 genetic marker is frequently detected in Native Taiwanese northern Philippines and Polynesians as well as some people in Indonesia Malaysia and non Austronesian populations in southern China 248 A 2007 analysis of the DNA recovered from human remains in archaeological sites of prehistoric peoples along the Yangtze River in China also shows high frequencies of Haplogroup O1 in the Neolithic Liangzhu culture linking them to Austronesian and Tai Kadai peoples The Liangzhu culture existed in coastal areas around the mouth of the Yangtze Haplogroup O1 was absent in other archaeological sites inland The authors of the study suggest that this may be evidence of two different human migration routes during the peopling of Eastern Asia one coastal and the other inland with little gene flow between them 127 An important breakthrough in studies in Austronesian genetics was the identification of the Polynesian motif Haplogroup B4a1a1 in 1989 a specific nine base pair deletion mutation in mtDNA Several studies have shown that it is shared by Polynesians and Island Southeast Asians 249 with a sub branch also identified in Madagascar indicating shared maternal ancestry of Austronesians 250 Austronesian speaking regions also have high to moderate frequencies of Haplogroup O1 of the Y DNA including Madagascar indicating shared paternal ancestry with the exception of Polynesia where the Papuan derived Haplogroup C2a1 predominates although lower frequencies of Austronesian Haplogroup O M122 also exist This indicates that the Lapita people the direct ancestors of Polynesians were likely matrilocal assimilating Papuan men from outside the community by marriage in Near Oceania prior to the Polynesian expansion into Remote Oceania 249 250 251 54 A group of native Indonesians having discussions outdoor Most notable features of Austronesian people in common are the skin color and the rounded if not smooth jaw shape 252 Moodley et al 2009 identified two distinct populations of the gut bacteria Helicobacter pylori that accompanied human migrations into Island Southeast Asia and Oceania called hpSahul and hspMaori The study sampled Native Australians Native Taiwanese highlanders in New Guinea and Melanesians and Polynesians in New Caledonia which were then compared with other H pylori haplotypes from Europeans Asians Pacific Islanders and others They found that hpSahul diverged from mainland Asian H pylori populations approximately 31 000 to 37 000 years ago and have remained isolated for 23 000 to 32 000 years confirming the Australo Melanesian substratum in Island Southeast Asia and New Guinea hspMaori on the other hand is a subpopulation of hpEastAsia previously isolated from Polynesians Maori Tongans and Samoans in New Zealand and three individuals from the Philippines and Japan The study found hspMaori from Native Taiwanese Melanesians Polynesians and two inhabitants from the Torres Strait Islands all of which are Austronesian sources As expected hspMaori showed greatest genetic diversity in Taiwan while all non Taiwanese hspMaori populations belonged to a single lineage they called the Pacific clade They also calculated the isolation with migration model IMa which showed that the divergence of the Pacific clade of hspMaori were unidirectional from Taiwan to the Pacific This is consistent with the Out of Taiwan model of the Austronesian expansion 253 On 16 January 2020 the personal genomics company 23andMe added the category Filipino amp Austronesian after customers with no known Filipino ancestors were getting false positives for 5 or more Filipino ancestry in their Ancestry Composition report the proportion was as high as 75 in Samoa 71 in Tonga 68 in Guam 18 in Hawaii and 34 in Madagascar The company s scientists surmised that this was due to the shared Austronesian genetic heritage being incorrectly identified as Filipino ancestry 254 A recent study from 2021 found that an ancient preboreal holocene hunter gatherer from South Sulawesi had ancestry from both a distinct lineage related to modern Papuans and Aboriginal Australians and from an East Eurasian lineage represented by modern East Asians The hunter gatherer individual had approximately 50 Basal East Asian ancestry and was positioned in between modern East Asians and Papuans of Oceania The authors concluded that East Asian related ancestry expanded much earlier into Maritime Southeast Asia than previously suggested long before the expansion of Austroasiatic and Austronesian groups 255 Another study about the ancestral composition of modern ethnic groups in the Philippines from 2021 similarly suggests that distinctive Basal East Asian East Eurasian ancestry originated in Mainland Southeast Asia at 50 000 BCE and expanded through multiple migration waves southwards and northwards respectively Basal East Asian ancestry as well as later Austroasiatic ancestry from Mainland Southeast Asia arrived into the Philippines prior to the Austronesian expansion Austronesian speakers themself are suggested to have arrived on Taiwan and the northern Philippines between 10 000 BCE to 7 000 BCE from coastal Fujian The authors concluded that the Austronesian expansion into Insular Southeast Asia and Polynesia was outgoing from the Philippines rather than Taiwan and that modern Austronesian speaking people have largely ancestry from the earliest Basal East Asians Austroasiatic migrants from Mainland Southeast Asia and Austronesian speaking seafarers from the Philippines 256 Evidence from agriculture Edit See also Rice Origins Genomics of domestication and Domesticated plants and animals of Austronesia Genomic analysis of cultivated coconut Cocos nucifera has shed light on the movements of Austronesian peoples By examining 10 microsatellite loci researchers found that there are 2 genetically distinct subpopulations of coconut one originating in the Indian Ocean the other in the Pacific Ocean However there is evidence of admixture the transfer of genetic material between the two populations Given that coconuts are ideally suited for ocean dispersal it seems possible that individuals from one population could have floated to the other However the locations of the admixture events are limited to Madagascar and coastal east Africa and exclude the Seychelles and Mauritius Sailing west from Maritime Southeast Asia in the Indian Ocean the Austronesian peoples reached Madagascar by ca 50 500 CE and reached other parts thereafter This forms a pattern that coincides with the known trade routes of Austronesian sailors Additionally there is a genetically distinct sub population of coconuts on the eastern coast of South America which has undergone a genetic bottleneck resulting from a founder effect however its ancestral population is the pacific coconut which suggests that Austronesian peoples may have sailed as far east as the Americas 81 83 257 Pre Columbian contact with the Americas Edit A genome analysis in 2020 showed Austronesian contact to South America around 1150 1200 CE the earliest one between Fatu Hiva from the Marquesas Islands and Colombia 258 See also EditAncient maritime history Domesticated plants and animals of Austronesia Malayo Polynesian languages Maritime Silk RoadNotes Edit Some authors that support an ISEA origin of Austronesians however have proposed that they may have later been the original developers of the maritime culture that later characterized Austronesians during several rapid sea level rise events that took place near the end of the last glacial period that flooded the landmasses in Southeast Asia Developing the catamaran originally from lashing two canoes which eventually became the prototype for the numerous types of water vessels of the Austronesians as well as the Chinese chuan after northward migrations of Negrito populations in the Neolithic Mahdi 2017 The absence of Denisovan admixture in western Southeast Asian populations seem to indicate that interbreeding between modern humans and Denisovans happened within Southeast Asia itself possibly east of the Wallace Line and not in mainland Eurasia Reich et al 2011 Cooper amp Stringer 2013 Cognates include Sangir taumata Molima tomotau Kola tamata Fijian tamata Samoan tangata and Hawaiian kanaka Sometimes confusingly also as early Austronesians or proto Austronesians The latter should not be confused with the reconstructed Proto Austronesian language PAN which the pre Austronesians did not speak Bellwood 1988 The boat is symmetrical front and back and the prow alternately becomes the stern and vice versa when sailing against the wind Cognates include Paiwan umaq T boli lumak Malay rumah Acehnese rumoh Sawai um Rotinese uma Torau ruma and Chuukese iimw Cognates include Tagalog bahay Cebuano balay Malay balai Balinese bale Fijian vale Hawaiian hale and Maori whare Cognates include Kavalan repaw Kenyah lepaw Malay lepau and Sika lepo Cognates include Yami kamalig Tagalog kamalig Old Javanese kamalir Hawu kemali and Papitalai kamal Cognates include Cebuano banwa Iban menoa Banggai bonua Selaru hnua Sawai pnu Fijian vanua Samoan fanua Hawaiian honua and Maori whenua References Edit Hasil Sensus Penduduk 2020 PDF in Indonesian Statistics Indonesia 21 January 2021 p 9 Retrieved 21 January 2021 Proyeksi penduduk Indonesia Indonesia Population Projection 2010 2035 PDF Badan Pusat Statistik 2013 ISBN 978 979 064 606 3 archived PDF from the original on 30 April 2020 retrieved 15 August 2016 2020 Census of Population and Housing 2020 CPH Population Counts Declared Official by the President Philippine Statistics Authority Population total Data World Bank Group 2017 Archived from the original on 25 December 2018 Retrieved 29 April 2018 Malaysia The World Factbook Central Intelligence Agency Retrieved 29 April 2018 Population movement in the Pacific A perspective on future prospects Archived from the original on 7 February 2013 Retrieved 22 July 2013 2015 Census shows population growth moderating Government of Timor Leste Archived from the original on 7 February 2016 Retrieved 24 July 2016 General Statistics Office of Vietnam 2019 Completed Results of the 2019 Viet Nam Population and Housing Census PDF Statistical Publishing House Vietnam ISBN 978 604 75 1532 5 Population movement in the Pacific A perspective on future prospects Archived from the original on 7 February 2013 Retrieved 22 July 2013 Archived copy Archived from the original on 27 November 2007 Retrieved 23 March 2007 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint archived copy as title link About 13 5 of Singapore Residents are of Malay descent In addition to these many Chinese Singaporeans are also of mixed Austronesian descent See also Key Indicators of the Resident Population PDF Singapore Department of Statistics Archived from the original PDF on 4 July 2007 Retrieved 25 April 2007 Ramzy Austin 1 August 2016 Taiwan s President Apologizes to Aborigines for Centuries of Injustice The New York Times Archived from the original on 5 June 2020 Retrieved 17 January 2020 FIJI TODAY 2005 2006 PDF Archived from the original PDF on 3 April 2007 Retrieved 23 March 2007 Brunei The World Factbook Central Intelligence Agency July 2018 Retrieved 10 April 2019 a b c d World Population Prospects 2022 population un org United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division Retrieved 17 July 2022 a b c d World Population Prospects 2022 Demographic indicators by region subregion and country annually for 1950 2100 XSLX population un org Total Population as of 1 July thousands United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division Retrieved 17 July 2022 Joshua Project Cham Western in Cambodia Joshua Project Archived from the original on 22 March 2016 Retrieved 15 October 2019 La population legale au 17 aout 2017 275 918 habitants ISPF Archived from the original on 9 February 2018 Retrieved 16 February 2018 Most recent ethnic census in 1988 Frontieres ethniques et redefinition du cadre politique a Tahiti PDF Archived PDF from the original on 26 March 2009 Retrieved 31 May 2011 Approximately 87 7 of the total population 275 918 are of unmixed or mixed Polynesian descent Population amp Demography Indicator Summary Samoa Bureau of Statistics Archived from the original on 3 April 2019 Retrieved 25 June 2018 The Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander Population 2010 PDF census gov US Census Bureau Archived PDF from the original on 24 July 2017 Retrieved 11 August 2017 U S 2000 Census Archived from the original on 18 November 2011 Retrieved 23 November 2014 Kiribati Stats at a Glance Kiribati National Statistics Office Ministry of Finance amp Economic Development Government of Kiribati Archived from the original on 8 January 2017 Retrieved 17 January 2020 La Nouvelle Caledonie compte 271 407 habitants en 2019 Institut de la statistique et des etudes economiques ISEE Archived from the original on 13 November 2014 Retrieved 17 January 2020 Recensement de la population en Nouvelle Caledonie en 2009 ISEE Archived from the original on 29 February 2020 Retrieved 17 January 2020 39 1 if the population are native Kanak a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint postscript link Approximately 90 4 of the total population 113 131 is native Pacific Islander 1 Archived 27 February 2018 at the Wayback Machine Tonga 2016 Census Results 11 November 2016 Suriname The World Factbook Central Intelligence Agency Retrieved 29 April 2018 Australia Oceania MARSHALL ISLANDS CIA The World Factbook Retrieved 17 January 2020 Census 2010 News U S Census Bureau Releases 2010 Census Population Counts for American Samoa 2010 United States Census census gov Archived from the original on 23 July 2012 Retrieved 1 October 2018 A2 Population by ethnic group according to districts 2012 Census of Population amp Housing 2011 Department of Census amp Statistics Sri Lanka Archived from the original on 10 March 2018 Retrieved 25 April 2017 3238 0 55 001 Estimates of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians June 2016 Australian Bureau of Statistics 31 August 2018 Archived from the original on 29 February 2020 Retrieved 27 December 2019 Joshua Project Malay in Myanmar Burma Joshua Project Archived from the original on 16 October 2019 Retrieved 15 October 2019 Joshua Project Moken Salon in Myanmar Burma Joshua Project Archived from the original on 16 October 2019 Retrieved 15 October 2019 Data Access and Dissemination Systems DADS American FactFinder Results U S Census Bureau Archived from the original on 12 February 2020 Retrieved 17 January 2020 Approximately 34 9 of the total population 53 883 are native Pacific Islander Approximately 92 2 of the total population 18 024 is of Austronesian descent INSEE Les populations legales de Wallis et Futuna en 2018 Archived from the original on 14 April 2019 Retrieved 7 April 2019 National Report on Population ad Housing PDF Nauru Bureau of Statistics Archived from the original PDF on 24 September 2015 Retrieved 9 June 2015 Population of communities in Tuvalu world statistics org 11 April 2012 Archived from the original on 23 March 2016 Retrieved 20 March 2016 Population of communities in Tuvalu Thomas Brinkhoff 11 April 2012 Archived from the original on 24 March 2016 Retrieved 20 March 2016 Australia Oceania COOK ISLANDS CIA The World Factbook Retrieved 17 January 2020 RAPA NUI IW 2019 IWGIA International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs Archived from the original on 24 October 2019 Retrieved 17 January 2020 Approximately 60 of the population of total population of Rapa Nui 3 765 is of native descent a b According to the anthropologist Wilhelm Solheim II I emphasize again as I have done in many other articles that Austronesian is a linguistic term and is the name of a super language family It should never be used as a name for a people genetically speaking or a culture To refer to people who speak an Austronesian language the phrase Austronesian speaking people should be used Origins of the Filipinos and Their Languages January 2006 a b c d e f g h Bellwood P Fox JJ Tryon D 2006 The Austronesians Historical and Comparative Perspectives Australian National University Press ISBN 9781920942854 Archived from the original on 2 April 2020 Retrieved 23 March 2019 Pierron Denis Razafindrazaka Harilanto Pagani Luca Ricaut Francois Xavier Antao Tiago Capredon Melanie Sambo Clement Radimilahy Chantal Rakotoarisoa Jean Aime Blench Roger M Letellier Thierry 21 January 2014 Genome wide evidence of Austronesian Bantu admixture and cultural reversion in a hunter gatherer group of Madagascar Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111 3 936 941 Bibcode 2014PNAS 111 936P doi 10 1073 pnas 1321860111 ISSN 0027 8424 PMC 3903192 PMID 24395773 a b c d e f Blust Robert A 2013 The Austronesian languages Asia Pacific Linguistics Australian National University hdl 1885 10191 ISBN 9781922185075 a b Cheke Anthony 2010 The timing of arrival of humans and their commensal animals on Western Indian Ocean oceanic islands Phelsuma 18 2010 38 69 Archived from the original on 21 April 2017 Retrieved 21 January 2019 Ku Kun Hui Gibson Thomas 3 July 2019 Hierarchy and Egalitarianism in Austronesia Anthropological Forum 29 3 205 215 doi 10 1080 00664677 2019 1626216 S2CID 197705560 Horridge Adrian 2006 Bellwood Peter ed The Austronesians historical and comparative perspectives Canberra ACT ISBN 978 0731521326 a b Pierron Denis Heiske Margit Razafindrazaka Harilanto Rakoto Ignace Rabetokotany Nelly Ravololomanga Bodo Rakotozafy Lucien M A Rakotomalala Mireille Mialy Razafiarivony Michel Rasoarifetra Bako Raharijesy Miakabola Andriamampianina 8 August 2017 Genomic landscape of human diversity across Madagascar Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114 32 E6498 E6506 doi 10 1073 pnas 1704906114 ISSN 0027 8424 PMC 5559028 PMID 28716916 a b Van Tilburg Jo Anne 1994 Easter Island Archaeology Ecology and Culture Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Press a b Langdon Robert The Bamboo Raft as a Key to the Introduction of the Sweet Potato in Prehistoric Polynesia The Journal of Pacific History Vol 36 No 1 2001 a b c d Crowley T Lynch J Ross M 2013 The Oceanic Languages Routledge ISBN 9781136749841 Archived from the original on 26 July 2020 Retrieved 4 June 2020 a b Hudjashov Georgi Endicott Phillip Post Helen Nagle Nano Ho Simon Y W Lawson Daniel J Reidla Maere Karmin Monika Rootsi Siiri Metspalu Ene Saag Lauri Villems Richard Cox Murray P Mitchell R John Garcia Bertrand Ralph L Metspalu Mait Herrera Rene J December 2018 Investigating the origins of eastern Polynesians using genome wide data from the Leeward Society Isles Scientific Reports 8 1 1823 Bibcode 2018NatSR 8 1823H doi 10 1038 s41598 018 20026 8 PMC 5789021 PMID 29379068 Race and nobility in the works of Johann Reinhold and Georg Forster by Timothy McInerney in Etudes anglaises 2013 2 Vol 66 pp 250 a 266 a b c Ross M 1996 On the Origin of the Term Malayo Polynesian Oceanic Linguistics 35 1 143 145 doi 10 2307 3623036 JSTOR 3623036 a b c d e Douglas Bronwen 2008 Novus Orbis Australis Oceania in the science of race 1750 1850 In Douglas Bronwen Ballard Chris eds Foreign Bodies Oceania and the Science of Race 1750 1940 PDF ANU E Press pp 99 156 ISBN 9781921536007 a b Bhopal Raj 22 December 2007 The beautiful skull and Blumenbach s errors the birth of the scientific concept of race BMJ 335 7633 1308 1309 doi 10 1136 bmj 39413 463958 80 PMC 2151154 PMID 18156242 Pseudo theory on origins of the Malay race Aliran 19 January 2014 Retrieved 30 November 2020 Five Principal Varieties of Mankind One Species PDF Archived from the original PDF on 10 September 2006 Retrieved 10 September 2006 The Encyclopaedia Britannica A Dictionary of Arts Sciences and General Literature Vol 15 9th ed Henry G Allen and Company 1888 pp 323 326 Codrington Robert Henry 1891 The Melanesians Studies in their Anthropology and Folklore Oxford Clarendon Press Ray Sidney H 1896 The common origin of Oceanic languages The Journal of the Polynesian Society 5 1 58 68 Archived from the original on 30 January 2019 Retrieved 23 March 2019 Fox Charles Elliot 1906 The Comparison of the Oceanic Languages PDF Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New Zealand 39 464 475 Archived PDF from the original on 3 April 2020 Retrieved 23 March 2019 Simpson John Weiner Edmund eds 1989 Official Oxford English Dictionary OED2 Dictionary Oxford University Press p 22000 a b Blust Robert A 1999 Subgrouping circularity and extinction some issues in Austronesian comparative linguistics In Zeitoun Elizabeth Li Paul Jen kuei eds Selected Papers from the Eighth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics Institute of Linguistics Preparatory Office Academia Sinica pp 31 94 a b Baldick Julian 2013 Ancient Religions of the Austronesian World From Australasia to Taiwan I B Tauris ISBN 9780857733573 Archived from the original on 26 July 2020 Retrieved 4 June 2020 a b Blench Roger 2012 Almost Everything You Believed about the Austronesians Isn t True PDF In Tjoa Bonatz Mai Lin Reinecke Andreas Bonatz Dominik eds Crossing Borders National University of Singapore Press pp 128 148 ISBN 9789971696429 Archived PDF from the original on 30 December 2019 Retrieved 23 March 2019 a b c d e Doran Edwin B 1981 Wangka Austronesian Canoe Origins Texas A amp M University Press ISBN 9780890961070 Dierking Gary 2007 Building Outrigger Sailing Canoes Modern Construction Methods for Three Fast Beautiful Boats International Marine McGraw Hill ISBN 9780071594561 Horridge Adrian 1986 The Evolution of Pacific Canoe Rigs The Journal of Pacific History 21 2 83 89 doi 10 1080 00223348608572530 JSTOR 25168892 a b c Abels Birgit 2011 Austronesian Soundscapes Performing Arts in Oceania and Southeast Asia Amsterdam University Press pp 16 21 ISBN 9789089640857 Archived from the original on 26 July 2020 Retrieved 4 June 2020 Wibisono Sonny Chr 2006 Stylochronology of Early Pottery in the Islands of Southeast Asia A Reassessment of Archaeological Evidence of Austronesia In Simanjuntak Truman Pojoh Ingrid H E Hisyam Mohammad eds Austronesian Diaspora and the Ethnogeneses of People in Indonesian Archipelago Proceedings of the International Symposium Indonesian Institute of Sciences p 107 ISBN 9789792624366 Archived from the original on 15 July 2020 Retrieved 4 June 2020 a b Bellwood Peter Chambers Geoffrey Ross Malcolm Hung Hsiao chun 2011 Are Cultures Inherited Multidisciplinary Perspectives on the Origins and Migrations of Austronesian Speaking Peoples Prior to 1000 BC In Roberts Benjamin W Linden Marc Vander eds Investigating Archaeological Cultures Material Culture Variability and Transmission Springer pp 321 354 ISBN 978 1 4419 6970 5 Posth Cosimo Nagele Kathrin Colleran Heidi Valentin Frederique Bedford Stuart Kami Kaitip W Shing Richard Buckley Hallie Kinaston Rebecca Walworth Mary Clark Geoffrey R Reepmeyer Christian Flexner James Maric Tamara Moser Johannes Gresky Julia Kiko Lawrence Robson Kathryn J Auckland Kathryn Oppenheimer Stephen J Hill Adrian V S Mentzer Alexander J Zech Jana Petchey Fiona Roberts Patrick Jeong Choongwon Gray Russell D Krause Johannes Powell Adam April 2018 Language continuity despite population replacement in Remote Oceania Nature Ecology amp Evolution 2 4 731 740 doi 10 1038 s41559 018 0498 2 PMC 5868730 PMID 29487365 a b Bellwood Peter 1991 The Austronesian Dispersal and the Origin of Languages Scientific American 265 1 88 93 Bibcode 1991SciAm 265a 88B doi 10 1038 scientificamerican0791 88 JSTOR 24936983 Hill Adrian V S Serjeantson Susan W eds 1989 The Colonization of the Pacific A Genetic Trail Research Monographs on Human Population Biology No 7 Oxford University Press ISBN 9780198576952 a b Simanjuntak Truman Pojoh Ingrid H E Hisyam Mohammad eds 2006 Austronesian Diaspora and the Ethnogeneses of People in Indonesian Archipelago Proceedings of the International Symposium Indonesian Institute of Sciences p 107 ISBN 9789792624366 Archived from the original on 15 July 2020 Retrieved 4 June 2020 a b c Blench Roger 2016 Splitting up Proto Malayopolynesian New Models of Dispersal from Taiwan PDF In Prasetyo Bagyo Nastiti Tito Surti Simanjuntak Truman eds Austronesian Diaspora A New Perspective Gadjah Mada University Press ISBN 9786023862023 Archived PDF from the original on 26 July 2018 Retrieved 23 March 2019 Solheim Wilhelm G II 1984 1985 The Nusantao Hypothesis The Origin and Spread of Austronesian Speakers Asian Perspectives 26 1 77 78 JSTOR 42928107 a b Burney DA Burney LP Godfrey LR Jungers WL Goodman SM Wright HT Jull AJ August 2004 A chronology for late prehistoric Madagascar Journal of Human Evolution 47 1 2 25 63 doi 10 1016 j jhevol 2004 05 005 PMID 15288523 Gunn BF Baudouin L Olsen KM 22 June 2011 Independent origins of cultivated coconut Cocos nucifera L in the old world tropics PLOS ONE 6 6 e21143 Bibcode 2011PLoSO 621143G doi 10 1371 journal pone 0021143 PMC 3120816 PMID 21731660 S2CID 14226647 a b Dewar RE Wright HT 1993 The culture history of Madagascar Journal of World Prehistory 7 4 417 466 doi 10 1007 BF00997802 hdl 2027 42 45256 S2CID 21753825 Blust R 2016 History of the Austronesian Languages University of Hawaii at Manoa Embong Abdul Mutalib Jusoh Juhari Sham Hussein Juliani Mohammad Razita 31 May 2016 Tracing the Malays in the Malay Land Procedia Social and Behavioral Sciences 219 235 240 doi 10 1016 j sbspro 2016 05 011 ISSN 1877 0428 a b Blench Roger 2009 Remapping the Austronesian expansion PDF In Evans Bethwyn ed Discovering History Through Language Papers in Honour of Malcolm Ross Pacific Linguistics ISBN 9780858836051 Archived PDF from the original on 20 April 2020 Retrieved 23 March 2019 Bulbeck David December 2008 An Integrated Perspective on the Austronesian Diaspora The Switch from Cereal Agriculture to Maritime Foraging in the Colonisation of Island Southeast Asia Australian Archaeology 67 1 31 51 doi 10 1080 03122417 2008 11681877 hdl 1885 36371 S2CID 141892739 Archived from the original on 24 September 2020 Retrieved 10 May 2019 Goss J Lindquist B 2000 Placing Movers An Overview of the Asian Pacific Migration System PDF The Contemporary Pacific 12 2 385 414 doi 10 1353 cp 2000 0053 hdl 10125 13544 Archived PDF from the original on 14 August 2017 Retrieved 21 January 2019 Matsumura H Shinoda KI Shimanjuntak T Oktaviana AA Noerwidi S Octavianus Sofian H et al 22 June 2018 Cranio morphometric and aDNA corroboration of the Austronesian dispersal model in ancient Island Southeast Asia Support from Gua Harimau Indonesia PLOS ONE 13 6 e0198689 Bibcode 2018PLoSO 1398689M doi 10 1371 journal pone 0198689 PMC 6014653 PMID 29933384 S2CID 49377747 a b c Simanjuntak T 2017 The Western Route Migration A Second Probable Neolithic Diffusion to Indonesia PDF In Piper PJ Matsumura H Bulbeck D eds New Perspectives in Southeast Asian and Pacific Prehistory terra australis Vol 45 ANU Press pp 201 212 doi 10 22459 TA45 03 2017 11 ISBN 9781760460952 JSTOR j ctt1pwtd26 18 Retrieved 4 November 2021 Japanese Filipinos Ethnic Groups of the Philippines ethnicgroupsphilippines Archived from the original on 2 January 2013 Agnote Dario 11 October 2017 A glimmer of hope for castoffs The Japan Times Archived from the original on 7 June 2011 Retrieved 9 August 2016 Ohno Shun 2006 The Intermarried issei and mestizo nisei in the Philippines In Adachi Nobuko ed Japanese diasporas Unsung pasts conflicting presents and uncertain futures p 97 ISBN 978 1 135 98723 7 a b c d Lipson M Loh PR Patterson N Moorjani P Ko YC Stoneking M et al August 2014 Reconstructing Austronesian population history in Island Southeast Asia PDF Nature Communications 5 1 4689 Bibcode 2014NatCo 5 4689L doi 10 1038 ncomms5689 PMC 4143916 PMID 25137359 Archived PDF from the original on 21 January 2019 Retrieved 21 January 2019 a b c d Jett Stephen C 2017 Ancient Ocean Crossings Reconsidering the Case for Contacts with the Pre Columbian Americas University of Alabama Press pp 168 171 ISBN 9780817319397 Archived from the original on 26 July 2020 Retrieved 4 June 2020 a b c d e f Jinam TA Phipps ME Aghakhanian F Majumder PP Datar F Stoneking M et al August 2017 Discerning the Origins of the Negritos First Sundaland People Deep Divergence and Archaic Admixture Genome Biology and Evolution 9 8 2013 2022 doi 10 1093 gbe evx118 PMC 5597900 PMID 28854687 S2CID 34661604 a b c Mahdi Waruno 2017 Pre Austronesian Origins of Seafaring in Insular Southeast Asia In Acri Andrea Blench Roger Landmann Alexandra eds Spirits and Ships Cultural Transfers in Early Monsoon Asia ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute pp 325 440 ISBN 9789814762755 Archived from the original on 26 July 2020 Retrieved 4 June 2020 Jennings Ralph 17 November 2008 Negritos celebrated as early Taiwan settlers Reuters Archived from the original on 23 March 2019 Retrieved 6 January 2019 New evidence of Negrito presence unearthed in Taiwan Taiwan Today 26 October 2010 Archived from the original on 31 December 2018 Retrieved 6 January 2019 Matsumara Hirofumi Hung Hsiao chun Cuong Nguyen Lan Zhao Ya feng He Gang Chi Zhang 2017 Mid Holocene Hunter Gatherers Gaomiao in Hunan China The First of the Two layer Model in the Population History of East Southeast Asia In Piper Philip J Matsumura Hirofumi Bulbeck David eds New Perspectives in Southeast Asian and Pacific Prehistory ANU Press pp 61 78 doi 10 22459 TA45 03 2017 04 ISBN 9781760460945 Archived from the original on 24 September 2020 Retrieved 23 March 2019 Detroit F Dizon E Falgueres C Hameau S Ronquillo W Semah F 2004 Upper Pleistocene Homo sapiens from the Tabon cave Palawan The Philippines description and dating of new discoveries PDF Human Palaeontology and Prehistory 3 2004 705 712 doi 10 1016 j crpv 2004 06 004 Archived PDF from the original on 12 December 2019 Retrieved 23 March 2019 Detroit F Corny J Dizon EZ Mijares AS 2013 Small size in the Philippine human fossil record is it meaningful for a better understanding of the evolutionary history of the negritos Human Biology 85 1 3 45 65 doi 10 3378 027 085 0303 PMID 24297220 S2CID 24057857 Archived from the original on 7 August 2020 Retrieved 21 August 2020 Detroit F Mijares AS Corny J Daver G Zanolli C Dizon E et al April 2019 A new species of Homo from the Late Pleistocene of the Philippines PDF Nature 568 7751 181 186 Bibcode 2019Natur 568 181D doi 10 1038 s41586 019 1067 9 PMID 30971845 S2CID 106411053 Reich D Patterson N Kircher M Delfin F Nandineni MR Pugach I et al October 2011 Denisova admixture and the first modern human dispersals into Southeast Asia and Oceania American Journal of Human Genetics 89 4 516 28 doi 10 1016 j ajhg 2011 09 005 PMC 3188841 PMID 21944045 span, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

article

, read, download, free, free download, mp3, video, mp4, 3gp, jpg, jpeg, gif, png, picture, music, song, movie, book, game, games.