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Neoconservatism

May 19, 2023

"Neocon" redirects here. Not to be confused with Necon or Paleoconservatism.
This article is about the political movement in the United States. For other regions, see Conservatism and Neoconservatism (disambiguation). For the furnishing trade fair known as NeoCon, see Merchandise Mart § Trade fairs.

Neoconservatism is a political movement that began in the United States during the 1960s among liberal hawks who became disenchanted with the increasingly pacifist foreign policy of the Democratic Party and with the growing New Left and counterculture of the 1960s, particularly the Vietnam protests. Some also began to question their liberal beliefs regarding domestic policies such as the Great Society. Neoconservatives typically advocate the promotion of democracy and interventionism in international affairs, including peace through strength, and are known for espousing disdain for communism and political radicalism.[1][2]

Many adherents of neoconservatism became politically influential during the Republican presidential administrations of the 1970s, 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, peaking in influence during the administration of George W. Bush, when they played a major role in promoting and planning the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Prominent neoconservatives in the George W. Bush administration included Paul Wolfowitz, Elliott Abrams, Richard Perle and Paul Bremer. While not identifying as neoconservatives, senior officials Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld listened closely to neoconservative advisers regarding foreign policy, especially the defense of Israel and the promotion of American influence in the Middle East.[3]

Critics of neoconservatism have used the term to describe foreign policy and war hawks who support aggressive militarism or neo-imperialism. Historically speaking, the term neoconservative refers to those who made the ideological journey from the anti-Stalinist left to the camp of American conservatism during the 1960s and 1970s.[4] The movement had its intellectual roots in the magazine Commentary, edited by Norman Podhoretz.[5] They spoke out against the New Left, and in that way helped define the movement.[6][7]

Terminology

The term neoconservative was popularized in the United States during 1973 by the socialist leader Michael Harrington, who used the term to define Daniel Bell, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, and Irving Kristol, whose ideologies differed from Harrington's.[8]

The neoconservative label was used by Irving Kristol in his 1979 article "Confessions of a True, Self-Confessed 'Neoconservative'".[9] His ideas have been influential since the 1950s, when he co-founded and edited the magazine Encounter.[10]

Another source was Norman Podhoretz, editor of the magazine Commentary, from 1960 to 1995. By 1982, Podhoretz was terming himself a neoconservative in The New York Times Magazine article titled "The Neoconservative Anguish over Reagan's Foreign Policy".[11][12]

During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the neoconservatives considered that liberalism had failed and "no longer knew what it was talking about", according to E. J. Dionne.[13]

Seymour Lipset asserts that the term neoconservative was used originally by socialists to criticize the politics of the Social Democrats, USA association.[14] Jonah Goldberg argues that the term is ideological criticism against proponents of modern American liberalism who had become slightly more conservative[9][15] (both Lipset and Goldberg are frequently described as neoconservatives). In a book-length study for Harvard University Press, historian Justin Vaisse writes that Lipset and Goldberg are in error, as "neoconservative" was used by socialist Michael Harrington to describe three men – noted above – who were not in SDUSA, and neoconservatism is a definable political movement.[16]

The term "neoconservative" was the subject of increased media coverage during the presidency of George W. Bush,[17][18] with particular emphasis on a perceived neoconservative influence on American foreign policy, as part of the Bush Doctrine.[19]

History

 
Senator Henry M. Jackson, an inspiration for neoconservative foreign policy during the 1970s

Through the 1950s and early 1960s, the future neoconservatives had endorsed the civil rights movement, racial integration and Martin Luther King Jr.[20] From the 1950s to the 1960s, liberals generally endorsed military action in order to prevent a communist victory in Vietnam.[21]

Neoconservatism was initiated by the repudiation of the Cold War and the "New Politics" of the American New Left, which Norman Podhoretz said was too sympathetic to the counterculture and too alienated from the majority of the population; and "anti-anticommunism", which included substantial endorsement of Marxist–Leninist politics during the late 1960s. Many neoconservatives were particularly alarmed by what they believed were the antisemitic sentiments of Black Power advocates.[22] Irving Kristol edited the journal The Public Interest (1965–2005), featuring economists and political scientists, which emphasized ways that government planning in the liberal state had produced unintended harmful consequences.[23] Many early neoconservative political figures were disillusioned Democratic politicians and intellectuals, such as Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who served in the Nixon and Ford administrations, and Jeane Kirkpatrick, who served as United States Ambassador to the United Nations in the Reagan administration. Many left-wing academics such as Frank Meyer and James Burnham eventually became associated with the conservative movement at this time.[24]

A substantial number of neoconservatives were originally moderate socialists who were originally associated with the moderate wing of the Socialist Party of America (SP) and its successor party, Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA). Max Shachtman, a former Trotskyist theorist who developed a strong feeling of antipathy towards the New Left, had numerous devotees among SDUSA with strong links to George Meany's AFL-CIO. Following Shachtman and Meany, this faction led the SP to oppose immediate withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and oppose George McGovern in the Democratic primary race and, to some extent, the general election. They also chose to cease their own party-building and concentrated on working within the Democratic Party, eventually influencing it through the Democratic Leadership Council.[25] Thus the Socialist Party dissolved in 1972, and SDUSA emerged that year. (Most of the left-wing of the party, led by Michael Harrington, immediately abandoned SDUSA.)[26][27] SDUSA leaders associated with neoconservatism include Carl Gershman, Penn Kemble, Joshua Muravchik and Bayard Rustin.[28][29][30][31]

Norman Podhoretz's magazine Commentary, originally a journal of liberalism, became a major publication for neoconservatives during the 1970s. Commentary published an article by Jeane Kirkpatrick, an early and prototypical neoconservative.

Rejecting the American New Left and McGovern's New Politics

As the policies of the New Left made the Democrats increasingly leftist, these intellectuals became disillusioned with President Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society domestic programs. The influential 1970 bestseller The Real Majority by Ben Wattenberg expressed that the "real majority" of the electorate endorsed economic interventionism, but also social conservatism; and warned Democrats it could be disastrous to adopt liberal positions on certain social and crime issues.[32]

The neoconservatives rejected the countercultural New Left and what they considered anti-Americanism in the non-interventionism of the activism against the Vietnam War. After the anti-war faction took control of the party during 1972 and nominated George McGovern, the Democrats among them endorsed Washington Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson instead for his unsuccessful 1972 and 1976 campaigns for president. Among those who worked for Jackson were incipient neoconservatives Paul Wolfowitz, Doug Feith, and Richard Perle.[33] During the late 1970s, neoconservatives tended to endorse Ronald Reagan, the Republican who promised to confront Soviet expansionism. Neoconservatives organized in the American Enterprise Institute and The Heritage Foundation to counter the liberal establishment.[34] Author Keith Preston named the successful effort on behalf of neoconservatives such as George Will and Irving Kristol to cancel Reagan's 1980 nomination of Mel Bradford, a Southern Paleoconservative academic whose regionalist focus and writings about Abraham Lincoln and Reconstruction alienated the more cosmopolitan and progress-oriented neoconservatives, to the leadership of the National Endowment for the Humanities in favor of longtime Democrat William Bennett as emblematic of the neoconservative movement establishing hegemony over mainstream American conservatism.[24]

In another (2004) article, Michael Lind also wrote:[35]

Neoconservatism ... originated in the 1970s as a movement of anti-Soviet liberals and social democrats in the tradition of Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, Humphrey and Henry ('Scoop') Jackson, many of whom preferred to call themselves 'paleoliberals.' [After the end of the Cold War] ... many 'paleoliberals' drifted back to the Democratic center ... Today's neocons are a shrunken remnant of the original broad neocon coalition. Nevertheless, the origins of their ideology on the left are still apparent. The fact that most of the younger neocons were never on the left is irrelevant; they are the intellectual (and, in the case of William Kristol and John Podhoretz, the literal) heirs of older ex-leftists.

Leo Strauss and his students

C. Bradley Thompson, a professor at Clemson University, claims that most influential neoconservatives refer explicitly to the theoretical ideas in the philosophy of Leo Strauss (1899–1973),[36] although there are several writers who claim that in doing so they may draw upon meaning that Strauss himself did not endorse. Eugene Sheppard notes: "Much scholarship tends to understand Strauss as an inspirational founder of American neoconservatism".[37] Strauss was a refugee from Nazi Germany who taught at the New School for Social Research in New York (1938–1948) and the University of Chicago (1949–1969).[38]

Strauss asserted that "the crisis of the West consists in the West's having become uncertain of its purpose". His solution was a restoration of the vital ideas and faith that in the past had sustained the moral purpose of the West. The Greek classics (classical republican and modern republican), political philosophy and the Judeo-Christian heritage are the essentials of the Great Tradition in Strauss's work.[39][40] Strauss emphasized the spirit of the Greek classics and Thomas G. West (1991) argues that for Strauss the American Founding Fathers were correct in their understanding of the classics in their principles of justice.[41]

For Strauss, political community is defined by convictions about justice and happiness rather than by sovereignty and force. A classical liberal, he repudiated the philosophy of John Locke as a bridge to 20th-century historicism and nihilism and instead defended liberal democracy as closer to the spirit of the classics than other modern regimes.[42] For Strauss, the American awareness of ineradicable evil in human nature and hence the need for morality, was a beneficial outgrowth of the pre-modern Western tradition.[43] O'Neill (2009) notes that Strauss wrote little about American topics, but his students wrote a great deal and that Strauss's influence caused his students to reject historicism and positivism as morally relativist positions.[44] They instead promoted a so-called Aristotelian perspective on America that produced a qualified defense of its liberal constitutionalism.[45] Strauss's emphasis on moral clarity led the Straussians to develop an approach to international relations that Catherine and Michael Zuckert (2008) call Straussian Wilsonianism (or Straussian idealism), the defense of liberal democracy in the face of its vulnerability.[44][46]

Strauss influenced The Weekly Standard editor Bill Kristol, William Bennett, Newt Gingrich, Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, as well as Paul Wolfowitz.[47][48]

Jeane Kirkpatrick

Main article: Jeane Kirkpatrick

A theory of neoconservative foreign policy during the final years of the Cold War was articulated by Jeane Kirkpatrick in "Dictatorships and Double Standards",[49] published in Commentary Magazine during November 1979. Kirkpatrick criticized the foreign policy of Jimmy Carter, which endorsed détente with the Soviet Union. She later served the Reagan Administration as Ambassador to the United Nations.[50]

Skepticism towards democracy promotion

In "Dictatorships and Double Standards", Kirkpatrick distinguished between authoritarian regimes and the totalitarian regimes such as the Soviet Union. She suggested that in some countries democracy was not tenable and the United States had a choice between endorsing authoritarian governments, which might evolve into democracies, or Marxist–Leninist regimes, which she argued had never been ended once they achieved totalitarian control. In such tragic circumstances, she argued that allying with authoritarian governments might be prudent. Kirkpatrick argued that by demanding rapid liberalization in traditionally autocratic countries, the Carter administration had delivered those countries to Marxist–Leninists that were even more repressive. She further accused the Carter administration of a "double standard" and of never having applied its rhetoric on the necessity of liberalization to communist governments. The essay compares traditional autocracies and Communist regimes:

[Traditional autocrats] do not disturb the habitual rhythms of work and leisure, habitual places of residence, habitual patterns of family and personal relations. Because the miseries of traditional life are familiar, they are bearable to ordinary people who, growing up in the society, learn to cope.

[Revolutionary Communist regimes] claim jurisdiction over the whole life of the society and make demands for change that so violate internalized values and habits that inhabitants flee by the tens of thousands.

Kirkpatrick concluded that while the United States should encourage liberalization and democracy in autocratic countries, it should not do so when the government risks violent overthrow and should expect gradual change rather than immediate transformation.[51] She wrote: "No idea holds greater sway in the mind of educated Americans than the belief that it is possible to democratize governments, anytime and anywhere, under any circumstances ... Decades, if not centuries, are normally required for people to acquire the necessary disciplines and habits. In Britain, the road [to democratic government] took seven centuries to traverse. ... The speed with which armies collapse, bureaucracies abdicate, and social structures dissolve once the autocrat is removed frequently surprises American policymakers".[52]

1990s

During the 1990s, neoconservatives were once again opposed to the foreign policy establishment, both during the Republican Administration of President George H. W. Bush and that of his Democratic successor, President Bill Clinton. Many critics charged that the neoconservatives lost their influence as a result of the end of the Soviet Union.[53]

After the decision of George H. W. Bush to leave Saddam Hussein in power after the first Iraq War during 1991, many neoconservatives considered this policy and the decision not to endorse indigenous dissident groups such as the Kurds and Shiites in their 1991–1992 resistance to Hussein as a betrayal of democratic principles.[54][55][56][57][58]

Some of those same targets of criticism would later become fierce advocates of neoconservative policies. During 1992, referring to the first Iraq War, then United States Secretary of Defense and future Vice President Richard Cheney said:

I would guess if we had gone in there, I would still have forces in Baghdad today. We'd be running the country. We would not have been able to get everybody out and bring everybody home. And the question in my mind is how many additional American casualties is Saddam [Hussein] worth? And the answer is not that damned many. So, I think we got it right, both when we decided to expel him from Kuwait, but also when the president made the decision that we'd achieved our objectives and we were not going to go get bogged down in the problems of trying to take over and govern Iraq.[59]

Within a few years of the Gulf War in Iraq, many neoconservatives were endorsing the ousting of Saddam Hussein. On 19 February 1998, an open letter to President Clinton was published, signed by dozens of pundits, many identified with neoconservatism and later related groups such as the Project for the New American Century, urging decisive action to remove Saddam from power.[60]

Neoconservatives were also members of the so-called "blue team", which argued for a confrontational policy toward the People's Republic of China and strong military and diplomatic endorsement for the Republic of China (also known as Formosa or Taiwan).

During the late 1990s, Irving Kristol and other writers in neoconservative magazines began touting anti-Darwinist views as an endorsement of intelligent design. Since these neoconservatives were largely of secular origin, a few commentators have speculated that this – along with endorsement of religion generally – may have been a case of a "noble lie", intended to protect public morality, or even tactical politics, to attract religious endorsers.[61]

2000s

Administration of George W. Bush

The Bush campaign and the early Bush administration did not exhibit strong endorsement of neoconservative principles. As a presidential candidate, Bush had argued for a restrained foreign policy, stating his opposition to the idea of nation-building.[62] Also early in the administration, some neoconservatives criticized Bush's administration as insufficiently supportive of Israel and suggested Bush's foreign policies were not substantially different from those of President Clinton.[63]

 
During November 2010, former U.S. President George W. Bush (here with the former President of Egypt Hosni Mubarak at Camp David in 2002) wrote in his memoir Decision Points that Mubarak endorsed the administration's position that Iraq had WMDs before the war with the country, but kept it private for fear of "inciting the Arab street"[64]

Bush's policies changed dramatically immediately after the 11 September 2001 attacks.

During Bush's State of the Union speech of January 2002, he named Iraq, Iran and North Korea as states that "constitute an axis of evil" and "pose a grave and growing danger". Bush suggested the possibility of preemptive war: "I will not wait on events, while dangers gather. I will not stand by, as peril draws closer and closer. The United States of America will not permit the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world's most destructive weapons".[65][66]

Some major defense and national-security persons have been quite critical of what they believed was a neoconservative influence in getting the United States to go to war against Iraq.[67]

Former Nebraska Republican U.S. senator and Secretary of Defense, Chuck Hagel, who has been critical of the Bush administration's adoption of neoconservative ideology, in his book America: Our Next Chapter wrote:

So why did we invade Iraq? I believe it was the triumph of the so-called neo-conservative ideology, as well as Bush administration arrogance and incompetence that took America into this war of choice. ... They obviously made a convincing case to a president with very limited national security and foreign policy experience, who keenly felt the burden of leading the nation in the wake of the deadliest terrorist attack ever on American soil.

Bush Doctrine
 
President Bush, VP Dick Cheney, and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice meet with Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and his staff at the Pentagon, 14 August 2006

The Bush Doctrine of preemptive war was stated explicitly in the National Security Council (NSC) text "National Security Strategy of the United States". published 20 September 2002: "We must deter and defend against the threat before it is unleashed ... even if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy's attack. ... The United States will, if necessary, act preemptively".[68]

The choice not to use the word "preventive" in the 2002 National Security Strategy and instead use the word "preemptive" was largely in anticipation of the widely perceived illegality of preventive attacks in international law via both Charter Law and Customary Law.[69] In this context, disputes over the non-aggression principle in domestic and foreign policy, especially given the doctrine of preemption, alternatively impede and facilitate studies of the impact of libertarian precepts on neo-conservatism.

Policy analysts noted that the Bush Doctrine as stated in the 2002 NSC document had a strong resemblance to recommendations presented originally in a controversial Defense Planning Guidance draft written during 1992 by Paul Wolfowitz, during the first Bush administration.[70]

The Bush Doctrine was greeted with accolades by many neoconservatives. When asked whether he agreed with the Bush Doctrine, Max Boot said he did and that "I think [Bush is] exactly right to say we can't sit back and wait for the next terrorist strike on Manhattan. We have to go out and stop the terrorists overseas. We have to play the role of the global policeman. ... But I also argue that we ought to go further".[71] Discussing the significance of the Bush Doctrine, neoconservative writer Bill Kristol claimed: "The world is a mess. And, I think, it's very much to Bush's credit that he's gotten serious about dealing with it. ... The danger is not that we're going to do too much. The danger is that we're going to do too little".[72]

2008 presidential election and aftermath

 
President George W. Bush and Senator John McCain at the White House, 5 March 2008, after McCain became the Republican presumptive presidential nominee

John McCain, who was the Republican candidate for the 2008 United States presidential election, endorsed continuing the second Iraq War, "the issue that is most clearly identified with the neoconservatives". The New York Times reported further that his foreign policy views combined elements of neoconservatism and the main competing conservative opinion, pragmatism, also known as realism:[73]

Among [McCain's advisers] are several prominent neoconservatives, including Robert Kagan ... [and] Max Boot... 'It may be too strong a term to say a fight is going on over John McCain's soul,' said Lawrence Eagleburger ... who is a member of the pragmatist camp, ... [but he] said, "there is no question that a lot of my far right friends have now decided that since you can't beat him, let's persuade him to slide over as best we can on these critical issues.

Barack Obama campaigned for the Democratic nomination during 2008 by attacking his opponents, especially Hillary Clinton, for originally endorsing Bush's Iraq-war policies. Obama maintained a selection of prominent military officials from the Bush Administration including Robert Gates (Bush's Defense Secretary) and David Petraeus (Bush's ranking general in Iraq).

2010s and 2020s

By 2010, U.S. forces had switched from combat to a training role in Iraq and they left in 2011.[74] The neocons had little influence in the Obama White House,[75][76] and neo-conservatives have lost much influence in the Republican party since the rise of the Tea Party Movement.

Several neoconservatives played a major role in the Stop Trump movement in 2016, in opposition to the Republican presidential candidacy of Donald Trump, due to his criticism of interventionist foreign policies, as well as their perception of him as an "authoritarian" figure.[77] Since Trump took office, some neoconservatives have joined his administration, such as Elliott Abrams.[78] Neoconservatives have supported the Trump administration's hawkish approach towards Iran[79] and Venezuela,[80] while opposing the administration's withdrawal of troops from Syria[81] and diplomatic outreach to North Korea.[82] Although neoconservatives have served in the Trump administration, they have been observed to have been slowly overtaken by the nascent populist and national conservative movements, and to have struggled to adapt to a changing geopolitical atmosphere.[83][84] The Lincoln Project, a political action committee consisting of current and former Republicans with the purpose of defeating Trump in the 2020 United States presidential election and Republican Senate candidates in the 2020 United States Senate elections, has been described as being primarily made of neoconservative activists seeking to return the Republican party to Bush-era ideology.[85] Although Trump was not reelected and the Republicans failed to retain a majority in the Senate, surprising success in the 2020 United States House of Representatives elections and internal conflicts led to renewed questions about the strength of neoconservatism.[86]

Evolution of opinions

Usage and general views

During the early 1970s, socialist Michael Harrington was one of the first to use "neoconservative" in its modern meaning. He characterized neoconservatives as former leftists – whom he derided as "socialists for Nixon" – who had become more conservative.[8] These people tended to remain endorsers of social democracy, but distinguished themselves by allying with the Nixon administration with respect to foreign policy, especially by their endorsement of the Vietnam War and opposition to the Soviet Union. They still endorsed the welfare state, but not necessarily in its contemporary form.

External video
  Booknotes interview with Irving Kristol on Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea, 1995, C-SPAN

Irving Kristol remarked that a neoconservative is a "liberal mugged by reality", one who became more conservative after seeing the results of liberal policies. Kristol also distinguished three specific aspects of neoconservatism from previous types of conservatism: neo-conservatives had a forward-looking attitude from their liberal heritage, rather than the reactionary and dour attitude of previous conservatives; they had a meliorative attitude, proposing alternate reforms rather than simply attacking social liberal reforms; and they took philosophical ideas and ideologies very seriously.[87]

During January 2009 at the end of President George W. Bush's second term in office, Jonathan Clarke, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs and prominent critic of Neoconservatism, proposed the following as the "main characteristics of neoconservatism": "a tendency to see the world in binary good/evil terms", a "low tolerance for diplomacy", a "readiness to use military force", an "emphasis on US unilateral action", a "disdain for multilateral organizations" and a "focus on the Middle East".[88]

Opinions concerning foreign policy

In foreign policy, the neoconservatives' main concern is to prevent the development of a new rival. Defense Planning Guidance, a document prepared during 1992 by Under Secretary for Defense for Policy Paul Wolfowitz, is regarded by Distinguished Professor of the Humanities John McGowan at the University of North Carolina as the "quintessential statement of neoconservative thought". The report says:[89]

Our first objective is to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival, either on the territory of the former Soviet Union or elsewhere, that poses a threat on the order of that posed formerly by the Soviet Union. This is a dominant consideration underlying the new regional defense strategy and requires that we endeavor to prevent any hostile power from dominating a region whose resources would, under consolidated control, be sufficient to generate global power.

According to Lead Editor of e-International Relations Stephen McGlinchey: "Neo-conservatism is something of a chimera in modern politics. For its opponents it is a distinct political ideology that emphasizes the blending of military power with Wilsonian idealism, yet for its supporters it is more of a 'persuasion' that individuals of many types drift into and out of. Regardless of which is more correct, it is now widely accepted that the neo-conservative impulse has been visible in modern American foreign policy and that it has left a distinct impact".[90]

Neoconservatives claim the "conviction that communism was a monstrous evil and a potent danger".[91] After 1996, many self-identified "neocons" endorsed ending the welfare state "as we know it," but did not advocate for its removal. The Project for a New American Century (see below) and its petitions to the Clinton Administration proved instrumental in prompting Operation Desert Fox, although the Clinton Doctrine's concluding iteration of what became a National Security Strategy proved pivotal as well. The "social welfare" associated with neoconservative ideas has been critiqued as a revival of social imperialism, particularly in the contexts of overseas assets, security interests, oil, oil technologies, and the doctrine of preemption. Disputes over the non-aggression principle in domestic and foreign policy, especially given the doctrine of preemption (related to, but distinct from, deterrence), impede and facilitate studies of the impact of libertarian precepts on neoconservatism. In a similar vein, disparate neoconservative conceptions of "social welfare" in foreign policy, or lack thereof, collided during the prolonged deployment in Iraq.

Neoconservative factionalism engulfed U.S. and world print cultures, most notably in a series of articles by Francis Fukuyama (Stanford University) and unitary executive theory statements by litigators such as John Yoo (UC Berkeley). Statements by Wolfowitz and additional members of the George W. Bush Administration revealed persistent disagreements as well. In 2004, for instance, Colin Powell announced in the January–February Foreign Affairs that "pundits claim that U.S. foreign policy is too focused on unilateral preemption. But George W. Bush's vision---enshrined in his 2002 National Security Strategy---is far broader and deeper than that. The president has promoted bold and effective policies to combat terrorism, intervened decisively to prevent regional conflicts, and embraced other major powers such as Russia, China, and India. Above all, he has committed the United States to a strategy of partnerships, which affirms the vital role of international alliances while advancing American interests and principles." Powell reiterated that pundits "exaggerated the centrality of preemption in U.S. strategy...the breadth of U.S. strategy transcends the war on terrorism." Powell resigned as Secretary of State later that year. In a 2012 interview with CNN's Wolf Blitzer, former Secretary of State Colin Powell revised his position on "gay marriage." Up until that year, Powell had only publicly endorsed one Democratic Party candidate, Barack Obama, for President of the United States. Pundits subsequently interpreted Powell's shift as a neoconservative dialectic and another example of Republican Party control of television news channels.[92] Yet he went on to publicly endorse Hillary Clinton, and, at the end of his life, Joe Biden, without publicly registering for any political party. Powell also supported federal review of "Don't ask, don't tell" policy, confessing that "attitudes and circumstances have changed" since his previous opposition to "gays in the military." Powell never protested his name listed among "allies" of same-sex marriage until his death, yet he stopped short at explicit endorsement of the repeal process for "Don't ask, don't tell."[93]

Neoconservatism first developed during the late 1960s as an effort to oppose the radical cultural changes occurring within the United States. Irving Kristol wrote: "If there is any one thing that neoconservatives are unanimous about, it is their dislike of the counterculture".[94] Norman Podhoretz agreed: "Revulsion against the counterculture accounted for more converts to neoconservatism than any other single factor".[95] Neoconservatives began to emphasize foreign issues during the mid-1970s.[96]

 
Donald Rumsfeld and Victoria Nuland at the NATO–Ukraine consultations in Vilnius, Lithuania, 24 October 2005

In 1979, an early study by liberal Peter Steinfels concentrated on the ideas of Irving Kristol, Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Daniel Bell. He noted that the stress on foreign affairs "emerged after the New Left and the counterculture had dissolved as convincing foils for neoconservatism ... The essential source of their anxiety is not military or geopolitical or to be found overseas at all; it is domestic and cultural and ideological".[97]

Neoconservative foreign policy is a descendant of so-called Wilsonian idealism. Neoconservatives endorse democracy promotion by the U.S. and other democracies, based on the claim that they think that human rights belong to everyone. They criticized the United Nations and détente with the Soviet Union. On domestic policy, they endorse reductions in the welfare state, like European and Canadian conservatives. According to Norman Podhoretz, "'the neo-conservatives dissociated themselves from the wholesale opposition to the welfare state which had marked American conservatism since the days of the New Deal' and ... while neoconservatives supported 'setting certain limits' to the welfare state, those limits did not involve 'issues of principle, such as the legitimate size and role of the central government in the American constitutional order' but were to be 'determined by practical considerations'".[98]

In April 2006, Robert Kagan wrote in The Washington Post that Russia and China may be the greatest "challenge liberalism faces today":

The main protagonists on the side of autocracy will not be the petty dictatorships of the Middle East theoretically targeted by the Bush doctrine. They will be the two great autocratic powers, China and Russia, which pose an old challenge not envisioned within the new 'war on terror' paradigm. ... Their reactions to the 'color revolutions' in Ukraine, Georgia and Kyrgyzstan were hostile and suspicious, and understandably so. ... Might not the successful liberalization of Ukraine, urged and supported by the Western democracies, be but the prelude to the incorporation of that nation into NATO and the European Union – in short, the expansion of Western liberal hegemony?[99][100]

In July 2008, Joe Klein wrote in Time that today's neoconservatives are more interested in confronting enemies than in cultivating friends. He questioned the sincerity of neoconservative interest in exporting democracy and freedom, saying: "Neoconservatism in foreign policy is best described as unilateral bellicosity cloaked in the utopian rhetoric of freedom and democracy" as well as social welfare policy.[101]

In February 2009, Andrew Sullivan wrote he no longer took neoconservatism seriously because its basic tenet was defense of Israel:[102]

The closer you examine it, the clearer it is that neoconservatism, in large part, is simply about enabling the most irredentist elements in Israel and sustaining a permanent war against anyone or any country who disagrees with the Israeli right. That's the conclusion I've been forced to these last few years. And to insist that America adopt exactly the same constant-war-as-survival that Israelis have been slowly forced into ... But America is not Israel. And once that distinction is made, much of the neoconservative ideology collapses.

Views on economics

While neoconservatism is concerned primarily with foreign policy, there is also some discussion of internal economic policies. Neoconservatism generally endorses free markets and capitalism, favoring supply-side economics, but it has several disagreements with classical liberalism and fiscal conservatism. Irving Kristol states that neocons are more relaxed about budget deficits and tend to reject the Hayekian notion that the growth of government influence on society and public welfare is "the road to serfdom".[103] Indeed, to safeguard democracy, government intervention and budget deficits may sometimes be necessary, Kristol argues. After the so-called "reconciliation with capitalism," self-identified "neoconservatives" frequently favored a reduced welfare state, but not its elimination.

Neoconservative ideology stresses that while free markets do provide material goods in an efficient way, they lack the moral guidance human beings need to fulfill their needs. They say that morality can be found only in tradition and that markets do pose questions that cannot be solved solely by economics, arguing: "So, as the economy only makes up part of our lives, it must not be allowed to take over and entirely dictate to our society".[104] Critics consider neoconservatism a bellicose and "heroic" ideology opposed to "mercantile" and "bourgeois" virtues and therefore "a variant of anti-economic thought".[105] Political scientist Zeev Sternhell states: "Neoconservatism has succeeded in convincing the great majority of Americans that the main questions that concern a society are not economic, and that social questions are really moral questions".[106]

Views on gender roles

Neoconservatives support a restoration of traditional gender roles and a strengthening of "traditional families" to adapt social structures to the free capitalism they demand. The nuclear family is supposed to be an alternative to the welfare state, so that cuts to health care, education and social welfare budgets can be legitimized.[107]

Friction with other conservatives

Many conservatives oppose neoconservative policies and have critical views on it. Disputes over the non-aggression principle in domestic and foreign policy, especially given the doctrine of preemption, can impede (and facilitate) studies of the impact of libertarian precepts on neo-conservatism, but that of course didn't, and still doesn't, stop pundits from publishing appraisals. For example, Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke (a libertarian based at Cato), in their 2004 book on neoconservatism, America Alone: The Neo-Conservatives and the Global Order,[108] characterized the neoconservatives at that time as uniting around three common themes:

  1. A belief deriving from religious conviction that the human condition is defined as a choice between good and evil and that the true measure of political character is to be found in the willingness by the former (themselves) to confront the latter.
  2. An assertion that the fundamental determinant of the relationship between states rests on military power and the willingness to use it.
  3. A primary focus on the Middle East and global Islam as the principal theater for American overseas interests.

In putting these themes into practice, neo-conservatives:

  1. Analyze international issues in black-and-white, absolute moral categories. They are fortified by a conviction that they alone hold the moral high ground and argue that disagreement is tantamount to defeatism.
  2. Focus on the "unipolar" power of the United States, seeing the use of military force as the first, not the last, option of foreign policy. They repudiate the "lessons of Vietnam," which they interpret as undermining American will toward the use of force, and embrace the "lessons of Munich," interpreted as establishing the virtues of preemptive military action.
  3. Disdain conventional diplomatic agencies such as the State Department and conventional country-specific, realist, and pragmatic, analysis (see shoot first and ask questions later). They are hostile toward nonmilitary multilateral institutions and instinctively antagonistic toward international treaties and agreements. "Global unilateralism" is their watchword. They are fortified by international criticism, believing that it confirms American virtue.
  4. Look to the Reagan administration as the exemplar of all these virtues and seek to establish their version of Reagan's legacy as the Republican and national orthodoxy.[108]: 10–11 

Responding to a question about neoconservatives in 2004, William F. Buckley Jr. said: "I think those I know, which is most of them, are bright, informed and idealistic, but that they simply overrate the reach of U.S. power and influence".[109]

Friction with paleoconservatism

Main article: Neoconservatism and paleoconservatism

Starting during the 1980s, disputes concerning Israel and public policy contributed to a conflict with paleoconservatives. Pat Buchanan terms neoconservatism "a globalist, interventionist, open borders ideology".[110] Paul Gottfried has written that the neocons' call for "permanent revolution" exists independently of their beliefs about Israel,[111] characterizing the neoconservatives as "ranters out of a Dostoyevskian novel, who are out to practice permanent revolution courtesy of the U.S. government" and questioning how anyone could mistake them for conservatives.[112]

What make neocons most dangerous are not their isolated ghetto hang-ups, like hating Germans and Southern whites and calling everyone and his cousin an anti-Semite, but the leftist revolutionary fury they express.[112]

He has also argued that domestic equality and the exportability of democracy are points of contention between them.[113]

Paul Craig Roberts, United States Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy during the Reagan administration and associated with paleoconservatism stated in 2003 that "there is nothing conservative about neoconservatives. Neocons hide behind 'conservative' but they are in fact Jacobins. Jacobins were the 18th century French revolutionaries whose intention to remake Europe in revolutionary France's image launched the Napoleonic Wars".[114]

Trotskyism allegation

Critics have argued that since the founders of neo-conservatism included ex-Trotskyists, Trotskyist traits continue to characterize neo-conservative ideologies and practices.[115] During the Reagan administration, the charge was made that the foreign policy of the Reagan administration was being managed by ex-Trotskyists.[citation needed] This claim was cited by Lipset (1988, p. 34), who was a neoconservative and former Trotskyist himself.[116] This "Trotskyist" charge was repeated and widened by journalist Michael Lind during 2003 to assert a takeover of the foreign policy of the George W. Bush administration by former Trotskyists;[117] Lind's "amalgamation of the defense intellectuals with the traditions and theories of 'the largely Jewish-American Trotskyist movement' [in Lind's words]" was criticized during 2003 by University of Michigan professor Alan M. Wald,[118] who had discussed Trotskyism in his history of "The New York Intellectuals".[119][120][121]

The charge that neoconservativism is related to Leninism has also been made by Francis Fukuyama. He argued that both believe in the "existence of a long-term process of social evolution", though neoconservatives seek to establish liberal democracy instead of communism.[18] He wrote that neoconservatives "believed that history can be pushed along with the right application of power and will. Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version, and it has returned as farce when practiced by the United States. Neoconservatism, as both a political symbol and a body of thought, has evolved into something I can no longer support".[18] However, these comparisons ignore anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist positions central to Leninism, which run contradictory to core neoconservative beliefs.[122]

Criticism

Critics of neoconservatism take issue with neoconservatives' support for interventionistic foreign policy. Critics from the left take issue with what they characterize as unilateralism and lack of concern with international consensus through organizations such as the United Nations.[123][124][125]

Critics from both the left and right have assailed neoconservatives for the role Israel plays in their policies on the Middle East.[126][127]

Neoconservatives respond by describing their shared opinion as a belief that national security is best attained by actively promoting freedom and democracy abroad as in the democratic peace theory through the endorsement of democracy, foreign aid and in certain cases military intervention. This is different from the traditional conservative tendency to endorse friendly regimes in matters of trade and anti-communism even at the expense of undermining existing democratic systems.

Former Republican Congressman Ron Paul (now a Libertarian politician) has been a longtime critic of neoconservativism as an attack on freedom and the Constitution, including an extensive speech on the House floor addressing neoconservative beginnings and how neoconservatism is neither new nor conservative.[128]

In a column on The New York Times named "Years of Shame" commemorating the tenth anniversary of 9/11 attacks, Paul Krugman criticized the neoconservatives for causing a war unrelated to 9/11 attacks and fought for wrong reasons.[129][130]

Imperialism and secrecy

See also: Criticism of United States foreign policy

John McGowan, professor of humanities at the University of North Carolina, states after an extensive review of neoconservative literature and theory that neoconservatives are attempting to build an American Empire, seen as successor to the British Empire, its goal being to perpetuate a "Pax Americana". As imperialism is largely considered unacceptable by the American media, neoconservatives do not articulate their ideas and goals in a frank manner in public discourse. McGowan states:[89]

Frank neoconservatives like Robert Kaplan and Niall Ferguson recognize that they are proposing imperialism as the alternative to liberal internationalism. Yet both Kaplan and Ferguson also understand that imperialism runs so counter to American's liberal tradition that it must ... remain a foreign policy that dare not speak its name ... While Ferguson, the Brit, laments that Americans cannot just openly shoulder the white man's burden, Kaplan the American, tells us that "only through stealth and anxious foresight" can the United States continue to pursue the "imperial reality [that] already dominates our foreign policy", but must be disavowed in light of "our anti-imperial traditions, and ... the fact that imperialism is delegitimized in public discourse"... The Bush administration, justifying all of its actions by an appeal to "national security", has kept as many of those actions as it can secret and has scorned all limitations to executive power by other branches of government or international law.

Notable people associated with neoconservatism

The list includes public people identified as personally neoconservative at an important time or a high official with numerous neoconservative advisers, such as George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.

Politicians

 
George W. Bush announces his $74.7 billion wartime supplemental budget request as Donald Rumsfeld and Paul Wolfowitz look on

Government officials

 
Bill Kristol orating at Arizona State University in March 2017

Academics

Public figures

 
Ben Shapiro speaking at Politicon in Pasadena, California in 2016
 
David Frum speaking to Policy Exchange in 2013

Related publications and institutions

Institutions

Publications

Defunct publications

See also

Notes

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References

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Further reading

  • Arin, Kubilay Yado: Think Tanks: The Brain Trusts of US Foreign Policy. Wiesbaden: VS Springer 2013.
  • Balint, Benjamin V. Running Commentary: The Contentious Magazine that Transformed the Jewish Left into the Neoconservative Right (2010).
  • Dorrien, Gary. The Neoconservative Mind. ISBN 1-56639-019-2, n attack from the Left.
  • Ehrman, John. The Rise of Neoconservatism: Intellectual and Foreign Affairs 1945 – 1994, Yale University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-300-06870-0.
  • Eisendrath, Craig R. and Melvin A. Goodman. Bush League Diplomacy: How the Neoconservatives are Putting The World at Risk (Prometheus Books, 2004), ISBN 1-59102-176-6.
  • Franczak, Michael. 2019. "Losing the Battle, Winning the War: Neoconservatives versus the New International Economic Order, 1974–82."Diplomatic History
  • Friedman, Murray. The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy. Cambridge University Press, 2006. ISBN 0-521-54501-3.
  • Grandin, Greg."Empire's Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism." Metropolitan Books Henry Holt & Company, 2006.ISBN 978-0-8050-8323-1.
  • Heilbrunn, Jacob. They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons, Doubleday (2008) ISBN 0-385-51181-7.
    • Heilbrunn, Jacob. "5 Myths About Those Nefarious Neocons", The Washington Post, 10 February 2008.
  • Kristol, Irving. "The Neoconservative Persuasion".
  • Lind, Michael. "How Neoconservatives Conquered Washington", Salon, 9 April 2003.
  • MacDonald, Kevin. "The Neoconservative Mind", review of They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons by Jacob Heilbrunn.
  • Vaïsse, Justin. Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement (Harvard U.P. 2010), translated from the French.
  • McClelland, Mark, The unbridling of virtue: neoconservatism between the Cold War and the Iraq War.
  • Shavit, Ari, "White Man's Burden", Haaretz, 3 April 2003.
  • Singh, Robert. "Neoconservatism in the age of Obama." in Inderjeet Parmar, ed., Obama and the World (Routledge, 2014). 51–62. online 20 June 2019 at the Wayback Machine

Identity

  • , Christian Science Monitor, 2003
  • Rose, David, "Neo Culpa", Vanity Fair, 2006
  • Steigerwald, Bill. "So, what is a 'Neocon'?".
  • Lind, Michael, "A Tragedy of Errors".

Critiques

  • Fukuyama, Francis. "After Neoconservatism", The New York Times, 2006.
  • Thompson, Bradley C. (with Yaron Brook). Neoconservatism. An Obituary for an Idea. Boulder/London: Paradigm Publishers, 2010. ISBN 978-1-59451-831-7.

External links

 
Wikiquote has quotations related to Neoconservatism.
  •   Media related to Neoconservatism at Wikimedia Commons
  • Neoconservatism at the Encyclopædia Britannica
  • Adam Curtis, The Power of Nightmares, BBC. Archive.
  • "Why Neoconservatism Still Matters" by Justin Vaïsse
  • "Neoconservativism in a Nutshell" by Jim Lobe
  • The Rise and Demise of American Unipolarism: Neoconservatism and U.S. Foreign Policy 1989–2009 by Maria Ryan

May 19, 2023
neoconservatism, neocon, redirects, here, confused, with, necon, paleoconservatism, this, article, about, political, movement, united, states, other, regions, conservatism, disambiguation, furnishing, trade, fair, known, neocon, merchandise, mart, trade, fairs. Neocon redirects here Not to be confused with Necon or Paleoconservatism This article is about the political movement in the United States For other regions see Conservatism and Neoconservatism disambiguation For the furnishing trade fair known as NeoCon see Merchandise Mart Trade fairs Neoconservatism is a political movement that began in the United States during the 1960s among liberal hawks who became disenchanted with the increasingly pacifist foreign policy of the Democratic Party and with the growing New Left and counterculture of the 1960s particularly the Vietnam protests Some also began to question their liberal beliefs regarding domestic policies such as the Great Society Neoconservatives typically advocate the promotion of democracy and interventionism in international affairs including peace through strength and are known for espousing disdain for communism and political radicalism 1 2 Many adherents of neoconservatism became politically influential during the Republican presidential administrations of the 1970s 1980s 1990s and 2000s peaking in influence during the administration of George W Bush when they played a major role in promoting and planning the 2003 invasion of Iraq Prominent neoconservatives in the George W Bush administration included Paul Wolfowitz Elliott Abrams Richard Perle and Paul Bremer While not identifying as neoconservatives senior officials Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld listened closely to neoconservative advisers regarding foreign policy especially the defense of Israel and the promotion of American influence in the Middle East 3 Critics of neoconservatism have used the term to describe foreign policy and war hawks who support aggressive militarism or neo imperialism Historically speaking the term neoconservative refers to those who made the ideological journey from the anti Stalinist left to the camp of American conservatism during the 1960s and 1970s 4 The movement had its intellectual roots in the magazine Commentary edited by Norman Podhoretz 5 They spoke out against the New Left and in that way helped define the movement 6 7 Contents 1 Terminology 2 History 2 1 Rejecting the American New Left and McGovern s New Politics 2 2 Leo Strauss and his students 2 3 Jeane Kirkpatrick 2 3 1 Skepticism towards democracy promotion 2 4 1990s 2 5 2000s 2 5 1 Administration of George W Bush 2 5 1 1 Bush Doctrine 2 5 2 2008 presidential election and aftermath 2 6 2010s and 2020s 3 Evolution of opinions 3 1 Usage and general views 3 2 Opinions concerning foreign policy 3 3 Views on economics 3 4 Views on gender roles 3 5 Friction with other conservatives 3 6 Friction with paleoconservatism 3 6 1 Trotskyism allegation 4 Criticism 4 1 Imperialism and secrecy 5 Notable people associated with neoconservatism 5 1 Politicians 5 2 Government officials 5 3 Academics 5 4 Public figures 6 Related publications and institutions 6 1 Institutions 6 2 Publications 6 3 Defunct publications 7 See also 8 Notes 9 References 10 Further reading 10 1 Identity 10 2 Critiques 11 External linksTerminology EditThe term neoconservative was popularized in the United States during 1973 by the socialist leader Michael Harrington who used the term to define Daniel Bell Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Irving Kristol whose ideologies differed from Harrington s 8 The neoconservative label was used by Irving Kristol in his 1979 article Confessions of a True Self Confessed Neoconservative 9 His ideas have been influential since the 1950s when he co founded and edited the magazine Encounter 10 Another source was Norman Podhoretz editor of the magazine Commentary from 1960 to 1995 By 1982 Podhoretz was terming himself a neoconservative in The New York Times Magazine article titled The Neoconservative Anguish over Reagan s Foreign Policy 11 12 During the late 1970s and early 1980s the neoconservatives considered that liberalism had failed and no longer knew what it was talking about according to E J Dionne 13 Seymour Lipset asserts that the term neoconservative was used originally by socialists to criticize the politics of the Social Democrats USA association 14 Jonah Goldberg argues that the term is ideological criticism against proponents of modern American liberalism who had become slightly more conservative 9 15 both Lipset and Goldberg are frequently described as neoconservatives In a book length study for Harvard University Press historian Justin Vaisse writes that Lipset and Goldberg are in error as neoconservative was used by socialist Michael Harrington to describe three men noted above who were not in SDUSA and neoconservatism is a definable political movement 16 The term neoconservative was the subject of increased media coverage during the presidency of George W Bush 17 18 with particular emphasis on a perceived neoconservative influence on American foreign policy as part of the Bush Doctrine 19 History Edit Senator Henry M Jackson an inspiration for neoconservative foreign policy during the 1970s Through the 1950s and early 1960s the future neoconservatives had endorsed the civil rights movement racial integration and Martin Luther King Jr 20 From the 1950s to the 1960s liberals generally endorsed military action in order to prevent a communist victory in Vietnam 21 Neoconservatism was initiated by the repudiation of the Cold War and the New Politics of the American New Left which Norman Podhoretz said was too sympathetic to the counterculture and too alienated from the majority of the population and anti anticommunism which included substantial endorsement of Marxist Leninist politics during the late 1960s Many neoconservatives were particularly alarmed by what they believed were the antisemitic sentiments of Black Power advocates 22 Irving Kristol edited the journal The Public Interest 1965 2005 featuring economists and political scientists which emphasized ways that government planning in the liberal state had produced unintended harmful consequences 23 Many early neoconservative political figures were disillusioned Democratic politicians and intellectuals such as Daniel Patrick Moynihan who served in the Nixon and Ford administrations and Jeane Kirkpatrick who served as United States Ambassador to the United Nations in the Reagan administration Many left wing academics such as Frank Meyer and James Burnham eventually became associated with the conservative movement at this time 24 A substantial number of neoconservatives were originally moderate socialists who were originally associated with the moderate wing of the Socialist Party of America SP and its successor party Social Democrats USA SDUSA Max Shachtman a former Trotskyist theorist who developed a strong feeling of antipathy towards the New Left had numerous devotees among SDUSA with strong links to George Meany s AFL CIO Following Shachtman and Meany this faction led the SP to oppose immediate withdrawal from the Vietnam War and oppose George McGovern in the Democratic primary race and to some extent the general election They also chose to cease their own party building and concentrated on working within the Democratic Party eventually influencing it through the Democratic Leadership Council 25 Thus the Socialist Party dissolved in 1972 and SDUSA emerged that year Most of the left wing of the party led by Michael Harrington immediately abandoned SDUSA 26 27 SDUSA leaders associated with neoconservatism include Carl Gershman Penn Kemble Joshua Muravchik and Bayard Rustin 28 29 30 31 Norman Podhoretz s magazine Commentary originally a journal of liberalism became a major publication for neoconservatives during the 1970s Commentary published an article by Jeane Kirkpatrick an early and prototypical neoconservative Rejecting the American New Left and McGovern s New Politics Edit As the policies of the New Left made the Democrats increasingly leftist these intellectuals became disillusioned with President Lyndon B Johnson s Great Society domestic programs The influential 1970 bestseller The Real Majority by Ben Wattenberg expressed that the real majority of the electorate endorsed economic interventionism but also social conservatism and warned Democrats it could be disastrous to adopt liberal positions on certain social and crime issues 32 The neoconservatives rejected the countercultural New Left and what they considered anti Americanism in the non interventionism of the activism against the Vietnam War After the anti war faction took control of the party during 1972 and nominated George McGovern the Democrats among them endorsed Washington Senator Henry Scoop Jackson instead for his unsuccessful 1972 and 1976 campaigns for president Among those who worked for Jackson were incipient neoconservatives Paul Wolfowitz Doug Feith and Richard Perle 33 During the late 1970s neoconservatives tended to endorse Ronald Reagan the Republican who promised to confront Soviet expansionism Neoconservatives organized in the American Enterprise Institute and The Heritage Foundation to counter the liberal establishment 34 Author Keith Preston named the successful effort on behalf of neoconservatives such as George Will and Irving Kristol to cancel Reagan s 1980 nomination of Mel Bradford a Southern Paleoconservative academic whose regionalist focus and writings about Abraham Lincoln and Reconstruction alienated the more cosmopolitan and progress oriented neoconservatives to the leadership of the National Endowment for the Humanities in favor of longtime Democrat William Bennett as emblematic of the neoconservative movement establishing hegemony over mainstream American conservatism 24 In another 2004 article Michael Lind also wrote 35 Neoconservatism originated in the 1970s as a movement of anti Soviet liberals and social democrats in the tradition of Truman Kennedy Johnson Humphrey and Henry Scoop Jackson many of whom preferred to call themselves paleoliberals After the end of the Cold War many paleoliberals drifted back to the Democratic center Today s neocons are a shrunken remnant of the original broad neocon coalition Nevertheless the origins of their ideology on the left are still apparent The fact that most of the younger neocons were never on the left is irrelevant they are the intellectual and in the case of William Kristol and John Podhoretz the literal heirs of older ex leftists Leo Strauss and his students Edit C Bradley Thompson a professor at Clemson University claims that most influential neoconservatives refer explicitly to the theoretical ideas in the philosophy of Leo Strauss 1899 1973 36 although there are several writers who claim that in doing so they may draw upon meaning that Strauss himself did not endorse Eugene Sheppard notes Much scholarship tends to understand Strauss as an inspirational founder of American neoconservatism 37 Strauss was a refugee from Nazi Germany who taught at the New School for Social Research in New York 1938 1948 and the University of Chicago 1949 1969 38 Strauss asserted that the crisis of the West consists in the West s having become uncertain of its purpose His solution was a restoration of the vital ideas and faith that in the past had sustained the moral purpose of the West The Greek classics classical republican and modern republican political philosophy and the Judeo Christian heritage are the essentials of the Great Tradition in Strauss s work 39 40 Strauss emphasized the spirit of the Greek classics and Thomas G West 1991 argues that for Strauss the American Founding Fathers were correct in their understanding of the classics in their principles of justice 41 For Strauss political community is defined by convictions about justice and happiness rather than by sovereignty and force A classical liberal he repudiated the philosophy of John Locke as a bridge to 20th century historicism and nihilism and instead defended liberal democracy as closer to the spirit of the classics than other modern regimes 42 For Strauss the American awareness of ineradicable evil in human nature and hence the need for morality was a beneficial outgrowth of the pre modern Western tradition 43 O Neill 2009 notes that Strauss wrote little about American topics but his students wrote a great deal and that Strauss s influence caused his students to reject historicism and positivism as morally relativist positions 44 They instead promoted a so called Aristotelian perspective on America that produced a qualified defense of its liberal constitutionalism 45 Strauss s emphasis on moral clarity led the Straussians to develop an approach to international relations that Catherine and Michael Zuckert 2008 call Straussian Wilsonianism or Straussian idealism the defense of liberal democracy in the face of its vulnerability 44 46 Strauss influenced The Weekly Standard editor Bill Kristol William Bennett Newt Gingrich Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas as well as Paul Wolfowitz 47 48 Jeane Kirkpatrick Edit Main article Jeane Kirkpatrick Jeane Kirkpatrick A theory of neoconservative foreign policy during the final years of the Cold War was articulated by Jeane Kirkpatrick in Dictatorships and Double Standards 49 published in Commentary Magazine during November 1979 Kirkpatrick criticized the foreign policy of Jimmy Carter which endorsed detente with the Soviet Union She later served the Reagan Administration as Ambassador to the United Nations 50 Skepticism towards democracy promotion EditIn Dictatorships and Double Standards Kirkpatrick distinguished between authoritarian regimes and the totalitarian regimes such as the Soviet Union She suggested that in some countries democracy was not tenable and the United States had a choice between endorsing authoritarian governments which might evolve into democracies or Marxist Leninist regimes which she argued had never been ended once they achieved totalitarian control In such tragic circumstances she argued that allying with authoritarian governments might be prudent Kirkpatrick argued that by demanding rapid liberalization in traditionally autocratic countries the Carter administration had delivered those countries to Marxist Leninists that were even more repressive She further accused the Carter administration of a double standard and of never having applied its rhetoric on the necessity of liberalization to communist governments The essay compares traditional autocracies and Communist regimes Traditional autocrats do not disturb the habitual rhythms of work and leisure habitual places of residence habitual patterns of family and personal relations Because the miseries of traditional life are familiar they are bearable to ordinary people who growing up in the society learn to cope Revolutionary Communist regimes claim jurisdiction over the whole life of the society and make demands for change that so violate internalized values and habits that inhabitants flee by the tens of thousands Kirkpatrick concluded that while the United States should encourage liberalization and democracy in autocratic countries it should not do so when the government risks violent overthrow and should expect gradual change rather than immediate transformation 51 She wrote No idea holds greater sway in the mind of educated Americans than the belief that it is possible to democratize governments anytime and anywhere under any circumstances Decades if not centuries are normally required for people to acquire the necessary disciplines and habits In Britain the road to democratic government took seven centuries to traverse The speed with which armies collapse bureaucracies abdicate and social structures dissolve once the autocrat is removed frequently surprises American policymakers 52 1990s Edit During the 1990s neoconservatives were once again opposed to the foreign policy establishment both during the Republican Administration of President George H W Bush and that of his Democratic successor President Bill Clinton Many critics charged that the neoconservatives lost their influence as a result of the end of the Soviet Union 53 After the decision of George H W Bush to leave Saddam Hussein in power after the first Iraq War during 1991 many neoconservatives considered this policy and the decision not to endorse indigenous dissident groups such as the Kurds and Shiites in their 1991 1992 resistance to Hussein as a betrayal of democratic principles 54 55 56 57 58 Some of those same targets of criticism would later become fierce advocates of neoconservative policies During 1992 referring to the first Iraq War then United States Secretary of Defense and future Vice President Richard Cheney said I would guess if we had gone in there I would still have forces in Baghdad today We d be running the country We would not have been able to get everybody out and bring everybody home And the question in my mind is how many additional American casualties is Saddam Hussein worth And the answer is not that damned many So I think we got it right both when we decided to expel him from Kuwait but also when the president made the decision that we d achieved our objectives and we were not going to go get bogged down in the problems of trying to take over and govern Iraq 59 Within a few years of the Gulf War in Iraq many neoconservatives were endorsing the ousting of Saddam Hussein On 19 February 1998 an open letter to President Clinton was published signed by dozens of pundits many identified with neoconservatism and later related groups such as the Project for the New American Century urging decisive action to remove Saddam from power 60 Neoconservatives were also members of the so called blue team which argued for a confrontational policy toward the People s Republic of China and strong military and diplomatic endorsement for the Republic of China also known as Formosa or Taiwan During the late 1990s Irving Kristol and other writers in neoconservative magazines began touting anti Darwinist views as an endorsement of intelligent design Since these neoconservatives were largely of secular origin a few commentators have speculated that this along with endorsement of religion generally may have been a case of a noble lie intended to protect public morality or even tactical politics to attract religious endorsers 61 2000s Edit Administration of George W Bush Edit The Bush campaign and the early Bush administration did not exhibit strong endorsement of neoconservative principles As a presidential candidate Bush had argued for a restrained foreign policy stating his opposition to the idea of nation building 62 Also early in the administration some neoconservatives criticized Bush s administration as insufficiently supportive of Israel and suggested Bush s foreign policies were not substantially different from those of President Clinton 63 During November 2010 former U S President George W Bush here with the former President of Egypt Hosni Mubarak at Camp David in 2002 wrote in his memoir Decision Points that Mubarak endorsed the administration s position that Iraq had WMDs before the war with the country but kept it private for fear of inciting the Arab street 64 Bush s policies changed dramatically immediately after the 11 September 2001 attacks During Bush s State of the Union speech of January 2002 he named Iraq Iran and North Korea as states that constitute an axis of evil and pose a grave and growing danger Bush suggested the possibility of preemptive war I will not wait on events while dangers gather I will not stand by as peril draws closer and closer The United States of America will not permit the world s most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world s most destructive weapons 65 66 Some major defense and national security persons have been quite critical of what they believed was a neoconservative influence in getting the United States to go to war against Iraq 67 Former Nebraska Republican U S senator and Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel who has been critical of the Bush administration s adoption of neoconservative ideology in his book America Our Next Chapter wrote So why did we invade Iraq I believe it was the triumph of the so called neo conservative ideology as well as Bush administration arrogance and incompetence that took America into this war of choice They obviously made a convincing case to a president with very limited national security and foreign policy experience who keenly felt the burden of leading the nation in the wake of the deadliest terrorist attack ever on American soil Bush Doctrine Edit President Bush VP Dick Cheney and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice meet with Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and his staff at the Pentagon 14 August 2006 The Bush Doctrine of preemptive war was stated explicitly in the National Security Council NSC text National Security Strategy of the United States published 20 September 2002 We must deter and defend against the threat before it is unleashed even if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy s attack The United States will if necessary act preemptively 68 The choice not to use the word preventive in the 2002 National Security Strategy and instead use the word preemptive was largely in anticipation of the widely perceived illegality of preventive attacks in international law via both Charter Law and Customary Law 69 In this context disputes over the non aggression principle in domestic and foreign policy especially given the doctrine of preemption alternatively impede and facilitate studies of the impact of libertarian precepts on neo conservatism Policy analysts noted that the Bush Doctrine as stated in the 2002 NSC document had a strong resemblance to recommendations presented originally in a controversial Defense Planning Guidance draft written during 1992 by Paul Wolfowitz during the first Bush administration 70 The Bush Doctrine was greeted with accolades by many neoconservatives When asked whether he agreed with the Bush Doctrine Max Boot said he did and that I think Bush is exactly right to say we can t sit back and wait for the next terrorist strike on Manhattan We have to go out and stop the terrorists overseas We have to play the role of the global policeman But I also argue that we ought to go further 71 Discussing the significance of the Bush Doctrine neoconservative writer Bill Kristol claimed The world is a mess And I think it s very much to Bush s credit that he s gotten serious about dealing with it The danger is not that we re going to do too much The danger is that we re going to do too little 72 2008 presidential election and aftermath Edit President George W Bush and Senator John McCain at the White House 5 March 2008 after McCain became the Republican presumptive presidential nominee John McCain who was the Republican candidate for the 2008 United States presidential election endorsed continuing the second Iraq War the issue that is most clearly identified with the neoconservatives The New York Times reported further that his foreign policy views combined elements of neoconservatism and the main competing conservative opinion pragmatism also known as realism 73 Among McCain s advisers are several prominent neoconservatives including Robert Kagan and Max Boot It may be too strong a term to say a fight is going on over John McCain s soul said Lawrence Eagleburger who is a member of the pragmatist camp but he said there is no question that a lot of my far right friends have now decided that since you can t beat him let s persuade him to slide over as best we can on these critical issues Barack Obama campaigned for the Democratic nomination during 2008 by attacking his opponents especially Hillary Clinton for originally endorsing Bush s Iraq war policies Obama maintained a selection of prominent military officials from the Bush Administration including Robert Gates Bush s Defense Secretary and David Petraeus Bush s ranking general in Iraq 2010s and 2020s Edit By 2010 U S forces had switched from combat to a training role in Iraq and they left in 2011 74 The neocons had little influence in the Obama White House 75 76 and neo conservatives have lost much influence in the Republican party since the rise of the Tea Party Movement Several neoconservatives played a major role in the Stop Trump movement in 2016 in opposition to the Republican presidential candidacy of Donald Trump due to his criticism of interventionist foreign policies as well as their perception of him as an authoritarian figure 77 Since Trump took office some neoconservatives have joined his administration such as Elliott Abrams 78 Neoconservatives have supported the Trump administration s hawkish approach towards Iran 79 and Venezuela 80 while opposing the administration s withdrawal of troops from Syria 81 and diplomatic outreach to North Korea 82 Although neoconservatives have served in the Trump administration they have been observed to have been slowly overtaken by the nascent populist and national conservative movements and to have struggled to adapt to a changing geopolitical atmosphere 83 84 The Lincoln Project a political action committee consisting of current and former Republicans with the purpose of defeating Trump in the 2020 United States presidential election and Republican Senate candidates in the 2020 United States Senate elections has been described as being primarily made of neoconservative activists seeking to return the Republican party to Bush era ideology 85 Although Trump was not reelected and the Republicans failed to retain a majority in the Senate surprising success in the 2020 United States House of Representatives elections and internal conflicts led to renewed questions about the strength of neoconservatism 86 Evolution of opinions EditUsage and general views Edit During the early 1970s socialist Michael Harrington was one of the first to use neoconservative in its modern meaning He characterized neoconservatives as former leftists whom he derided as socialists for Nixon who had become more conservative 8 These people tended to remain endorsers of social democracy but distinguished themselves by allying with the Nixon administration with respect to foreign policy especially by their endorsement of the Vietnam War and opposition to the Soviet Union They still endorsed the welfare state but not necessarily in its contemporary form External video Booknotes interview with Irving Kristol on Neoconservatism The Autobiography of an Idea 1995 C SPAN Irving Kristol remarked that a neoconservative is a liberal mugged by reality one who became more conservative after seeing the results of liberal policies Kristol also distinguished three specific aspects of neoconservatism from previous types of conservatism neo conservatives had a forward looking attitude from their liberal heritage rather than the reactionary and dour attitude of previous conservatives they had a meliorative attitude proposing alternate reforms rather than simply attacking social liberal reforms and they took philosophical ideas and ideologies very seriously 87 During January 2009 at the end of President George W Bush s second term in office Jonathan Clarke a senior fellow at the Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs and prominent critic of Neoconservatism proposed the following as the main characteristics of neoconservatism a tendency to see the world in binary good evil terms a low tolerance for diplomacy a readiness to use military force an emphasis on US unilateral action a disdain for multilateral organizations and a focus on the Middle East 88 Opinions concerning foreign policy Edit In foreign policy the neoconservatives main concern is to prevent the development of a new rival Defense Planning Guidance a document prepared during 1992 by Under Secretary for Defense for Policy Paul Wolfowitz is regarded by Distinguished Professor of the Humanities John McGowan at the University of North Carolina as the quintessential statement of neoconservative thought The report says 89 Our first objective is to prevent the re emergence of a new rival either on the territory of the former Soviet Union or elsewhere that poses a threat on the order of that posed formerly by the Soviet Union This is a dominant consideration underlying the new regional defense strategy and requires that we endeavor to prevent any hostile power from dominating a region whose resources would under consolidated control be sufficient to generate global power According to Lead Editor of e International Relations Stephen McGlinchey Neo conservatism is something of a chimera in modern politics For its opponents it is a distinct political ideology that emphasizes the blending of military power with Wilsonian idealism yet for its supporters it is more of a persuasion that individuals of many types drift into and out of Regardless of which is more correct it is now widely accepted that the neo conservative impulse has been visible in modern American foreign policy and that it has left a distinct impact 90 Neoconservatives claim the conviction that communism was a monstrous evil and a potent danger 91 After 1996 many self identified neocons endorsed ending the welfare state as we know it but did not advocate for its removal The Project for a New American Century see below and its petitions to the Clinton Administration proved instrumental in prompting Operation Desert Fox although the Clinton Doctrine s concluding iteration of what became a National Security Strategy proved pivotal as well The social welfare associated with neoconservative ideas has been critiqued as a revival of social imperialism particularly in the contexts of overseas assets security interests oil oil technologies and the doctrine of preemption Disputes over the non aggression principle in domestic and foreign policy especially given the doctrine of preemption related to but distinct from deterrence impede and facilitate studies of the impact of libertarian precepts on neoconservatism In a similar vein disparate neoconservative conceptions of social welfare in foreign policy or lack thereof collided during the prolonged deployment in Iraq Neoconservative factionalism engulfed U S and world print cultures most notably in a series of articles by Francis Fukuyama Stanford University and unitary executive theory statements by litigators such as John Yoo UC Berkeley Statements by Wolfowitz and additional members of the George W Bush Administration revealed persistent disagreements as well In 2004 for instance Colin Powell announced in the January February Foreign Affairs that pundits claim that U S foreign policy is too focused on unilateral preemption But George W Bush s vision enshrined in his 2002 National Security Strategy is far broader and deeper than that The president has promoted bold and effective policies to combat terrorism intervened decisively to prevent regional conflicts and embraced other major powers such as Russia China and India Above all he has committed the United States to a strategy of partnerships which affirms the vital role of international alliances while advancing American interests and principles Powell reiterated that pundits exaggerated the centrality of preemption in U S strategy the breadth of U S strategy transcends the war on terrorism Powell resigned as Secretary of State later that year In a 2012 interview with CNN s Wolf Blitzer former Secretary of State Colin Powell revised his position on gay marriage Up until that year Powell had only publicly endorsed one Democratic Party candidate Barack Obama for President of the United States Pundits subsequently interpreted Powell s shift as a neoconservative dialectic and another example of Republican Party control of television news channels 92 Yet he went on to publicly endorse Hillary Clinton and at the end of his life Joe Biden without publicly registering for any political party Powell also supported federal review of Don t ask don t tell policy confessing that attitudes and circumstances have changed since his previous opposition to gays in the military Powell never protested his name listed among allies of same sex marriage until his death yet he stopped short at explicit endorsement of the repeal process for Don t ask don t tell 93 Neoconservatism first developed during the late 1960s as an effort to oppose the radical cultural changes occurring within the United States Irving Kristol wrote If there is any one thing that neoconservatives are unanimous about it is their dislike of the counterculture 94 Norman Podhoretz agreed Revulsion against the counterculture accounted for more converts to neoconservatism than any other single factor 95 Neoconservatives began to emphasize foreign issues during the mid 1970s 96 Donald Rumsfeld and Victoria Nuland at the NATO Ukraine consultations in Vilnius Lithuania 24 October 2005 In 1979 an early study by liberal Peter Steinfels concentrated on the ideas of Irving Kristol Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Daniel Bell He noted that the stress on foreign affairs emerged after the New Left and the counterculture had dissolved as convincing foils for neoconservatism The essential source of their anxiety is not military or geopolitical or to be found overseas at all it is domestic and cultural and ideological 97 Neoconservative foreign policy is a descendant of so called Wilsonian idealism Neoconservatives endorse democracy promotion by the U S and other democracies based on the claim that they think that human rights belong to everyone They criticized the United Nations and detente with the Soviet Union On domestic policy they endorse reductions in the welfare state like European and Canadian conservatives According to Norman Podhoretz the neo conservatives dissociated themselves from the wholesale opposition to the welfare state which had marked American conservatism since the days of the New Deal and while neoconservatives supported setting certain limits to the welfare state those limits did not involve issues of principle such as the legitimate size and role of the central government in the American constitutional order but were to be determined by practical considerations 98 In April 2006 Robert Kagan wrote in The Washington Post that Russia and China may be the greatest challenge liberalism faces today The main protagonists on the side of autocracy will not be the petty dictatorships of the Middle East theoretically targeted by the Bush doctrine They will be the two great autocratic powers China and Russia which pose an old challenge not envisioned within the new war on terror paradigm Their reactions to the color revolutions in Ukraine Georgia and Kyrgyzstan were hostile and suspicious and understandably so Might not the successful liberalization of Ukraine urged and supported by the Western democracies be but the prelude to the incorporation of that nation into NATO and the European Union in short the expansion of Western liberal hegemony 99 100 In July 2008 Joe Klein wrote in Time that today s neoconservatives are more interested in confronting enemies than in cultivating friends He questioned the sincerity of neoconservative interest in exporting democracy and freedom saying Neoconservatism in foreign policy is best described as unilateral bellicosity cloaked in the utopian rhetoric of freedom and democracy as well as social welfare policy 101 In February 2009 Andrew Sullivan wrote he no longer took neoconservatism seriously because its basic tenet was defense of Israel 102 The closer you examine it the clearer it is that neoconservatism in large part is simply about enabling the most irredentist elements in Israel and sustaining a permanent war against anyone or any country who disagrees with the Israeli right That s the conclusion I ve been forced to these last few years And to insist that America adopt exactly the same constant war as survival that Israelis have been slowly forced into But America is not Israel And once that distinction is made much of the neoconservative ideology collapses Views on economics Edit While neoconservatism is concerned primarily with foreign policy there is also some discussion of internal economic policies Neoconservatism generally endorses free markets and capitalism favoring supply side economics but it has several disagreements with classical liberalism and fiscal conservatism Irving Kristol states that neocons are more relaxed about budget deficits and tend to reject the Hayekian notion that the growth of government influence on society and public welfare is the road to serfdom 103 Indeed to safeguard democracy government intervention and budget deficits may sometimes be necessary Kristol argues After the so called reconciliation with capitalism self identified neoconservatives frequently favored a reduced welfare state but not its elimination Neoconservative ideology stresses that while free markets do provide material goods in an efficient way they lack the moral guidance human beings need to fulfill their needs They say that morality can be found only in tradition and that markets do pose questions that cannot be solved solely by economics arguing So as the economy only makes up part of our lives it must not be allowed to take over and entirely dictate to our society 104 Critics consider neoconservatism a bellicose and heroic ideology opposed to mercantile and bourgeois virtues and therefore a variant of anti economic thought 105 Political scientist Zeev Sternhell states Neoconservatism has succeeded in convincing the great majority of Americans that the main questions that concern a society are not economic and that social questions are really moral questions 106 Views on gender roles Edit Neoconservatives support a restoration of traditional gender roles and a strengthening of traditional families to adapt social structures to the free capitalism they demand The nuclear family is supposed to be an alternative to the welfare state so that cuts to health care education and social welfare budgets can be legitimized 107 Friction with other conservatives EditMany conservatives oppose neoconservative policies and have critical views on it Disputes over the non aggression principle in domestic and foreign policy especially given the doctrine of preemption can impede and facilitate studies of the impact of libertarian precepts on neo conservatism but that of course didn t and still doesn t stop pundits from publishing appraisals For example Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke a libertarian based at Cato in their 2004 book on neoconservatism America Alone The Neo Conservatives and the Global Order 108 characterized the neoconservatives at that time as uniting around three common themes A belief deriving from religious conviction that the human condition is defined as a choice between good and evil and that the true measure of political character is to be found in the willingness by the former themselves to confront the latter An assertion that the fundamental determinant of the relationship between states rests on military power and the willingness to use it A primary focus on the Middle East and global Islam as the principal theater for American overseas interests In putting these themes into practice neo conservatives Analyze international issues in black and white absolute moral categories They are fortified by a conviction that they alone hold the moral high ground and argue that disagreement is tantamount to defeatism Focus on the unipolar power of the United States seeing the use of military force as the first not the last option of foreign policy They repudiate the lessons of Vietnam which they interpret as undermining American will toward the use of force and embrace the lessons of Munich interpreted as establishing the virtues of preemptive military action Disdain conventional diplomatic agencies such as the State Department and conventional country specific realist and pragmatic analysis see shoot first and ask questions later They are hostile toward nonmilitary multilateral institutions and instinctively antagonistic toward international treaties and agreements Global unilateralism is their watchword They are fortified by international criticism believing that it confirms American virtue Look to the Reagan administration as the exemplar of all these virtues and seek to establish their version of Reagan s legacy as the Republican and national orthodoxy 108 10 11 Responding to a question about neoconservatives in 2004 William F Buckley Jr said I think those I know which is most of them are bright informed and idealistic but that they simply overrate the reach of U S power and influence 109 Friction with paleoconservatism Edit Main article Neoconservatism and paleoconservatismStarting during the 1980s disputes concerning Israel and public policy contributed to a conflict with paleoconservatives Pat Buchanan terms neoconservatism a globalist interventionist open borders ideology 110 Paul Gottfried has written that the neocons call for permanent revolution exists independently of their beliefs about Israel 111 characterizing the neoconservatives as ranters out of a Dostoyevskian novel who are out to practice permanent revolution courtesy of the U S government and questioning how anyone could mistake them for conservatives 112 What make neocons most dangerous are not their isolated ghetto hang ups like hating Germans and Southern whites and calling everyone and his cousin an anti Semite but the leftist revolutionary fury they express 112 He has also argued that domestic equality and the exportability of democracy are points of contention between them 113 Paul Craig Roberts United States Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy during the Reagan administration and associated with paleoconservatism stated in 2003 that there is nothing conservative about neoconservatives Neocons hide behind conservative but they are in fact Jacobins Jacobins were the 18th century French revolutionaries whose intention to remake Europe in revolutionary France s image launched the Napoleonic Wars 114 Trotskyism allegation Edit Critics have argued that since the founders of neo conservatism included ex Trotskyists Trotskyist traits continue to characterize neo conservative ideologies and practices 115 During the Reagan administration the charge was made that the foreign policy of the Reagan administration was being managed by ex Trotskyists citation needed This claim was cited by Lipset 1988 p 34 who was a neoconservative and former Trotskyist himself 116 This Trotskyist charge was repeated and widened by journalist Michael Lind during 2003 to assert a takeover of the foreign policy of the George W Bush administration by former Trotskyists 117 Lind s amalgamation of the defense intellectuals with the traditions and theories of the largely Jewish American Trotskyist movement in Lind s words was criticized during 2003 by University of Michigan professor Alan M Wald 118 who had discussed Trotskyism in his history of The New York Intellectuals 119 120 121 The charge that neoconservativism is related to Leninism has also been made by Francis Fukuyama He argued that both believe in the existence of a long term process of social evolution though neoconservatives seek to establish liberal democracy instead of communism 18 He wrote that neoconservatives believed that history can be pushed along with the right application of power and will Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version and it has returned as farce when practiced by the United States Neoconservatism as both a political symbol and a body of thought has evolved into something I can no longer support 18 However these comparisons ignore anti capitalist and anti imperialist positions central to Leninism which run contradictory to core neoconservative beliefs 122 Criticism EditCritics of neoconservatism take issue with neoconservatives support for interventionistic foreign policy Critics from the left take issue with what they characterize as unilateralism and lack of concern with international consensus through organizations such as the United Nations 123 124 125 Critics from both the left and right have assailed neoconservatives for the role Israel plays in their policies on the Middle East 126 127 Neoconservatives respond by describing their shared opinion as a belief that national security is best attained by actively promoting freedom and democracy abroad as in the democratic peace theory through the endorsement of democracy foreign aid and in certain cases military intervention This is different from the traditional conservative tendency to endorse friendly regimes in matters of trade and anti communism even at the expense of undermining existing democratic systems Former Republican Congressman Ron Paul now a Libertarian politician has been a longtime critic of neoconservativism as an attack on freedom and the Constitution including an extensive speech on the House floor addressing neoconservative beginnings and how neoconservatism is neither new nor conservative 128 In a column on The New York Times named Years of Shame commemorating the tenth anniversary of 9 11 attacks Paul Krugman criticized the neoconservatives for causing a war unrelated to 9 11 attacks and fought for wrong reasons 129 130 Imperialism and secrecy Edit See also Criticism of United States foreign policy John McGowan professor of humanities at the University of North Carolina states after an extensive review of neoconservative literature and theory that neoconservatives are attempting to build an American Empire seen as successor to the British Empire its goal being to perpetuate a Pax Americana As imperialism is largely considered unacceptable by the American media neoconservatives do not articulate their ideas and goals in a frank manner in public discourse McGowan states 89 Frank neoconservatives like Robert Kaplan and Niall Ferguson recognize that they are proposing imperialism as the alternative to liberal internationalism Yet both Kaplan and Ferguson also understand that imperialism runs so counter to American s liberal tradition that it must remain a foreign policy that dare not speak its name While Ferguson the Brit laments that Americans cannot just openly shoulder the white man s burden Kaplan the American tells us that only through stealth and anxious foresight can the United States continue to pursue the imperial reality that already dominates our foreign policy but must be disavowed in light of our anti imperial traditions and the fact that imperialism is delegitimized in public discourse The Bush administration justifying all of its actions by an appeal to national security has kept as many of those actions as it can secret and has scorned all limitations to executive power by other branches of government or international law Notable people associated with neoconservatism EditThe list includes public people identified as personally neoconservative at an important time or a high official with numerous neoconservative advisers such as George W Bush and Dick Cheney Politicians Edit George W Bush announces his 74 7 billion wartime supplemental budget request as Donald Rumsfeld and Paul Wolfowitz look on George W Bush 43rd U S President 46th U S Governor of Texas 131 Jeb Bush 43rd U S Governor of Florida 2016 Republican presidential candidate 132 Dick Cheney 46th U S Vice President former White House Chief of Staff former U S Representative from Wyoming former U S Secretary of Defense described as a practitioner of neoconservative foreign policy 131 or allied with neoconservatives but not one himself 133 and without a historical background in the ideological neoconservative movement 131 133 Liz Cheney former U S Representative for Wyoming s at large district 134 135 Chris Christie 56th Governor of New Jersey former United States Attorney for the District of New Jersey 2016 Republican presidential candidate 136 though he rejects the term 137 Tom Cotton U S Senator from Arkansas former U S Representative from Arkansas 138 139 140 Lindsey Graham U S Senator from South Carolina former United States Air Force Colonel former U S Representative from South Carolina 2016 Republican presidential candidate 141 John McCain former U S Representative amp U S Senator from Arizona 2000 Republican presidential candidate 2008 Republican presidential nominee 142 143 144 Mitch McConnell U S Senator from Kentucky Senate Minority Leader former Senate Majority Whip former Senate Majority Leader 145 Mike Pompeo former U S Representative for Kansas s 4th district 6th Director of the Central Intelligence Agency 70th U S Secretary of State 146 Marco Rubio U S Senator from Florida 2016 Republican presidential candidate 147 148 149 Mike Turner U S representative for Ohio s 10th congressional district since 2003 150 Michael McCaul U S representative for Texas s 10th congressional district since 2005 151 Adam Kinzinger U S representative for Illinois s 16th congressional district since 2011 152 Dan Crenshaw U S representative for Texas s 2nd congressional district since 2019 153 Government officials Edit Bill Kristol orating at Arizona State University in March 2017 Elliot Abrams foreign policy advisor 154 155 156 157 158 Kenneth Adelman former Director of Arms Control and Disarmament Agency 158 William Bennett former chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities former Director of the National Drug Control Policy and former U S Secretary of Education 154 159 John R Bolton former Ambassador to the United Nations and former National Security Advisor 160 though he rejects the term 161 Eliot A Cohen former State Department Counselor now Robert E Osgood Professor of Strategic Studies at the Paul H Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at the Johns Hopkins University 162 163 Douglas J Feith former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy 157 Frank Gaffney former Acting Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs founder and president of the Center for Security Policy 163 158 164 Jeane Kirkpatrick former Ambassador to the United Nations under Ronald Reagan 165 Bill Kristol former Chief of Staff to the Vice President of the United States co founder and former editor of The Weekly Standard professor of political philosophy and American politics and political adviser 166 167 Scooter Libby former Chief of Staff to the Vice President of the United States 168 157 Richard Perle former Assistant Secretary of Defense and lobbyist 154 158 Randy Scheunemann foreign policy advisor and lobbyist 169 Paul Wolfowitz former State and Defense Department official 154 170 171 157 R James Woolsey Jr former Undersecretary of the Navy former Director of Central Intelligence green energy lobbyist 172 157 163 158 164 Academics Edit Nathan Glazer Professor of sociology at UC Berkeley and Harvard columnist and author 173 Donald Kagan Sterling Professor of Classics and History at Yale University 174 175 Andrew Roberts Professor of History at King s College in London 176 Public figures Edit Ben Shapiro speaking at Politicon in Pasadena California in 2016 David Frum speaking to Policy Exchange in 2013 Fred Barnes co founder and former executive editor of The Weekly Standard 177 Max Boot author consultant editorialist lecturer and military historian 73 though wishes to retire label 178 David Brooks columnist 179 180 181 Midge Decter journalist author 158 Dinesh D Souza filmmaker and author 182 183 David Frum journalist Republican speechwriter and columnist 184 185 186 Reuel Marc Gerecht writer political analyst and senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies 187 Bruce P Jackson activist former U S military intelligence officer 158 Frederick Kagan historian resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute 188 189 190 Robert Kagan senior fellow at the Brookings Institution scholar of U S foreign policy founder of the Yale Political Monthly adviser to Republican political campaigns and one of 25 members of an advisory board to Hillary Clinton at the State Department Kagan calls himself a liberal interventionist rather than neoconservative 191 192 Charles Krauthammer Pulitzer Prize winner columnist and psychiatrist 193 Irving Kristol publisher journalist columnist and former Marxist 194 Eli Lake journalist and columnist 195 Michael Ledeen historian foreign policy analyst scholar at the American Enterprise Institute 158 Clifford May founder and president of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies 196 Douglas Murray British writer journalist and political commentator 197 198 Danielle Pletka American Enterprise Institute vice president 199 Norman Podhoretz editor in chief of Commentary 200 201 Yuval Levin founding editor of National Affairs 2009 present and director of Social Cultural and Constitutional Studies at the American Enterprise Institute 202 Tom Rogan journalist and political analyst 195 Jennifer Rubin former neoconservative journalist and political analyst 203 Michael Rubin resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute 204 Gary Schmitt resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute 205 206 Ben Shapiro political commentator public speaker author lawyer founder and editor emeritus of The Daily Wire 207 208 209 Bret Stephens journalist and columnist for The New York Times 210 Irwin Stelzer economist and writer 211 Related publications and institutions EditInstitutions Edit American Enterprise Institute 212 Foundation for Defense of Democracies 213 214 215 Henry Jackson Society 216 Hudson Institute 217 Project for the New American Century 218 Publications Edit Commentary National Review neoconservative opinion pieces The Washington Free Beacon The Bulwark Defunct publications Edit The Public Interest 1965 2005 The Weekly Standard 1995 2018 See also Edit Conservatism portalBritish neoconservatism Democratic peace theory Factions in the Republican Party United States Globalization Intellectual dark web Interventionism politics Liberal conservatism 219 Liberal hawk Liberal internationalism Neoconservatism and paleoconservatism Neoconservatism in Japan Neoconservatism in the Czech Republic New Conservatism China Neoliberalism Neo libertarianism New Right in the United States Paleoconservatism Project for a New American Century Tory socialism TrotskyismNotes Edit Dagger Richard Neoconservatism Encyclopaedia Britannica Archived from the original on 31 May 2020 Retrieved 16 May 2016 Neoconservative Merriam Webster Dictionary Archived from the original on 25 September 2021 Retrieved 11 November 2012 Record Jeffrey 2010 Wanting War Why the Bush Administration Invaded Iraq Potomac Books Inc pp 47 50 ISBN 9781597975902 Archived from the original on 23 January 2023 Retrieved 12 June 2016 Vaisse Justin 2010 Neoconservatism The biography of a movement Harvard University Press pp 6 11 Balint Benjamin 2010 Running Commentary The Contentious Magazine that Transformed the Jewish Left Into the Neoconservative Right PublicAffairs Beckerman Gal 6 January 2006 The Neoconservatism Persuasion The Forward Friedman Murray 2005 The Neoconservative Revolution Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press a b Harrington Michael Fall 1973 The Welfare State and Its Neoconservative Critics Dissent 20 Cited in Isserman Maurice 2000 The Other American the life of Michael Harrington New York PublicAffairs ISBN 978 1 891620 30 0 Archived from the original on 19 June 2009 Retrieved 17 December 2019 reprinted as chapter 11 in Harrington s 1976 book The Twilight of Capitalism pp 165 272 Earlier during 1973 he had described some of the same ideas in a brief contribution to a symposium on welfare sponsored by Commentary Nixon the Great Society and the Future of Social Policy Commentary 55 May 1973 p 39 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a External link 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Monitor Archived from the original on 6 April 2013 Retrieved 13 March 2013 K Dodds K and S Elden Thinking Ahead David Cameron the Henry Jackson Society and BritishNeoConservatism British Journal of Politics and International Relations 2008 10 3 347 63 Danny Cooper 2011 Neoconservatism and American Foreign Policy A Critical Analysis Taylor amp Francis p 45 ISBN 978 0 203 84052 8 Archived from the original on 23 January 2023 Retrieved 12 June 2016 Matthew Christopher Rhoades 2008 Neoconservatism Beliefs the Bush Administration and the Future p 14 ISBN 978 0 549 62046 4 Retrieved 12 June 2016 Oleksii Stus Dmytro Finberg Leonid Sinchenko eds 2021 Ukrainian Dissidents An Anthology of Texts Rowman amp Littlefield p 346 ISBN 9783838215518 The tendency of neoconservatism liberal conservatism is most clearly represented by the literary References EditAlbanese Matteo The Concept of War in Neoconservative Thinking IPOC Milan 2012 Translated by Nicolas Lewkowicz ISBN 978 8867720002 Buchanan Patrick J Whose War The American Conservative 24 March 2003 Retrieved 16 September 2006 Bush George W Gerhard Schroeder et al Transcript Bush Schroeder Roundtable With German Professionals The Washington Post 23 February 2005 Retrieved 16 September 2006 Critchlow Donald T The conservative ascendancy how the GOP right made political history 2nd ed 2011 Dean John Worse Than Watergate The Secret Presidency of George W Bush Little Brown 2004 ISBN 0 316 00023 X hardback Critical account of neo conservatism in the administration of George W Bush Frum David Unpatriotic Conservatives National Review 7 April 2003 Retrieved 16 September 2006 Gerson Mark ed The Essential Neo Conservative Reader Perseus 1997 ISBN 0 201 15488 9 paperback ISBN 0 201 47968 0 hardback Gerson Mark Norman s Conquest A Commentary on the Podhoretz Legacy Policy Review Fall 1995 Number 74 Retrieved 16 September 2006 Gray John Black Mass Allen Lane 2007 ISBN 978 0 7139 9915 0 Hanson Jim The Decline of the American Empire Praeger 1993 ISBN 0 275 94480 8 Halper Stefan and Jonathan Clarke America Alone The Neo Conservatives and the Global Order Cambridge University Press 2004 ISBN 0 521 83834 7 Kagan Robert et al Present Dangers Crisis and Opportunity in American Foreign and Defense Policy Encounter Books 2000 ISBN 1 893554 16 3 Kristol Irving Neo Conservatism The Autobiography of an Idea Selected Essays 1949 1995 New York The Free Press 1995 ISBN 0 02 874021 1 10 ISBN 978 0 02 874021 8 13 Hardcover ed Reprinted as Neoconservatism The Autobiography of an Idea New York Ivan R Dee 1999 ISBN 1 56663 228 5 10 Paperback ed Kristol Irving What Is a Neoconservative Newsweek 19 January 1976 Lara Amat y Leon Joan y Anton Mellon Joan Las persuasiones neoconservadoras F Fukuyama S P Huntington W Kristol y R Kagan en Maiz Ramon comp Teorias politicas contemporaneas 2ªed rev y ampl Tirant lo Blanch Valencia 2009 ISBN 978 84 9876 463 5 Ficha del libro Lara Amat y Leon Joan Cosmopolitismo y anticosmoplitismo en el neoconservadurismo Fukuyama y Huntington en Nunez Paloma y Espinosa Javier eds Filosofia y politica en el siglo XXI Europa y el nuevo orden cosmopolita Akal Madrid 2009 ISBN 978 84 460 2875 8 Ficha del libro Lasn Kalle Why won t anyone say they are Jewish Adbusters March April 2004 Retrieved 16 September 2006 Lewkowicz Nicolas Neoconservatism and the Propagation of Democracy Democracy Chronicles 11 February 2013 Lipset Seymour 4 July 1988 Neoconservatism Myth and reality Society 25 5 29 37 doi 10 1007 BF02695739 ISSN 0147 2011 S2CID 144110677 Mann James Rise of the Vulcans The History of Bush s War Cabinet Viking 2004 ISBN 0 670 03299 9 cloth Massing Michael 1987 Trotsky s orphans From Bolshevism to Reaganism The New Republic pp 18 22 Mascolo Georg A Leaderless Directionless Superpower interview with Ex Powell aide Wilkerson permanent dead link Spiegel Online 6 December 2005 Retrieved 16 September 2006 Muravchik Joshua Renegades Commentary 1 October 2002 Bibliographical information is available online the article itself is not Muravchik Joshua The Neoconservative Cabal Commentary September 2003 Bibliographical information is available online the article itself is not Prueher Joseph U S apology to China over spy plane incident 11 April 2001 Reproduced on sinomania com Retrieved 16 September 2006 Podoretz Norman The Norman Podhoretz Reader New York Free Press 2004 ISBN 0 7432 3661 0 Roucaute Yves Le Neoconservatisme est un humanisme Paris Presses Universitaires de France 2005 ISBN 2 13 055016 9 Roucaute Yves La Puissance de la Liberte Paris Presses Universitaires de France 2004 ISBN 2 13 054293 X Ruppert Michael C Crossing the Rubicon The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil New Society 2004 ISBN 0 86571 540 8 Ryn Claes G America the Virtuous The Crisis of Democracy and the Quest for Empire Transaction 2003 ISBN 0 7658 0219 8 cloth Stelzer Irwin ed Neoconservatism Atlantic Books 2004 Smith Grant F Deadly Dogma How Neoconservatives Broke the Law to Deceive America ISBN 0 9764437 4 0 Solarz Stephen et al Open Letter to the President 19 February 1998 online at IraqWatch org Retrieved 16 September 2006 Steinfels Peter 1979 The neoconservatives The men who are changing America s politics New York Simon and Schuster ISBN 978 0 671 22665 7 Strauss Leo Natural Right and History University of Chicago Press 1999 ISBN 0 226 77694 8 Strauss Leo The Rebirth of Classical Political Rationalism University of Chicago Press 1989 ISBN 0 226 77715 4 Tolson Jay The New American Empire U S News amp World Report 13 January 2003 Retrieved 16 September 2006 Wilson Joseph The Politics of Truth Carroll amp Graf 2004 ISBN 0 7867 1378 X Woodward Bob Plan of Attack Simon and Schuster 2004 ISBN 0 7432 5547 X Further reading EditArin Kubilay Yado Think Tanks The Brain Trusts of US Foreign Policy Wiesbaden VS Springer 2013 Balint Benjamin V Running Commentary The Contentious Magazine that Transformed the Jewish Left into the Neoconservative Right 2010 Dorrien Gary The Neoconservative Mind ISBN 1 56639 019 2 n attack from the Left Ehrman John The Rise of Neoconservatism Intellectual and Foreign Affairs 1945 1994 Yale University Press 2005 ISBN 0 300 06870 0 Eisendrath Craig R and Melvin A Goodman Bush League Diplomacy How the Neoconservatives are Putting The World at Risk Prometheus Books 2004 ISBN 1 59102 176 6 Franczak Michael 2019 Losing the Battle Winning the War Neoconservatives versus the New International Economic Order 1974 82 Diplomatic History Friedman Murray The Neoconservative Revolution Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy Cambridge University Press 2006 ISBN 0 521 54501 3 Grandin Greg Empire s Workshop Latin America the United States and the Rise of the New Imperialism Metropolitan Books Henry Holt amp Company 2006 ISBN 978 0 8050 8323 1 Heilbrunn Jacob They Knew They Were Right The Rise of the Neocons Doubleday 2008 ISBN 0 385 51181 7 Heilbrunn Jacob 5 Myths About Those Nefarious Neocons The Washington Post 10 February 2008 Kristol Irving The Neoconservative Persuasion Lind Michael How Neoconservatives Conquered Washington Salon 9 April 2003 MacDonald Kevin The Neoconservative Mind review of They Knew They Were Right The Rise of the Neocons by Jacob Heilbrunn Vaisse Justin Neoconservatism The Biography of a Movement Harvard U P 2010 translated from the French McClelland Mark The unbridling of virtue neoconservatism between the Cold War and the Iraq War Shavit Ari White Man s Burden Haaretz 3 April 2003 Singh Robert Neoconservatism in the age of Obama in Inderjeet Parmar ed Obama and the World Routledge 2014 51 62 online Archived 20 June 2019 at the Wayback Machine Identity Edit Neocon 101 What do neoconservatives believe Christian Science Monitor 2003 Rose David Neo Culpa Vanity Fair 2006 Steigerwald Bill So what is a Neocon Lind Michael A Tragedy of Errors Critiques Edit Fukuyama Francis After Neoconservatism The New York Times 2006 Thompson Bradley C with Yaron Brook Neoconservatism An Obituary for an Idea Boulder London Paradigm Publishers 2010 ISBN 978 1 59451 831 7 External links Edit Wikiquote has quotations related to Neoconservatism Media related to Neoconservatism at Wikimedia Commons Neoconservatism at the Encyclopaedia Britannica Adam Curtis The Power of Nightmares BBC Archive Why Neoconservatism Still Matters by Justin Vaisse Neoconservativism in a Nutshell by Jim Lobe The Rise and Demise of American Unipolarism Neoconservatism and U S Foreign Policy 1989 2009 by Maria Ryan Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Neoconservatism amp oldid 1154471979, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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