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American imperialism

May 01, 2023

For other uses, see American Empire.
"American hegemony" redirects here. For the most relevant time period, see Hegemony § 21st century.

American imperialism refers to the expansion of American political, economic, cultural, media and military influence beyond the boundaries of the United States. Depending on the commentator, it may include imperialism through outright military conquest; gunboat diplomacy; unequal treaties; subsidization of preferred factions; regime change; or economic penetration through private companies, potentially followed by diplomatic or forceful intervention when those interests are threatened.[1][2]

1898 political cartoon: "Ten thousand miles from tip to tip." referring to the expansion of American domination (symbolized by a bald eagle) from Puerto Rico to the Philippines following the Spanish–American War; the cartoon contrasts this with a map showing the significantly smaller size of the United States in 1798, exactly 100 years earlier.

The policies perpetuating American imperialism and expansionism are usually considered to have begun with "New Imperialism" in the late 19th century,[3] though some consider American territorial expansion at the expense of Native Americans to be similar enough in nature to be identified with the same term.[4] While the United States has never officially identified itself and its territorial possessions as an empire, some commentators have referred to the country as such, including Max Boot, Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., and Niall Ferguson.[5] Other commentators have accused the United States of practicing neocolonialism—sometimes defined as a modern form of hegemony—which leverages economic power rather than military force in an informal empire; the term "neocolonialism" has occasionally been used as a contemporary synonym for modern-day imperialism.

The question of whether the United States should intervene in the affairs of foreign countries has been a much-debated topic in domestic politics for the country's entire history. Opponents of interventionism have pointed to the country's origin as a former colony that rebelled against an overseas king, as well as the American values of democracy, freedom, and independence. Conversely, supporters of interventionism and of American presidents who have been labelled as imperialists—notably Andrew Jackson, James K. Polk, William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, and William Howard Taft—have justified interventions in (or whole seizures of) various countries by citing the necessity of advancing American economic interests, such as trade and debt management; preventing European intervention (colonial or otherwise) in the Western Hemisphere, manifested in the anti-European Monroe Doctrine of 1823; and the benefits of keeping "good order" around the world.

History

Overview

 
U.S. westward expansion–portions of each territory were granted statehood since the 18th century.
 
A New Map of Texas, Oregon, and California, Samuel Augustus Mitchell, 1846

Despite periods of peaceful co-existence, wars with Native Americans resulted in substantial territorial gains for American colonists who were expanding into native land. Wars with the Native Americans continued intermittently after independence, and an ethnic cleansing campaign known as Indian removal gained for European-American settlers more valuable territory on the eastern side of the continent.

George Washington began a policy of United States non-interventionism which lasted into the 1800s. The United States promulgated the Monroe Doctrine in 1821, in order to stop further European colonialism and to allow the American colonies to grow further, but desire for territorial expansion to the Pacific Ocean was explicit in the doctrine of Manifest Destiny. The giant Louisiana Purchase was peaceful, but the Mexican–American War of 1846 resulted in the annexation of 525,000 square miles (1,360,000 km2) of Mexican territory.[6][7] Elements attempted to expand pro-U.S. republics or U.S. states in Mexico and Central America, the most notable being fillibuster William Walker's Republic of Baja California in 1853 and his intervention in Nicaragua in 1855. Senator Sam Houston of Texas even proposed a resolution in the Senate for the "United States to declare and maintain an efficient protectorate over the States of Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, and San Salvador." The idea of U.S. expansion into Mexico and the Caribbean was popular among politicians of the slave states, and also among some business tycoons in the Nicarauguan Transit (the semi-overland and main trade route connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans before the Panama Canal). President Ulysses S. Grant attempted to annex the Dominican Republic in 1870, but failed to get the support of the Senate.

Non-interventionism was wholly abandoned with the Spanish–American War. The United States acquired the remaining island colonies of Spain, with President Theodore Roosevelt defending the acquisition of the Philippines. The U.S. policed Latin America under Roosevelt Corollary, and sometimes using the military to favor American commercial interests (such as intervention in the banana republics and the annexation of Hawaii). Imperialist foreign policy was controversial with the American public, and domestic opposition allowed Cuban independence, though in the early 20th century the U.S. obtained the Panama Canal Zone and occupied Haiti and the Dominican Republic. The United States returned to strong non-interventionist policy after World War I, including with the Good Neighbor policy for Latin America. After fighting World War II, it administered many Pacific islands captured during the fight against Japan. Partly to prevent the militaries of those countries from growing threateningly large, and partly to contain the Soviet Union, the United States promised to defend Germany (which is also part of NATO) and Japan (through the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan) which it had formerly defeated in war and which are now independent democracies. It maintains substantial military bases in both.

The Cold War reoriented American foreign policy towards opposing communism, and prevailing U.S. foreign policy embraced its role as a nuclear-armed global superpower. Though the Truman Doctrine and Reagan Doctrine the United States framed the mission as protecting free peoples against an undemocratic system, anti-Soviet foreign policy became coercive and occasionally covert. United States involvement in regime change included overthrowing the democratically elected government of Iran, the Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba, occupation of Grenada, and interference in various foreign elections. The long and bloody Vietnam War led to widespread criticism of an "arrogance of power" and violations of international law emerging from an "imperial presidency," with Martin Luther King Jr., among others, accusing the US of a new form of colonialism.[8]

Many saw the post-Cold War 1990–91 Gulf War as motivated by U.S. oil interests, though it reversed the hostile invasion of Kuwait. After the September 11 attacks in 2001, questions of imperialism were raised again as the United States invaded Afghanistan to overthrow the Taliban (which harbored the attackers) and Iraq in 2003 (which the U.S. incorrectly claimed had weapons of mass destruction). The invasion led to the collapse of the Iraqi Ba'athist government and its replacement with the Coalition Provisional Authority. Following the invasion, an insurgency fought against Coalition forces and the newly elected Iraqi government, and a sectarian civil war occurred. The Iraq War opened the country's oil industry to US firms for the first time in decades[9] and many argued the invasion violated international law. Around 500,000 people were killed in both wars as of 2018.[10]

In terms of territorial acquisition, the United States has integrated (with voting rights) all of its acquisitions on the North American continent, including the non-contiguous Alaska. Hawaii has also become a state with equal representation to the mainland, but other island jurisdictions acquired during wartime remain territories, namely Guam, Puerto Rico, the United States Virgin Islands, American Samoa, and the Northern Mariana Islands. (The federal government officially apologized for the overthrow of the Hawaiian government in 1993.) The remainder of acquired territories have become independent with varying degrees of cooperation, ranging from three freely associated states which participate in federal government programs in exchange for military basing rights, to Cuba which severed diplomatic relations during the Cold War. The United States was a public advocate for European decolonization after World War II (having started a ten-year independence transition for the Philippines in 1934 with the Tydings–McDuffie Act). Even so, the US desire for an informal system of global primacy in an "American Century" often brought them into conflict with national liberation movements.[11] The United States has now granted citizenship to Native Americans and recognizes some degree of tribal sovereignty.

1700s–1800s: Indian Wars and Manifest Destiny

Further information: Empire of Liberty, Manifest Destiny, Modern empires, and Overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii
 
Caricature by Louis Dalrymple showing Uncle Sam lecturing four children labeled Philippines, Hawaii, Puerto Rico and Cuba, in front of children holding books labeled with various U.S. states. A black boy is washing windows, a Native American sits separate from the class, and a Chinese boy is outside the door. The caption reads: "School Begins. Uncle Sam (to his new class in Civilization): Now, children, you've got to learn these lessons whether you want to or not! But just take a look at the class ahead of you, and remember that, in a little while, you will feel as glad to be here as they are!"

Yale historian Paul Kennedy has asserted, "From the time the first settlers arrived in Virginia from England and started moving westward, this was an imperial nation, a conquering nation."[12] Expanding on George Washington's description of the early United States as an "infant empire",[13] Benjamin Franklin wrote: "Hence the Prince that acquires new Territory, if he finds it vacant, or removes the Natives to give his own People Room; the Legislator that makes effectual Laws for promoting of Trade, increasing Employment, improving Land by more or better Tillage; providing more Food by Fisheries; securing Property, etc. and the Man that invents new Trades, Arts or Manufactures, or new Improvements in Husbandry, may be properly called Fathers of their Nation, as they are the Cause of the Generation of Multitudes, by the Encouragement they afford to Marriage."[14] Thomas Jefferson asserted in 1786 that the United States "must be viewed as the nest from which all America, North & South is to be peopled. [...] The navigation of the Mississippi we must have. This is all we are as yet ready to receive.".[15] From the left Noam Chomsky writes that "the United States is the one country that exists, as far as I know, and ever has, that was founded as an empire explicitly".[16][17]

A national drive for territorial acquisition across the continent was popularized in the 19th century as the ideology of Manifest Destiny.[18] It came to be realized with the Mexican–American War of 1846, which resulted in the cession of 525,000 square miles (1,360,000 km2) of Mexican territory to the United States, stretching up to the Pacific coast.[6][7] The Whig Party strongly opposed this war and expansionism generally.[19]

President James Monroe presented his famous doctrine for the western hemisphere in 1823. Historians have observed that while the Monroe Doctrine contained a commitment to resist colonialism from Europe, it had some aggressive implications for American policy, since there were no limitations on the US's actions mentioned within it. Historian Jay Sexton notes that the tactics used to implement the doctrine were modeled after those employed by European imperial powers during the 17th and 18th centuries.[20] From the left historian William Appleman Williams described it as "imperial anti-colonialism."[21]

 
Big Foot's camp three weeks after Wounded Knee Massacre; with bodies of four Lakota Sioux wrapped in blankets in the foreground

The Indian Wars against the indigenous peoples of the Americas began in the colonial era. Their escalation under the federal republic allowed the US to dominate North America and carve out the 48 contiguous states. This can be considered to be an explicitly colonial process in light of arguments that Native American nations were sovereign entities prior to annexation.[22] Their sovereignty was systematically undermined by US state policy (usually involving unequal or broken treaties) and white settler-colonialism.[23]

Early 1800s: African colonization

Starting in 1820, the American Colonization Society began subsidizing free black people to colonize the west coast of Africa. In 1822, it declared the colony of Liberia, which became independent in 1847. By 1857, Liberia had merged with other colonies formed by state societies, including the Republic of Maryland, Mississippi-in-Africa, and Kentucky in Africa.

1800s: Filibustering in Central America

In the older historiography William Walker's filibustering represented the high tide of antebellum American imperialism. His brief seizure of Nicaragua in 1855 is typically called a representative expression of Manifest destiny with the added factor of trying to expand slavery into Central America. Walker failed in all his escapades and never had official U.S. backing. Historian Michel Gobat, however, presents a strongly revisionist interpretation. He argues that Walker was invited in by Nicaraguan liberals who were trying to force economic modernization and political liberalism. Walker's government comprised those liberals, as well as Yankee colonizers, and European radicals. Walker even included some local Catholics as well as indigenous peoples, Cuban revolutionaries, and local peasants. His coalition was much too complex and diverse to survive long, but it was not the attempted projection of American power, concludes Gobat.[24]

1800s–1900s: New Imperialism and "The White Man's Burden"

Further information: New Imperialism, History of the Philippines (1898–1946), Philippine–American War, Big Stick ideology, and Roosevelt corollary
 
This cartoon reflects the view of Judge magazine regarding America's imperial ambitions following McKinley's quick victory in the Spanish–American War of 1898.[25] The American flag flies from the Philippines and Hawaii in the Pacific to Cuba and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean.

A variety of factors converged during the "New Imperialism" of the late 19th century, when the United States and the other great powers rapidly expanded their overseas territorial possessions.

  • The prevalence of overt racism, notably John Fiske's conception of "Anglo-Saxon" racial superiority and Josiah Strong's call to "civilize and Christianize," – were manifestations of a growing Social Darwinism and racism in some schools of American political thought.[26][27][28]
  • Early in his career, as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt was instrumental in preparing the Navy for the Spanish–American War[29] and was an enthusiastic proponent of testing the U.S. military in battle, at one point stating "I should welcome almost any war, for I think this country needs one."[30][31][32]

Roosevelt claimed that he rejected imperialism, but he embraced the near-identical doctrine of expansionism.[33] When Rudyard Kipling wrote the imperialist poem "The White Man's Burden" for Roosevelt, the politician told colleagues that it was "rather poor poetry, but good sense from the expansion point of view."[34] Roosevelt proclaimed his own corollary to the Monroe Doctrine as justification,[35] although his ambitions extended even further, into the Far East. Scholars have noted the resemblance between U.S. policies in the Philippines and European actions in their colonies in Asia and Africa during this period.[36]

Industry and trade were two of the most prevalent justifications of imperialism. American intervention in both Latin America and Hawaii resulted in multiple industrial investments, including the popular industry of Dole bananas. If the United States was able to annex a territory, in turn they were granted access to the trade and capital of those territories. In 1898, Senator Albert Beveridge proclaimed that an expansion of markets was absolutely necessary, "American factories are making more than the American people can use; American soil is producing more than they can consume. Fate has written our policy for us; the trade of the world must and shall be ours."[37][38]

 
One of the New York Journal's most infamous cartoons, depicting Philippine–American War General Jacob H. Smith's order "Kill Everyone over Ten," from the front page on May 5, 1902.

American rule of ceded Spanish territory was not uncontested. The Philippine Revolution had begun in August 1896 against Spain, and after the defeat of Spain in the Battle of Manila Bay, began again in earnest, culminating in the Philippine Declaration of Independence and the establishment of the First Philippine Republic. The Philippine–American War ensued, with extensive damage and death, ultimately resulting in the defeat of the Philippine Republic.[39][40][41]

The maximum geographical extension of American direct political and military control happened in the aftermath of World War II, in the period after the surrender and occupations of Germany and Austria in May and later Japan and Korea in September 1945 and before the independence of the Philippines in July 1946.[42]

Stuart Creighton Miller says that the public's sense of innocence about Realpolitik impairs popular recognition of U.S. imperial conduct.[43] The resistance to actively occupying foreign territory has led to policies of exerting influence via other means, including governing other countries via surrogates or puppet regimes, where domestically unpopular governments survive only through U.S. support.[44]

 
A map of "Greater America" c. 1900, including overseas territories.

The Philippines is sometimes cited as an example. After Philippine independence, the US continued to direct the country through Central Intelligence Agency operatives like Edward Lansdale. As Raymond Bonner and other historians note, Lansdale controlled the career of President Ramon Magsaysay, going so far as to physically beat him when the Philippine leader attempted to reject a speech the CIA had written for him. American agents also drugged sitting President Elpidio Quirino and prepared to assassinate Senator Claro Recto.[45][46] Prominent Filipino historian Roland G. Simbulan has called the CIA "US imperialism's clandestine apparatus in the Philippines".[47]

The U.S. retained dozens of military bases, including a few major ones. In addition, Philippine independence was qualified by legislation passed by the U.S. Congress. For example, the Bell Trade Act provided a mechanism whereby U.S. import quotas might be established on Philippine articles which "are coming, or are likely to come, into substantial competition with like articles the product of the United States". It further required U.S. citizens and corporations be granted equal access to Philippine minerals, forests, and other natural resources.[48] In hearings before the Senate Committee on Finance, Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs William L. Clayton described the law as "clearly inconsistent with the basic foreign economic policy of this country" and "clearly inconsistent with our promise to grant the Philippines genuine independence."[49]

1918: Wilsonian intervention

 
American troops marching in Vladivostok during the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War, August 1918

When World War I broke out in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson promised American neutrality throughout the war. This promise was broken when the United States entered the war after the Zimmermann Telegram. This was "a war for empire" to control vast raw materials in Africa and other colonized areas, according to the contemporary historian and civil rights leader W. E. B. Du Bois.[50] More recently historian Howard Zinn argues that Wilson entered the war in order to open international markets to surplus US production. He quotes Wilson's own declaration that

Concessions obtained by financiers must be safeguarded by ministers of state, even if the sovereignty of unwilling nations be outraged in the process... the doors of the nations which are closed must be battered down.

In a memo to Secretary of State Bryan, the president described his aim as "an open door to the world".[51] Lloyd Gardner notes that Wilson's original avoidance of world war was not motivated by anti-imperialism; his fear was that "white civilization and its domination in the world" were threatened by "the great white nations" destroying each other in endless battle.[52]

Despite President Wilson's official doctrine of moral diplomacy seeking to "make the world safe for democracy," some of his activities at the time can be viewed as imperialism to stop the advance of democracy in countries such as Haiti.[53] The United States invaded Haiti on July 28, 1915, and American rule continued until August 1, 1934. The historian Mary Renda in her book, Taking Haiti, talks about the American invasion of Haiti to bring about political stability through U.S. control. The American government did not believe Haiti was ready for self-government or democracy, according to Renda. In order to bring about political stability in Haiti, the United States secured control and integrated the country into the international capitalist economy, while preventing Haiti from practicing self-governance or democracy. While Haiti had been running their own government for many years before American intervention, the U.S. government regarded Haiti as unfit for self-rule. In order to convince the American public of the justice in intervening, the United States government used paternalist propaganda, depicting the Haitian political process as uncivilized. The Haitian government would come to agree to U.S. terms, including American overseeing of the Haitian economy. This direct supervision of the Haitian economy would reinforce U.S. propaganda and further entrench the perception of Haitians' being incompetent of self-governance.[54]

In the First World War, the US, Britain, and Russia had been allies for seven months, from April 1917 until the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia in November. Active distrust surfaced immediately, as even before the October Revolution British officers had been involved in the Kornilov Affair, an attempted coup d'état by the Russian Army against the Provisional Government.[55] Nonetheless, once the Bolsheviks took Moscow, the British government began talks to try and keep them in the war effort. British diplomat Bruce Lockhart cultivated a relationship with several Soviet officials, including Leon Trotsky, and the latter approved the initial Allied military mission to secure the Eastern Front, which was collapsing in the revolutionary upheaval. Ultimately, Soviet head of state V.I. Lenin decided the Bolsheviks would settle peacefully with the Central Powers at the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. This separate peace led to Allied disdain for the Soviets, since it left the Western Allies to fight Germany without a strong Eastern partner. The Secret Intelligence Service, supported by US diplomat Dewitt C. Poole, sponsored an attempted coup in Moscow involving Bruce Lockhart and Sidney Reilly, which involved an attempted assassination of Lenin. The Bolsheviks proceeded to shut down the British and U.S. embassies.[56][57]

Tensions between Russia (including its allies) and the West turned intensely ideological. Horrified by mass executions of White forces, land expropriations, and widespread repression, the Allied military expedition now assisted the anti-Bolshevik Whites in the Russian Civil War, with the US covertly giving support[58] to the autocratic and antisemitic General Alexander Kolchak.[59] Over 30,000 Western troops were deployed in Russia overall.[60] This was the first event that made Russian–American relations a matter of major, long-term concern to the leaders in each country. Some historians, including William Appleman Williams and Ronald Powaski, trace the origins of the Cold War to this conflict.[61]

Wilson launched seven armed interventions, more than any other president.[62] Looking back on the Wilson era, General Smedley Butler, a leader of the Haiti expedition and the highest-decorated Marine of that time, considered virtually all of the operations to have been economically motivated.[63] In a 1933 speech he said:

I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism. I suspected I was just part of a racket at the time. Now I am sure of it...I helped make Mexico, especially Tampico, safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefits of Wall Street ... Looking back on it, I feel that I could have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.[64]

1920s–1930s: American Imperialism Between Wars

America Entering the Middle East

Following World War I, the British maintained occupation of the Middle East, most notably Turkey and portions of formerly Ottoman territory following the empire's collapse.[65] The occupation led to rapid industrialization, which resulted in the discovery of crude oil in Persia in 1908, sparking a boom in the Middle Eastern economy.[66] The oil industry of the United States began to grow following World War I, causing an increased desire to enter the Middle East. In 1919, US oil companies from New York and New Jersey tried to enter the Mesopotamia-Palestine region but were barred by the San Remo Resolution, a League of Nations agreement that divided up majority claims of Middle Eastern oil between France and Britain. The following year, the US State Department challenged the resolution using the Open Door Policy, allowing more American oil companies to enter the Middle East. The British resisted the United States' entry into the Middle East but opened the Turkish oil trade to the US to mitigate competition in 1928.

By the 1930s, the United States had cemented itself in the Middle East via a series of acquisitions through the Standard Oil of California (SOCAL), which saw US control over Saudi oil.[65] The oil rights were soon transferred to California-Arabian Standard Oil Company (CASOC), a company based out of Delaware, and recorded the acquisition in United States Dollar. This transaction cemented the measure of oil using USD, switching from the British Pound, increasing the United States' influence over the Middle East.

It was clear to the US that further expansion in Middle Eastern oil would not be possible without diplomatic representation. In 1939, CASOC appealed to the US State Department about increasing political relations with Saudi Arabia. This appeal was ignored until Germany and Japan made similar attempts following the start of World War II.[65]GRO's influence in the Middle East continued to grow throughout the 1940s, following the United States' entry into WWII and their protection of Saudi Arabian oil.

1941–1945: World War II

At the start of World War II the United States of America had multiple territories in the Pacific. The majority of these territories were military bases like Midway, Guam, Wake Island and Hawaii. Japan's surprise attack on Pearl Harbor was what ended up bringing the United States into the war. Japan also launched multiple attacks on other American Territories like Guam and Wake Island. By early 1942 Japan also was able to take over the Philippine islands. At the end of the Philippine island campaign the general MacArthur stated "I came through and I shall return" in response to the Americans losing the island to the Japanese.[67] The loss of American territories ended the decisive Battle of Midway. The Battle of Midway was the American offensive to stop Midway Island from falling into Japanese control. This led to the pushback of American forces and the recapturing of American territories. There were many battles that were fought against the Japanese which retook both allied territory as well as took over Japanese territories. In October 1944 American started their plan to retake the Philippine islands. Japanese troops on the island ended up surrendering in August 1945. After the Japanese surrender on September 2, 1945, the United States occupied and reformed Japan up until 1952. The United States granted the Philippines independence on July 4, 1946.

The Grand Area

In an October 1940 report to Franklin Roosevelt, Bowman wrote that "the US government is interested in any solution anywhere in the world that affects American trade. In a wide sense, commerce is the mother of all wars." In 1942 this economic globalism was articulated as the "Grand Area" concept in secret documents. The US would have to have control over the "Western Hemisphere, Continental Europe and Mediterranean Basin (excluding Russia), the Pacific Area and the Far East, and the British Empire (excluding Canada)." The Grand Area encompassed all known major oil-bearing areas outside the Soviet Union, largely at the behest of corporate partners like the Foreign Oil Committee and the Petroleum Industry War Council.[68] The US thus avoided overt territorial acquisition, like that of the European colonial empires, as being too costly, choosing the cheaper option of forcing countries to open their door to American business interests.[69]

Although the United States was the last major belligerent to join the Second World War, it began planning for the post-war world from the conflict's outset. This postwar vision originated in the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), an economic elite-led organization that became integrated into the government leadership. CFR's War and Peace Studies group offered its services to the State Department in 1939 and a secret partnership for post-war planning developed. CFR leaders Hamilton Fish Armstrong and Walter H. Mallory saw World War II as a "grand opportunity" for the U.S. to emerge as "the premier power in the world."[70]

This vision of empire assumed the necessity of the U.S. to "police the world" in the aftermath of the war. This was not done primarily out of altruism, but out of economic interest. Isaiah Bowman, a key liaison between the CFR and the State Department, proposed an "American economic Lebensraum." This built upon the ideas of Time-Life publisher Henry Luce, who (in his "American Century" essay) wrote, "Tyrannies may require a large amount of living space [but] freedom requires and will require far greater living space than Tyranny." According to Bowman's biographer, Neil Smith:

Better than the American Century or the Pax Americana, the notion of an American Lebensraum captures the specific and global historical geography of U.S. ascension to power. After World War II, global power would no longer be measured in terms of colonized land or power over territory. Rather, global power was measured in directly economic terms. Trade and markets now figured as the economic nexuses of global power, a shift confirmed in the 1944 Bretton Woods agreement, which not only inaugurated an international currency system but also established two central banking institutions—the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank—to oversee the global economy. These represented the first planks of the economic infrastructure of the postwar American Lebensraum.[71]

1947–1952 Cold War in Western Europe: "Empire by invitation"

 
Protest against the deployment of Pershing II missiles in Europe, The Hague, Netherlands, 1983

Prior to his death in 1945, President Roosevelt was planning to withdraw all U.S. forces from Europe as soon as possible. Soviet actions in Poland and Czechoslovakia led his successor Harry Truman to reconsider. Heavily influenced by George Kennan, Washington policymakers believed that the Soviet Union was an expansionary dictatorship that threatened American interests. In their theory, Moscow's weakness was that it had to keep expanding to survive; and that, by containing or stopping its growth, stability could be achieved in Europe. The result was the Truman Doctrine (1947) regarding Greece and Turkey. A second equally important consideration was the need to restore the world economy, which required the rebuilding and reorganizing of Europe for growth. This matter, more than the Soviet threat, was the main impetus behind the Marshall Plan of 1948. A third factor was the realization, especially by Britain and the three Benelux nations, that American military involvement was needed.[clarification needed] Geir Lundestad has commented on the importance of "the eagerness with which America's friendship was sought and its leadership welcomed.... In Western Europe, America built an empire 'by invitation'"[72] At the same time, the U.S. interfered in Italian and French politics in order to purge elected communist officials who might oppose such invitations.[73]

Post-1954: Korea, Vietnam and "imperial internationalism"

Outside of Europe, American imperialism was more distinctly hierarchical "with much fainter liberal characteristics." Cold War policy often found itself opposed to full decolonization, especially in Asia. The United States' decision to colonize some of the Pacific islands (which had formerly been held by the Japanese) in the 1940s ran directly counter to America's rhetoric against imperialism. General Douglas MacArthur described the Pacific as an "Anglo-Saxon lake." At the same time, the U.S. did not claim state control over much mainland territory but cultivated friendly members of the elites of decolonized countries—elites which were often dictatorial, as in South Korea, Taiwan, Indonesia, and South Vietnam.

In South Korea, the U.S. quickly allied with Syngman Rhee, leader of the fight against the People's Republic of Korea that proclaimed a provisional government. There was a lot of opposition to the division of Korea, including rebellions by communists such as the Jeju uprising in 1948. This was violently suppressed and led to the deaths of 30,000 people, the majority of them civilians. North Korea invaded South Korea in June 1950, starting the Korean War.[74][75] With National Security Council document 68 and the subsequent Korean War, the U.S. adopted a policy of "rollback" against communism in Asia. John Tirman, an American political theorist has claimed that this policy was heavily influenced by America's imperialistic policy in Asia in the 19th century, with its goals to Christianize and Americanize the peasant masses.[76]

In Vietnam, the U.S. eschewed its anti-imperialist rhetoric by materially supporting the French Empire in a colonial counterinsurgency. Influenced by the Grand Area policy, the U.S. eventually assumed military and financial support for the South Vietnamese state against the Vietnamese communists following the first First Indochina war. The US and South Vietnam feared Ho Chi Minh would win nationwide elections. They both refused to sign agreements at the 1954 Geneva Conference arguing that fair elections weren't possible in North Vietnam.[77][78] Beginning in 1965, the US sent many combat units to fight Viet Cong and North Vietnamese soldiers in South Vietnam, with fighting extending to North Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. During the war Martin Luther King Jr. called the American government "the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today."[79]

According to a US Congressional Report, 80 percent of U.S. military interventions after 1946 took place after the fall of the USSR. [80]

American exceptionalism

 
On the cover of Puck published on April 6, 1901, in the wake of gainful victory in the Spanish–American War, Columbia—the National personification of the U.S.—preens herself with an Easter bonnet in the form of a warship bearing the words "World Power" and the word "Expansion" on the smoke coming out of its stack.
Main article: American exceptionalism

American exceptionalism is the notion that the United States occupies a special position among the nations of the world[81] in terms of its national credo, historical evolution, and political and religious institutions and origins.

Philosopher Douglas Kellner traces the identification of American exceptionalism as a distinct phenomenon back to 19th-century French observer Alexis de Tocqueville, who concluded by agreeing that the U.S., uniquely, was "proceeding along a path to which no limit can be perceived".[82]

As a Monthly Review editorial opines on the phenomenon, "In Britain, empire was justified as a benevolent 'white man's burden.' And in the United States, empire does not even exist; 'we' are merely protecting the causes of freedom, democracy and justice worldwide."[83]

Views of American imperialism

 
1903 cartoon, "Go Away, Little Man, and Don't Bother Me", depicts President Roosevelt intimidating Colombia to acquire the Panama Canal Zone

A conservative, anti-interventionist view as expressed by American journalist John T. Flynn:

The enemy aggressor is always pursuing a course of larceny, murder, rapine and barbarism. We are always moving forward with high mission, a destiny imposed by the Deity to regenerate our victims, while incidentally capturing their markets; to civilise savage and senile and paranoid peoples, while blundering accidentally into their oil wells.[84]

 
In 1899, Uncle Sam balances his new possessions which are depicted as savage children. The figures are Puerto Rico, Hawaii, Cuba, Philippines and "Ladrone Island" (Guam, largest of the Mariana Islands, which were formerly known as the Ladrones Islands).

A "social-democratic" theory says that imperialistic U.S. policies are the products of the excessive influence of certain sectors of U.S. business and government—the arms industry in alliance with military and political bureaucracies and sometimes other industries such as oil and finance, a combination often referred to as the "military–industrial complex." The complex is said to benefit from war profiteering and looting natural resources, often at the expense of the public interest.[85] The proposed solution is typically unceasing popular vigilance in order to apply counter-pressure.[86] Chalmers Johnson holds a version of this view.[87]

Alfred Thayer Mahan, who served as an officer in the U.S. Navy during the late 19th century, supported the notion of American imperialism in his 1890 book titled The Influence of Sea Power upon History. Mahan argued that modern industrial nations must secure foreign markets for the purpose of exchanging goods and, consequently, they must maintain a maritime force that is capable of protecting these trade routes.[88][89]

A theory of "super-imperialism" argues that imperialistic U.S. policies are not driven solely by the interests of American businesses, but also by the interests of a larger apparatus of a global alliance among the economic elite in developed countries. The argument asserts that capitalism in the Global North (Europe, Japan, Canada, and the U.S.) has become too entangled to permit military or geopolitical conflict between these countries, and the central conflict in modern imperialism is between the Global North (also referred to as the global core) and the Global South (also referred to as the global periphery), rather than between the imperialist powers.

Political debate after September 11, 2001

 
American occupation of Mexico City in 1847
 
Ceremonies during the annexation of the Republic of Hawaii, 1898

Following the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the idea of American imperialism was re-examined. In November 2001, jubilant marines hoisted an American flag over Kandahar and in a stage display referred to the moment as the third after those on San Juan Hill and Iwo Jima. All moments, writes Neil Smith, express U.S. global ambition. "Labelled a War on Terrorism, the new war represents an unprecedented quickening of the American Empire, a third chance at global power."[90]

On October 15, 2001, the cover of Bill Kristol's Weekly Standard carried the headline, "The Case for American Empire".[91] Rich Lowry, editor in chief of the National Review, called for "a kind of low-grade colonialism" to topple dangerous regimes beyond Afghanistan.[92] The columnist Charles Krauthammer declared that, given complete U.S. domination "culturally, economically, technologically and militarily", people were "now coming out of the closet on the word 'empire'".[12] The New York Times Sunday magazine cover for January 5, 2003, read "American Empire: Get Used To It". The phrase "American empire" appeared more than 1000 times in news stories during November 2002 – April 2003.[93]

Academic debates after September 11, 2001

In 2001–2010 numerous scholars debated the "America as Empire" issue.[94] Harvard historian Charles S. Maier states:

Since September 11, 2001 ... if not earlier, the idea of American empire is back ... Now ... for the first time since the early Twentieth century, it has become acceptable to ask whether the United States has become or is becoming an empire in some classic sense."[95]

Harvard professor Niall Ferguson states:

It used to be that only the critics of American foreign policy referred to the American empire ... In the past three or four years [2001–2004], however, a growing number of commentators have begun to use the term American empire less pejoratively, if still ambivalently, and in some cases with genuine enthusiasm.[96]

French Political scientist Philip Golub argues:

U.S. historians have generally considered the late 19th century imperialist urge as an aberration in an otherwise smooth democratic trajectory ... Yet a century later, as the U.S. empire engages in a new period of global expansion, Rome is once more a distant but essential mirror for American elites ... Now, with military mobilisation on an exceptional scale after September 2001, the United States is openly affirming and parading its imperial power. For the first time since the 1890s, the naked display of force is backed by explicitly imperialist discourse.[97]

A leading spokesman for America-as-Empire is British historian A. G. Hopkins.[98] He argues that by the 21st century traditional economic imperialism was no longer in play, noting that the oil companies opposed the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. Instead, anxieties about the negative impact of globalization on rural and rust-belt America were at work, says Hopkins:

These anxieties prepared the way for a conservative revival based on family, faith and flag that enabled the neo-conservatives to transform conservative patriotism into assertive nationalism after 9/11. In the short term, the invasion of Iraq was a manifestation of national unity. Placed in a longer perspective, it reveals a growing divergence between new globalised interests, which rely on cross-border negotiation, and insular nationalist interests, which seek to rebuild fortress America.[99]

 
The CIA's Extraordinary rendition and Detention Program – countries involved in the Program, according to the 2013 Open Society Foundation's report on torture.[100]

Conservative Harvard professor Niall Ferguson concludes that worldwide military and economic power have combined to make the U.S. the most powerful empire in history. It is a good idea he thinks, because like the successful British Empire in the 19th century it works to globalize free markets, enhance the rule of law and promote representative government. He fears, however, that Americans lack the long-term commitment in manpower and money to keep the Empire operating.[101]

The U.S. dollar is the de facto world currency.[102] The term petrodollar warfare refers to the alleged motivation of U.S. foreign policy as preserving by force the status of the United States dollar as the world's dominant reserve currency and as the currency in which oil is priced. The term was coined by William R. Clark, who has written a book with the same title. The phrase oil currency war is sometimes used with the same meaning.[103]

Many – perhaps most – scholars[who?] have decided that the United States lacks the key essentials of an empire. For example, while there are American military bases around the world, the American soldiers do not rule over the local people, and the United States government does not send out governors or permanent settlers like all the historic empires did.[104] Harvard historian Charles S. Maier has examined the America-as-Empire issue at length. He says the traditional understanding of the word "empire" does not apply, because the United States does not exert formal control over other nations or engage in systematic conquest. The best term is that the United States is a "hegemon." Its enormous influence through high technology, economic power, and impact on popular culture gives it an international outreach that stands in sharp contrast to the inward direction of historic empires.[105][106]

World historian Anthony Pagden asks, Is the United States really an empire?

I think if we look at the history of the European empires, the answer must be no. It is often assumed that because America possesses the military capability to become an empire, any overseas interest it does have must necessarily be imperial. ...In a number of crucial respects, the United States is, indeed, very un-imperial.... America bears not the slightest resemblance to ancient Rome. Unlike all previous European empires, it has no significant overseas settler populations in any of its formal dependencies and no obvious desire to acquire any. ...It exercises no direct rule anywhere outside these areas, and it has always attempted to extricate itself as swiftly as possible from anything that looks as if it were about to develop into even indirect rule.[107]

 
A U.S. soldier stands guard duty near a burning oil well in the Rumaila oil field, Iraq, April 2003

In the book Empire (2000), Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri argue that "the decline of Empire has begun".[108][109] Hardt says the Iraq War is a classically imperialist war and is the last gasp of a doomed strategy.[110] They expand on this, claiming that in the new era of imperialism, the classical imperialists retain a colonizing power of sorts, but the strategy shifts from military occupation of economies based on physical goods to a networked biopower based on an informational and affective economies. They go on to say that the U.S. is central to the development of this new regime of international power and sovereignty, termed "Empire", but that it is decentralized and global, and not ruled by one sovereign state: "The United States does indeed occupy a privileged position in Empire, but this privilege derives not from its similarities to the old European imperialist powers, but from its differences."[111] Hardt and Negri draw on the theories of Spinoza, Foucault, Deleuze and Italian autonomist Marxists.[112][113]

Geographer David Harvey says there has emerged a new type of imperialism due to geographical distinctions as well as unequal rates of development.[114] He says there have emerged three new global economic and political blocs: the United States, the European Union, and Asia centered on China and Russia.[115][verification needed] He says there are tensions between the three major blocs over resources and economic power, citing the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the motive of which, he argues, was to prevent rival blocs from controlling oil.[116] Furthermore, Harvey argues that there can arise conflict within the major blocs between business interests and the politicians due to their sometimes incongruent economic interests.[117] Politicians live in geographically fixed locations and are, in the U.S. and Europe,[verification needed] accountable to an electorate. The 'new' imperialism, then, has led to an alignment of the interests of capitalists and politicians in order to prevent the rise and expansion of possible economic and political rivals from challenging America's dominance.[118]

 
Naval Base Guam in the U.S. territory of Guam

Classics professor and war historian Victor Davis Hanson dismisses the notion of an American Empire altogether, with a mocking comparison to historical empires: "We do not send out proconsuls to reside over client states, which in turn impose taxes on coerced subjects to pay for the legions. Instead, American bases are predicated on contractual obligations — costly to us and profitable to their hosts. We do not see any profits in Korea, but instead accept the risk of losing almost 40,000 of our youth to ensure that Kias can flood our shores and that shaggy students can protest outside our embassy in Seoul."[119]

The existence of "proconsuls", however, has been recognized by many since the early Cold War. In 1957, French Historian Amaury de Riencourt associated the American "proconsul" with "the Roman of our time."[120] Expert on recent American history, Arthur M. Schlesinger, detected several contemporary imperial features, including "proconsuls." Washington does not directly run many parts of the world. Rather, its "informal empire" was one "richly equipped with imperial paraphernalia: troops, ships, planes, bases, proconsuls, local collaborators, all spread wide around the luckless planet."[121] "The Supreme Allied Commander, always an American, was an appropriate title for the American proconsul whose reputation and influence outweighed those of European premiers, presidents, and chancellors."[122] U.S. "combatant commanders ... have served as its proconsuls. Their standing in their regions has usually dwarfed that of ambassadors and assistant secretaries of state."[123]

Harvard Historian Niall Ferguson calls the regional combatant commanders, among whom the whole globe is divided, the "pro-consuls" of this "imperium."[124] Günter Bischof calls them "the all powerful proconsuls of the new American empire. Like the proconsuls of Rome they were supposed to bring order and law to the unruly and anarchical world."[125] In September 2000, Washington Post reporter Dana Priest published a series of articles whose central premise was Combatant Commanders' inordinate amount of political influence within the countries in their areas of responsibility. They "had evolved into the modern-day equivalent of the Roman Empire's proconsuls—well-funded, semi-autonomous, unconventional centers of U.S. foreign policy."[126] The Romans often preferred to exercise power through friendly client regimes, rather than direct rule: "Until Jay Garner and L. Paul Bremer became U.S. proconsuls in Baghdad, that was the American method, too".[127]

Another distinction of Victor Davis Hanson—that US bases, contrary to the legions, are costly to America and profitable for their hosts—expresses the American view. The hosts express a diametrically opposite view. Japan pays for 25,000 Japanese working on US bases. 20% of those workers provide entertainment: a list drawn up by the Japanese Ministry of Defense included 76 bartenders, 48 vending machine personnel, 47 golf course maintenance personnel, 25 club managers, 20 commercial artists, 9 leisure-boat operators, 6 theater directors, 5 cake decorators, 4 bowling alley clerks, 3 tour guides and 1 animal caretaker. Shu Watanabe of the Democratic Party of Japan asks: "Why does Japan need to pay the costs for US service members' entertainment on their holidays?"[128] One research on host nations support concludes:

 
A convoy of U.S. soldiers during the American-led intervention in the Syrian Civil War, December 2018

At an alliance-level analysis, case studies of South Korea and Japan show that the necessity of the alliance relationship with the U.S. and their relative capabilities to achieve security purposes lead them to increase the size of direct economic investment to support the U.S. forces stationed in their territories, as well as to facilitate the US global defense posture. In addition, these two countries have increased their political and economic contribution to the U.S.-led military operations beyond the geographic scope of the alliance in the post-Cold War period ... Behavioral changes among the U.S. allies in response to demands for sharing alliance burdens directly indicate the changed nature of unipolar alliances. In order to maintain its power preponderance and primacy, the unipole has imposed greater pressure on its allies to devote much of their resources and energy to contributing to its global defense posture ... [It] is expected that the systemic properties of unipolarity–non-structural threat and a power preponderance of the unipole–gradually increase the political and economic burdens of the allies in need of maintaining alliance relationships with the unipole.[129]

Increasing the "economic burdens of the allies" was one of the major priorities of former President Donald Trump.[130][131][132][133] Classicist Eric Adler notes that Hanson earlier had written about the decline of the classical studies in the United States and insufficient attention devoted to the classical experience. "When writing about American foreign policy for a lay audience, however, Hanson himself chose to castigate Roman imperialism in order to portray the modern United States as different from—and superior to—the Roman state."[134] As a supporter of a hawkish unilateral American foreign policy, Hanson's "distinctly negative view of Roman imperialism is particularly noteworthy, since it demonstrates the importance a contemporary supporter of a hawkish American foreign policy places on criticizing Rome."[134]

U.S. foreign policy debate

Further information: Military history of the United States and Overseas interventions of the United States
 
Map of the United States and directly controlled territories at its greatest extent from 1898 to 1902, after the Spanish–American War

Annexation is a crucial instrument in the expansion of a nation, due to the fact that once a territory is annexed it must act within the confines of its superior counterpart. The United States Congress' ability to annex a foreign territory is explained in a report from the Congressional Committee on Foreign Relations, "If, in the judgment of Congress, such a measure is supported by a safe and wise policy, or is based upon a natural duty that we owe to the people of Hawaii, or is necessary for our national development and security, that is enough to justify annexation, with the consent of the recognized government of the country to be annexed."[135]

Prior to annexing a territory, the American government still held immense power through the various legislations passed in the late 1800s. The Platt Amendment was utilized to prevent Cuba from entering into any agreement with foreign nations and also granted the Americans the right to build naval stations on their soil.[136] Executive officials in the American government began to determine themselves the supreme authority in matters regarding the recognition or restriction of independence.[136]

When asked on April 28, 2003, on Al Jazeera whether the United States was "empire building," Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld replied, "We don't seek empires. We're not imperialistic. We never have been."[137]

However, historian Donald W. Meinig says imperial behavior by the United States dates at least to the Louisiana Purchase, which he describes as an "imperial acquisition—imperial in the sense of the aggressive encroachment of one people upon the territory of another, resulting in the subjugation of that people to alien rule." The U.S. policies towards the Native Americans, he said, were "designed to remold them into a people more appropriately conformed to imperial desires."[138]

 
A map of Central America, showing the places affected by Theodore Roosevelt's Big Stick policy

Writers and academics of the early 20th century, like Charles A. Beard, in support of non-interventionism (sometimes referred to as "isolationism"), discussed American policy as being driven by self-interested expansionism going back as far as the writing of the Constitution. Many politicians today do not agree. Pat Buchanan claims that the modern United States' drive to empire is "far removed from what the Founding Fathers had intended the young Republic to become."[139]

Andrew Bacevich argues that the U.S. did not fundamentally change its foreign policy after the Cold War, and remains focused on an effort to expand its control across the world.[140] As the surviving superpower at the end of the Cold War, the U.S. could focus its assets in new directions, the future being "up for grabs," according to former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Paul Wolfowitz in 1991.[141] Head of the Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University, Stephen Peter Rosen, maintains:

A political unit that has overwhelming superiority in military power, and uses that power to influence the internal behavior of other states, is called an empire. Because the United States does not seek to control territory or govern the overseas citizens of the empire, we are an indirect empire, to be sure, but an empire nonetheless. If this is correct, our goal is not combating a rival, but maintaining our imperial position and maintaining imperial order.[142]

In Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, the political activist Noam Chomsky argues that exceptionalism and the denials of imperialism are the result of a systematic strategy of propaganda, to "manufacture opinion" as the process has long been described in other countries.[143]

Thorton wrote that "[...]imperialism is more often the name of the emotion that reacts to a series of events than a definition of the events themselves. Where colonization finds analysts and analogies, imperialism must contend with crusaders for and against."[144] Political theorist Michael Walzer argues that the term hegemony is better than empire to describe the U.S.'s role in the world.[145] Political scientist Robert Keohane agrees saying, a "balanced and nuanced analysis is not aided ... by the use of the word 'empire' to describe United States hegemony, since 'empire' obscures rather than illuminates the differences in form of governance between the United States and other Great Powers, such as Great Britain in the 19th century or the Soviet Union in the twentieth".[146]

Since 2001,[147] Emmanuel Todd assumes the U.S.A. cannot hold for long the status of mondial hegemonic power, due to limited resources. Instead, the U.S.A. is going to become just one of the major regional powers along with European Union, China, Russia, etc. Reviewing Todd's After the Empire, G. John Ikenberry found that it had been written in "a fit of French wishful thinking."[148]

Other political scientists, such as Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright, argue that neither term exclusively describes foreign relations of the United States. The U.S. can be, and has been, simultaneously an empire and a hegemonic power. They claim that the general trend in U.S. foreign relations has been away from imperial modes of control.[149]

American media and cultural imperialism

 
McDonald's in Saint Petersburg, Russia

American imperialism has long had a media dimension (media imperialism) and cultural dimension (cultural imperialism).

In Mass Communication and American Empire, Herbert I. Schiller emphasized the significance of the mass media and cultural industry to American imperialism,[150] arguing that "each new electronic development widens the perimeter of American influence," and declaring that "American power, expressed industrially, militarily and culturally has become the most potent force on earth and communications have become a decisive element in the extension of United States world power."[151]

In Communication and Cultural Domination, Schiller presented the premier definition of cultural imperialism as

the sum processes by which a society is brought into the modern [U.S.-centered] world system and how its dominating stratum is attracted, pressured, forced, and sometimes bribed into shaping social institutions to correspond to, or even promote, the values and structures of the dominating centres of the system.[152]

In Schiller's formulation of the concept, cultural imperialism refers to the American Empire's "coercive and persuasive agencies, and their capacity to promote and universalize an American 'way of life' in other countries without any reciprocation of influence."[153] According to Schiller, cultural imperialism "pressured, forced and bribed" societies to integrate with the U.S.'s expansive capitalist model but also incorporated them with attraction and persuasion by winning "the mutual consent, even solicitation of the indigenous rulers."

Newer research on cultural imperialism sheds light on how the US national security state partners with media corporations to spread US foreign policy and military-promoting media goods around the world. In Hearts and Mines: The US Empire's Culture Industry, Tanner Mirrlees builds upon the work of Herbert I. Schiller to argue that the US government and media corporations pursue different interests on the world stage (the former, national security, and the latter, profit), but structural alliances and the synergistic relationships between them support the co-production and global flow of Empire-extolling cultural and entertainment goods.[154]

Some researchers argue that military and cultural imperialism are interdependent. Every war of Empire has relied upon a culture or "way of life" that supports it, and most often, with the idea that a country has a unique or special mission to spread its way of life around the world. Edward Said, one of the founders of post-colonial theory, said,

... so influential has been the discourse insisting on American specialness, altruism and opportunity, that imperialism in the United States as a word or ideology has turned up only rarely and recently in accounts of the United States culture, politics and history. But the connection between imperial politics and culture in North America, and in particular in the United States, is astonishingly direct.[155]

International relations scholar David Rothkopf disagrees with the notion that cultural imperialism is an intentional political or military process, and instead argues that it is the innocent result of economic globalization, which allows access to numerous U.S. and Western ideas and products that many non-U.S. and non-Western consumers across the world voluntarily choose to consume.[156] In a similar analysis, Matthew Fraser argues that the American "soft power" and American global cultural influence is a good thing for other countries, and good for the world as a whole.[157] Tanner Mirrlees argues that the discourse of "soft power" used by Matthew Fraser and others to promote American global cultural influence represents an "apologia" for cultural imperialism, a way of rationalizing it (while denying it).[158]

Louis A. Perez Jr. provides an example of propaganda used during the war of 1898, "We are coming, Cuba, coming; we are bound to set you free! We are coming from the mountains, from the plains and inland sea! We are coming with the wrath of God to make the Spaniards flee! We are coming, Cuba, coming; coming now!"[136]

In contrast, many other countries with American brands have incorporated these into their own local culture.[non sequitur]An example of this would be the self-styled "Maccas," an Australian derivation of "McDonald's" with a tinge of Australian culture.[159]

U.S. military bases

 
U.S. military presence around the world in 2007. As of 2013, the U.S. had many bases and troops stationed globally.[160] Their presence has generated controversy and opposition.[161][162]
  More than 1,000 U.S. troops
  100–1,000 U.S. troops
  Use of military facilities
Further information: List of United States military bases
 
Combined Air and Space Operations Center (CAOC) at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, 2015

Chalmers Johnson argued in 2004 that America's version of the colony is the military base.[163] Chip Pitts argued similarly in 2006 that enduring U.S. bases in Iraq suggested a vision of "Iraq as a colony."[164]

While territories such as Guam, the United States Virgin Islands, the Northern Mariana Islands, American Samoa, and Puerto Rico remain under U.S. control, the U.S. allowed many of its overseas territories or occupations to gain independence after World War II. Examples include the Philippines (1946), the Panama Canal Zone (1979), Palau (1981), the Federated States of Micronesia (1986), and the Marshall Islands (1986). Most of them still have U.S. bases within their territories. In the case of Okinawa, which came under U.S. administration after the Battle of Okinawa during the Second World War, this happened despite local popular opinion on the island.[165] In 2003, a Department of Defense distribution found the United States had bases in over 36 countries worldwide,[166] including the Camp Bondsteel base in the disputed territory of Kosovo.[167] Since 1959, Cuba has regarded the U.S. presence in Guantánamo Bay as illegal.[168]

By 1970,[needs update] the United States had more than one million soldiers in 30 countries,[citation needed] was a member of four regional defense alliances and an active participant in a fifth, had mutual defense treaties with 42 nations, was a member of 53 international organizations, and was furnishing military or economic aid to nearly 100 nations across the face of the globe.[169] In 2015 the Department of Defense reported the number of bases that had any military or civilians stationed or employed was 587. This includes land only (where no facilities are present), facility or facilities only (where there the underlying land is neither owned nor controlled by the government), and land with facilities (where both are present).[170]

Also in 2015, David Vine's book Base Nation, found 800 U.S. military bases located outside of the U.S., including 174 bases in Germany, 113 in Japan, and 83 in South Korea. The total cost was estimated at $100 billion a year.[171]

According to The Huffington Post, "The 45 nations and territories with little or no democratic rule represent more than half of the roughly 80 countries now hosting U.S. bases. ... Research by political scientist Kent Calder confirms what's come to be known as the "dictatorship hypothesis": The United States tends to support dictators [and other undemocratic regimes] in nations where it enjoys basing facilities."[172]

Support

Main articles: Neoconservatism and Monroe Doctrine
 
Political cartoon depicting Theodore Roosevelt using the Monroe Doctrine to keep European powers out of the Dominican Republic.

One of the earliest historians of American Empire, William Appleman Williams, wrote, "The routine lust for land, markets or security became justifications for noble rhetoric about prosperity, liberty and security."[173]

Max Boot defends U.S. imperialism, writing, "U.S. imperialism has been the greatest force for good in the world during the past century. It has defeated communism and Nazism and has intervened against the Taliban and Serbian ethnic cleansing."[174] Boot used "imperialism" to describe United States policy, not only in the early 20th century but "since at least 1803."[174][175] This embrace of empire is made by other neoconservatives, including British historian Paul Johnson, and writers Dinesh D'Souza and Mark Steyn. It is also made by some liberal hawks, such as political scientists Zbigniew Brzezinski and Michael Ignatieff.[176]

Scottish-American historian Niall Ferguson argues that the United States is an empire and believes that this is a good thing: "What is not allowed is to say that the United States is an empire and that this might not be wholly bad."[177] Ferguson has drawn parallels between the British Empire and the global role of the United States in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, though he describes the United States' political and social structures as more like those of the Roman Empire than of the British. Ferguson argues that all of these empires have had both positive and negative aspects, but that the positive aspects of the U.S. empire will, if it learns from history and its mistakes, greatly outweigh its negative aspects.[178]

Another point of view implies that United States expansion overseas has indeed been imperialistic, but that this imperialism is only a temporary phenomenon, a corruption of American ideals, or the relic of a past era. Historian Samuel Flagg Bemis argues that Spanish–American War expansionism was a short-lived imperialistic impulse and "a great aberration in American history," a very different form of territorial growth than that of earlier American history.[179] Historian Walter LaFeber sees the Spanish–American War expansionism not as an aberration, but as a culmination of United States expansion westward.[180]

Historian Victor Davis Hanson argues that the U.S. does not pursue world domination, but maintains worldwide influence by a system of mutually beneficial exchanges.[119] On the other hand, Filipino revolutionary General Emilio Aguinaldo felt as though American involvement in the Philippines was destructive: "The Filipinos fighting for Liberty, the American people fighting them to give them liberty. The two peoples are fighting on parallel lines for the same object."[181] American influence worldwide and the effects it has on other nations have multiple interpretations.

Liberal internationalists argue that even though the present world order is dominated by the United States, the form taken by that dominance is not imperial. International relations scholar John Ikenberry argues that international institutions have taken the place of empire.[148]

International relations scholar Joseph Nye argues that U.S. power is more and more based on "soft power," which comes from cultural hegemony rather than raw military or economic force. This includes such factors as the widespread desire to emigrate to the United States, the prestige and corresponding high proportion of foreign students at U.S. universities, and the spread of U.S. styles of popular music and cinema. Mass immigration into America may justify this theory, but it is hard to know whether the United States would still maintain its prestige without its military and economic superiority.,[182] In terms of soft power, Giles Scott-Smith, argues that American universities:[183]

acted as magnets for attracting up-and-coming elites, who were keen to acquire the skills, qualifications and prestige that came with the 'Made in the USA' trademark. This is a subtle, long-term form of 'soft power' that has required only limited intervention by the US government to function successfully. It conforms to Samuel Huntington's view that American power rarely sought to acquire foreign territories, preferring instead to penetrate them — culturally, economically and politically — in such a way as to secure acquiescence for US interests.[184][185]

See also

References

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Further reading

External links

 
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May 01, 2023
american, imperialism, other, uses, american, empire, american, hegemony, redirects, here, most, relevant, time, period, hegemony, 21st, century, refers, expansion, american, political, economic, cultural, media, military, influence, beyond, boundaries, united. For other uses see American Empire American hegemony redirects here For the most relevant time period see Hegemony 21st century American imperialism refers to the expansion of American political economic cultural media and military influence beyond the boundaries of the United States Depending on the commentator it may include imperialism through outright military conquest gunboat diplomacy unequal treaties subsidization of preferred factions regime change or economic penetration through private companies potentially followed by diplomatic or forceful intervention when those interests are threatened 1 2 1898 political cartoon Ten thousand miles from tip to tip referring to the expansion of American domination symbolized by a bald eagle from Puerto Rico to the Philippines following the Spanish American War the cartoon contrasts this with a map showing the significantly smaller size of the United States in 1798 exactly 100 years earlier The policies perpetuating American imperialism and expansionism are usually considered to have begun with New Imperialism in the late 19th century 3 though some consider American territorial expansion at the expense of Native Americans to be similar enough in nature to be identified with the same term 4 While the United States has never officially identified itself and its territorial possessions as an empire some commentators have referred to the country as such including Max Boot Arthur M Schlesinger Jr and Niall Ferguson 5 Other commentators have accused the United States of practicing neocolonialism sometimes defined as a modern form of hegemony which leverages economic power rather than military force in an informal empire the term neocolonialism has occasionally been used as a contemporary synonym for modern day imperialism The question of whether the United States should intervene in the affairs of foreign countries has been a much debated topic in domestic politics for the country s entire history Opponents of interventionism have pointed to the country s origin as a former colony that rebelled against an overseas king as well as the American values of democracy freedom and independence Conversely supporters of interventionism and of American presidents who have been labelled as imperialists notably Andrew Jackson James K Polk William McKinley Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft have justified interventions in or whole seizures of various countries by citing the necessity of advancing American economic interests such as trade and debt management preventing European intervention colonial or otherwise in the Western Hemisphere manifested in the anti European Monroe Doctrine of 1823 and the benefits of keeping good order around the world Contents 1 History 1 1 Overview 1 2 1700s 1800s Indian Wars and Manifest Destiny 1 3 Early 1800s African colonization 1 4 1800s Filibustering in Central America 1 5 1800s 1900s New Imperialism and The White Man s Burden 1 6 1918 Wilsonian intervention 1 7 1920s 1930s American Imperialism Between Wars 1 7 1 America Entering the Middle East 1 8 1941 1945 World War II 1 8 1 The Grand Area 1 9 1947 1952 Cold War in Western Europe Empire by invitation 1 10 Post 1954 Korea Vietnam and imperial internationalism 2 American exceptionalism 3 Views of American imperialism 3 1 Political debate after September 11 2001 3 2 Academic debates after September 11 2001 4 U S foreign policy debate 5 American media and cultural imperialism 6 U S military bases 7 Support 8 See also 9 References 10 Further reading 11 External linksHistory EditOverview Edit U S westward expansion portions of each territory were granted statehood since the 18th century A New Map of Texas Oregon and California Samuel Augustus Mitchell 1846Despite periods of peaceful co existence wars with Native Americans resulted in substantial territorial gains for American colonists who were expanding into native land Wars with the Native Americans continued intermittently after independence and an ethnic cleansing campaign known as Indian removal gained for European American settlers more valuable territory on the eastern side of the continent George Washington began a policy of United States non interventionism which lasted into the 1800s The United States promulgated the Monroe Doctrine in 1821 in order to stop further European colonialism and to allow the American colonies to grow further but desire for territorial expansion to the Pacific Ocean was explicit in the doctrine of Manifest Destiny The giant Louisiana Purchase was peaceful but the Mexican American War of 1846 resulted in the annexation of 525 000 square miles 1 360 000 km2 of Mexican territory 6 7 Elements attempted to expand pro U S republics or U S states in Mexico and Central America the most notable being fillibuster William Walker s Republic of Baja California in 1853 and his intervention in Nicaragua in 1855 Senator Sam Houston of Texas even proposed a resolution in the Senate for the United States to declare and maintain an efficient protectorate over the States of Mexico Nicaragua Costa Rica Guatemala Honduras and San Salvador The idea of U S expansion into Mexico and the Caribbean was popular among politicians of the slave states and also among some business tycoons in the Nicarauguan Transit the semi overland and main trade route connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans before the Panama Canal President Ulysses S Grant attempted to annex the Dominican Republic in 1870 but failed to get the support of the Senate Non interventionism was wholly abandoned with the Spanish American War The United States acquired the remaining island colonies of Spain with President Theodore Roosevelt defending the acquisition of the Philippines The U S policed Latin America under Roosevelt Corollary and sometimes using the military to favor American commercial interests such as intervention in the banana republics and the annexation of Hawaii Imperialist foreign policy was controversial with the American public and domestic opposition allowed Cuban independence though in the early 20th century the U S obtained the Panama Canal Zone and occupied Haiti and the Dominican Republic The United States returned to strong non interventionist policy after World War I including with the Good Neighbor policy for Latin America After fighting World War II it administered many Pacific islands captured during the fight against Japan Partly to prevent the militaries of those countries from growing threateningly large and partly to contain the Soviet Union the United States promised to defend Germany which is also part of NATO and Japan through the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan which it had formerly defeated in war and which are now independent democracies It maintains substantial military bases in both The Cold War reoriented American foreign policy towards opposing communism and prevailing U S foreign policy embraced its role as a nuclear armed global superpower Though the Truman Doctrine and Reagan Doctrine the United States framed the mission as protecting free peoples against an undemocratic system anti Soviet foreign policy became coercive and occasionally covert United States involvement in regime change included overthrowing the democratically elected government of Iran the Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba occupation of Grenada and interference in various foreign elections The long and bloody Vietnam War led to widespread criticism of an arrogance of power and violations of international law emerging from an imperial presidency with Martin Luther King Jr among others accusing the US of a new form of colonialism 8 Many saw the post Cold War 1990 91 Gulf War as motivated by U S oil interests though it reversed the hostile invasion of Kuwait After the September 11 attacks in 2001 questions of imperialism were raised again as the United States invaded Afghanistan to overthrow the Taliban which harbored the attackers and Iraq in 2003 which the U S incorrectly claimed had weapons of mass destruction The invasion led to the collapse of the Iraqi Ba athist government and its replacement with the Coalition Provisional Authority Following the invasion an insurgency fought against Coalition forces and the newly elected Iraqi government and a sectarian civil war occurred The Iraq War opened the country s oil industry to US firms for the first time in decades 9 and many argued the invasion violated international law Around 500 000 people were killed in both wars as of 2018 10 In terms of territorial acquisition the United States has integrated with voting rights all of its acquisitions on the North American continent including the non contiguous Alaska Hawaii has also become a state with equal representation to the mainland but other island jurisdictions acquired during wartime remain territories namely Guam Puerto Rico the United States Virgin Islands American Samoa and the Northern Mariana Islands The federal government officially apologized for the overthrow of the Hawaiian government in 1993 The remainder of acquired territories have become independent with varying degrees of cooperation ranging from three freely associated states which participate in federal government programs in exchange for military basing rights to Cuba which severed diplomatic relations during the Cold War The United States was a public advocate for European decolonization after World War II having started a ten year independence transition for the Philippines in 1934 with the Tydings McDuffie Act Even so the US desire for an informal system of global primacy in an American Century often brought them into conflict with national liberation movements 11 The United States has now granted citizenship to Native Americans and recognizes some degree of tribal sovereignty 1700s 1800s Indian Wars and Manifest Destiny Edit Further information Empire of Liberty Manifest Destiny Modern empires and Overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii Caricature by Louis Dalrymple showing Uncle Sam lecturing four children labeled Philippines Hawaii Puerto Rico and Cuba in front of children holding books labeled with various U S states A black boy is washing windows a Native American sits separate from the class and a Chinese boy is outside the door The caption reads School Begins Uncle Sam to his new class in Civilization Now children you ve got to learn these lessons whether you want to or not But just take a look at the class ahead of you and remember that in a little while you will feel as glad to be here as they are Yale historian Paul Kennedy has asserted From the time the first settlers arrived in Virginia from England and started moving westward this was an imperial nation a conquering nation 12 Expanding on George Washington s description of the early United States as an infant empire 13 Benjamin Franklin wrote Hence the Prince that acquires new Territory if he finds it vacant or removes the Natives to give his own People Room the Legislator that makes effectual Laws for promoting of Trade increasing Employment improving Land by more or better Tillage providing more Food by Fisheries securing Property etc and the Man that invents new Trades Arts or Manufactures or new Improvements in Husbandry may be properly called Fathers of their Nation as they are the Cause of the Generation of Multitudes by the Encouragement they afford to Marriage 14 Thomas Jefferson asserted in 1786 that the United States must be viewed as the nest from which all America North amp South is to be peopled The navigation of the Mississippi we must have This is all we are as yet ready to receive 15 From the left Noam Chomsky writes that the United States is the one country that exists as far as I know and ever has that was founded as an empire explicitly 16 17 A national drive for territorial acquisition across the continent was popularized in the 19th century as the ideology of Manifest Destiny 18 It came to be realized with the Mexican American War of 1846 which resulted in the cession of 525 000 square miles 1 360 000 km2 of Mexican territory to the United States stretching up to the Pacific coast 6 7 The Whig Party strongly opposed this war and expansionism generally 19 President James Monroe presented his famous doctrine for the western hemisphere in 1823 Historians have observed that while the Monroe Doctrine contained a commitment to resist colonialism from Europe it had some aggressive implications for American policy since there were no limitations on the US s actions mentioned within it Historian Jay Sexton notes that the tactics used to implement the doctrine were modeled after those employed by European imperial powers during the 17th and 18th centuries 20 From the left historian William Appleman Williams described it as imperial anti colonialism 21 Big Foot s camp three weeks after Wounded Knee Massacre with bodies of four Lakota Sioux wrapped in blankets in the foreground The Indian Wars against the indigenous peoples of the Americas began in the colonial era Their escalation under the federal republic allowed the US to dominate North America and carve out the 48 contiguous states This can be considered to be an explicitly colonial process in light of arguments that Native American nations were sovereign entities prior to annexation 22 Their sovereignty was systematically undermined by US state policy usually involving unequal or broken treaties and white settler colonialism 23 Early 1800s African colonization Edit Starting in 1820 the American Colonization Society began subsidizing free black people to colonize the west coast of Africa In 1822 it declared the colony of Liberia which became independent in 1847 By 1857 Liberia had merged with other colonies formed by state societies including the Republic of Maryland Mississippi in Africa and Kentucky in Africa 1800s Filibustering in Central America Edit In the older historiography William Walker s filibustering represented the high tide of antebellum American imperialism His brief seizure of Nicaragua in 1855 is typically called a representative expression of Manifest destiny with the added factor of trying to expand slavery into Central America Walker failed in all his escapades and never had official U S backing Historian Michel Gobat however presents a strongly revisionist interpretation He argues that Walker was invited in by Nicaraguan liberals who were trying to force economic modernization and political liberalism Walker s government comprised those liberals as well as Yankee colonizers and European radicals Walker even included some local Catholics as well as indigenous peoples Cuban revolutionaries and local peasants His coalition was much too complex and diverse to survive long but it was not the attempted projection of American power concludes Gobat 24 1800s 1900s New Imperialism and The White Man s Burden Edit Further information New Imperialism History of the Philippines 1898 1946 Philippine American War Big Stick ideology and Roosevelt corollary This cartoon reflects the view of Judge magazine regarding America s imperial ambitions following McKinley s quick victory in the Spanish American War of 1898 25 The American flag flies from the Philippines and Hawaii in the Pacific to Cuba and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean A variety of factors converged during the New Imperialism of the late 19th century when the United States and the other great powers rapidly expanded their overseas territorial possessions The prevalence of overt racism notably John Fiske s conception of Anglo Saxon racial superiority and Josiah Strong s call to civilize and Christianize were manifestations of a growing Social Darwinism and racism in some schools of American political thought 26 27 28 Early in his career as Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt was instrumental in preparing the Navy for the Spanish American War 29 and was an enthusiastic proponent of testing the U S military in battle at one point stating I should welcome almost any war for I think this country needs one 30 31 32 Roosevelt claimed that he rejected imperialism but he embraced the near identical doctrine of expansionism 33 When Rudyard Kipling wrote the imperialist poem The White Man s Burden for Roosevelt the politician told colleagues that it was rather poor poetry but good sense from the expansion point of view 34 Roosevelt proclaimed his own corollary to the Monroe Doctrine as justification 35 although his ambitions extended even further into the Far East Scholars have noted the resemblance between U S policies in the Philippines and European actions in their colonies in Asia and Africa during this period 36 Industry and trade were two of the most prevalent justifications of imperialism American intervention in both Latin America and Hawaii resulted in multiple industrial investments including the popular industry of Dole bananas If the United States was able to annex a territory in turn they were granted access to the trade and capital of those territories In 1898 Senator Albert Beveridge proclaimed that an expansion of markets was absolutely necessary American factories are making more than the American people can use American soil is producing more than they can consume Fate has written our policy for us the trade of the world must and shall be ours 37 38 One of the New York Journal s most infamous cartoons depicting Philippine American War General Jacob H Smith s order Kill Everyone over Ten from the front page on May 5 1902 American rule of ceded Spanish territory was not uncontested The Philippine Revolution had begun in August 1896 against Spain and after the defeat of Spain in the Battle of Manila Bay began again in earnest culminating in the Philippine Declaration of Independence and the establishment of the First Philippine Republic The Philippine American War ensued with extensive damage and death ultimately resulting in the defeat of the Philippine Republic 39 40 41 The maximum geographical extension of American direct political and military control happened in the aftermath of World War II in the period after the surrender and occupations of Germany and Austria in May and later Japan and Korea in September 1945 and before the independence of the Philippines in July 1946 42 Stuart Creighton Miller says that the public s sense of innocence about Realpolitik impairs popular recognition of U S imperial conduct 43 The resistance to actively occupying foreign territory has led to policies of exerting influence via other means including governing other countries via surrogates or puppet regimes where domestically unpopular governments survive only through U S support 44 A map of Greater America c 1900 including overseas territories The Philippines is sometimes cited as an example After Philippine independence the US continued to direct the country through Central Intelligence Agency operatives like Edward Lansdale As Raymond Bonner and other historians note Lansdale controlled the career of President Ramon Magsaysay going so far as to physically beat him when the Philippine leader attempted to reject a speech the CIA had written for him American agents also drugged sitting President Elpidio Quirino and prepared to assassinate Senator Claro Recto 45 46 Prominent Filipino historian Roland G Simbulan has called the CIA US imperialism s clandestine apparatus in the Philippines 47 The U S retained dozens of military bases including a few major ones In addition Philippine independence was qualified by legislation passed by the U S Congress For example the Bell Trade Act provided a mechanism whereby U S import quotas might be established on Philippine articles which are coming or are likely to come into substantial competition with like articles the product of the United States It further required U S citizens and corporations be granted equal access to Philippine minerals forests and other natural resources 48 In hearings before the Senate Committee on Finance Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs William L Clayton described the law as clearly inconsistent with the basic foreign economic policy of this country and clearly inconsistent with our promise to grant the Philippines genuine independence 49 1918 Wilsonian intervention Edit American troops marching in Vladivostok during the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War August 1918 When World War I broke out in Europe President Woodrow Wilson promised American neutrality throughout the war This promise was broken when the United States entered the war after the Zimmermann Telegram This was a war for empire to control vast raw materials in Africa and other colonized areas according to the contemporary historian and civil rights leader W E B Du Bois 50 More recently historian Howard Zinn argues that Wilson entered the war in order to open international markets to surplus US production He quotes Wilson s own declaration that Concessions obtained by financiers must be safeguarded by ministers of state even if the sovereignty of unwilling nations be outraged in the process the doors of the nations which are closed must be battered down In a memo to Secretary of State Bryan the president described his aim as an open door to the world 51 Lloyd Gardner notes that Wilson s original avoidance of world war was not motivated by anti imperialism his fear was that white civilization and its domination in the world were threatened by the great white nations destroying each other in endless battle 52 Despite President Wilson s official doctrine of moral diplomacy seeking to make the world safe for democracy some of his activities at the time can be viewed as imperialism to stop the advance of democracy in countries such as Haiti 53 The United States invaded Haiti on July 28 1915 and American rule continued until August 1 1934 The historian Mary Renda in her book Taking Haiti talks about the American invasion of Haiti to bring about political stability through U S control The American government did not believe Haiti was ready for self government or democracy according to Renda In order to bring about political stability in Haiti the United States secured control and integrated the country into the international capitalist economy while preventing Haiti from practicing self governance or democracy While Haiti had been running their own government for many years before American intervention the U S government regarded Haiti as unfit for self rule In order to convince the American public of the justice in intervening the United States government used paternalist propaganda depicting the Haitian political process as uncivilized The Haitian government would come to agree to U S terms including American overseeing of the Haitian economy This direct supervision of the Haitian economy would reinforce U S propaganda and further entrench the perception of Haitians being incompetent of self governance 54 In the First World War the US Britain and Russia had been allies for seven months from April 1917 until the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia in November Active distrust surfaced immediately as even before the October Revolution British officers had been involved in the Kornilov Affair an attempted coup d etat by the Russian Army against the Provisional Government 55 Nonetheless once the Bolsheviks took Moscow the British government began talks to try and keep them in the war effort British diplomat Bruce Lockhart cultivated a relationship with several Soviet officials including Leon Trotsky and the latter approved the initial Allied military mission to secure the Eastern Front which was collapsing in the revolutionary upheaval Ultimately Soviet head of state V I Lenin decided the Bolsheviks would settle peacefully with the Central Powers at the Treaty of Brest Litovsk This separate peace led to Allied disdain for the Soviets since it left the Western Allies to fight Germany without a strong Eastern partner The Secret Intelligence Service supported by US diplomat Dewitt C Poole sponsored an attempted coup in Moscow involving Bruce Lockhart and Sidney Reilly which involved an attempted assassination of Lenin The Bolsheviks proceeded to shut down the British and U S embassies 56 57 Tensions between Russia including its allies and the West turned intensely ideological Horrified by mass executions of White forces land expropriations and widespread repression the Allied military expedition now assisted the anti Bolshevik Whites in the Russian Civil War with the US covertly giving support 58 to the autocratic and antisemitic General Alexander Kolchak 59 Over 30 000 Western troops were deployed in Russia overall 60 This was the first event that made Russian American relations a matter of major long term concern to the leaders in each country Some historians including William Appleman Williams and Ronald Powaski trace the origins of the Cold War to this conflict 61 Wilson launched seven armed interventions more than any other president 62 Looking back on the Wilson era General Smedley Butler a leader of the Haiti expedition and the highest decorated Marine of that time considered virtually all of the operations to have been economically motivated 63 In a 1933 speech he said I was a racketeer a gangster for capitalism I suspected I was just part of a racket at the time Now I am sure of it I helped make Mexico especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914 I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefits of Wall Street Looking back on it I feel that I could have given Al Capone a few hints The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts I operated on three continents 64 1920s 1930s American Imperialism Between Wars Edit America Entering the Middle East Edit Following World War I the British maintained occupation of the Middle East most notably Turkey and portions of formerly Ottoman territory following the empire s collapse 65 The occupation led to rapid industrialization which resulted in the discovery of crude oil in Persia in 1908 sparking a boom in the Middle Eastern economy 66 The oil industry of the United States began to grow following World War I causing an increased desire to enter the Middle East In 1919 US oil companies from New York and New Jersey tried to enter the Mesopotamia Palestine region but were barred by the San Remo Resolution a League of Nations agreement that divided up majority claims of Middle Eastern oil between France and Britain The following year the US State Department challenged the resolution using the Open Door Policy allowing more American oil companies to enter the Middle East The British resisted the United States entry into the Middle East but opened the Turkish oil trade to the US to mitigate competition in 1928 By the 1930s the United States had cemented itself in the Middle East via a series of acquisitions through the Standard Oil of California SOCAL which saw US control over Saudi oil 65 The oil rights were soon transferred to California Arabian Standard Oil Company CASOC a company based out of Delaware and recorded the acquisition in United States Dollar This transaction cemented the measure of oil using USD switching from the British Pound increasing the United States influence over the Middle East It was clear to the US that further expansion in Middle Eastern oil would not be possible without diplomatic representation In 1939 CASOC appealed to the US State Department about increasing political relations with Saudi Arabia This appeal was ignored until Germany and Japan made similar attempts following the start of World War II 65 GRO s influence in the Middle East continued to grow throughout the 1940s following the United States entry into WWII and their protection of Saudi Arabian oil 1941 1945 World War II Edit At the start of World War II the United States of America had multiple territories in the Pacific The majority of these territories were military bases like Midway Guam Wake Island and Hawaii Japan s surprise attack on Pearl Harbor was what ended up bringing the United States into the war Japan also launched multiple attacks on other American Territories like Guam and Wake Island By early 1942 Japan also was able to take over the Philippine islands At the end of the Philippine island campaign the general MacArthur stated I came through and I shall return in response to the Americans losing the island to the Japanese 67 The loss of American territories ended the decisive Battle of Midway The Battle of Midway was the American offensive to stop Midway Island from falling into Japanese control This led to the pushback of American forces and the recapturing of American territories There were many battles that were fought against the Japanese which retook both allied territory as well as took over Japanese territories In October 1944 American started their plan to retake the Philippine islands Japanese troops on the island ended up surrendering in August 1945 After the Japanese surrender on September 2 1945 the United States occupied and reformed Japan up until 1952 The United States granted the Philippines independence on July 4 1946 The Grand Area Edit In an October 1940 report to Franklin Roosevelt Bowman wrote that the US government is interested in any solution anywhere in the world that affects American trade In a wide sense commerce is the mother of all wars In 1942 this economic globalism was articulated as the Grand Area concept in secret documents The US would have to have control over the Western Hemisphere Continental Europe and Mediterranean Basin excluding Russia the Pacific Area and the Far East and the British Empire excluding Canada The Grand Area encompassed all known major oil bearing areas outside the Soviet Union largely at the behest of corporate partners like the Foreign Oil Committee and the Petroleum Industry War Council 68 The US thus avoided overt territorial acquisition like that of the European colonial empires as being too costly choosing the cheaper option of forcing countries to open their door to American business interests 69 Although the United States was the last major belligerent to join the Second World War it began planning for the post war world from the conflict s outset This postwar vision originated in the Council on Foreign Relations CFR an economic elite led organization that became integrated into the government leadership CFR s War and Peace Studies group offered its services to the State Department in 1939 and a secret partnership for post war planning developed CFR leaders Hamilton Fish Armstrong and Walter H Mallory saw World War II as a grand opportunity for the U S to emerge as the premier power in the world 70 This vision of empire assumed the necessity of the U S to police the world in the aftermath of the war This was not done primarily out of altruism but out of economic interest Isaiah Bowman a key liaison between the CFR and the State Department proposed an American economic Lebensraum This built upon the ideas of Time Life publisher Henry Luce who in his American Century essay wrote Tyrannies may require a large amount of living space but freedom requires and will require far greater living space than Tyranny According to Bowman s biographer Neil Smith Better than the American Century or the Pax Americana the notion of an American Lebensraum captures the specific and global historical geography of U S ascension to power After World War II global power would no longer be measured in terms of colonized land or power over territory Rather global power was measured in directly economic terms Trade and markets now figured as the economic nexuses of global power a shift confirmed in the 1944 Bretton Woods agreement which not only inaugurated an international currency system but also established two central banking institutions the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to oversee the global economy These represented the first planks of the economic infrastructure of the postwar American Lebensraum 71 1947 1952 Cold War in Western Europe Empire by invitation Edit Protest against the deployment of Pershing II missiles in Europe The Hague Netherlands 1983 Prior to his death in 1945 President Roosevelt was planning to withdraw all U S forces from Europe as soon as possible Soviet actions in Poland and Czechoslovakia led his successor Harry Truman to reconsider Heavily influenced by George Kennan Washington policymakers believed that the Soviet Union was an expansionary dictatorship that threatened American interests In their theory Moscow s weakness was that it had to keep expanding to survive and that by containing or stopping its growth stability could be achieved in Europe The result was the Truman Doctrine 1947 regarding Greece and Turkey A second equally important consideration was the need to restore the world economy which required the rebuilding and reorganizing of Europe for growth This matter more than the Soviet threat was the main impetus behind the Marshall Plan of 1948 A third factor was the realization especially by Britain and the three Benelux nations that American military involvement was needed clarification needed Geir Lundestad has commented on the importance of the eagerness with which America s friendship was sought and its leadership welcomed In Western Europe America built an empire by invitation 72 At the same time the U S interfered in Italian and French politics in order to purge elected communist officials who might oppose such invitations 73 Post 1954 Korea Vietnam and imperial internationalism Edit Outside of Europe American imperialism was more distinctly hierarchical with much fainter liberal characteristics Cold War policy often found itself opposed to full decolonization especially in Asia The United States decision to colonize some of the Pacific islands which had formerly been held by the Japanese in the 1940s ran directly counter to America s rhetoric against imperialism General Douglas MacArthur described the Pacific as an Anglo Saxon lake At the same time the U S did not claim state control over much mainland territory but cultivated friendly members of the elites of decolonized countries elites which were often dictatorial as in South Korea Taiwan Indonesia and South Vietnam In South Korea the U S quickly allied with Syngman Rhee leader of the fight against the People s Republic of Korea that proclaimed a provisional government There was a lot of opposition to the division of Korea including rebellions by communists such as the Jeju uprising in 1948 This was violently suppressed and led to the deaths of 30 000 people the majority of them civilians North Korea invaded South Korea in June 1950 starting the Korean War 74 75 With National Security Council document 68 and the subsequent Korean War the U S adopted a policy of rollback against communism in Asia John Tirman an American political theorist has claimed that this policy was heavily influenced by America s imperialistic policy in Asia in the 19th century with its goals to Christianize and Americanize the peasant masses 76 In Vietnam the U S eschewed its anti imperialist rhetoric by materially supporting the French Empire in a colonial counterinsurgency Influenced by the Grand Area policy the U S eventually assumed military and financial support for the South Vietnamese state against the Vietnamese communists following the first First Indochina war The US and South Vietnam feared Ho Chi Minh would win nationwide elections They both refused to sign agreements at the 1954 Geneva Conference arguing that fair elections weren t possible in North Vietnam 77 78 Beginning in 1965 the US sent many combat units to fight Viet Cong and North Vietnamese soldiers in South Vietnam with fighting extending to North Vietnam Laos and Cambodia During the war Martin Luther King Jr called the American government the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today 79 According to a US Congressional Report 80 percent of U S military interventions after 1946 took place after the fall of the USSR 80 American exceptionalism Edit On the cover of Puck published on April 6 1901 in the wake of gainful victory in the Spanish American War Columbia the National personification of the U S preens herself with an Easter bonnet in the form of a warship bearing the words World Power and the word Expansion on the smoke coming out of its stack Main article American exceptionalism American exceptionalism is the notion that the United States occupies a special position among the nations of the world 81 in terms of its national credo historical evolution and political and religious institutions and origins Philosopher Douglas Kellner traces the identification of American exceptionalism as a distinct phenomenon back to 19th century French observer Alexis de Tocqueville who concluded by agreeing that the U S uniquely was proceeding along a path to which no limit can be perceived 82 As a Monthly Review editorial opines on the phenomenon In Britain empire was justified as a benevolent white man s burden And in the United States empire does not even exist we are merely protecting the causes of freedom democracy and justice worldwide 83 Views of American imperialism Edit 1903 cartoon Go Away Little Man and Don t Bother Me depicts President Roosevelt intimidating Colombia to acquire the Panama Canal Zone A conservative anti interventionist view as expressed by American journalist John T Flynn The enemy aggressor is always pursuing a course of larceny murder rapine and barbarism We are always moving forward with high mission a destiny imposed by the Deity to regenerate our victims while incidentally capturing their markets to civilise savage and senile and paranoid peoples while blundering accidentally into their oil wells 84 In 1899 Uncle Sam balances his new possessions which are depicted as savage children The figures are Puerto Rico Hawaii Cuba Philippines and Ladrone Island Guam largest of the Mariana Islands which were formerly known as the Ladrones Islands A social democratic theory says that imperialistic U S policies are the products of the excessive influence of certain sectors of U S business and government the arms industry in alliance with military and political bureaucracies and sometimes other industries such as oil and finance a combination often referred to as the military industrial complex The complex is said to benefit from war profiteering and looting natural resources often at the expense of the public interest 85 The proposed solution is typically unceasing popular vigilance in order to apply counter pressure 86 Chalmers Johnson holds a version of this view 87 Alfred Thayer Mahan who served as an officer in the U S Navy during the late 19th century supported the notion of American imperialism in his 1890 book titled The Influence of Sea Power upon History Mahan argued that modern industrial nations must secure foreign markets for the purpose of exchanging goods and consequently they must maintain a maritime force that is capable of protecting these trade routes 88 89 A theory of super imperialism argues that imperialistic U S policies are not driven solely by the interests of American businesses but also by the interests of a larger apparatus of a global alliance among the economic elite in developed countries The argument asserts that capitalism in the Global North Europe Japan Canada and the U S has become too entangled to permit military or geopolitical conflict between these countries and the central conflict in modern imperialism is between the Global North also referred to as the global core and the Global South also referred to as the global periphery rather than between the imperialist powers Political debate after September 11 2001 Edit American occupation of Mexico City in 1847 Ceremonies during the annexation of the Republic of Hawaii 1898 Following the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 the idea of American imperialism was re examined In November 2001 jubilant marines hoisted an American flag over Kandahar and in a stage display referred to the moment as the third after those on San Juan Hill and Iwo Jima All moments writes Neil Smith express U S global ambition Labelled a War on Terrorism the new war represents an unprecedented quickening of the American Empire a third chance at global power 90 On October 15 2001 the cover of Bill Kristol s Weekly Standard carried the headline The Case for American Empire 91 Rich Lowry editor in chief of the National Review called for a kind of low grade colonialism to topple dangerous regimes beyond Afghanistan 92 The columnist Charles Krauthammer declared that given complete U S domination culturally economically technologically and militarily people were now coming out of the closet on the word empire 12 The New York Times Sunday magazine cover for January 5 2003 read American Empire Get Used To It The phrase American empire appeared more than 1000 times in news stories during November 2002 April 2003 93 Academic debates after September 11 2001 Edit In 2001 2010 numerous scholars debated the America as Empire issue 94 Harvard historian Charles S Maier states Since September 11 2001 if not earlier the idea of American empire is back Now for the first time since the early Twentieth century it has become acceptable to ask whether the United States has become or is becoming an empire in some classic sense 95 Harvard professor Niall Ferguson states It used to be that only the critics of American foreign policy referred to the American empire In the past three or four years 2001 2004 however a growing number of commentators have begun to use the term American empire less pejoratively if still ambivalently and in some cases with genuine enthusiasm 96 French Political scientist Philip Golub argues U S historians have generally considered the late 19th century imperialist urge as an aberration in an otherwise smooth democratic trajectory Yet a century later as the U S empire engages in a new period of global expansion Rome is once more a distant but essential mirror for American elites Now with military mobilisation on an exceptional scale after September 2001 the United States is openly affirming and parading its imperial power For the first time since the 1890s the naked display of force is backed by explicitly imperialist discourse 97 A leading spokesman for America as Empire is British historian A G Hopkins 98 He argues that by the 21st century traditional economic imperialism was no longer in play noting that the oil companies opposed the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 Instead anxieties about the negative impact of globalization on rural and rust belt America were at work says Hopkins These anxieties prepared the way for a conservative revival based on family faith and flag that enabled the neo conservatives to transform conservative patriotism into assertive nationalism after 9 11 In the short term the invasion of Iraq was a manifestation of national unity Placed in a longer perspective it reveals a growing divergence between new globalised interests which rely on cross border negotiation and insular nationalist interests which seek to rebuild fortress America 99 The CIA s Extraordinary rendition and Detention Program countries involved in the Program according to the 2013 Open Society Foundation s report on torture 100 Conservative Harvard professor Niall Ferguson concludes that worldwide military and economic power have combined to make the U S the most powerful empire in history It is a good idea he thinks because like the successful British Empire in the 19th century it works to globalize free markets enhance the rule of law and promote representative government He fears however that Americans lack the long term commitment in manpower and money to keep the Empire operating 101 The U S dollar is the de facto world currency 102 The term petrodollar warfare refers to the alleged motivation of U S foreign policy as preserving by force the status of the United States dollar as the world s dominant reserve currency and as the currency in which oil is priced The term was coined by William R Clark who has written a book with the same title The phrase oil currency war is sometimes used with the same meaning 103 Many perhaps most scholars who have decided that the United States lacks the key essentials of an empire For example while there are American military bases around the world the American soldiers do not rule over the local people and the United States government does not send out governors or permanent settlers like all the historic empires did 104 Harvard historian Charles S Maier has examined the America as Empire issue at length He says the traditional understanding of the word empire does not apply because the United States does not exert formal control over other nations or engage in systematic conquest The best term is that the United States is a hegemon Its enormous influence through high technology economic power and impact on popular culture gives it an international outreach that stands in sharp contrast to the inward direction of historic empires 105 106 World historian Anthony Pagden asks Is the United States really an empire I think if we look at the history of the European empires the answer must be no It is often assumed that because America possesses the military capability to become an empire any overseas interest it does have must necessarily be imperial In a number of crucial respects the United States is indeed very un imperial America bears not the slightest resemblance to ancient Rome Unlike all previous European empires it has no significant overseas settler populations in any of its formal dependencies and no obvious desire to acquire any It exercises no direct rule anywhere outside these areas and it has always attempted to extricate itself as swiftly as possible from anything that looks as if it were about to develop into even indirect rule 107 A U S soldier stands guard duty near a burning oil well in the Rumaila oil field Iraq April 2003 In the book Empire 2000 Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri argue that the decline of Empire has begun 108 109 Hardt says the Iraq War is a classically imperialist war and is the last gasp of a doomed strategy 110 They expand on this claiming that in the new era of imperialism the classical imperialists retain a colonizing power of sorts but the strategy shifts from military occupation of economies based on physical goods to a networked biopower based on an informational and affective economies They go on to say that the U S is central to the development of this new regime of international power and sovereignty termed Empire but that it is decentralized and global and not ruled by one sovereign state The United States does indeed occupy a privileged position in Empire but this privilege derives not from its similarities to the old European imperialist powers but from its differences 111 Hardt and Negri draw on the theories of Spinoza Foucault Deleuze and Italian autonomist Marxists 112 113 Geographer David Harvey says there has emerged a new type of imperialism due to geographical distinctions as well as unequal rates of development 114 He says there have emerged three new global economic and political blocs the United States the European Union and Asia centered on China and Russia 115 verification needed He says there are tensions between the three major blocs over resources and economic power citing the 2003 invasion of Iraq the motive of which he argues was to prevent rival blocs from controlling oil 116 Furthermore Harvey argues that there can arise conflict within the major blocs between business interests and the politicians due to their sometimes incongruent economic interests 117 Politicians live in geographically fixed locations and are in the U S and Europe verification needed accountable to an electorate The new imperialism then has led to an alignment of the interests of capitalists and politicians in order to prevent the rise and expansion of possible economic and political rivals from challenging America s dominance 118 Naval Base Guam in the U S territory of Guam Classics professor and war historian Victor Davis Hanson dismisses the notion of an American Empire altogether with a mocking comparison to historical empires We do not send out proconsuls to reside over client states which in turn impose taxes on coerced subjects to pay for the legions Instead American bases are predicated on contractual obligations costly to us and profitable to their hosts We do not see any profits in Korea but instead accept the risk of losing almost 40 000 of our youth to ensure that Kias can flood our shores and that shaggy students can protest outside our embassy in Seoul 119 The existence of proconsuls however has been recognized by many since the early Cold War In 1957 French Historian Amaury de Riencourt associated the American proconsul with the Roman of our time 120 Expert on recent American history Arthur M Schlesinger detected several contemporary imperial features including proconsuls Washington does not directly run many parts of the world Rather its informal empire was one richly equipped with imperial paraphernalia troops ships planes bases proconsuls local collaborators all spread wide around the luckless planet 121 The Supreme Allied Commander always an American was an appropriate title for the American proconsul whose reputation and influence outweighed those of European premiers presidents and chancellors 122 U S combatant commanders have served as its proconsuls Their standing in their regions has usually dwarfed that of ambassadors and assistant secretaries of state 123 Enlargement of NATO Harvard Historian Niall Ferguson calls the regional combatant commanders among whom the whole globe is divided the pro consuls of this imperium 124 Gunter Bischof calls them the all powerful proconsuls of the new American empire Like the proconsuls of Rome they were supposed to bring order and law to the unruly and anarchical world 125 In September 2000 Washington Post reporter Dana Priest published a series of articles whose central premise was Combatant Commanders inordinate amount of political influence within the countries in their areas of responsibility They had evolved into the modern day equivalent of the Roman Empire s proconsuls well funded semi autonomous unconventional centers of U S foreign policy 126 The Romans often preferred to exercise power through friendly client regimes rather than direct rule Until Jay Garner and L Paul Bremer became U S proconsuls in Baghdad that was the American method too 127 Another distinction of Victor Davis Hanson that US bases contrary to the legions are costly to America and profitable for their hosts expresses the American view The hosts express a diametrically opposite view Japan pays for 25 000 Japanese working on US bases 20 of those workers provide entertainment a list drawn up by the Japanese Ministry of Defense included 76 bartenders 48 vending machine personnel 47 golf course maintenance personnel 25 club managers 20 commercial artists 9 leisure boat operators 6 theater directors 5 cake decorators 4 bowling alley clerks 3 tour guides and 1 animal caretaker Shu Watanabe of the Democratic Party of Japan asks Why does Japan need to pay the costs for US service members entertainment on their holidays 128 One research on host nations support concludes A convoy of U S soldiers during the American led intervention in the Syrian Civil War December 2018 At an alliance level analysis case studies of South Korea and Japan show that the necessity of the alliance relationship with the U S and their relative capabilities to achieve security purposes lead them to increase the size of direct economic investment to support the U S forces stationed in their territories as well as to facilitate the US global defense posture In addition these two countries have increased their political and economic contribution to the U S led military operations beyond the geographic scope of the alliance in the post Cold War period Behavioral changes among the U S allies in response to demands for sharing alliance burdens directly indicate the changed nature of unipolar alliances In order to maintain its power preponderance and primacy the unipole has imposed greater pressure on its allies to devote much of their resources and energy to contributing to its global defense posture It is expected that the systemic properties of unipolarity non structural threat and a power preponderance of the unipole gradually increase the political and economic burdens of the allies in need of maintaining alliance relationships with the unipole 129 Increasing the economic burdens of the allies was one of the major priorities of former President Donald Trump 130 131 132 133 Classicist Eric Adler notes that Hanson earlier had written about the decline of the classical studies in the United States and insufficient attention devoted to the classical experience When writing about American foreign policy for a lay audience however Hanson himself chose to castigate Roman imperialism in order to portray the modern United States as different from and superior to the Roman state 134 As a supporter of a hawkish unilateral American foreign policy Hanson s distinctly negative view of Roman imperialism is particularly noteworthy since it demonstrates the importance a contemporary supporter of a hawkish American foreign policy places on criticizing Rome 134 U S foreign policy debate EditFurther information Military history of the United States and Overseas interventions of the United States This section may need to be rewritten to comply with Wikipedia s quality standards You can help The talk page may contain suggestions January 2014 Map of the United States and directly controlled territories at its greatest extent from 1898 to 1902 after the Spanish American War Annexation is a crucial instrument in the expansion of a nation due to the fact that once a territory is annexed it must act within the confines of its superior counterpart The United States Congress ability to annex a foreign territory is explained in a report from the Congressional Committee on Foreign Relations If in the judgment of Congress such a measure is supported by a safe and wise policy or is based upon a natural duty that we owe to the people of Hawaii or is necessary for our national development and security that is enough to justify annexation with the consent of the recognized government of the country to be annexed 135 Prior to annexing a territory the American government still held immense power through the various legislations passed in the late 1800s The Platt Amendment was utilized to prevent Cuba from entering into any agreement with foreign nations and also granted the Americans the right to build naval stations on their soil 136 Executive officials in the American government began to determine themselves the supreme authority in matters regarding the recognition or restriction of independence 136 When asked on April 28 2003 on Al Jazeera whether the United States was empire building Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld replied We don t seek empires We re not imperialistic We never have been 137 However historian Donald W Meinig says imperial behavior by the United States dates at least to the Louisiana Purchase which he describes as an imperial acquisition imperial in the sense of the aggressive encroachment of one people upon the territory of another resulting in the subjugation of that people to alien rule The U S policies towards the Native Americans he said were designed to remold them into a people more appropriately conformed to imperial desires 138 A map of Central America showing the places affected by Theodore Roosevelt s Big Stick policy Writers and academics of the early 20th century like Charles A Beard in support of non interventionism sometimes referred to as isolationism discussed American policy as being driven by self interested expansionism going back as far as the writing of the Constitution Many politicians today do not agree Pat Buchanan claims that the modern United States drive to empire is far removed from what the Founding Fathers had intended the young Republic to become 139 Andrew Bacevich argues that the U S did not fundamentally change its foreign policy after the Cold War and remains focused on an effort to expand its control across the world 140 As the surviving superpower at the end of the Cold War the U S could focus its assets in new directions the future being up for grabs according to former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Paul Wolfowitz in 1991 141 Head of the Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University Stephen Peter Rosen maintains A political unit that has overwhelming superiority in military power and uses that power to influence the internal behavior of other states is called an empire Because the United States does not seek to control territory or govern the overseas citizens of the empire we are an indirect empire to be sure but an empire nonetheless If this is correct our goal is not combating a rival but maintaining our imperial position and maintaining imperial order 142 In Manufacturing Consent The Political Economy of the Mass Media the political activist Noam Chomsky argues that exceptionalism and the denials of imperialism are the result of a systematic strategy of propaganda to manufacture opinion as the process has long been described in other countries 143 Thorton wrote that imperialism is more often the name of the emotion that reacts to a series of events than a definition of the events themselves Where colonization finds analysts and analogies imperialism must contend with crusaders for and against 144 Political theorist Michael Walzer argues that the term hegemony is better than empire to describe the U S s role in the world 145 Political scientist Robert Keohane agrees saying a balanced and nuanced analysis is not aided by the use of the word empire to describe United States hegemony since empire obscures rather than illuminates the differences in form of governance between the United States and other Great Powers such as Great Britain in the 19th century or the Soviet Union in the twentieth 146 Since 2001 147 Emmanuel Todd assumes the U S A cannot hold for long the status of mondial hegemonic power due to limited resources Instead the U S A is going to become just one of the major regional powers along with European Union China Russia etc Reviewing Todd s After the Empire G John Ikenberry found that it had been written in a fit of French wishful thinking 148 Other political scientists such as Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright argue that neither term exclusively describes foreign relations of the United States The U S can be and has been simultaneously an empire and a hegemonic power They claim that the general trend in U S foreign relations has been away from imperial modes of control 149 American media and cultural imperialism Edit McDonald s in Saint Petersburg Russia American imperialism has long had a media dimension media imperialism and cultural dimension cultural imperialism In Mass Communication and American Empire Herbert I Schiller emphasized the significance of the mass media and cultural industry to American imperialism 150 arguing that each new electronic development widens the perimeter of American influence and declaring that American power expressed industrially militarily and culturally has become the most potent force on earth and communications have become a decisive element in the extension of United States world power 151 In Communication and Cultural Domination Schiller presented the premier definition of cultural imperialism asthe sum processes by which a society is brought into the modern U S centered world system and how its dominating stratum is attracted pressured forced and sometimes bribed into shaping social institutions to correspond to or even promote the values and structures of the dominating centres of the system 152 In Schiller s formulation of the concept cultural imperialism refers to the American Empire s coercive and persuasive agencies and their capacity to promote and universalize an American way of life in other countries without any reciprocation of influence 153 According to Schiller cultural imperialism pressured forced and bribed societies to integrate with the U S s expansive capitalist model but also incorporated them with attraction and persuasion by winning the mutual consent even solicitation of the indigenous rulers Newer research on cultural imperialism sheds light on how the US national security state partners with media corporations to spread US foreign policy and military promoting media goods around the world In Hearts and Mines The US Empire s Culture Industry Tanner Mirrlees builds upon the work of Herbert I Schiller to argue that the US government and media corporations pursue different interests on the world stage the former national security and the latter profit but structural alliances and the synergistic relationships between them support the co production and global flow of Empire extolling cultural and entertainment goods 154 Some researchers argue that military and cultural imperialism are interdependent Every war of Empire has relied upon a culture or way of life that supports it and most often with the idea that a country has a unique or special mission to spread its way of life around the world Edward Said one of the founders of post colonial theory said so influential has been the discourse insisting on American specialness altruism and opportunity that imperialism in the United States as a word or ideology has turned up only rarely and recently in accounts of the United States culture politics and history But the connection between imperial politics and culture in North America and in particular in the United States is astonishingly direct 155 International relations scholar David Rothkopf disagrees with the notion that cultural imperialism is an intentional political or military process and instead argues that it is the innocent result of economic globalization which allows access to numerous U S and Western ideas and products that many non U S and non Western consumers across the world voluntarily choose to consume 156 In a similar analysis Matthew Fraser argues that the American soft power and American global cultural influence is a good thing for other countries and good for the world as a whole 157 Tanner Mirrlees argues that the discourse of soft power used by Matthew Fraser and others to promote American global cultural influence represents an apologia for cultural imperialism a way of rationalizing it while denying it 158 Louis A Perez Jr provides an example of propaganda used during the war of 1898 We are coming Cuba coming we are bound to set you free We are coming from the mountains from the plains and inland sea We are coming with the wrath of God to make the Spaniards flee We are coming Cuba coming coming now 136 In contrast many other countries with American brands have incorporated these into their own local culture non sequitur An example of this would be the self styled Maccas an Australian derivation of McDonald s with a tinge of Australian culture 159 U S military bases Edit U S military presence around the world in 2007 As of 2013 update the U S had many bases and troops stationed globally 160 Their presence has generated controversy and opposition 161 162 More than 1 000 U S troops 100 1 000 U S troops Use of military facilities Further information List of United States military bases Combined Air and Space Operations Center CAOC at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar 2015 Chalmers Johnson argued in 2004 that America s version of the colony is the military base 163 Chip Pitts argued similarly in 2006 that enduring U S bases in Iraq suggested a vision of Iraq as a colony 164 While territories such as Guam the United States Virgin Islands the Northern Mariana Islands American Samoa and Puerto Rico remain under U S control the U S allowed many of its overseas territories or occupations to gain independence after World War II Examples include the Philippines 1946 the Panama Canal Zone 1979 Palau 1981 the Federated States of Micronesia 1986 and the Marshall Islands 1986 Most of them still have U S bases within their territories In the case of Okinawa which came under U S administration after the Battle of Okinawa during the Second World War this happened despite local popular opinion on the island 165 In 2003 a Department of Defense distribution found the United States had bases in over 36 countries worldwide 166 including the Camp Bondsteel base in the disputed territory of Kosovo 167 Since 1959 Cuba has regarded the U S presence in Guantanamo Bay as illegal 168 By 1970 needs update the United States had more than one million soldiers in 30 countries citation needed was a member of four regional defense alliances and an active participant in a fifth had mutual defense treaties with 42 nations was a member of 53 international organizations and was furnishing military or economic aid to nearly 100 nations across the face of the globe 169 In 2015 the Department of Defense reported the number of bases that had any military or civilians stationed or employed was 587 This includes land only where no facilities are present facility or facilities only where there the underlying land is neither owned nor controlled by the government and land with facilities where both are present 170 Also in 2015 David Vine s book Base Nation found 800 U S military bases located outside of the U S including 174 bases in Germany 113 in Japan and 83 in South Korea The total cost was estimated at 100 billion a year 171 According to The Huffington Post The 45 nations and territories with little or no democratic rule represent more than half of the roughly 80 countries now hosting U S bases Research by political scientist Kent Calder confirms what s come to be known as the dictatorship hypothesis The United States tends to support dictators and other undemocratic regimes in nations where it enjoys basing facilities 172 Support EditMain articles Neoconservatism and Monroe Doctrine Political cartoon depicting Theodore Roosevelt using the Monroe Doctrine to keep European powers out of the Dominican Republic One of the earliest historians of American Empire William Appleman Williams wrote The routine lust for land markets or security became justifications for noble rhetoric about prosperity liberty and security 173 Max Boot defends U S imperialism writing U S imperialism has been the greatest force for good in the world during the past century It has defeated communism and Nazism and has intervened against the Taliban and Serbian ethnic cleansing 174 Boot used imperialism to describe United States policy not only in the early 20th century but since at least 1803 174 175 This embrace of empire is made by other neoconservatives including British historian Paul Johnson and writers Dinesh D Souza and Mark Steyn It is also made by some liberal hawks such as political scientists Zbigniew Brzezinski and Michael Ignatieff 176 Scottish American historian Niall Ferguson argues that the United States is an empire and believes that this is a good thing What is not allowed is to say that the United States is an empire and that this might not be wholly bad 177 Ferguson has drawn parallels between the British Empire and the global role of the United States in the late 20th and early 21st centuries though he describes the United States political and social structures as more like those of the Roman Empire than of the British Ferguson argues that all of these empires have had both positive and negative aspects but that the positive aspects of the U S empire will if it learns from history and its mistakes greatly outweigh its negative aspects 178 Another point of view implies that United States expansion overseas has indeed been imperialistic but that this imperialism is only a temporary phenomenon a corruption of American ideals or the relic of a past era Historian Samuel Flagg Bemis argues that Spanish American War expansionism was a short lived imperialistic impulse and a great aberration in American history a very different form of territorial growth than that of earlier American history 179 Historian Walter LaFeber sees the Spanish American War expansionism not as an aberration but as a culmination of United States expansion westward 180 Historian Victor Davis Hanson argues that the U S does not pursue world domination but maintains worldwide influence by a system of mutually beneficial exchanges 119 On the other hand Filipino revolutionary General Emilio Aguinaldo felt as though American involvement in the Philippines was destructive The Filipinos fighting for Liberty the American people fighting them to give them liberty The two peoples are fighting on parallel lines for the same object 181 American influence worldwide and the effects it has on other nations have multiple interpretations Liberal internationalists argue that even though the present world order is dominated by the United States the form taken by that dominance is not imperial International relations scholar John Ikenberry argues that international institutions have taken the place of empire 148 International relations scholar Joseph Nye argues that U S power is more and more based on soft power which comes from cultural hegemony rather than raw military or economic force This includes such factors as the widespread desire to emigrate to the United States the prestige and corresponding high proportion of foreign students at U S universities and the spread of U S styles of popular music and cinema Mass immigration into America may justify this theory but it is hard to know whether the United States would still maintain its prestige without its military and economic superiority 182 In terms of soft power Giles Scott Smith argues that American universities 183 acted as magnets for attracting up and coming elites who were keen to acquire the skills qualifications and prestige that came with the Made in the USA trademark This is a subtle long term form of soft power that has required only limited intervention by the US government to function successfully It conforms to Samuel Huntington s view that American power rarely sought to acquire foreign territories preferring instead to penetrate them culturally economically and politically in such a way as to secure acquiescence for US interests 184 185 See also Edit United States portalAmerican Century Americanization Anti Americanism Anti imperialism A People s History of American Empire 2008 book by Howard Zinn et al Chinese imperialism Criticism of the United States government Foreign interventions by the United States Globalization Inverted totalitarianism List of armed conflicts involving the United States Manifest destiny Neocolonialism New Imperialism New World Order conspiracy theory Oregon Trail Oregon Treaty Petrodollar warfare Russian imperialism and Soviet Empire Spanish American war Summit for Democracy Super imperialism Territorial evolution of the United States Territories of the United States United States involvement in regime change United States involvement in regime change in Latin America United States Space Force United States war crimes Washington Consensus World Trade Organization Empire of LibertyReferences Edit Carson Thomas Bonk Mary 1999 Gale encyclopedia of US economic history Gale Group 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University Press ISBN 0 300 02697 8 p 3 Lafeber Walter 1975 The New Empire An Interpretation of American Expansion 1860 1898 Cornell University Press ISBN 0 8014 9048 0 Aguinaldo Emilio September 1899 Aguinaldo s Case Against the United States PDF North American Review Joseph S Nye Jr Soft Power The Means to Success in World Politics 2004 pp 33 72 Scott Smith Giles 2007 The Ties that Bind Dutch American Relations US Public Diplomacy and the Promotion of American Studies since the Second World War The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2 3 283 305 doi 10 1163 187119007X240532 Huntington Samuel P 1973 Transnational Organizations in World Politics PDF World Politics 25 3 333 368 doi 10 2307 2010115 JSTOR 2010115 S2CID 154553877 p 344 See also Liping Bu Making The World Like Us Education Cultural Expansion and the American Century 2003 Further reading EditBacevich Andrew 2008 The Limits of Power The End of American Exceptionalism Macmillan ISBN 978 0 8050 8815 1 Andrew J Bacevich The Old Normal Why we can t beat our addiction to war Harper s Magazine vol 340 no 2038 March 2020 pp 25 32 In 2010 Admiral Michael Mullen chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff declared that the national debt the prime expression of American profligacy had become the most significant threat to our national security In 2017 General Paul Selva Joint Chiefs vice chair stated bluntly that the dynamics that are happening in our climate will drive uncertainty and will drive conflict p 31 Boot Max 2002 The Savage Wars of Peace Small Wars and the Rise of American Power Basic Books ISBN 0 465 00721 X Brown Seyom 1994 Faces of Power Constancy and Change in United States Foreign Policy from Truman to Clinton New York Columbia University Press ISBN 0 231 09669 0 Burton David H 1968 Theodore Roosevelt Confident Imperialist Philadelphia University of Pennsylvania Press ASIN B0007GMSSY Callahan Patrick 2003 Logics of American Foreign Policy Theories of America s World Role New York Longman ISBN 0 321 08848 4 Daalder Ivo H James M Lindsay 2003 America Unbound The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy Washington DC Brookings Institution ISBN 0 8157 1688 5 Fulbright J William Seth P Tillman 1989 The Price of Empire Pantheon Books ISBN 0 394 57224 6 Gaddis John Lewis 2005 Strategies of Containment A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy 2nd ed New York Oxford University Press ISBN 0 19 517447 X Hampf Michaela 2019 Empire of Liberty in German De Gruyter Oldenbourg ISBN 978 3 11 065774 6 Hardt Michael Antonio Negri 2001 Empire Cambridge MA Harvard University Press ISBN 0 674 00671 2 online Hudson Michael 2021 Super Imperialism The Economic Strategy of American Empire Third ed Islet ISBN 978 3981826098 Immerwahr Daniel Fort Everywhere How did the United States become entangled in a cycle of endless war review of David Vine The United States of War A Global History of America s Endless Conflicts from Columbus to the Islamic State University of California Press 2020 464 pp The Nation 14 21 December 2020 pp 34 37 Immerwahr Daniel 2019 How to Hide an Empire A History of the Greater United States Farrar Straus and Giroux ISBN 978 0 374 17214 5 Johnson Chalmers 2000 Blowback The Costs and Consequences of American Empire New York Holt ISBN 0 8050 6239 4 Johnson Chalmers 2004 The Sorrows of Empire Militarism Secrecy and the End of the Republic New York Metropolitan Books ISBN 0 8050 7004 4 Kerry Richard J 1990 The Star Spangled Mirror America s Image of Itself and the World Savage MD Rowman amp Littlefield ISBN 0 8476 7649 8 Lundestad Geir 1998 Empire by Integration The United States and European Integration 1945 1997 New York Oxford University Press ISBN 0 19 878212 8 Odom William Robert Dujarric 2004 America s Inadvertent Empire Yale University Press ISBN 0 300 10069 8 Todd Emmanuel 2004 After the Empire The Breakdown of the American Order New York Columbia University Press ISBN 978 0 231 13103 2 Tooze Adam Is This the End of the American Century London Review of Books vol 41 no 7 4 April 2019 pp 3 5 7 Tremblay Rodrigue 2004 The New American Empire Haverford PA Infinity Pub ISBN 0 7414 1887 8 Zepezauer Mark 2002 Boomerang How Our Covert Wars Have Created Enemies Across the Middle East and Brought Terror to America Monroe Maine Common Courage Press ISBN 1 56751 222 4 External links Edit Wikiquote has quotations related to American imperialism Wikiquote has quotations related to American benevolence Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title American imperialism amp oldid 1151740181, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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