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Lyndon B. Johnson

Lyndon Baines Johnson (/ˈlɪndən ˈbnz/; August 27, 1908 – January 22, 1973), often referred to by his initials LBJ, was an American politician who served as the 36th president of the United States from 1963 to 1969. He previously served as the 37th vice president from 1961 to 1963 under President John F. Kennedy, and was sworn in shortly after Kennedy's assassination. A Democrat from Texas, Johnson also served as a U.S. representative, U.S. Senator and the Senate's majority leader. He holds the distinction of being one of the few presidents who served in all elected offices at the federal level.

Lyndon B. Johnson
Oval Office photo, 1964
36th President of the United States
In office
November 22, 1963 – January 20, 1969
Vice President
Preceded byJohn F. Kennedy
Succeeded byRichard Nixon
37th Vice President of the United States
In office
January 20, 1961 – November 22, 1963
PresidentJohn F. Kennedy
Preceded byRichard Nixon
Succeeded byHubert Humphrey
Senate Majority Leader
In office
January 3, 1955 – January 3, 1961
DeputyEarle C. Clements (1955–1957)
Mike Mansfield (1957–1961)
Preceded byWilliam F. Knowland
Succeeded byMike Mansfield
Senate Minority Leader
In office
January 3, 1953 – January 3, 1955
DeputyEarle C. Clements
Preceded byStyles Bridges
Succeeded byWilliam F. Knowland
Chair of the Senate Democratic Caucus
In office
January 3, 1953 – January 3, 1961
Preceded byErnest McFarland
Succeeded byMike Mansfield
Senate Majority Whip
In office
January 3, 1951 – January 3, 1953
LeaderErnest McFarland
Preceded byFrancis J. Myers
Succeeded byLeverett Saltonstall
United States Senator
from Texas
In office
January 3, 1949 – January 3, 1961
Preceded byW. Lee O'Daniel
Succeeded byWilliam A. Blakley
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Texas's 10th district
In office
April 10, 1937 – January 3, 1949
Preceded byJames P. Buchanan
Succeeded byHomer Thornberry
Personal details
Born
Lyndon Baines Johnson

(1908-08-27)August 27, 1908
Gillespie County, Texas, U.S.
DiedJanuary 22, 1973(1973-01-22) (aged 64)
Gillespie County, Texas, U.S.
Resting placeJohnson Family Cemetery[1]
Political partyDemocratic
Spouse
(m. 1934)
Children
Parents
Education
Occupation
  • Politician
  • teacher
Civilian awardsPresidential Medal of Freedom (posthumously, 1980)
Signature
Military service
Branch/serviceUnited States Navy
Years of service
  • 1940–1941 (inactive)
  • 1941–1942 (active)
  • 1942–1964 (reserve)
RankCommander
Battles/wars
Military awardsSilver Star

Born in a farmhouse in Stonewall, Texas, to a local political family, Johnson worked as a high school teacher and a congressional aide before winning election to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1937. In 1948, he won the 1948 Senate election in Texas after a narrow and controversial victory in the Democratic Party's primary.[2] He was appointed to the position of Senate Majority Whip in 1951. He became the Senate Democratic leader in 1953 and majority leader in 1954. In 1960 Johnson ran for the Democratic nomination for president. Ultimately, Senator Kennedy bested Johnson and his other rivals for the nomination, then surprised many by offering to make Johnson his vice presidential running mate. The Kennedy-Johnson ticket won in the 1960 presidential election. Vice President Johnson assumed the presidency on November 22, 1963, after President Kennedy was assassinated. The following year Johnson was elected to the presidency when he won in a landslide against Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, receiving 61.1% of the popular vote in the 1964 presidential election, the largest share won by any presidential candidate since the 1820 election.

Johnson's domestic policy was aimed at expanding civil rights, public broadcasting, access to healthcare, aid to education and the arts, urban and rural development, and public services. In 1964 Johnson coined the term the "Great Society" to describe these efforts. In addition, he sought to create better living conditions for low-income Americans by spearheading a campaign unofficially called the "War on Poverty". As part of these efforts, Johnson signed the Social Security Amendments of 1965, which resulted in the creation of Medicare and Medicaid. Johnson followed his predecessor's actions in bolstering NASA and made the Apollo Program a national priority. He enacted the Higher Education Act of 1965 which established federally insured student loans. Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 which laid the groundwork for U.S. immigration policy today. Johnson's opinion on the issue of civil rights put him at odds with other white, southern Democrats. His civil rights legacy was shaped by signing the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Civil Rights Act of 1968. During his presidency, the American political landscape transformed significantly,[3] as white southerners who were once staunch Democrats began moving to the Republican Party[4] and black voters began moving to the Democratic Party.[5][6] Because of his domestic agenda, Johnson's presidency marked the peak of modern liberalism in the United States.[7]

Johnson's presidency took place during the Cold War, thus his foreign policy prioritized containment of communism. Prior to his presidency, the U.S. was already involved in the Vietnam War, supporting South Vietnam against the communist North. Following a naval skirmish in 1964 between the United States and North Vietnam, Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which granted Johnson the power to launch a full-scale military intervention in South East Asia. The number of American military personnel in Vietnam increased dramatically, and casualties soared among U.S. soldiers and Vietnamese civilians. Johnson also expanded military operations in neighboring Laos to destroy North Vietnamese supply lines. In 1968, the communist Tet Offensive inflamed the anti-war movement, especially among draft-age students on university campuses, and public opinion turned against America's involvement in the war. In Europe, Johnson's administration continued to promote and foster Western European political and economic cooperation and integration as his predecessors had.[8]

At home, Johnson faced further troubles with race riots in major cities and increasing crime rates. His political opponents seized the opportunity and raised demands for "law and order" policies. Johnson began his presidency with near-universal support, but his approval declined throughout his presidency as the public became frustrated with both the Vietnam War and domestic unrest. Johnson initially sought to run for re-election; however, following disappointing results in the New Hampshire primary he withdrew his candidacy. The war was a major election issue and the 1968 presidential election saw Republican candidate Richard Nixon defeat Johnson's vice president Hubert Humphrey. At the end of his presidency in 1969, Johnson returned to his Texas ranch, published his memoirs, and in other respects kept a low profile until he died of a heart attack in 1973.

Johnson is one of the most controversial presidents in American history. Public opinion and academic assessments of his legacy have fluctuated greatly ever since his death. Historians and scholars rank Johnson in the upper tier because of his accomplishments regarding domestic policy. His administration passed many major laws that made substantial changes in civil rights, health care, welfare, and education.[9] Conversely, Johnson is strongly criticized for his foreign policy, namely escalating American involvement in the Vietnam War.[10][11]

Early life

 
Seven-year-old Johnson with his trademark cowboy hat, c. 1915.

Lyndon Baines Johnson was born on August 27, 1908, near Stonewall, Texas, in a small farmhouse on the Pedernales River.[12] He was the eldest of five children born to Samuel Ealy Johnson Jr. and Rebekah Baines.[13][14] Johnson had one brother, Sam Houston Johnson, and three sisters, Rebekah, Josefa, and Lucia.[15] The nearby small town of Johnson City, Texas, was named after LBJ's father's cousin, James Polk Johnson,[16][17] whose forebears had moved west from Georgia.[18] Johnson had English-Irish, German, and Ulster Scots ancestry.[19] Through his mother, he was a great-grandson of pioneer Baptist clergyman George Washington Baines, who pastored eight churches in Texas, as well as others in Arkansas and Louisiana. Baines was also the president of Baylor University during the American Civil War.[20]

Johnson's grandfather, Samuel Ealy Johnson Sr., was raised as a Baptist and for a time was a member of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ). In his later years, the grandfather became a Christadelphian; Johnson's father also joined the Christadelphian Church toward the end of his life.[21] Later, as a politician, Johnson was influenced in his positive attitude toward Jews by the religious beliefs that his family, especially his grandfather, had shared with him.[22] Johnson's favorite Bible verse came from the King James Version of Isaiah 1:18 "Come now, and let us reason together ..."[23]

Johnson grew up in poverty, with his father losing a great deal of money.[24] Biographer Robert Caro described him as being raised "in a land without electricity, where the soil was so rocky that it was hard to earn a living from it."[24]

 
Johnson's boyhood home in Johnson City, Texas

In school, Johnson was a talkative youth who was elected president of his 11th-grade class. He graduated in 1924 from Johnson City High School, where he participated in public speaking, debate, and baseball.[25][26] At the age of 15, Johnson was the youngest member of his class. Pressured by his parents to attend college, he enrolled at a "sub college" of Southwest Texas State Teachers College (SWTSTC) in the summer of 1924, where students from unaccredited high schools could take the 12th-grade courses needed for admission to college. He left the school just weeks after his arrival and decided to move to southern California. He worked at his cousin's legal practice and in various odd jobs before returning to Texas, where he worked as a day laborer.[27]

In 1926, Johnson managed to enroll at SWTSTC (now Texas State University). He worked his way through school, participated in debate and campus politics, and edited the school newspaper, The College Star.[28] The college years refined his skills of persuasion and political organization. For nine months, from 1928 to 1929, Johnson paused his studies to teach Mexican–American children at the segregated Welhausen School in Cotulla, some 90 miles (140 km) south of San Antonio in La Salle County. The job helped him to save money to complete his education, and he graduated in 1930 with a Bachelor of Science degree in history and his certificate of qualification as a high school teacher.[29][30] He briefly taught at Pearsall High School before taking a position as teacher of public speaking at Sam Houston High School in Houston.[31]

When he returned to San Marcos in 1965, after signing the Higher Education Act of 1965, Johnson reminisced:

I shall never forget the faces of the boys and the girls in that little Welhausen Mexican School, and I remember even yet the pain of realizing and knowing then that college was closed to practically every one of those children because they were too poor. And I think it was then that I made up my mind that this nation could never rest while the door to knowledge remained closed to any American.[32]

Entry into politics

After Richard M. Kleberg won a 1931 special election to represent Texas in the United States House of Representatives, he appointed Johnson as his legislative secretary. This marked Johnson's formal introduction into politics. Johnson secured the position on the recommendation of his father and that of State Senator Welly Hopkins, for whom Johnson had campaigned in 1930.[33] Kleberg had little interest in performing the day-to-day duties of a Congressman, instead delegating them to Johnson.[34] After Franklin D. Roosevelt won the 1932 presidential election, Johnson became a lifelong supporter of Roosevelt's New Deal.[35] Johnson was elected speaker of the "Little Congress", a group of Congressional aides, where he cultivated Congressmen, newspapermen, and lobbyists. Johnson's friends soon included aides to President Roosevelt as well as fellow Texans such as Vice President John Nance Garner and Congressman Sam Rayburn.[36]

Johnson married Claudia Alta Taylor, also known as "Lady Bird", of Karnack, Texas, on November 17, 1934. He met her after he had attended Georgetown University Law Center for several months. Johnson later quit his Georgetown studies after the first semester in 1934.[37] During their first date he asked her to marry him; many dates later, she finally agreed.[38] The wedding was officiated by Arthur R. McKinstry at St. Mark's Episcopal Church in San Antonio.[39] They had two daughters, Lynda Bird, born in 1944, and Luci Baines, born in 1947. Johnson gave his children names with the LBJ initials; his dog was Little Beagle Johnson. His home was the LBJ Ranch; his initials were on his cufflinks, ashtrays, and clothes.[40] During his marriage, Lyndon Johnson had affairs with "numerous"[41] women, in particular with Alice Marsh (née Glass) who assisted him politically.[41]

In 1935, he was appointed head of the Texas National Youth Administration, which enabled him to use the government to create education and job opportunities for young people. He resigned two years later to run for Congress. Johnson, a notoriously tough boss throughout his career, often demanded long workdays and work on weekends.[42] He was described by friends, fellow politicians, and historians as motivated by an exceptional lust for power and control. As Johnson's biographer Robert Caro observes, "Johnson's ambition was uncommon – in the degree to which it was unencumbered by even the slightest excess weight of ideology, of philosophy, of principles, of beliefs."[43]

 
President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Governor James V. Allred of Texas, and Johnson, 1937. Johnson later used an edited version of this photo, with Allred airbrushed out, in his 1941 senatorial campaign.[44]

U.S. House of Representatives (1937–1949)

In 1937, after the death of thirteen-term Congressman James P. Buchanan, Johnson successfully campaigned in a special election for Texas's 10th congressional district, that covered Austin and the surrounding hill country. He ran on a New Deal platform and was effectively aided by his wife. He served in the House from April 10, 1937, to January 3, 1949.[45] President Franklin D. Roosevelt found Johnson to be a welcome ally and conduit for information, particularly about issues concerning internal politics in Texas and the machinations of Vice President John Nance Garner and Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn. Johnson was immediately appointed to the Naval Affairs Committee. He worked for rural electrification and other improvements for his district. Johnson steered the projects towards contractors he knew, such as Herman and George Brown, who would finance much of Johnson's future career.[26] In 1941, he ran for the Democratic U.S. Senate nomination in a special election, losing narrowly to the sitting Governor of Texas, businessman and radio personality W. Lee O'Daniel. O'Daniel received 175,590 votes (30.49 percent) to Johnson's 174,279 (30.26 percent).

Active military duty (1941–1942)

 
LCDR Johnson, March 1942

Johnson was appointed a Lieutenant Commander in the U.S. Naval Reserve on June 21, 1940. While serving as a U.S. representative, he was called to active duty three days after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. His orders were to report to the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations in Washington, D.C., for instruction and training.[46] Following his training, he asked Undersecretary of the Navy James Forrestal for a job in Washington. He was sent instead to inspect shipyard facilities in Texas and on the West Coast. In the spring of 1942, President Roosevelt decided he needed better information on conditions in the Southwest Pacific, and to send a highly trusted political ally to get it. From a suggestion by Forrestal, Roosevelt assigned Johnson to a three-man survey team covering the Southwest Pacific.[47]

Johnson reported to General Douglas MacArthur in Australia. Johnson and two U.S. Army officers went to the 22nd Bomb Group base, which was assigned the high-risk mission of bombing the Japanese airbase at Lae in New Guinea. On June 9, 1942, Johnson volunteered as an observer for an airstrike on New Guinea by B-26 bombers. Reports vary on what happened to the aircraft carrying Johnson during that mission. Johnson's biographer Robert Caro accepts Johnson's account and supports it with testimony from the aircrew concerned: the aircraft was attacked, disabling one engine and it turned back before reaching its objective, though remaining under heavy fire. Others claim that it turned back because of generator trouble before reaching the objective and before encountering enemy aircraft and never came under fire; this is supported by official flight records.[48][49] Other airplanes that continued to the target came under fire near the target about the same time Johnson's plane was recorded as having landed back at the original airbase. MacArthur recommended Johnson for the Silver Star for gallantry in action: the only member of the crew to receive a decoration.[49] After it was approved by the Army, he presented the medal to Johnson, with the following citation:[48]

For gallantry in action in the vicinity of Port Moresby and Salamaua, New Guinea, on June 9, 1942. While on a mission of obtaining information in the Southwest Pacific area, Lieutenant Commander Johnson, to obtain personal knowledge of combat conditions, volunteered as an observer on a hazardous aerial combat mission over hostile positions in New Guinea. As our planes neared the target area they were intercepted by eight hostile fighters. When, at this time, the plane in which Lieutenant Commander Johnson was an observer, developed mechanical trouble and was forced to turn back alone, presenting a favorable target to the enemy fighters, he evidenced marked coolness despite the hazards involved. His gallant actions enabled him to obtain and return with valuable information.

Johnson, who had used a movie camera to record conditions,[50] reported to Roosevelt, to Navy leaders, and Congress that conditions were deplorable and unacceptable: some historians have suggested this was in exchange for MacArthur's recommendation to award the Silver Star.[49] He argued that the southwest Pacific urgently needed a higher priority and a larger share of war supplies. The warplanes sent there, for example, were "far inferior" to Japanese planes; and morale was bad. He told Forrestal that the Pacific Fleet had a "critical" need for 6,800 additional experienced men. Johnson prepared a twelve-point program to upgrade the effort in the region, stressing "greater cooperation and coordination within the various commands and between the different war theaters". Congress responded by making Johnson chairman of a high-powered subcommittee of the Naval Affairs Committee,[51] with a mission similar to that of the Truman Committee in the Senate. He probed the peacetime "business as usual" inefficiencies that permeated the naval war and demanded that admirals shape up and get the job done. Johnson went too far when he proposed a bill that would crack down on the draft exemptions of shipyard workers if they were absent from work too often; organized labor blocked the bill and denounced him. Johnson's biographer Robert Dallek concludes, "The mission was a temporary exposure to danger calculated to satisfy Johnson's personal and political wishes, but it also represented a genuine effort on his part, however misplaced, to improve the lot of America's fighting men."[52]

In addition to the Silver Star, Johnson received the American Campaign Medal, Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal, and the World War II Victory Medal. He was released from active duty on July 17, 1942, and remained in the Navy Reserve, later promoted to Commander on October 19, 1949 (effective June 2, 1948). He resigned from the Navy Reserve effective January 18, 1964.[53]

U.S. Senate (1949–1961)

1948 U.S. Senate election

LBJ's 1948 U.S. Senate campaign spots

In the 1948 elections, Johnson again ran for the Senate and won in a highly controversial Democratic Party primary against the well-known former governor Coke Stevenson. Johnson drew crowds to fairgrounds with his rented helicopter, dubbed "The Johnson City Windmill". He raised money to flood the state with campaign circulars and won over conservatives by casting doubts on Stevenson's support for the Taft–Hartley Act (curbing union power). Stevenson came in first in the primary but lacked a majority, so a runoff election was held; Johnson campaigned harder, while Stevenson's efforts slumped due to a lack of funds.

US presidential historian Michael Beschloss observed that Johnson "gave white supremacist speeches" during the 1948 campaign, in order to secure the white vote. This cemented his reputation as a moderate in American politics, which would enable his ability to pivot and further civil rights causes upon assuming the presidency.[54]

The runoff vote count, handled by the Democratic State Central Committee, took a week. Johnson was announced the winner by 87 votes out of 988,295, an extremely narrow margin of victory. However, Johnson's victory was based on 200 "patently fraudulent"[55]: 608  ballots reported six days after the election from Box 13 in Jim Wells County, in an area dominated by political boss George Parr. The added names were in alphabetical order and written with the same pen and handwriting, following at the end of the list of voters. Some of the persons in this part of the list insisted that they had not voted that day.[56] Election judge Luis Salas said in 1977 that he had certified 202 fraudulent ballots for Johnson.[57] Robert Caro made the case in his 1990 book that Johnson had stolen the election in Jim Wells County, and that there were thousands of fraudulent votes in other counties as well, including 10,000 votes switched in San Antonio.[58] The Democratic State Central Committee voted to certify Johnson's nomination by a majority of one (29–28), with the last vote cast on Johnson's behalf by the publisher Frank W. Mayborn of Temple, Texas. The state Democratic convention upheld Johnson. Stevenson went to court, eventually taking his case before the U.S. Supreme Court, but with timely help from his friend and future U.S. Supreme Court Justice Abe Fortas, Johnson prevailed on the basis that jurisdiction over naming a nominee rested with the party, not the federal government. Johnson soundly defeated Republican Jack Porter in the general election in November and went to Washington, permanently dubbed "Landslide Lyndon". Johnson, dismissive of his critics, happily adopted the nickname.[59]

Freshman senator to majority whip

 
Johnson as U.S. senator from Texas

Once in the Senate, Johnson was known among his colleagues for his highly successful "courtships" of older senators, especially Senator Richard Russell, Democrat from Georgia, the leader of the Conservative coalition and arguably the most powerful man in the Senate. Johnson proceeded to gain Russell's favor in the same way he had "courted" Speaker Sam Rayburn and gained his crucial support in the House.

Johnson was appointed to the Senate Armed Services Committee, and in 1950 helped create the Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee. He became its chairman, and conducted investigations of defense costs and efficiency. These investigations revealed old investigations and demanded actions that were already being taken in part by the Truman administration, although it can be said that the committee's investigations reinforced the need for changes. Johnson gained headlines and national attention through his handling of the press, the efficiency with which his committee issued new reports, and the fact that he ensured that every report was endorsed unanimously by the committee. He used his political influence in the Senate to receive broadcast licenses from the Federal Communications Commission in his wife's name.[57][60] After the 1950 general elections, Johnson was chosen as Senate Majority Whip in 1951 under the new Majority Leader, Ernest McFarland of Arizona, and served from 1951 to 1953.[45]

Senate Democratic leader

 
Drawer from Senate Desk X, used by all Democratic leaders, including Johnson, since Joseph Taylor Robinson

In the 1952 general election, Republicans won a majority in both the House and Senate. Among defeated Democrats that year was McFarland, who lost to upstart Barry Goldwater. In January 1953, Johnson was chosen by his fellow Democrats to be Minority Leader; he became the most junior senator ever elected to this position. One of his first actions was to eliminate the seniority system in making appointments to committees while retaining it for chairmanships. In the 1954 election, Johnson was re-elected to the Senate and, since the Democrats won the majority in the Senate, then became majority leader. Former Majority Leader William Knowland of California became the Minority Leader. Johnson's duties were to schedule legislation and help pass measures favored by the Democrats. Johnson, Rayburn and President Dwight D. Eisenhower worked well together in passing Eisenhower's domestic and foreign agenda.[61]

During the Suez Crisis, Johnson tried to prevent the U.S. government from criticizing the Israeli invasion of the Sinai peninsula. Along with the rest of the nation, Johnson was appalled by the threat of possible Soviet domination of space flight implied by the launch of the first artificial Earth satellite Sputnik 1 and used his influence to ensure passage of the 1958 National Aeronautics and Space Act, which established the civilian space agency NASA.

Historians Caro and Dallek consider Lyndon Johnson the most effective Senate majority leader in history. He was unusually proficient at gathering information. One biographer suggests he was "the greatest intelligence gatherer Washington has ever known", discovering exactly where every senator stood on issues, his philosophy and prejudices, his strengths and weaknesses and what it took to get his vote.[62] Robert Baker claimed that Johnson would occasionally send senators on NATO trips to avoid their dissenting votes.[63] Central to Johnson's control was "The Treatment",[64] described by two journalists:

The Treatment could last ten minutes or four hours. It came, enveloping its target, at the Johnson Ranch swimming pool, in one of Johnson's offices, in the Senate cloakroom, on the floor of the Senate itself – wherever Johnson might find a fellow Senator within his reach. Its tone could be supplication, accusation, cajolery, exuberance, scorn, tears, complaint, and the hint of threat. It was all of these together. It ran the gamut of human emotions. Its velocity was breathtaking and it was all in one direction. Interjections from the target were rare. Johnson anticipated them before they could be spoken. He moved in close, his face a scant millimeter from his target, his eyes widening and narrowing, his eyebrows rising and falling. From his pockets poured clippings, memos, statistics. Mimicry, humor, and the genius of analogy made The Treatment an almost hypnotic experience and rendered the target stunned and helpless.[65]

 
Johnson giving "The Treatment" to Senator Richard Russell in 1963, shortly after becoming president.

In 1955, Johnson persuaded Oregon's Independent Wayne Morse to join the Democratic caucus.[66]

A 60-cigarette-per-day smoker, Johnson suffered a near-fatal heart attack on July 2, 1955, at age 46. He abruptly gave up smoking as a result and, with only a couple of exceptions, did not resume the habit until after he left the White House on January 20, 1969. Johnson announced he would remain as his party's leader in the Senate on New Year's Eve 1955, his doctors reporting he had made "a most satisfactory recovery" since his heart attack five months before.[67][68]

Campaigns of 1960

Johnson's success in the Senate rendered him a potential Democratic presidential candidate; he had been the "favorite son" candidate of the Texas delegation at the Party's national convention in 1956, and appeared to be in a strong position to run for the 1960 nomination. Jim Rowe repeatedly urged Johnson to launch a campaign in early 1959, but Johnson thought it better to wait, thinking that John Kennedy's efforts would create a division in the ranks which could then be exploited. Rowe finally joined the Humphrey campaign in frustration, another move that Johnson thought played into his own strategy.[69]

Candidacy for president

Johnson made a late entry into the campaign in July 1960 which, coupled with a reluctance to leave Washington, allowed the rival Kennedy campaign to secure a substantial early advantage among Democratic state party officials. Johnson underestimated Kennedy's endearing qualities of charm and intelligence, as compared to his reputation as the more crude and wheeling-dealing "Landslide Lyndon".[70] Caro suggests that Johnson's hesitancy was the result of an overwhelming fear of failure.[71]

Johnson attempted in vain to capitalize on Kennedy's youth, poor health, and failure to take a position regarding Joseph McCarthy and McCarthyism.[72] He had formed a "Stop Kennedy" coalition with Adlai Stevenson, Stuart Symington, and Hubert Humphrey, but it proved a failure. Despite Johnson having the support of established Democrats and the party leadership, this did not translate into popular approval. Johnson received 409 votes on the only ballot at the Democratic convention to Kennedy's 806, and so the convention nominated Kennedy. Tip O'Neill was a representative from Kennedy's home state of Massachusetts at that time, and he recalled that Johnson approached him at the convention and said, "Tip, I know you have to support Kennedy at the start, but I'd like to have you with me on the second ballot." O'Neill replied, "Senator, there's not going to be any second ballot."[73]

Vice-presidential nomination

According to Kennedy's Special Counsel Myer Feldman and Kennedy himself, it is impossible to reconstruct the precise manner in which Johnson's vice-presidential nomination ultimately took place. Kennedy did realize that he could not be elected without the support of traditional Southern Democrats, most of whom had backed Johnson; nevertheless, labor leaders were unanimous in their opposition to Johnson. AFL-CIO President George Meany called Johnson "the arch-foe of labor", while Illinois AFL-CIO President Reuben Soderstrom asserted Kennedy had "made chumps out of leaders of the American labor movement".[74][75] After much back and forth with party leaders and others on the matter, Kennedy did offer Johnson the vice-presidential nomination at the Los Angeles Biltmore Hotel at 10:15 am on July 14, the morning after he was nominated, and Johnson accepted. From that point to the actual nomination that evening, the facts are in dispute in many respects. (Convention chairman LeRoy Collins' declaration of a two-thirds majority in favor by voice vote is even disputed.)[76]

Seymour Hersh stated that Robert F. Kennedy (known as Bobby) hated Johnson for his attacks on the Kennedy family, and later maintained that his brother offered the position to Johnson merely as a courtesy, expecting him to decline. Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. concurred with Robert Kennedy's version of events, and put forth that John Kennedy would have preferred Stuart Symington as his running-mate, alleging that Johnson teamed with House Speaker Sam Rayburn and pressured Kennedy to favor Johnson.[77] Robert Kennedy wanted his brother to choose labor leader Walter Reuther.[78]

Biographer Robert Caro offered a different perspective; he wrote that the Kennedy campaign was desperate to win what was forecast to be a very close election against Richard Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. Johnson was needed on the ticket to help carry Texas and the Southern states. Caro's research showed that on July 14, John Kennedy started the process while Johnson was still asleep. At 6:30 am, John Kennedy asked Robert Kennedy to prepare an estimate of upcoming electoral votes "including Texas".[79] Robert called Pierre Salinger and Kenneth O'Donnell to assist him. Salinger realized the ramifications of counting Texas votes as their own and asked him whether he was considering a Kennedy–Johnson ticket, and Robert replied "yes".[79] Caro contends that it was then that John Kennedy called Johnson to arrange a meeting; he also called Pennsylvania governor David L. Lawrence, a Johnson backer, to request that he nominate Johnson for vice president if Johnson were to accept the role. According to Caro, Kennedy and Johnson met and Johnson said that Kennedy would have trouble with Kennedy supporters who were anti-Johnson. Kennedy returned to his suite to announce the Kennedy–Johnson ticket to his closest supporters, including northern political bosses. O'Donnell was angry at what he considered a betrayal by Kennedy, who had previously cast Johnson as anti-labor and anti-liberal. Afterward, Robert Kennedy visited labor leaders who were extremely unhappy with the choice of Johnson and, after seeing the depth of labor opposition to Johnson, Robert ran messages between the hotel suites of his brother and Johnson—apparently trying to undermine the proposed ticket without John Kennedy's authorization.[79]

Caro continues in his analysis that Robert Kennedy tried to get Johnson to agree to be the Democratic Party chairman rather than the vice president. Johnson refused to accept a change in plans unless it came directly from John Kennedy. Despite his brother's interference, John Kennedy was firm that Johnson was who he wanted as running mate; he met with staffers such as Larry O'Brien, his national campaign manager, to say that Johnson was to be vice president. O'Brien recalled later that John Kennedy's words were wholly unexpected, but that after a brief consideration of the electoral vote situation, he thought "it was a stroke of genius".[79] When John and Robert Kennedy next saw their father Joe Kennedy, he told them that signing Johnson as running mate was the smartest thing they had ever done.[80]

Another account of how Johnson's nomination came about was told by Evelyn Lincoln, JFK's secretary (both before and during his presidency). In 1993, in a videotaped interview, she described how the decision was made, stating she was the only witness to a private meeting between John and Robert Kennedy in a suite at the Biltmore Hotel where they made the decision. She said she went in and out of the room as they spoke and, while she was in the room, heard them say that Johnson had tried to blackmail JFK into offering him the vice-presidential nomination with evidence of his womanizing provided by FBI director J. Edgar Hoover. She also overheard them discuss possible ways to avoid making the offer, and ultimately conclude that JFK had no choice.[81][82]

Re-election to U.S. Senate

At the same time as his vice presidential run, Johnson also sought a third term in the U.S. Senate. According to Robert Caro, "On November 8, 1960, Lyndon Johnson won an election for both the vice presidency of the United States, on the Kennedy–Johnson ticket, and for a third term as senator (he had Texas law changed to allow him to run for both offices). When he won the vice presidency, he made arrangements to resign from the Senate, as he was required to do under federal law, as soon as it convened on January 3, 1961."[83] In 1988, Lloyd Bentsen, the vice presidential running mate of Democratic presidential candidate Michael Dukakis, and a senator from Texas, took advantage of "Lyndon's law", and was able to retain his seat in the Senate despite Dukakis's loss to George H. W. Bush.

Johnson was re-elected senator with 1,306,605 votes (58 percent) to Republican John Tower's 927,653 (41.1 percent). Fellow Democrat William A. Blakley was appointed to replace Johnson as senator, but Blakley lost a special election in May 1961 to Tower.

Vice presidency (1961–1963)

After the election, Johnson was quite concerned about the traditionally ineffective nature of his new office and set about to assume authority not allotted to the position. He initially sought a transfer of the authority of Senate majority leader to the vice presidency, since that office made him president of the Senate, but faced vehement opposition from the Democratic Caucus, including members whom he had counted as his supporters.[84]

 
President Kennedy and Vice President Johnson outside the White House prior to a ceremony

Johnson sought to increase his influence within the executive branch. He drafted an executive order for Kennedy's signature, granting Johnson "general supervision" over matters of national security, and requiring all government agencies to "cooperate fully with the vice president in the carrying out of these assignments". Kennedy's response was to sign a non-binding letter requesting Johnson to "review" national security policies instead.[85] Kennedy similarly turned down early requests from Johnson to be given an office adjacent to the Oval Office and to employ a full-time Vice Presidential staff within the White House.[86] His lack of influence was thrown into relief later in 1961 when Kennedy appointed Johnson's friend Sarah T. Hughes to a federal judgeship, whereas Johnson had tried and failed to garner the nomination for Hughes at the beginning of his vice presidency. House Speaker Sam Rayburn wrangled the appointment from Kennedy in exchange for support of an administration bill.

Moreover, many members of the Kennedy White House were contemptuous of Johnson, including the president's brother, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, and they ridiculed his comparatively brusque, crude manner. Congressman Tip O'Neill recalled that the Kennedy men "had a disdain for Johnson that they didn't even try to hide.... They actually took pride in snubbing him."[87]

 
Vice President Johnson and Attorney General Robert Kennedy meeting with civil rights leaders at the White House on June 22, 1963.

Kennedy, however, made efforts to keep Johnson busy, informed, and at the White House often, telling aides, "I can't afford to have my vice president, who knows every reporter in Washington, going around saying we're all screwed up, so we're going to keep him happy."[88] Kennedy appointed him to jobs such as the head of the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities, through which he worked with African Americans and other minorities. Kennedy may have intended this to remain a more nominal position, but Taylor Branch contends in Pillar of Fire that Johnson pushed the Kennedy administration's actions further and faster for civil rights than Kennedy originally intended to go. Branch notes the irony of Johnson being the advocate for civil rights when the Kennedy family had hoped that he would appeal to conservative southern voters. In particular, he notes Johnson's Memorial Day 1963 speech at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, as being a catalyst that led to more action.[citation needed]

 
Opening Day of the 1961 baseball season. President Kennedy throws out the first ball at Griffith Stadium, the home field of the Washington Senators, as LBJ and Hubert Humphrey look on.

Johnson took on numerous minor diplomatic missions, which gave him some insights into global issues, as well as opportunities for self-promotion in the name of showing the country's flag. During his visit to West Berlin on August 19–20, 1961, Johnson calmed Berliners who were outraged by the building of the Berlin Wall.[89] He also attended Cabinet and National Security Council meetings. Kennedy gave Johnson control over all presidential appointments involving Texas, and appointed him chairman of the President's Ad Hoc Committee for Science.[90]

Kennedy also appointed Johnson Chairman of the National Aeronautics and Space Council. The Soviets beat the United States with the first crewed spaceflight in April 1961, and Kennedy gave Johnson the task of evaluating the state of the U.S. space program and recommending a project that would allow the United States to catch up or beat the Soviets.[91] Johnson responded with a recommendation that the United States gain the leadership role by committing the resources to embark on a project to land an American on the Moon in the 1960s.[92][93] Kennedy assigned priority to the space program, but Johnson's appointment provided potential cover in case of a failure.[94]

 
Vice President Johnson visiting Finland in September 1963; here seen with Mrs. Johnson, while Urho Kekkonen, the President of Finland, welcomes them.

Johnson was touched by a Senate scandal in August 1963 when Bobby Baker, the Secretary to the Majority Leader of the Senate and a protégé of Johnson's, came under investigation by the Senate Rules Committee for allegations of bribery and financial malfeasance. One witness alleged that Baker had arranged for the witness to give kickbacks for the Vice President. Baker resigned in October, and the investigation did not expand to Johnson. The negative publicity from the affair fed rumors in Washington circles that Kennedy was planning on dropping Johnson from the Democratic ticket in the upcoming 1964 presidential election. However, on October 31, 1963, a reporter asked if he intended and expected to have Johnson on the ticket the following year. Kennedy replied, "Yes to both those questions."[95] There is little doubt that Robert Kennedy and Johnson hated each other,[96] yet John and Robert Kennedy agreed that dropping Johnson from the ticket could produce heavy losses in the South in the 1964 election, and they agreed that Johnson would stay on the ticket.[97][98]

Presidency (1963–1969)

Johnson assumed the presidency amid a healthy economy with steady growth and low unemployment, and with no serious international crises. Therefore, he focused his attention on domestic policy, until escalation of the Vietnam War began in August 1964.

Succession

 
LBJ is sworn in on Air Force One by Judge Sarah Hughes as Mrs. Johnson and Mrs. Kennedy look on.
 
Official White House Portrait, 1964

Johnson was quickly sworn in as president on Air Force One in Dallas on November 22, 1963, just two hours and eight minutes after John F. Kennedy was assassinated, amid suspicions of a conspiracy against the government.[99] He was sworn in by U.S. District Judge Sarah T. Hughes, a family friend.[100] In the rush, Johnson took the oath of office using a Roman Catholic missal from President Kennedy's desk,[101] despite not being Catholic,[102] due to the missal being mistaken for a Bible.[102] Cecil Stoughton's iconic photograph of Johnson taking the presidential oath of office as Mrs. Kennedy looks on is the most famous photo ever taken aboard a presidential aircraft.[102][103]

Johnson was convinced of the need to make an impression of an immediate transition of power after the assassination to provide stability to a grieving nation in shock.[104] He and the Secret Service were concerned that he could also be a target of a conspiracy,[105] and felt compelled to rapidly remove the new president from Dallas and return him to Washington.[105] This was greeted by some with assertions that Johnson was in too much haste to assume power.[106][107]

On November 27, 1963, the new president delivered his Let Us Continue speech to a joint session of Congress, saying that "No memorial oration or eulogy could more eloquently honor President Kennedy's memory than the earliest possible passage of the Civil Rights Bill for which he fought so long."[108] The wave of national grief following the assassination gave enormous momentum to Johnson's promise to carry out Kennedy's plans and his policy of seizing Kennedy's legacy to give momentum to his legislative agenda.[107]

On November 29, 1963, just one week after Kennedy's assassination, Johnson issued an executive order to rename NASA's Apollo Launch Operations Center and the NASA/Air Force Cape Canaveral launch facilities as the John F. Kennedy Space Center.[109] Cape Canaveral was officially known as Cape Kennedy from 1963 until 1973.[110][111]

Also on November 29, Johnson established a panel headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren, known as the Warren Commission, through executive order to investigate Kennedy's assassination and surrounding conspiracies.[112] The commission conducted extensive research and hearings and unanimously concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in the assassination. However, the report remains controversial among some conspiracy theorists.[113]

Johnson retained senior Kennedy appointees, some for the full term of his presidency. He even retained Attorney General Robert Kennedy, with whom he had a notoriously difficult relationship. Robert Kennedy remained in office for a few months until leaving in 1964 to run for the Senate.[114] Although Johnson had no official chief of staff, Walter Jenkins was the first among a handful of equals and presided over the details of daily operations at the White House. George Reedy, who was Johnson's second-longest-serving aide, assumed the post of press secretary when John F. Kennedy's own Pierre Salinger left that post in March 1964.[115] Horace Busby was another "triple-threat man", as Johnson referred to his aides. He served primarily as a speechwriter and political analyst.[116] Bill Moyers was the youngest member of Johnson's staff; he handled scheduling and speechwriting part-time.[117]

Legislative initiatives

The new president thought it advantageous to quickly pursue one of Kennedy's primary legislative goals—a tax cut. Johnson worked closely with Harry F. Byrd of Virginia to negotiate a reduction in the budget below $100 billion in exchange for what became overwhelming Senate approval of the Revenue Act of 1964. Congressional approval followed at the end of February, and facilitated efforts to follow on civil rights.[118] In late 1963, Johnson also launched the initial offensive of his War on Poverty, recruiting Kennedy relative Sargent Shriver, then head of the Peace Corps, to spearhead the effort. In March 1964, LBJ sent to Congress the Economic Opportunity Act, which created the Job Corps and the Community Action Program, designed to attack poverty locally. The act also created VISTA, Volunteers in Service to America, a domestic counterpart to the Peace Corps.[119]

Civil Rights Act of 1964

 
Meeting with civil rights leaders Martin Luther King Jr. (left), Whitney Young, and James Farmer in the Oval Office in 1964

President Kennedy had submitted a civil rights bill to Congress in June 1963, which was met with strong opposition.[120][121] Johnson renewed the effort and asked Bobby Kennedy to spearhead the undertaking for the administration on Capitol Hill. This provided adequate political cover for Johnson should the effort fail; but if it were successful, Johnson would receive ample credit.[122] Historian Robert Caro notes that the bill Kennedy had submitted was facing the same tactics that prevented the passage of civil rights bills in the past: southern congressmen and senators used congressional procedure to prevent it from coming to a vote.[123] In particular, they held up all of the major bills Kennedy had proposed and that were considered urgent, especially the tax reform bill, to force the bill's supporters to pull it.[123]

Johnson was quite familiar with the procedural tactic, as he played a role in a similar tactic against a civil rights bill that Harry Truman had submitted to Congress fifteen years earlier.[123] In that fight, a rent-control renewal bill was held up until the civil rights bill was withdrawn.[123] Believing that the current course meant that the Civil Rights Act would suffer the same fate, he adopted a different strategy from that of Kennedy, who had mostly removed himself from the legislative process. By tackling the tax cut first, the previous tactic was eliminated.[124]

Passing the civil rights bill in the House required getting it through the Rules Committee, which had been holding it up in an attempt to kill it. Johnson decided on a campaign to use a discharge petition to force it onto the House floor.[125] Facing a growing threat that they would be bypassed, the House rules committee approved the bill and moved it to the floor of the full House, which passed it shortly thereafter by a vote of 290–110.[126] In the Senate, since the tax bill had passed three days earlier, the anti-civil rights senators were left with the filibuster as their only remaining tool. Overcoming the filibuster required the support of over twenty Republicans, who were growing less supportive because their party was about to nominate for president a candidate who opposed the bill.[127] According to Caro, Johnson ultimately could convince Republican leader Everett Dirksen to support the bill that amassed the necessary Republican votes to overcome the filibuster in March 1964; after 75 hours of debate, the bill passed the Senate by a vote of 71–29.[128][129] Johnson signed the fortified Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law on July 2.[129] The evening after signing the bill, Johnson told aide Bill Moyers, "I think we may have lost the south for your lifetime – and mine", anticipating a coming backlash from Southern whites against Johnson's Democratic Party.[130][131]

Biographer Randall B. Woods has argued that Johnson effectively used appeals to Judeo-Christian ethics to garner support for the civil rights law. Woods writes that Johnson undermined the Southern filibuster against the bill:

LBJ wrapped white America in a moral straitjacket. How could individuals who fervently, continuously, and overwhelmingly identified themselves with a merciful and just God continue to condone racial discrimination, police brutality, and segregation? Where in the Judeo-Christian ethic was there justification for killing young girls in a church in Alabama, denying an equal education to black children, barring fathers and mothers from competing for jobs that would feed and clothe their families? Was Jim Crow to be America's response to "Godless Communism"?[132]

Woods states that Johnson's religiosity ran deep: "At 15 he joined the Disciples of Christ, or Christian, church and would forever believe that it was the duty of the rich to care for the poor, the strong to assist the weak, and the educated to speak for the inarticulate."[133] Johnson shared the beliefs of his mentor, FDR, in that he paired liberal values to religious values, believing that freedom and social justice served both God and man.[134]

The Great Society

Johnson wanted a catchy slogan for the 1964 campaign to describe his proposed domestic agenda for 1965. Eric Goldman, who joined the White House in December of that year, thought Johnson's domestic program was best captured in the title of Walter Lippman's book, The Good Society. Richard Goodwin tweaked it to "The Great Society" and incorporated this in detail as part of a speech for Johnson in May 1964 at the University of Michigan. It encompassed movements of urban renewal, modern transportation, clean environment, anti-poverty, healthcare reform, crime control, and educational reform.[135]

1964 presidential election

In Spring 1964, Johnson did not look optimistically upon the prospect of being elected president in his own right.[136] A pivotal change took place in April when he assumed personal management of negotiations between the railroad brotherhood and the railroad industry over the issue of featherbedding. Johnson emphasized to the parties the potential impact upon the economy of a strike. After considerable horse-trading, especially with the carriers who won promises from the president for greater freedom in setting rights and more liberal depreciation allowances from the IRS, Johnson got an agreement. This substantially boosted his self-confidence as well as his image.[137]

 
President Lyndon Johnson (left), alongside Illinois AFL-CIO President Reuben Soderstrom (center) and Vice President Stanley Johnson (right), speaks to the delegates of the 1964 Illinois AFL-CIO convention.

That same year, Robert F. Kennedy was widely considered an impeccable choice to run as Johnson's vice presidential running mate but Johnson and Kennedy had never liked one another and Johnson, afraid that Kennedy would be credited with his election as president, abhorred the idea and opposed it at every turn.[138] Kennedy was himself undecided about the position and, knowing that the prospect rankled Johnson, was content to eliminate himself from consideration. Ultimately, Goldwater's poor polling numbers degraded any dependence Johnson might have had on Kennedy as his running mate.[139] Hubert Humphrey's selection as vice president then became a foregone conclusion and was thought to strengthen Johnson in the Midwest and industrial Northeast.[140] Johnson, knowing full well the degree of frustration inherent in the office of vice president, put Humphrey through a gauntlet of interviews to guarantee his absolute loyalty and having made the decision, he kept the announcement from the press until the last moment to maximize media speculation and coverage.[141]

In preparation for the Democratic convention, Johnson requested the FBI send a squad of thirty agents to cover convention activities; the objective of the squad was to inform the White House staff of any disruptive activities on the floor. The squad's focus narrowed upon the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) delegation, which sought to displace the white segregationist delegation regularly selected in the state. The squad's activities also included wiretaps of Martin Luther King's room as well as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). From beginning to end, the squad's assignment was carefully couched in terms of the monitoring of disruptive activities that might endanger the president and other high-ranking officials.[142]

 
1964 presidential election results

Johnson was very concerned about potential political damage from media coverage of racial tensions exposed by a credentials fight between the MFDP and the segregationist delegation, and he assigned Humphrey the job of managing the problem.[143] The convention's Credentials Committee declared that two MFDP delegates in the delegation be seated as observers and agreed to "bar future delegations from states where any citizens are deprived of the right to vote because of their race or color".[144] The MFDP rejected the committee's ruling. The convention became the apparent personal triumph that Johnson craved, but a sense of betrayal caused by the marginalization of the MFDP would trigger disaffection with Johnson and the Democratic Party from the left; SNCC chairman John Lewis would call it a "turning point in the civil rights movement".[145]

"Daisy" advertisement

Early in the 1964 presidential campaign, Barry Goldwater appeared to be a strong contender, with strong support from the South, which threatened Johnson's position as he had predicted in reaction to the passage of the Civil Rights Act. However, Goldwater lost momentum as his campaign progressed. On September 7, 1964, Johnson's campaign managers broadcast the "Daisy ad". It portrayed a little girl picking petals from a daisy, counting up to ten. Then a baritone voice took over, counted down from ten to zero and the visual showed the explosion of a nuclear bomb. The message conveyed was that electing Goldwater president held the danger of a nuclear war. Goldwater's campaign message was best symbolized by the bumper sticker displayed by supporters claiming "In your heart, you know he's right". Opponents captured the spirit of Johnson's campaign with bumper stickers that said "In your heart, you know he might" and "In your guts, you know he's nuts".[146] CIA Director William Colby asserted that Tracy Barnes instructed the CIA of the United States to spy on the Goldwater campaign and the Republican National Committee to provide information to Johnson's campaign.[147] Johnson won the presidency by a landslide with 61.05 percent of the vote, making it the highest ever share of the popular vote.[148] At the time, this was also the widest popular margin in the 20th century—more than 15.95 million votes—this was later surpassed by incumbent President Nixon's victory in 1972.[149] In the Electoral College, Johnson defeated Goldwater by a margin of 486 to 52. Johnson won 44 states, compared to Goldwater's six. Voters also gave Johnson the largest majorities in Congress since FDR's election in 1936—a Senate with a 68–32 majority and a house with a 295–140 Democratic margin.[150]

Voting Rights Act

Johnson began his elected presidential term with similar motives as he had upon succeeding to the office, ready to "carry forward the plans and programs of John Fitzgerald Kennedy. Not because of our sorrow or sympathy, but because they are right."[151] He was reticent to push southern congressmen even further after passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and suspected their support may have been temporarily tapped out. Nevertheless, the Selma to Montgomery marches in Alabama led by Martin Luther King ultimately led Johnson to initiate a debate on a voting rights bill in February 1965.[152]

 
President Lyndon B. Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr., and Rosa Parks at the signing of the Voting Rights Act on August 6, 1965

Johnson gave a congressional speech in which he said, "rarely at any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself [...] rarely are we met with the challenge [...] to the values and the purposes and the meaning of our beloved nation. The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue. And should we defeat every enemy, should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation."[153] In 1965, he achieved passage of a second civil rights bill called the Voting Rights Act which outlawed discrimination in voting, thus allowing millions of southern blacks to vote for the first time. Under the act, several states—"eight of the eleven southern states of the former confederacy" (Alabama, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Virginia)—were subjected to the procedure of preclearance in 1965, while Texas, then home to the largest African American population of any state, followed in 1975.[154] The Senate passed the voting rights bill by a vote of 77–19 after 2 1/2 months, and it won passage in the house in July, 333–85. The results were significant: between the years of 1968 and 1980, the number of southern black elected state and federal officeholders nearly doubled. The act also made a large difference in the numbers of black elected officials nationally; a few hundred black office-holders in 1965 mushroomed to 6,000 in 1989.[153]

After the murder of civil rights worker Viola Liuzzo, Johnson went on television to announce the arrest of four Ku Klux Klansmen implicated in her death. He angrily denounced the Klan as a "hooded society of bigots," and warned them to "return to a decent society before it's too late". Johnson was the first President to arrest and prosecute members of the Klan since Ulysses S. Grant about 93 years earlier.[b][155] He turned to themes of Christian redemption to push for civil rights, thereby mobilizing support from churches North and South.[156] At the Howard University commencement address on June 4, 1965, he said that both the government and the nation needed to help achieve these goals: "To shatter forever not only the barriers of law and public practice but the walls which bound the condition of many by the color of his skin. To dissolve, as best we can, the antique enmities of the heart which diminish the holder, divide the great democracy, and do wrong—great wrong—to the children of God ..."[157]

In 1967, Johnson nominated civil rights attorney Thurgood Marshall to be the first African-American justice of the Supreme Court. To head the new Department of Housing and Urban Development, Johnson appointed Robert C. Weaver, the first African-American cabinet secretary in any U.S. presidential administration. In 1968, Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1968, which provided for equal housing opportunities regardless of race, creed, or national origin. The impetus for the law's passage came from the 1966 Chicago Open Housing Movement, the April 4, 1968, assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., and the civil unrest across the country following King's death.[158] On April 5, Johnson wrote a letter to the United States House of Representatives urging passage of the Fair Housing Act.[159] With newly urgent attention from legislative director Joseph Califano and Democratic Speaker of the House John McCormack, the bill (which was previously stalled) passed the House by a wide margin on April 10.[158][160]

Immigration

 
President Johnson signs the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 as Sen. Edward Kennedy, Sen. Robert Kennedy, and others look on

With the passage of the sweeping Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the country's immigration system was reformed and all national origins quotas dating from the 1920s were removed. The annual rate of inflow doubled between 1965 and 1970, and doubled again by 1990, with dramatic increases from Asia and Latin American countries including Mexico.[57] Scholars give Johnson little credit for the law, which was not one of his priorities; he had supported the McCarren–Walter Act of 1952 that was unpopular with reformers.[161]

Federal funding for education

Johnson, whose own ticket out of poverty was a public education in Texas, fervently believed that education was a cure for ignorance and poverty, and was an essential component of the American dream, especially for minorities who endured poor facilities and tight-fisted budgets from local taxes.[162] He made education the top priority of the Great Society agenda, with an emphasis on helping poor children. After the 1964 landslide brought in many new liberal Congressmen, LBJ launched a legislative effort that took the name of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) of 1965. The bill sought to double federal spending on education from $4 billion to $8 billion;[163] with considerable facilitating by the White House, it passed the House by a vote of 263 to 153 on March 26, and then it remarkably passed without a change in the Senate, by 73 to 8, without going through the usual conference committee. This was a historic accomplishment by the president, with the billion-dollar bill passing as introduced just 87 days before.[164]

For the first time, large amounts of federal money went to public schools. In practice ESEA meant helping all public school districts, with more money going to districts that had large proportions of students from poor families (which included all the big cities).[165] For the first time, private schools (most of them Catholic schools in the inner cities) received services, such as library funding, comprising about 12 percent of the ESEA budget. Though federal funds were involved, they were administered by local officials, and by 1977 it was reported that less than half of the funds were applied toward the education of children under the poverty line. Dallek further reports that researchers cited by Hugh Davis Graham soon found that poverty had more to do with family background and neighborhood conditions than the quantity of education a child received. Early studies suggested initial improvements for poor children helped by ESEA reading and math programs, but later assessments indicated that benefits faded quickly and left pupils little better off than those not in the schemes. Johnson's second major education program was the Higher Education Act of 1965, which focused on funding for lower-income students, including grants, work-study money, and government loans.

Although ESEA solidified Johnson's support among K-12 teachers' unions, neither the Higher Education Act nor the new endowments mollified the college professors and students growing increasingly uneasy with the war in Vietnam.[166] In 1967, Johnson signed the Public Broadcasting Act to create educational television programs to supplement the broadcast networks.

In 1965, Johnson also set up the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Endowment for the Arts, to support academic subjects such as literature, history, and law, and arts such as music, painting, and sculpture (as the WPA once did).[167]

"War on Poverty" and healthcare reform

 
Former president Truman and wife Bess at Medicare Bill signing in 1965, as Lady Bird and Hubert Humphrey look on

In 1964, at Johnson's request, Congress passed the Revenue Act of 1964 and the Economic Opportunity Act, as part of the war on poverty. Johnson set in motion legislation creating programs such as Head Start, food stamps and Work Study.[168] During Johnson's years in office, national poverty declined significantly, with the percentage of Americans living below the poverty line dropping from 23 percent to 12 percent.[10]

Johnson took an additional step in the War on Poverty with an urban renewal effort, presenting to Congress in January 1966 the "Demonstration Cities Program". To be eligible a city would need to demonstrate its readiness to "arrest blight and decay and make a substantial impact on the development of its entire city". Johnson requested an investment of $400 million per year totaling $2.4 billion. In the fall of 1966 the Congress passed a substantially reduced program costing $900 million, which Johnson later called the Model Cities Program. Changing the name had little effect on the success of the bill; the New York Times wrote 22 years later that the program was, for the most part, a failure.[169]

Johnson's initial effort to improve healthcare was the creation of The Commission on Heart Disease, Cancer, and Strokes (HDCS). Combined, these diseases accounted for 71 percent of the nation's deaths in 1962.[170] To enact recommendations of the commission, Johnson asked Congress for funds to set up the Regional Medical Program (RMP), to create a network of hospitals with federally funded research and practice; Congress passed a significantly watered-down version.

As a back-up position, in 1965 Johnson turned his focus to hospital insurance for the aged under Social Security.[171] The key player in initiating this program, named Medicare, was Wilbur Mills, Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee. To reduce Republican opposition, Mills suggested that Medicare be fashioned as a three-layer cake: hospital insurance under Social Security; a voluntary insurance program for doctor visits; and an expanded medical welfare program for the poor, known as Medicaid.[172] The bill passed the house by a margin of 110 votes on April 8. The effort in the Senate was considerably more complicated; however, the Medicare bill passed Congress on July 28 after negotiation in a conference committee.[173] Medicare now covers tens of millions of Americans.[174] Johnson gave the first two Medicare cards to former President Harry S Truman and his wife Bess after signing the Medicare bill at the Truman Library in Independence, Missouri.[175]

Transportation

In March 1965, Johnson sent to Congress a transportation message which included the creation of a new Transportation Department, which would include the Commerce Department's Office of Transportation, the Bureau of Public Roads, the Federal Aviation Agency, the Coast Guard, the Maritime Administration, the Civil Aeronautics Board, and the Interstate Commerce Commission. The bill passed the Senate after some negotiation over navigation projects; in the house, passage required negotiation over maritime interests and the bill was signed October 15, 1965.[176]

Gun control

Though Johnson had already introduced a gun control bill on June 6, 1968, after the assassination of Robert Kennedy, Lady Bird Johnson's press secretary Liz Carpenter, in a memo to the president, worried that the country had been "brainwashed by high drama," and that Johnson "need[ed] some quick dramatic actions" that addressed "the issue of violence." In October, Johnson signed the Gun Control Act of 1968 into law, but did not invoke the memory of Robert Kennedy as he had so often done with his brother–an omission the historian Jeff Shesol has argued was motivated by Johnson's longstanding contempt for Robert.[177]

Space program

 
Former President Lyndon B. Johnson (center left) and Vice President Spiro Agnew (center right) witness the liftoff of Apollo 11.

During Johnson's administration, NASA conducted the Gemini crewed space program, developed the Saturn V rocket and its launch facility, and prepared to make the first crewed Apollo program flights. On January 27, 1967, the nation was stunned when the entire crew of Apollo 1 was killed in a cabin fire during a spacecraft test on the launch pad, stopping Apollo in its tracks. Rather than appointing another Warren-style commission, Johnson accepted Administrator James E. Webb's request for NASA to do its investigation, holding itself accountable to Congress and the President.[178] Johnson maintained his staunch support of Apollo through Congressional and press controversy, and the program recovered. The first two crewed missions, Apollo 7 and the first crewed flight to the Moon, Apollo 8, were completed by the end of Johnson's term. He congratulated the Apollo 8 crew, saying, "You've taken ... all of us, all over the world, into a new era."[179][180] On July 16, 1969, Johnson attended the launch of the first Moon landing mission Apollo 11, becoming the first former or incumbent U.S. president to witness a rocket launch.[181]

Urban riots

 
Aftermath from a race riot in Washington D.C., April 1968

Major riots in black neighborhoods caused a series of "long hot summers." They started with a violent disturbance in the Harlem riots in 1964, and the Watts district of Los Angeles in 1965, and extended to 1971. The momentum for the advancement of civil rights came to a sudden halt in the summer of 1965, with the riots in Watts. After 34 people were killed and $35 million (equivalent to $300.96 million in 2021) in the property was damaged, the public feared an expansion of the violence to other cities, and so the appetite for additional programs in LBJ's agenda was lost.[182]

Newark burned in 1967, where six days of rioting left 26 dead, 1,500 injured, and the inner city a burned-out shell. In Detroit in 1967, Governor George Romney sent in 7,400 national guard troops to quell fire bombings, looting, and attacks on businesses and police. Johnson finally sent in federal troops with tanks and machine guns. Detroit continued to burn for three more days until finally, 43 were dead, 2,250 were injured, 4,000 were arrested; property damage ranged into the hundreds of millions. The biggest wave of riots came in April 1968, in over a hundred cities after the assassination of Martin Luther King. Johnson called for even more billions to be spent in the cities and another federal civil rights law regarding housing, but this request had little Congressional support. Johnson's popularity plummeted as a massive white political backlash took shape, reinforcing the sense Johnson had lost control of the streets of major cities as well as his party.[183] Johnson created the Kerner Commission to study the problem of urban riots, headed by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner.[57] According to press secretary George Christian, Johnson was unsurprised by the riots, saying: "What did you expect? I don't know why we're so surprised. When you put your foot on a man's neck and hold him down for three hundred years, and then you let him up, what's he going to do? He's going to knock your block off."[184]

As a result of rioting in Washington D.C. after the murder of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., President Johnson determined that "a condition of domestic violence and disorder" existed and issued a proclamation and executive order mobilizing combat-equipped troops. The New York Times reported that 4,000 regular Army and National Guard troops entered into the nation's capital "to try to end riotous looting, burglarizing and burning by roving bands of Negro youths". Some of the troops were sent to guard the Capital and the White House.[185]

Backlash against Johnson (1966–1967)

 
Lady Bird Johnson and LBJ with Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos on September 12, 1966

In 1966, the press sensed a "credibility gap" between what Johnson was saying in press conferences and what was happening on the ground in Vietnam, which led to much less favorable coverage.[186]

By year's end, the Democratic governor of Missouri, Warren E. Hearnes, warned that Johnson would lose the state by 100,000 votes, despite winning by a margin of 500,000 in 1964. "Frustration over Vietnam; too much federal spending and ... taxation; no great public support for your Great Society programs; and ... public disenchantment with the civil rights programs "had eroded the President's standing, the governor reported.[187] There were bright spots; in January 1967, Johnson boasted that wages were the highest in history, unemployment was at a 13-year low, and corporate profits and farm incomes were greater than ever; a 4.5 percent jump in consumer prices was worrisome, as was the rise in interest rates. Johnson asked for a temporary 6 percent surcharge in income taxes to cover the mounting deficit caused by increased spending. Johnson's approval ratings stayed below 50 percent; by January 1967, the number of his strong supporters had plunged to 16 percent, from 25 percent four months before. He ran about even with Republican George Romney in trial matchups that spring. Asked to explain why he was unpopular, Johnson responded, "I am a dominating personality, and when I get things done I don't always please all the people."[188] Johnson also blamed the press, saying they showed "complete irresponsibility and lie and misstate facts and have no one to be answerable to". He also blamed "the preachers, liberals and professors" who had turned against him.[189] In the congressional elections of 1966, the Republicans gained three seats in the Senate and 47 in the House, reinvigorating the conservative coalition and making it more difficult for Johnson to pass any additional Great Society legislation. However, in the end, Congress passed almost 96 percent of the administration's Great Society programs, which Johnson then signed into law.[190]

Vietnam War

At Kennedy's death, there were 16,000 American military personnel stationed in Vietnam supporting South Vietnam in the war against North Vietnam.[191] Vietnam had been partitioned at the 1954 Geneva Conference into two countries, with North Vietnam led by a Communist government. Johnson subscribed to the Domino Theory in Vietnam and to a containment policy that required America to make a serious effort to stop all Communist expansion.[192] On taking office, Johnson immediately reversed Kennedy's order to withdraw 1,000 military personnel by the end of 1963.[193] In late summer 1964, Johnson seriously questioned the value of staying in Vietnam but, after meeting with Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Maxwell D. Taylor, declared his readiness "to do more when we had a base" or when Saigon was politically more stable.[194] He expanded the numbers and roles of the American military following the Gulf of Tonkin Incident.[citation needed]

1964

 
Shah of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Farah Pahlavi with the Johnsons on their visit to the United States

In August 1964, allegations arose from the military that two U.S. destroyers had been attacked by some North Vietnamese torpedo boats in international waters 40 miles (64 km) from the Vietnamese coast in the Gulf of Tonkin; naval communications and reports of the attack were contradictory. Although Johnson very much wanted to keep discussions about Vietnam out of the 1964 election campaign, he felt forced to respond to the supposed aggression by the North Vietnamese, so he sought and obtained from the Congress the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution on August 7. Johnson was determined to embolden his image on foreign policy, and also wanted to prevent criticism such as Truman had received in Korea by proceeding without congressional endorsement of military action. Responding to the purported attack would also blunt presidential campaign criticism of weakness from the hawkish Goldwater camp. The resolution gave congressional approval for use of military force by the commander-in-chief to repel future attacks and also to assist members of SEATO requesting assistance. Johnson later in the campaign expressed assurance that the primary U.S. goal remained the preservation of South Vietnamese independence through material and advice, as opposed to any U.S. offensive posture.[195] The public's reaction to the resolution at the time was positive—48 percent favored stronger measures in Vietnam and only 14 percent wanted to negotiate a settlement and leave.[140]

In the 1964 presidential campaign, Johnson restated his determination to provide measured support for Vietnam while avoiding another Korea; but privately he had a sense of foreboding about Vietnam—a feeling that no matter what he did things would end badly. Indeed, his heart was on his Great Society agenda, and he even felt that his political opponents favored greater intervention in Vietnam to divert attention and resources away from his War on Poverty. The situation on the ground was aggravated in the fall by additional Viet Minh attacks on U.S. ships in the Tonkin Gulf, as well as an attack on Bien Hoa Air Base in South Vietnam.[196] Johnson decided against retaliatory action at the time after consultation with the Joint Chiefs, and also after public pollster Lou Harris confirmed that his decision would not detrimentally affect him at the polls.[197] By the end of 1964, there were approximately 23,000 military personnel in South Vietnam; U.S. casualties for 1964 totaled 1,278.[191]

In the winter of 1964–1965, Johnson was pressured by the military to begin a bombing campaign to forcefully resist a communist takeover in South Vietnam; moreover, a plurality in the polls at the time was in favor of military action against the communists, with only 26 to 30 percent opposed.[198] Johnson revised his priorities, and a new preference for stronger action came at the end of January with yet another change of government in Saigon. He then agreed with Mac Bundy and McNamara that the continued passive role would only lead to defeat and withdrawal in humiliation. Johnson said, "Stable government or no stable government in Saigon we will do what we ought to do. I'm prepared to do that; we will move strongly. General Nguyễn Khánh (head of the new government) is our boy".[199]

1965

 
Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and General Westmoreland in Vietnam 1965

Johnson decided on a systematic bombing campaign in February after a ground report from Bundy recommending immediate U.S. action to avoid defeat; also, the Viet Cong had just killed eight U.S. advisers and wounded dozens of others in an attack at Pleiku Air Base. The eight-week bombing campaign became known as Operation Rolling Thunder. Johnson's instructions for public consumption were clear: there was to be no comment that the war effort had been expanded.[200] Long-term estimates of the bombing campaign ranged from an expectation that Hanoi would rein in the Viet Cong to one of provoking Hanoi and the Viet Cong into an intensification of the war. But the short-term expectations were consistent that the morale and stability of the South Vietnamese government would be bolstered. By limiting the information given out to the public, and even to Congress, Johnson maximized his flexibility to change course.[201]

In March, Bundy began to urge the use of ground forces—air operations alone, he counseled, would not stop Hanoi's aggression against the South. Johnson approved an increase in logistical troops of 18,000 to 20,000 and the deployment of two additional Marine battalions and a Marine air squadron, in addition to planning for the deployment of two more divisions. More significantly, he also authorized a change in mission from defensive to offensive operations; he nevertheless continued to insist that this was not to be publicly represented as a change in existing policy.[202]

By the middle of June, the total U.S. ground forces in Vietnam had increased to 82,000 or by 150 percent.[203] That same month, Ambassador Taylor reported that the bombing offensive against North Vietnam had been ineffective and that the South Vietnamese army was outclassed and in danger of collapse.[204] General Westmoreland shortly thereafter recommended the president further increase ground troops from 82,000 to 175,000. After consulting with his principals, Johnson, desirous of a low profile, chose to announce at a press conference an increase to 125,000 troops, with additional forces to be sent later upon request. Johnson described himself at the time as boxed in by unpalatable choices—between sending Americans to die in Vietnam and giving in to the communists. If he sent additional troops he would be attacked as an interventionist and if he did not he thought he risked being impeached. He continued to insist that his decision "did not imply any change in policy whatsoever". Of his desire to veil the decision, Johnson jested privately, "If you have a mother-in-law with only one eye, and she has it in the center of her forehead, you don't keep her in the living room".[205] By October 1965 there were over 200,000 troops deployed in Vietnam.[206]

Johnson underwent surgery on November 8, 1965, at the Bethesda Naval Hospital to remove his gallbladder and a kidney stone. Afterward, his doctors reported that the president had come through the surgery "beautifully as expected";[207] he was able to resume his duties the next day. He met with reporters a couple of days later and reassured the nation that he was recovering well. Although Johnson was incapacitated during surgery, there was no transfer of presidential power to Vice President Humphrey, as no constitutional procedure to do so existed at the time. The Twenty-fifth Amendment, which Congress had sent to the states for ratification four months earlier, included procedures for the orderly transfer of power in the case of presidential incapacity, but was not ratified until 1967.[208][209]

1966

 
Awarding a medal to a U.S. soldier during a visit to Vietnam in 1966

Public and political impatience with the war began to emerge in the spring of 1966, and Johnson's approval ratings reached a new low of 41 percent. Sen. Richard Russell, Chairman of the Armed Services Committee, reflected the national mood in June 1966 when he declared it was time to "get it over or get out".[210] Johnson responded by saying to the press, "we are trying to provide the maximum deterrence that we can to communist aggression with a minimum of cost."[211] In response to the intensified criticism of the war effort, Johnson raised suspicions of communist subversion in the country, and press relations became strained.[212] Johnson's primary war policy opponent in Congress was the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, James William Fulbright,[213] who convened a series of public hearings in February to question a range of experts on the progress of the war.[214] The persistent Johnson began to seriously consider a more focused bombing campaign against petroleum, oil and lubrication facilities in North Vietnam, in hopes of accelerating victory.[215] Humphrey, Rusk, and McNamara all agreed, and the bombing began at the end of June.[216] In July, polling results indicated that Americans favored the bombing campaign by a five-to-one margin; however, in August a Defense Department study indicated that the bombing campaign had little impact on North Vietnam.[217]

 
Philippines President Marcos hosting the leaders of SEATO nations during the Manila Conference on the Vietnam War

In the fall of 1966, multiple sources began to report that progress was being made against the North Vietnamese logistics and infrastructure; Johnson was urged from every corner to begin peace discussions. There was no shortage of peace initiatives; nevertheless, among protesters, English philosopher Bertrand Russell attacked Johnson's policy as "a barbaric aggressive war of conquest", and in June he initiated the International War Crimes Tribunal as a means to condemn the American effort.[218] The gap with Hanoi was an unbridgeable demand on both sides for a unilateral end to bombing and withdrawal of forces. In August, Johnson appointed Averell Harriman "Ambassador for Peace" to promote negotiations. Westmoreland and McNamara then recommended a concerted program to promote pacification; Johnson formally placed this effort under military control in October.[219] Also in October 1966, to reassure and promote his war effort, Johnson initiated a meeting with allies in Manila—the South Vietnamese, Thais, South Koreans, Filipinos, Australians, and New Zealanders.[220] The conference ended with pronouncements to stand fast against communist aggression and to promote ideals of democracy and development in Vietnam and across Asia.[221] For Johnson it was a fleeting public relations success—confirmed by a 63 percent Vietnam approval rating in November.[222] Nevertheless, in December, Johnson's Vietnam approval rating was again back down in the 40s; LBJ had become anxious to justify war casualties, and talked of the need for a decisive victory, despite the unpopularity of the cause.[223] In a discussion about the war with former President Dwight Eisenhower on October 3, 1966, Johnson said he was "trying to win it just as fast as I can in every way that I know how" and later stated that he needed "all the help I can get".[224]

 
Johnson greeting a crowd, 1966

By year's end, it was clear that current pacification efforts were ineffectual, as had been the air campaign. Johnson then agreed to McNamara's new recommendation to add 70,000 troops in 1967 to the 400,000 previously committed. While McNamara recommended no increase in the level of bombing, Johnson agreed with CIA recommendations to increase them.[225] The increased bombing began despite initial secret talks being held in Saigon, Hanoi, and Warsaw. While the bombing ended the talks, North Vietnamese intentions were not considered genuine.[226]

1967

 
Johnson talking with his Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, 1967

In January and February 1967, probes were made to assess North Vietnamese's willingness to discuss peace, but they fell on deaf ears. Ho Chi Minh declared that the only solution was a unilateral withdrawal by the U.S.[227] A Gallup poll taken in the United States in July 1967 showed that 52 percent of the country disapproved of the president's handling of the war, and only 34 percent thought progress was being made.[228] Johnson's anger and frustration over the lack of a solution to Vietnam and its effect on him politically was exhibited in a statement to Robert F. Kennedy, who had become a prominent public critic of the war and loomed as a potential challenger in the 1968 presidential election.[229] Johnson had just received several reports predicting military progress by the summer, and warned Kennedy, "I'll destroy you and every one of your dove friends in six months", he shouted. "You'll be dead politically in six months".[230] McNamara offered Johnson a way out of Vietnam in May; the administration could declare its objective in the war—South Vietnam's self-determination—was being achieved and the upcoming September elections in South Vietnam would provide the chance for a coalition government. The United States could reasonably expect that country to then assume responsibility for the election outcome. But Johnson was reluctant, in light of some optimistic reports about the conflict that provided hope of improvement, though those were of questionable reliability. Meantime, the CIA was reporting wide food shortages in Hanoi and an unstable power grid, as well as military manpower reductions.[231]

By the middle of 1967, nearly 70,000 Americans had been killed or wounded in the war. In July, Johnson sent McNamara, Wheeler, and other officials to meet with Westmoreland and reach an agreement on plans for the immediate future. At that time the war was being commonly described by the press and others as a "stalemate". Westmoreland said such a description was pure fiction, and that "we are winning slowly but steadily and the pace can excel if we reinforce our successes".[232] Though Westmoreland sought many more, Johnson agreed to an increase of 55,000 troops bringing the total to 525,000.[233] In August Johnson, with the Joint Chiefs' support, decided to expand the air campaign and exempted only Hanoi, Haiphong and a buffer zone with China from the target list.[234] In September Ho Chi Minh and North Vietnamese premier, Pham Van Dong appeared amenable to French mediation, so Johnson ceased bombing in a 10-mile zone around Hanoi; this was met with dissatisfaction [from whom?]. In a Texas speech, Johnson agreed to halt all bombing if Ho Chi Minh would launch productive and meaningful discussions and if North Vietnam would not seek to take advantage of the halt; this was named the "San Antonio" formula. There was no response, but Johnson pursued the possibility of negotiations with such a bombing pause.[235]

 
Vietnam War protestors march at the Pentagon in Washington, D.C. on October 21, 1967. Support for the war was dropping and the anti-Vietnam War movement strengthened.

With the war still arguably in a stalemate and in light of the widespread disapproval of the conflict, Johnson convened a group called the "Wise Men" for a fresh, in-depth look at the war—Dean Acheson, General Omar Bradley, George Ball, Mac Bundy, Arthur Dean, Douglas Dillon, Abe Fortas, Averell Harriman, Henry Cabot Lodge, Robert Murphy and Max Taylor.[236] At that time McNamara, reversing his position on the war, recommended that a cap of 525,000 be placed on the number of forces deployed and that the bombing be halted since he could see no success. Johnson was quite agitated by this recommendation and McNamara's resignation soon followed.[237] Except for George Ball, the "Wise Men" all agreed the administration should "press forward".[238] Johnson was confident that Hanoi would await the 1968 U.S. election results before deciding to negotiate.[239]

On June 23, 1967, Johnson traveled to Los Angeles for a Democratic fundraiser. Thousands of anti-war protesters tried to march past the hotel where he was speaking. The march was led by a coalition of peace protestors. However, a small group of Progressive Labor Party and SDS protestors activists placed themselves at the head of the march and, when they reached the hotel, staged a sit-down. Efforts by march monitors to keep the main body of the marchers moving were only partially successful. Hundreds of LAPD officers were massed at the hotel and when the march slowed an order was given to disperse the crowd. The Riot Act was read and 51 protestors arrested.[240][241] This was one of the first massive war protests in the United States, and the first in Los Angeles. Ending in a clash with riot police, it set a pattern for the massive protests which followed.[242] Due to the size and violence of this event, Johnson attempted no further public speeches in venues outside military bases.[242][241]

In October, with the ever-increasing public protests against the war, Johnson engaged the FBI and the CIA to investigate, monitor and undermine anti-war activists.[243] In mid-October, there was a demonstration of 100,000 at the Pentagon; Johnson and Rusk were convinced that foreign communist sources were behind the demonstration, which was refuted by CIA findings.[244]

1968

 
Walt Whitman Rostow shows President Lyndon B. Johnson a model of the Khe Sanh area in February 1968

On January 30, the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese launched the Tet Offensive against South Vietnam's five largest cities, including Saigon and the U.S. embassy there and other government installations. While the Tet Offensive failed militarily, it was a psychological victory, definitively turning American public opinion against the war effort. Iconically, Walter Cronkite of CBS News, voted the nation's "most trusted person" in February, opined on the air that the conflict was deadlocked and that additional fighting would change nothing. Johnson reacted, saying "If I've lost Cronkite, I've lost middle America".[245] Indeed, demoralization about the war was everywhere; 26 percent then approved of Johnson's handling of Vietnam; 63 percent disapproved. Johnson agreed to increase the troop level by 22,000, despite a recommendation from the Joint Chiefs for ten times that number.[246] By March 1968, Johnson was secretly desperate for an honorable way out of the war. Clark Clifford, the new Defense Secretary, described the war as "a loser" and proposed to "cut losses and get out".[247] On March 31, Johnson spoke to the nation of "Steps to Limit the War in Vietnam". He then announced an immediate unilateral halt to the bombing of North Vietnam and announced his intention to seek out peace talks anywhere at any time. At the close of his speech he also announced, "I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President".[248]

 
Tens of thousands of civilians were killed during the American bombing of North Vietnam in Operation Rolling Thunder.[249]

In March, Johnson decided to restrict future bombing with the result that 75 percent of North Vietnam's territory, containing 90 percent of its population, was off-limits to bombing. In April he succeeded in opening discussions of peace talks, and after extensive negotiations over the site, Paris was agreed to and talks began in May. When the talks failed to yield any results the decision was made to resort to private discussions in Paris.[250] Two months later it was apparent that private discussions proved to be no more productive.[251]

As casualties mounted and success seemed further away than ever, Johnson's popularity plummeted. College students and others protested, burned draft cards, and chanted, "Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?"[192] Johnson could scarcely travel anywhere without facing protests, and was not allowed by the Secret Service to attend the 1968 Democratic National Convention, where thousands of hippies, yippies, Black Panthers and other opponents of Johnson's policies both in Vietnam and in the ghettos converged to protest.[252] Thus by 1968, the public was polarized, with the "hawks" rejecting Johnson's refusal to continue the war indefinitely, and the "doves" rejecting his current war policies. Support for Johnson's middle position continued to shrink until he finally rejected containment and sought a peace settlement. By late summer, he realized that Nixon was closer to his position than Humphrey. He continued to support Humphrey publicly in the election, and personally despised Nixon. One of Johnson's well-known quotes was "the Democratic party at its worst, is still better than the Republican party at its best".[253]

Despite recommendations in August from Harriman, Vance, Clifford, and Bundy to halt bombing as an incentive for Hanoi to seriously engage in substantive peace talks, Johnson refused.[254] In October, when the parties came close to an agreement on a bombing halt, Republican presidential nominee Richard Nixon intervened with the South Vietnamese, making promises of better terms, to delay a settlement on the issue until after the election.[255] After the election, Johnson's primary focus on Vietnam was to get Saigon to join the Paris peace talks. Ironically, only after Nixon added his urging did they do so. Even then they argued about procedural matters until after Nixon took office.[256]

Six-Day War and Israel

 
Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin (left) next to Johnson during the Glassboro Summit Conference

In a 1993 interview for the Johnson Presidential Library oral history archives, Johnson's Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara stated that a carrier battle group, the U.S. 6th Fleet, sent on a training exercise toward Gibraltar, was re-positioned back towards the eastern Mediterranean to be able to assist Israel during the Six-Day War of June 1967. Given the rapid Israeli advances following their strike on Egypt, the administration "thought the situation was so tense in Israel that perhaps the Syrians, fearing Israel would attack them, or the Soviets supporting the Syrians might wish to redress the balance of power and might attack Israel". The Soviets learned of this course correction and regarded it as an offensive move. In a hotline message from Moscow, Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin said, "If you want war you're going to get war."[257]

The Soviet Union supported its Arab allies.[258] In May 1967, the Soviets started a surge deployment of their naval forces into the East Mediterranean. Early in the crisis they began to shadow the U.S. and British carriers with destroyers and intelligence collecting vessels. The Soviet naval squadron in the Mediterranean was sufficiently strong to act as a major restraint on the U.S. Navy.[259] In a 1983 interview with The Boston Globe, McNamara claimed that "We damn near had war". He said Kosygin was angry that "we had turned around a carrier in the Mediterranean".[260]

Surveillance of Martin Luther King

Johnson continued the FBI's wiretapping of Martin Luther King Jr. that had been previously authorized by the Kennedy administration under Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.[261] As a result of listening to the FBI's tapes, remarks on King's extramarital activities were made by several prominent officials, including Johnson, who once said that King was a "hypocritical preacher".[262] This was despite the fact that Johnson himself had multiple extramarital affairs.[41] Johnson also authorized the tapping of phone conversations of others, including the Vietnamese friends of a Nixon associate.[263]

International trips

 
Countries visited by Johnson during his presidency

Johnson made eleven international trips to twenty countries during his presidency.[264] He flew five hundred twenty-three thousand miles (841,690 km) aboard Air Force One while in office. His October 1966 visit to Australia sparked demonstrations from anti-war protesters.[265] One of the most unusual international trips in presidential history occurred before Christmas in 1967. The President began the trip by going to the memorial service for Australian Prime Minister Harold Holt, who had disappeared in a swimming accident and was presumed drowned. The White House did not reveal in advance to the press that the President would make the first round-the-world presidential trip. The trip was twenty-six thousand nine hundred fifty-nine miles (43,386.3 km) completed in only 112.5 hours (4.7 days). Air Force One crossed the equator twice, stopped at Travis Air Force Base, in Honolulu, Pago Pago, Canberra, Melbourne, Vietnam, Karachi, and Rome.

1968 presidential election

 
President Johnson meets with Republican candidate Richard Nixon in the White House, July 1968.

As he had served less than 24 months of President Kennedy's term, Johnson was constitutionally permitted to run for a second full term in the 1968 presidential election under the provisions of the 22nd Amendment.[266][267] Initially, no prominent Democratic candidate was prepared to run against a sitting president of the Democratic Party. Only Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota challenged Johnson as an anti-war candidate in the New Hampshire primary, hoping to pressure the Democrats to oppose the Vietnam War. On March 12, McCarthy won 42 percent of the primary vote to Johnson's 49 percent, an amazingly strong showing for such a challenger. Four days later, Senator Robert F. Kennedy of New York entered the race. Internal polling by Johnson's campaign in Wisconsin, the next state to hold a primary election, showed the President trailing badly. Johnson did not leave the White House to campaign.

By this time Johnson had lost control of the Democratic Party, which was splitting into four generally antagonistic factions. The first consisted of Johnson (and Humphrey), labor unions, and local party bosses led by Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley. The second group consisted of students and intellectuals who were vociferously against the war and rallied behind McCarthy. The third group was Catholics, Hispanics, and African Americans, who rallied behind Robert Kennedy. The fourth group was traditionally segregationist white Southerners, who rallied behind George C. Wallace and the American Independent Party. Vietnam was one of many issues that splintered the party, and Johnson could see no way to win the war[192] and no way to unite the party long enough for him to win re-election.[268]

 
Johnson in the Oval Office in 1969, a few days before Richard Nixon's inauguration

Also, although it was not made public at the time, Johnson had become more worried about his failing health and was concerned that he might not live through another four-year term. In 1967, he secretly commissioned an actuarial study that accurately predicted he would die at 64.[269]

In early January 1968, Johnson asked former speechwriter Horace Busby to draft a withdrawal statement that he could put into his upcoming State of the Union address, but the president did not include it. Two months later, however, spurred by his health concerns and by a growing realization that his political capital was all but gone, Johnson again considered withdrawing; discussing the possibility with Joseph Califano and Harry McPherson on March 28.[270] Three days later, he shocked the nation when he announced he would not run for re-election by concluding with the line: "I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President."[271] The next day, the president's approval ratings increased from 36 percent to 49 percent.[272]

Historians have debated the factors that led to Johnson's surprise decision. Shesol says Johnson wanted out of the White House but also wanted vindication; when the indicators turned negative he decided to leave.[273] Gould says that Johnson had neglected the party, was hurting it by his Vietnam policies and underestimated McCarthy's strength until the last minute, when it was too late for Johnson to recover.[274] Woods says Johnson realized he needed to leave for the nation to heal.[275] Dallek says that Johnson had no further domestic goals, and realized that his personality had eroded his popularity. His health was not good, and he was preoccupied with the Kennedy campaign; his wife was pressing for his retirement and his base of support continued to shrink. Leaving the race would allow him to pose as a peacemaker.[276] Bennett, however, says Johnson "had been forced out of a reelection race in 1968 by outrage over his policy in Southeast Asia".[277]

After Robert Kennedy's assassination, Johnson rallied the party bosses and unions to give Humphrey the nomination at the 1968 Democratic National Convention. Personal correspondences between the President and some in the Republican Party suggested Johnson tacitly supported Nelson Rockefeller's campaign. He reportedly said that if Rockefeller became the Republican nominee, he would not campaign against him (and would not campaign for Humphrey).[278] In what was termed the October surprise, Johnson announced to the nation on October 31, 1968, that he had ordered a complete cessation of "all air, naval and artillery bombardment of North Vietnam", effective November 1, should the Hanoi Government be willing to negotiate and citing progress with the Paris peace talks. In the end, Democrats did not fully unite behind Humphrey, enabling Republican candidate Richard Nixon to win the election.

Judicial appointments

 
Johnson appointed Thurgood Marshall, the first African American justice, to the Supreme Court.

Johnson appointed Justices Abe Fortas (1965) and Thurgood Marshall (1967) to the Supreme Court of the United States. Johnson anticipated court challenges to his legislative measures in 1965 and thought it advantageous to have a "mole" in the Supreme Court who he thought could provide him with inside information, as he was able to get from the legislative branch. Abe Fortas in particular was the individual that Johnson thought could fill the bill. The opportunity arose when an opening occurred for ambassador to the UN, with Adlai Stevenson's death; Associate Justice Arthur Goldberg accepted Johnson's offer to transfer to the UN position. Johnson insisted on Fortas assuming Goldberg's seat, over Fortas's wife's objection that it was too early in his career. She expressed disapproval to Johnson personally afterward.[279] When Earl Warren announced his retirement in 1968, Johnson nominated Fortas to succeed him as Chief Justice of the United States, and nominated Homer Thornberry to succeed Fortas as associate justice. However, Fortas's nomination was filibustered by senators, and neither nominee was voted upon by the full Senate.

Post-presidency (1969–1973)

 
Johnson with longer hair during an interview in August 1972, five months before his death

On Inauguration Day (January 20, 1969), Johnson saw Nixon sworn in, then got on the plane to fly back to Texas. When the front door of the plane closed, Johnson pulled out a cigarette—his first cigarette he had smoked since his heart attack in 1955. One of his daughters pulled it out of his mouth and said, "Daddy, what are you doing? You're going to kill yourself." He took it back and said, "I've now raised you, girls. I've now been President. Now it's my time!" From that point on, he went into a very self-destructive spiral.

— Historian Michael Beschloss[280]

After leaving the presidency in January 1969, Johnson went home to his ranch in Stonewall, Texas, accompanied by a former aide and speechwriter Harry J. Middleton, who would draft Johnson's first book, The Choices We Face, and work with him on his memoirs entitled The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency 1963–1969, published in 1971.[281] That year, the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum opened on the campus of The University of Texas at Austin. He donated his Texas ranch in his will to the public to form the Lyndon B. Johnson National Historical Park, with the provision that the ranch "remain a working ranch and not become a sterile relic of the past".[282]

Johnson gave Nixon high grades in foreign policy but worried that his successor was being pressured into removing U.S. forces too quickly from South Vietnam before the South Vietnamese were able to defend themselves. "If the South falls to the Communists, we can have a serious backlash here at home," he warned.[283]

During the 1972 presidential election, Johnson reluctantly endorsed Democratic presidential nominee George McGovern, a senator from South Dakota; McGovern had long opposed Johnson's foreign and defense policies. The McGovern nomination and presidential platform dismayed him. Nixon could be defeated, Johnson insisted, "if only the Democrats don't go too far left".[269] Johnson had felt Edmund Muskie would be more likely to defeat Nixon; however, he declined an invitation to try to stop McGovern receiving the nomination as he felt his unpopularity within the Democratic Party was such that anything he said was more likely to help McGovern. Johnson's protégé John Connally had served as President Nixon's Secretary of the Treasury and then stepped down to head "Democrats for Nixon", a group funded by Republicans. It was the first time that Connally and Johnson were on opposite sides of a general election campaign.[284]

Heart issues

 
Johnson wearing a cowboy hat at his ranch in Texas, 1972

In March 1970, Johnson suffered an attack of angina and was taken to Brooke Army General Hospital in San Antonio. He had gained more than 25 pounds (11 kg) since leaving the White House; he now weighed around 235 pounds (107 kg) and was urged to lose considerable weight. He had also resumed smoking after abstaining for nearly 15 years. The following summer, again gripped by chest pains, he lost 15 pounds (6.8 kg) in less than a month on a crash diet.

In April 1972, Johnson had a second heart attack while visiting his daughter, Lynda, in Virginia. "I'm hurting real bad",[269] he confided to friends. The chest pains returned nearly every afternoon‍—‌a series of sharp, jolting pains that left him frightened and breathless. A portable oxygen tank was kept by his bed, and he periodically interrupted what he was doing to lie down and don the mask. He continued to smoke heavily and, although nominally living on a low-calorie, low-cholesterol diet, kept to it only intermittently. Meanwhile, he began to experience severe abdominal pains, diagnosed as diverticulosis. His heart condition rapidly worsened and surgery was recommended, so Johnson flew to Houston to consult with heart specialist Dr. Michael DeBakey, where he learned his condition was terminal. DeBakey found Johnson's heart to be in such poor condition that although two of his coronary arteries required coronary bypass surgery, the former president was not well enough to consider an attempt and would likely have died in surgery.[283]

Death and funeral

 
Johnson's grave

Johnson recorded an hour-long television interview with newsman Walter Cronkite at his ranch on January 12, 1973, in which he discussed his legacy, particularly about the civil rights movement. He was still smoking heavily at the time, and told Cronkite that it was better for his heart "to smoke than to be nervous".[285]

Ten days later, at approximately 3:39 p.m. Central Time on January 22, 1973, Johnson suffered his third and final, fatal heart attack in his bedroom. He managed to telephone the Secret Service agents on the ranch, who found him still holding the telephone receiver, unconscious and not breathing. Johnson was airlifted in one of his planes to San Antonio and taken to Brooke Army Medical Center, where cardiologist and Army colonel George McGranahan pronounced him dead on arrival. He was 64 years old.[286]

The news of Johnson's death was dramatically communicated on CBS Evening News by Walter Cronkite, on live television, as he spoke with Tom Johnson, Lyndon B. Johnson's press secretary.[287]

State funeral

 
Johnson lying in state in the United States Capitol rotunda

After lying in state in the Rotunda of the U.S. Capitol,[288] Johnson was honored with a state funeral in which Texas Congressman J. J. Pickle and former Secretary of State Dean Rusk eulogized him at the Capitol.[289] The final services took place on January 25. The funeral was held at the National City Christian Church in Washington, D.C., where he had often worshiped as president. The service was presided over by President Richard Nixon and attended by foreign dignitaries, led by Eisaku Satō, who had served as Japanese prime minister during Johnson's presidency.[290] Eulogies were given by George Davis, the church's pastor, and W. Marvin Watson, former postmaster general.[291] Nixon did not speak, though he attended, as is customary for presidents during state funerals, but the eulogists turned to him and lauded him for his tributes,[291] as Rusk did the day before, as Nixon mentioned Johnson's death in a speech he gave the day after Johnson died, announcing the peace agreement to end the Vietnam War.[292][293]

Johnson was buried in his family's private cemetery a few yards from the house in which he was born. Eulogies were given by former Texas governor Connally and the Reverend Billy Graham, the minister who officiated at the burial rites. The state funeral, the last for a president until Richard Nixon's in 1994, was part of an unexpectedly busy week in Washington, as the Military District of Washington (MDW) dealt with its second major task in less than a week, beginning with Richard Nixon's second inauguration, which followed Nixon's landslide victory in the 1972 election.[294] The inauguration affected the state funeral in various ways, because Johnson died only two days after the inauguration.[289][294] The MDW and the Armed Forces Inaugural Committee canceled the remainder of the ceremonies surrounding the inauguration, to allow for a full state funeral,[294] and many of the military men who participated in the inauguration took part in the funeral.[294] It also meant that Johnson's casket traveled the entire length of the Capitol, entering through the Senate wing when taken into the rotunda to lie in state and exiting through the House wing steps due to inauguration construction on the East Front steps.[289]

Personality and public image

 
Johnson's image as it appears in the National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C.

According to biographer Randall Woods, Johnson posed in many different roles. Depending on the circumstances, he could be:

"Johnson the Son of the Tenant Farmer, Johnson the Great Compromiser, Johnson the All-Knowing, Johnson the Humble, Johnson the Warrior, Johnson the Dove, Johnson the Romantic, Johnson the Hard-Headed Pragmatist, Johnson the Preserver of Traditions, Johnson the Crusader for Social Justice, Johnson the Magnanimous, Johnson the Vindictive or Johnson the Uncouth, LBJ the Hick, Lyndon the Satyr, and Johnson the Usurper".[295]

Other historians have noted how he played additional roles, as Kent Germany reports:

"the big daddy, the southerner-westerner-Texan, the American dreamer, the politician, the father's son, the rising star, the flawed giant, the Periclean paradox (domestic dreams undone by war), the very human, the tragedy, the pathbreaker, the ascender, and the master."[296]

Johnson was often seen as a wildly ambitious, tireless, and imposing figure who was ruthlessly effective at getting legislation passed. He worked 18- to 20-hour days without break and was absent of any leisure activities. "There was no more powerful majority leader in American history," biographer Robert Dallek writes. Dallek stated that Johnson had biographies on all the senators, knew what their ambitions, hopes, and tastes were and used it to his advantage in securing votes. Another Johnson biographer noted, "He could get up every day and learn what their fears, their desires, their wishes, their wants were and he could then manipulate, dominate, persuade and cajole them." As president, Johnson vetoed 30 bills; no other president in history vetoed so many bills and never had a single one overridden by Congress. At 6 feet 3.5 inches (1.918 m) tall,[297][298][299] Johnson had his particular brand of persuasion, known as "The Johnson Treatment".[300] A contemporary writes, "It was an incredible blend of badgering, cajolery, reminders of past favors, promises of future favors, predictions of gloom if something doesn't happen. When that man started to work on you, all of a sudden, you just felt that you were standing under a waterfall and the stuff was pouring on you."[300]

 
Johnson with his family in the Yellow Oval Room, Christmas 1968

Johnson's cowboy hat and boots reflected his Texas roots and genuine love of the rural hill country. From 250 acres (100 ha) of land that he was given by an aunt in 1951, he created a 2,700-acre (1,100 ha) working ranch with 400 head of registered Hereford cattle. The National Park Service keeps a herd of Hereford cattle descended from Johnson's registered herd and maintains the ranch property.[301]

Biographer Randall Woods argues that Social Gospel themes Johnson learned from childhood allowed him to transform social problems into moral problems. This helps explain his longtime commitment to social justice, as exemplified by the Great Society and his commitment to racial equality. The Social Gospel explicitly inspired his foreign-policy approach to a sort of Christian internationalism and nation-building. For example, in a 1966 speech he quoted at length from the Social Creed of the Methodist Church issued in 1940, adding "It would be very hard for me to write a more perfect description of the American ideal."[302]

Legacy

Historian Kent Germany explains Johnson's poor public image:

The man who was elected to the White House by one of the widest margins in U.S. history and pushed through as much legislation as any other American politician now seems to be remembered best by the public for succeeding an assassinated hero, steering the country into a quagmire in Vietnam, cheating on his saintly wife, exposing his stitched-up belly, using profanity, picking up dogs by their ears, swimming naked with advisers in the White House pool, and emptying his bowels while conducting official business. Of all those issues, Johnson's reputation suffers the most from his management of the Vietnam War, something that has overshadowed his civil rights and domestic policy accomplishments and caused Johnson himself to regret his handling of "the woman I really loved—the Great Society."[303]

Scholars, on the other hand, have viewed Johnson both through the lens of his historic legislative achievements, and his lack of success in the Vietnam War. His overall rating among historians has remained relatively steady over the past 35 years, and his average ranking is higher than any of the eight presidents who followed him, although similar to Reagan and Clinton.[304]

The Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston was renamed the Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center in 1973.[305] Texas created a legal state holiday to be observed on August 27 to mark Johnson's birthday, known as Lyndon Baines Johnson Day.[306] The Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove on the Potomac was dedicated on April 6, 1976.

The Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin was named in his honor, as is the Lyndon B. Johnson National Grassland. Also named for him are Lyndon B. Johnson High School in Austin, Texas; Lyndon B. Johnson High School in Laredo, Texas; Lyndon B. Johnson Middle School in Melbourne, Florida; and Lyndon B. Johnson Elementary School in Jackson, Kentucky. Interstate 635 in Dallas, Texas, is named the Lyndon B. Johnson Freeway.

Johnson was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously in 1980.[307]

On March 23, 2007, President George W. Bush signed legislation naming the United States Department of Education headquarters after President Johnson.[308]

 
Front view of the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum located on the campus of the University of Texas in Austin, Texas

Major legislation signed

Significant regulatory changes

  • 1968: FCC creates national emergency number 9-1-1

Works

  • National Aeronautics and Space Act (1962)[316]
  • Choices We Face (1969)[317]
  • The Vantage Point (1971)[318]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Johnson was vice president under John F. Kennedy and became president upon Kennedy's assassination on November 22, 1963. As this was prior to the adoption of the Twenty-fifth Amendment in 1967, a vacancy in the office of vice president was not filled until the next ensuing election and inauguration.
  2. ^ President Grant, on October 17, 1871, suspended habeas corpus in nine South Carolina counties, sent in troops, and prosecuted the Klan in the federal district court.

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Works cited

Further reading

  • Andrew, John A. (1999). Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee. ISBN 978-1-56663-185-3. OCLC 37884743.
  • Berman, Larry. Lyndon Johnson's War: The Road to Stalemate in Vietnam (1991)
  • Bornet, Vaughn Davis (1983). The Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-0242-1.
  • Brands, H.W. (1997). The Wages of Globalism: Lyndon Johnson and the Limits of American Power. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-511377-8.
  • Cohen, Warren I., and Nancy Bernkopf Tuckerm, eds. Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World: American Foreign Policy 1963–1968 (Cambridge University Press, 1994).
  • Colman, Jonathan (2010). The Foreign Policy of Lyndon B. Johnson: The United States and the World, 1963–1969 (PDF). Edinburgh University Press.
  • Dallek, Robert (2004). Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-1-280-50296-5., abridged version of his two-volume biography
  • Ellis, Sylvia (2013). Freedom's Pragmatist: Lyndon Johnson and Civil Rights. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida.
  • Gavin, Francis J. and Mark Atwood Lawrence, eds. (2014) Beyond the Cold War: Lyndon Johnson and the New Global Challenges of the 1960s doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199790692.001.0001 online
  • Lichtenstein, Nelson, ed. Political Profiles: The Johnson Years. 1976. short biographies of 400+ key politicians
  • Schulman, Bruce J. (1995). Lyndon B. Johnson and American Liberalism: A Brief Biography with Documents. Boston: Bedford Books of St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-08351-9.
  • Schwarz, Jordan A. (2011). The New Dealers: Power politics in the age of Roosevelt. Vintage. pp. 364–284.
  • Vandiver, Frank E. Shadows of Vietnam: Lyndon Johnson's Wars (1997)
  • Woods, Randall B. Prisoners of Hope: Lyndon B. Johnson, the Great Society, and the Limits of Liberalism (2016), 480pp.
  • Zarefsky, David. President Johnson's War on Poverty (1986).

Historiography

  • Catsam, Derek. "The Civil Rights Movement and the Presidency in the Hot Years of the Cold War: A Historical and Historiographical Assessment". History Compass 6#1 (2008): 314–344.
  • Germany, Kent B. "Historians and the Many Lyndon Johnsons: A Review Essay". Journal of Southern History (2009) 75#4 pp. 1001–1028. in JSTOR
  • Lerner, Mitchell B. A Companion to Lyndon B. Johnson (2012); scholarly essays on all aspects of Johnson's career.

External links

lyndon, johnson, lyndon, johnson, redirect, here, american, football, player, lyndon, johnson, american, football, other, uses, disambiguation, lyndon, baines, johnson, august, 1908, january, 1973, often, referred, initials, american, politician, served, 36th,. Lyndon Johnson and LBJ redirect here For the American football player see Lyndon Johnson American football For other uses see LBJ disambiguation Lyndon Baines Johnson ˈ l ɪ n d e n ˈ b eɪ n z August 27 1908 January 22 1973 often referred to by his initials LBJ was an American politician who served as the 36th president of the United States from 1963 to 1969 He previously served as the 37th vice president from 1961 to 1963 under President John F Kennedy and was sworn in shortly after Kennedy s assassination A Democrat from Texas Johnson also served as a U S representative U S Senator and the Senate s majority leader He holds the distinction of being one of the few presidents who served in all elected offices at the federal level Lyndon B JohnsonOval Office photo 196436th President of the United StatesIn office November 22 1963 January 20 1969Vice PresidentNone 1963 1965 a Hubert Humphrey 1965 1969 Preceded byJohn F KennedySucceeded byRichard Nixon37th Vice President of the United StatesIn office January 20 1961 November 22 1963PresidentJohn F KennedyPreceded byRichard NixonSucceeded byHubert HumphreySenate Majority LeaderIn office January 3 1955 January 3 1961DeputyEarle C Clements 1955 1957 Mike Mansfield 1957 1961 Preceded byWilliam F KnowlandSucceeded byMike MansfieldSenate Minority LeaderIn office January 3 1953 January 3 1955DeputyEarle C ClementsPreceded byStyles BridgesSucceeded byWilliam F KnowlandChair of the Senate Democratic CaucusIn office January 3 1953 January 3 1961Preceded byErnest McFarlandSucceeded byMike MansfieldSenate Majority WhipIn office January 3 1951 January 3 1953LeaderErnest McFarlandPreceded byFrancis J MyersSucceeded byLeverett SaltonstallUnited States Senatorfrom TexasIn office January 3 1949 January 3 1961Preceded byW Lee O DanielSucceeded byWilliam A BlakleyMember of the U S House of Representatives from Texas s 10th districtIn office April 10 1937 January 3 1949Preceded byJames P BuchananSucceeded byHomer ThornberryPersonal detailsBornLyndon Baines Johnson 1908 08 27 August 27 1908Gillespie County Texas U S DiedJanuary 22 1973 1973 01 22 aged 64 Gillespie County Texas U S Resting placeJohnson Family Cemetery 1 Political partyDemocraticSpouseClaudia Lady Bird Taylor m 1934 wbr ChildrenLyndaLuciParentsSamuel Ealy Johnson Jr Rebekah BainesEducationSouthwest Texas State Teachers College BS Georgetown University no degree OccupationPoliticianteacherCivilian awardsPresidential Medal of Freedom posthumously 1980 SignatureMilitary serviceBranch serviceUnited States NavyYears of service1940 1941 inactive 1941 1942 active 1942 1964 reserve RankCommanderBattles warsWorld War II Salamaua Lae campaignMilitary awardsSilver StarLyndon B Johnson s voice source source Johnson on the passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964Recorded July 2 1964Born in a farmhouse in Stonewall Texas to a local political family Johnson worked as a high school teacher and a congressional aide before winning election to the U S House of Representatives in 1937 In 1948 he won the 1948 Senate election in Texas after a narrow and controversial victory in the Democratic Party s primary 2 He was appointed to the position of Senate Majority Whip in 1951 He became the Senate Democratic leader in 1953 and majority leader in 1954 In 1960 Johnson ran for the Democratic nomination for president Ultimately Senator Kennedy bested Johnson and his other rivals for the nomination then surprised many by offering to make Johnson his vice presidential running mate The Kennedy Johnson ticket won in the 1960 presidential election Vice President Johnson assumed the presidency on November 22 1963 after President Kennedy was assassinated The following year Johnson was elected to the presidency when he won in a landslide against Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater receiving 61 1 of the popular vote in the 1964 presidential election the largest share won by any presidential candidate since the 1820 election Johnson s domestic policy was aimed at expanding civil rights public broadcasting access to healthcare aid to education and the arts urban and rural development and public services In 1964 Johnson coined the term the Great Society to describe these efforts In addition he sought to create better living conditions for low income Americans by spearheading a campaign unofficially called the War on Poverty As part of these efforts Johnson signed the Social Security Amendments of 1965 which resulted in the creation of Medicare and Medicaid Johnson followed his predecessor s actions in bolstering NASA and made the Apollo Program a national priority He enacted the Higher Education Act of 1965 which established federally insured student loans Johnson signed the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 which laid the groundwork for U S immigration policy today Johnson s opinion on the issue of civil rights put him at odds with other white southern Democrats His civil rights legacy was shaped by signing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the Civil Rights Act of 1968 During his presidency the American political landscape transformed significantly 3 as white southerners who were once staunch Democrats began moving to the Republican Party 4 and black voters began moving to the Democratic Party 5 6 Because of his domestic agenda Johnson s presidency marked the peak of modern liberalism in the United States 7 Johnson s presidency took place during the Cold War thus his foreign policy prioritized containment of communism Prior to his presidency the U S was already involved in the Vietnam War supporting South Vietnam against the communist North Following a naval skirmish in 1964 between the United States and North Vietnam Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution which granted Johnson the power to launch a full scale military intervention in South East Asia The number of American military personnel in Vietnam increased dramatically and casualties soared among U S soldiers and Vietnamese civilians Johnson also expanded military operations in neighboring Laos to destroy North Vietnamese supply lines In 1968 the communist Tet Offensive inflamed the anti war movement especially among draft age students on university campuses and public opinion turned against America s involvement in the war In Europe Johnson s administration continued to promote and foster Western European political and economic cooperation and integration as his predecessors had 8 At home Johnson faced further troubles with race riots in major cities and increasing crime rates His political opponents seized the opportunity and raised demands for law and order policies Johnson began his presidency with near universal support but his approval declined throughout his presidency as the public became frustrated with both the Vietnam War and domestic unrest Johnson initially sought to run for re election however following disappointing results in the New Hampshire primary he withdrew his candidacy The war was a major election issue and the 1968 presidential election saw Republican candidate Richard Nixon defeat Johnson s vice president Hubert Humphrey At the end of his presidency in 1969 Johnson returned to his Texas ranch published his memoirs and in other respects kept a low profile until he died of a heart attack in 1973 Johnson is one of the most controversial presidents in American history Public opinion and academic assessments of his legacy have fluctuated greatly ever since his death Historians and scholars rank Johnson in the upper tier because of his accomplishments regarding domestic policy His administration passed many major laws that made substantial changes in civil rights health care welfare and education 9 Conversely Johnson is strongly criticized for his foreign policy namely escalating American involvement in the Vietnam War 10 11 Contents 1 Early life 2 Entry into politics 3 U S House of Representatives 1937 1949 3 1 Active military duty 1941 1942 4 U S Senate 1949 1961 4 1 1948 U S Senate election 4 2 Freshman senator to majority whip 4 3 Senate Democratic leader 5 Campaigns of 1960 5 1 Candidacy for president 5 2 Vice presidential nomination 5 3 Re election to U S Senate 6 Vice presidency 1961 1963 7 Presidency 1963 1969 7 1 Succession 7 2 Legislative initiatives 7 3 Civil Rights Act of 1964 7 4 The Great Society 7 5 1964 presidential election 7 6 Voting Rights Act 7 7 Immigration 7 8 Federal funding for education 7 9 War on Poverty and healthcare reform 7 10 Transportation 7 11 Gun control 7 12 Space program 7 13 Urban riots 7 14 Backlash against Johnson 1966 1967 7 15 Vietnam War 7 15 1 1964 7 15 2 1965 7 15 3 1966 7 15 4 1967 7 15 5 1968 7 16 Six Day War and Israel 7 17 Surveillance of Martin Luther King 7 18 International trips 7 19 1968 presidential election 7 20 Judicial appointments 8 Post presidency 1969 1973 8 1 Heart issues 9 Death and funeral 9 1 State funeral 10 Personality and public image 11 Legacy 11 1 Major legislation signed 11 2 Significant regulatory changes 12 Works 13 See also 14 Notes 15 References 15 1 Works cited 16 Further reading 16 1 Historiography 17 External linksEarly life Seven year old Johnson with his trademark cowboy hat c 1915 Lyndon Baines Johnson was born on August 27 1908 near Stonewall Texas in a small farmhouse on the Pedernales River 12 He was the eldest of five children born to Samuel Ealy Johnson Jr and Rebekah Baines 13 14 Johnson had one brother Sam Houston Johnson and three sisters Rebekah Josefa and Lucia 15 The nearby small town of Johnson City Texas was named after LBJ s father s cousin James Polk Johnson 16 17 whose forebears had moved west from Georgia 18 Johnson had English Irish German and Ulster Scots ancestry 19 Through his mother he was a great grandson of pioneer Baptist clergyman George Washington Baines who pastored eight churches in Texas as well as others in Arkansas and Louisiana Baines was also the president of Baylor University during the American Civil War 20 Johnson s grandfather Samuel Ealy Johnson Sr was raised as a Baptist and for a time was a member of the Christian Church Disciples of Christ In his later years the grandfather became a Christadelphian Johnson s father also joined the Christadelphian Church toward the end of his life 21 Later as a politician Johnson was influenced in his positive attitude toward Jews by the religious beliefs that his family especially his grandfather had shared with him 22 Johnson s favorite Bible verse came from the King James Version of Isaiah 1 18 Come now and let us reason together 23 Johnson grew up in poverty with his father losing a great deal of money 24 Biographer Robert Caro described him as being raised in a land without electricity where the soil was so rocky that it was hard to earn a living from it 24 Johnson s boyhood home in Johnson City Texas In school Johnson was a talkative youth who was elected president of his 11th grade class He graduated in 1924 from Johnson City High School where he participated in public speaking debate and baseball 25 26 At the age of 15 Johnson was the youngest member of his class Pressured by his parents to attend college he enrolled at a sub college of Southwest Texas State Teachers College SWTSTC in the summer of 1924 where students from unaccredited high schools could take the 12th grade courses needed for admission to college He left the school just weeks after his arrival and decided to move to southern California He worked at his cousin s legal practice and in various odd jobs before returning to Texas where he worked as a day laborer 27 In 1926 Johnson managed to enroll at SWTSTC now Texas State University He worked his way through school participated in debate and campus politics and edited the school newspaper The College Star 28 The college years refined his skills of persuasion and political organization For nine months from 1928 to 1929 Johnson paused his studies to teach Mexican American children at the segregated Welhausen School in Cotulla some 90 miles 140 km south of San Antonio in La Salle County The job helped him to save money to complete his education and he graduated in 1930 with a Bachelor of Science degree in history and his certificate of qualification as a high school teacher 29 30 He briefly taught at Pearsall High School before taking a position as teacher of public speaking at Sam Houston High School in Houston 31 When he returned to San Marcos in 1965 after signing the Higher Education Act of 1965 Johnson reminisced I shall never forget the faces of the boys and the girls in that little Welhausen Mexican School and I remember even yet the pain of realizing and knowing then that college was closed to practically every one of those children because they were too poor And I think it was then that I made up my mind that this nation could never rest while the door to knowledge remained closed to any American 32 Entry into politicsAfter Richard M Kleberg won a 1931 special election to represent Texas in the United States House of Representatives he appointed Johnson as his legislative secretary This marked Johnson s formal introduction into politics Johnson secured the position on the recommendation of his father and that of State Senator Welly Hopkins for whom Johnson had campaigned in 1930 33 Kleberg had little interest in performing the day to day duties of a Congressman instead delegating them to Johnson 34 After Franklin D Roosevelt won the 1932 presidential election Johnson became a lifelong supporter of Roosevelt s New Deal 35 Johnson was elected speaker of the Little Congress a group of Congressional aides where he cultivated Congressmen newspapermen and lobbyists Johnson s friends soon included aides to President Roosevelt as well as fellow Texans such as Vice President John Nance Garner and Congressman Sam Rayburn 36 Johnson married Claudia Alta Taylor also known as Lady Bird of Karnack Texas on November 17 1934 He met her after he had attended Georgetown University Law Center for several months Johnson later quit his Georgetown studies after the first semester in 1934 37 During their first date he asked her to marry him many dates later she finally agreed 38 The wedding was officiated by Arthur R McKinstry at St Mark s Episcopal Church in San Antonio 39 They had two daughters Lynda Bird born in 1944 and Luci Baines born in 1947 Johnson gave his children names with the LBJ initials his dog was Little Beagle Johnson His home was the LBJ Ranch his initials were on his cufflinks ashtrays and clothes 40 During his marriage Lyndon Johnson had affairs with numerous 41 women in particular with Alice Marsh nee Glass who assisted him politically 41 In 1935 he was appointed head of the Texas National Youth Administration which enabled him to use the government to create education and job opportunities for young people He resigned two years later to run for Congress Johnson a notoriously tough boss throughout his career often demanded long workdays and work on weekends 42 He was described by friends fellow politicians and historians as motivated by an exceptional lust for power and control As Johnson s biographer Robert Caro observes Johnson s ambition was uncommon in the degree to which it was unencumbered by even the slightest excess weight of ideology of philosophy of principles of beliefs 43 President Franklin D Roosevelt Governor James V Allred of Texas and Johnson 1937 Johnson later used an edited version of this photo with Allred airbrushed out in his 1941 senatorial campaign 44 U S House of Representatives 1937 1949 In 1937 after the death of thirteen term Congressman James P Buchanan Johnson successfully campaigned in a special election for Texas s 10th congressional district that covered Austin and the surrounding hill country He ran on a New Deal platform and was effectively aided by his wife He served in the House from April 10 1937 to January 3 1949 45 President Franklin D Roosevelt found Johnson to be a welcome ally and conduit for information particularly about issues concerning internal politics in Texas and the machinations of Vice President John Nance Garner and Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn Johnson was immediately appointed to the Naval Affairs Committee He worked for rural electrification and other improvements for his district Johnson steered the projects towards contractors he knew such as Herman and George Brown who would finance much of Johnson s future career 26 In 1941 he ran for the Democratic U S Senate nomination in a special election losing narrowly to the sitting Governor of Texas businessman and radio personality W Lee O Daniel O Daniel received 175 590 votes 30 49 percent to Johnson s 174 279 30 26 percent Active military duty 1941 1942 LCDR Johnson March 1942 Johnson was appointed a Lieutenant Commander in the U S Naval Reserve on June 21 1940 While serving as a U S representative he was called to active duty three days after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 His orders were to report to the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations in Washington D C for instruction and training 46 Following his training he asked Undersecretary of the Navy James Forrestal for a job in Washington He was sent instead to inspect shipyard facilities in Texas and on the West Coast In the spring of 1942 President Roosevelt decided he needed better information on conditions in the Southwest Pacific and to send a highly trusted political ally to get it From a suggestion by Forrestal Roosevelt assigned Johnson to a three man survey team covering the Southwest Pacific 47 Johnson reported to General Douglas MacArthur in Australia Johnson and two U S Army officers went to the 22nd Bomb Group base which was assigned the high risk mission of bombing the Japanese airbase at Lae in New Guinea On June 9 1942 Johnson volunteered as an observer for an airstrike on New Guinea by B 26 bombers Reports vary on what happened to the aircraft carrying Johnson during that mission Johnson s biographer Robert Caro accepts Johnson s account and supports it with testimony from the aircrew concerned the aircraft was attacked disabling one engine and it turned back before reaching its objective though remaining under heavy fire Others claim that it turned back because of generator trouble before reaching the objective and before encountering enemy aircraft and never came under fire this is supported by official flight records 48 49 Other airplanes that continued to the target came under fire near the target about the same time Johnson s plane was recorded as having landed back at the original airbase MacArthur recommended Johnson for the Silver Star for gallantry in action the only member of the crew to receive a decoration 49 After it was approved by the Army he presented the medal to Johnson with the following citation 48 For gallantry in action in the vicinity of Port Moresby and Salamaua New Guinea on June 9 1942 While on a mission of obtaining information in the Southwest Pacific area Lieutenant Commander Johnson to obtain personal knowledge of combat conditions volunteered as an observer on a hazardous aerial combat mission over hostile positions in New Guinea As our planes neared the target area they were intercepted by eight hostile fighters When at this time the plane in which Lieutenant Commander Johnson was an observer developed mechanical trouble and was forced to turn back alone presenting a favorable target to the enemy fighters he evidenced marked coolness despite the hazards involved His gallant actions enabled him to obtain and return with valuable information Johnson who had used a movie camera to record conditions 50 reported to Roosevelt to Navy leaders and Congress that conditions were deplorable and unacceptable some historians have suggested this was in exchange for MacArthur s recommendation to award the Silver Star 49 He argued that the southwest Pacific urgently needed a higher priority and a larger share of war supplies The warplanes sent there for example were far inferior to Japanese planes and morale was bad He told Forrestal that the Pacific Fleet had a critical need for 6 800 additional experienced men Johnson prepared a twelve point program to upgrade the effort in the region stressing greater cooperation and coordination within the various commands and between the different war theaters Congress responded by making Johnson chairman of a high powered subcommittee of the Naval Affairs Committee 51 with a mission similar to that of the Truman Committee in the Senate He probed the peacetime business as usual inefficiencies that permeated the naval war and demanded that admirals shape up and get the job done Johnson went too far when he proposed a bill that would crack down on the draft exemptions of shipyard workers if they were absent from work too often organized labor blocked the bill and denounced him Johnson s biographer Robert Dallek concludes The mission was a temporary exposure to danger calculated to satisfy Johnson s personal and political wishes but it also represented a genuine effort on his part however misplaced to improve the lot of America s fighting men 52 In addition to the Silver Star Johnson received the American Campaign Medal Asiatic Pacific Campaign Medal and the World War II Victory Medal He was released from active duty on July 17 1942 and remained in the Navy Reserve later promoted to Commander on October 19 1949 effective June 2 1948 He resigned from the Navy Reserve effective January 18 1964 53 U S Senate 1949 1961 1948 U S Senate election Main article 1948 United States Senate election in Texas source source source source source source source source source source source source LBJ s 1948 U S Senate campaign spots In the 1948 elections Johnson again ran for the Senate and won in a highly controversial Democratic Party primary against the well known former governor Coke Stevenson Johnson drew crowds to fairgrounds with his rented helicopter dubbed The Johnson City Windmill He raised money to flood the state with campaign circulars and won over conservatives by casting doubts on Stevenson s support for the Taft Hartley Act curbing union power Stevenson came in first in the primary but lacked a majority so a runoff election was held Johnson campaigned harder while Stevenson s efforts slumped due to a lack of funds US presidential historian Michael Beschloss observed that Johnson gave white supremacist speeches during the 1948 campaign in order to secure the white vote This cemented his reputation as a moderate in American politics which would enable his ability to pivot and further civil rights causes upon assuming the presidency 54 The runoff vote count handled by the Democratic State Central Committee took a week Johnson was announced the winner by 87 votes out of 988 295 an extremely narrow margin of victory However Johnson s victory was based on 200 patently fraudulent 55 608 ballots reported six days after the election from Box 13 in Jim Wells County in an area dominated by political boss George Parr The added names were in alphabetical order and written with the same pen and handwriting following at the end of the list of voters Some of the persons in this part of the list insisted that they had not voted that day 56 Election judge Luis Salas said in 1977 that he had certified 202 fraudulent ballots for Johnson 57 Robert Caro made the case in his 1990 book that Johnson had stolen the election in Jim Wells County and that there were thousands of fraudulent votes in other counties as well including 10 000 votes switched in San Antonio 58 The Democratic State Central Committee voted to certify Johnson s nomination by a majority of one 29 28 with the last vote cast on Johnson s behalf by the publisher Frank W Mayborn of Temple Texas The state Democratic convention upheld Johnson Stevenson went to court eventually taking his case before the U S Supreme Court but with timely help from his friend and future U S Supreme Court Justice Abe Fortas Johnson prevailed on the basis that jurisdiction over naming a nominee rested with the party not the federal government Johnson soundly defeated Republican Jack Porter in the general election in November and went to Washington permanently dubbed Landslide Lyndon Johnson dismissive of his critics happily adopted the nickname 59 Freshman senator to majority whip Johnson as U S senator from Texas Once in the Senate Johnson was known among his colleagues for his highly successful courtships of older senators especially Senator Richard Russell Democrat from Georgia the leader of the Conservative coalition and arguably the most powerful man in the Senate Johnson proceeded to gain Russell s favor in the same way he had courted Speaker Sam Rayburn and gained his crucial support in the House Johnson was appointed to the Senate Armed Services Committee and in 1950 helped create the Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee He became its chairman and conducted investigations of defense costs and efficiency These investigations revealed old investigations and demanded actions that were already being taken in part by the Truman administration although it can be said that the committee s investigations reinforced the need for changes Johnson gained headlines and national attention through his handling of the press the efficiency with which his committee issued new reports and the fact that he ensured that every report was endorsed unanimously by the committee He used his political influence in the Senate to receive broadcast licenses from the Federal Communications Commission in his wife s name 57 60 After the 1950 general elections Johnson was chosen as Senate Majority Whip in 1951 under the new Majority Leader Ernest McFarland of Arizona and served from 1951 to 1953 45 Senate Democratic leader Drawer from Senate Desk X used by all Democratic leaders including Johnson since Joseph Taylor Robinson In the 1952 general election Republicans won a majority in both the House and Senate Among defeated Democrats that year was McFarland who lost to upstart Barry Goldwater In January 1953 Johnson was chosen by his fellow Democrats to be Minority Leader he became the most junior senator ever elected to this position One of his first actions was to eliminate the seniority system in making appointments to committees while retaining it for chairmanships In the 1954 election Johnson was re elected to the Senate and since the Democrats won the majority in the Senate then became majority leader Former Majority Leader William Knowland of California became the Minority Leader Johnson s duties were to schedule legislation and help pass measures favored by the Democrats Johnson Rayburn and President Dwight D Eisenhower worked well together in passing Eisenhower s domestic and foreign agenda 61 During the Suez Crisis Johnson tried to prevent the U S government from criticizing the Israeli invasion of the Sinai peninsula Along with the rest of the nation Johnson was appalled by the threat of possible Soviet domination of space flight implied by the launch of the first artificial Earth satellite Sputnik 1 and used his influence to ensure passage of the 1958 National Aeronautics and Space Act which established the civilian space agency NASA Historians Caro and Dallek consider Lyndon Johnson the most effective Senate majority leader in history He was unusually proficient at gathering information One biographer suggests he was the greatest intelligence gatherer Washington has ever known discovering exactly where every senator stood on issues his philosophy and prejudices his strengths and weaknesses and what it took to get his vote 62 Robert Baker claimed that Johnson would occasionally send senators on NATO trips to avoid their dissenting votes 63 Central to Johnson s control was The Treatment 64 described by two journalists The Treatment could last ten minutes or four hours It came enveloping its target at the Johnson Ranch swimming pool in one of Johnson s offices in the Senate cloakroom on the floor of the Senate itself wherever Johnson might find a fellow Senator within his reach Its tone could be supplication accusation cajolery exuberance scorn tears complaint and the hint of threat It was all of these together It ran the gamut of human emotions Its velocity was breathtaking and it was all in one direction Interjections from the target were rare Johnson anticipated them before they could be spoken He moved in close his face a scant millimeter from his target his eyes widening and narrowing his eyebrows rising and falling From his pockets poured clippings memos statistics Mimicry humor and the genius of analogy made The Treatment an almost hypnotic experience and rendered the target stunned and helpless 65 Johnson giving The Treatment to Senator Richard Russell in 1963 shortly after becoming president In 1955 Johnson persuaded Oregon s Independent Wayne Morse to join the Democratic caucus 66 A 60 cigarette per day smoker Johnson suffered a near fatal heart attack on July 2 1955 at age 46 He abruptly gave up smoking as a result and with only a couple of exceptions did not resume the habit until after he left the White House on January 20 1969 Johnson announced he would remain as his party s leader in the Senate on New Year s Eve 1955 his doctors reporting he had made a most satisfactory recovery since his heart attack five months before 67 68 Campaigns of 1960See also 1960 United States presidential election Johnson s success in the Senate rendered him a potential Democratic presidential candidate he had been the favorite son candidate of the Texas delegation at the Party s national convention in 1956 and appeared to be in a strong position to run for the 1960 nomination Jim Rowe repeatedly urged Johnson to launch a campaign in early 1959 but Johnson thought it better to wait thinking that John Kennedy s efforts would create a division in the ranks which could then be exploited Rowe finally joined the Humphrey campaign in frustration another move that Johnson thought played into his own strategy 69 Candidacy for president Johnson made a late entry into the campaign in July 1960 which coupled with a reluctance to leave Washington allowed the rival Kennedy campaign to secure a substantial early advantage among Democratic state party officials Johnson underestimated Kennedy s endearing qualities of charm and intelligence as compared to his reputation as the more crude and wheeling dealing Landslide Lyndon 70 Caro suggests that Johnson s hesitancy was the result of an overwhelming fear of failure 71 Johnson attempted in vain to capitalize on Kennedy s youth poor health and failure to take a position regarding Joseph McCarthy and McCarthyism 72 He had formed a Stop Kennedy coalition with Adlai Stevenson Stuart Symington and Hubert Humphrey but it proved a failure Despite Johnson having the support of established Democrats and the party leadership this did not translate into popular approval Johnson received 409 votes on the only ballot at the Democratic convention to Kennedy s 806 and so the convention nominated Kennedy Tip O Neill was a representative from Kennedy s home state of Massachusetts at that time and he recalled that Johnson approached him at the convention and said Tip I know you have to support Kennedy at the start but I d like to have you with me on the second ballot O Neill replied Senator there s not going to be any second ballot 73 Vice presidential nomination According to Kennedy s Special Counsel Myer Feldman and Kennedy himself it is impossible to reconstruct the precise manner in which Johnson s vice presidential nomination ultimately took place Kennedy did realize that he could not be elected without the support of traditional Southern Democrats most of whom had backed Johnson nevertheless labor leaders were unanimous in their opposition to Johnson AFL CIO President George Meany called Johnson the arch foe of labor while Illinois AFL CIO President Reuben Soderstrom asserted Kennedy had made chumps out of leaders of the American labor movement 74 75 After much back and forth with party leaders and others on the matter Kennedy did offer Johnson the vice presidential nomination at the Los Angeles Biltmore Hotel at 10 15 am on July 14 the morning after he was nominated and Johnson accepted From that point to the actual nomination that evening the facts are in dispute in many respects Convention chairman LeRoy Collins declaration of a two thirds majority in favor by voice vote is even disputed 76 Seymour Hersh stated that Robert F Kennedy known as Bobby hated Johnson for his attacks on the Kennedy family and later maintained that his brother offered the position to Johnson merely as a courtesy expecting him to decline Arthur M Schlesinger Jr concurred with Robert Kennedy s version of events and put forth that John Kennedy would have preferred Stuart Symington as his running mate alleging that Johnson teamed with House Speaker Sam Rayburn and pressured Kennedy to favor Johnson 77 Robert Kennedy wanted his brother to choose labor leader Walter Reuther 78 Biographer Robert Caro offered a different perspective he wrote that the Kennedy campaign was desperate to win what was forecast to be a very close election against Richard Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge Jr Johnson was needed on the ticket to help carry Texas and the Southern states Caro s research showed that on July 14 John Kennedy started the process while Johnson was still asleep At 6 30 am John Kennedy asked Robert Kennedy to prepare an estimate of upcoming electoral votes including Texas 79 Robert called Pierre Salinger and Kenneth O Donnell to assist him Salinger realized the ramifications of counting Texas votes as their own and asked him whether he was considering a Kennedy Johnson ticket and Robert replied yes 79 Caro contends that it was then that John Kennedy called Johnson to arrange a meeting he also called Pennsylvania governor David L Lawrence a Johnson backer to request that he nominate Johnson for vice president if Johnson were to accept the role According to Caro Kennedy and Johnson met and Johnson said that Kennedy would have trouble with Kennedy supporters who were anti Johnson Kennedy returned to his suite to announce the Kennedy Johnson ticket to his closest supporters including northern political bosses O Donnell was angry at what he considered a betrayal by Kennedy who had previously cast Johnson as anti labor and anti liberal Afterward Robert Kennedy visited labor leaders who were extremely unhappy with the choice of Johnson and after seeing the depth of labor opposition to Johnson Robert ran messages between the hotel suites of his brother and Johnson apparently trying to undermine the proposed ticket without John Kennedy s authorization 79 Caro continues in his analysis that Robert Kennedy tried to get Johnson to agree to be the Democratic Party chairman rather than the vice president Johnson refused to accept a change in plans unless it came directly from John Kennedy Despite his brother s interference John Kennedy was firm that Johnson was who he wanted as running mate he met with staffers such as Larry O Brien his national campaign manager to say that Johnson was to be vice president O Brien recalled later that John Kennedy s words were wholly unexpected but that after a brief consideration of the electoral vote situation he thought it was a stroke of genius 79 When John and Robert Kennedy next saw their father Joe Kennedy he told them that signing Johnson as running mate was the smartest thing they had ever done 80 Another account of how Johnson s nomination came about was told by Evelyn Lincoln JFK s secretary both before and during his presidency In 1993 in a videotaped interview she described how the decision was made stating she was the only witness to a private meeting between John and Robert Kennedy in a suite at the Biltmore Hotel where they made the decision She said she went in and out of the room as they spoke and while she was in the room heard them say that Johnson had tried to blackmail JFK into offering him the vice presidential nomination with evidence of his womanizing provided by FBI director J Edgar Hoover She also overheard them discuss possible ways to avoid making the offer and ultimately conclude that JFK had no choice 81 82 Re election to U S Senate At the same time as his vice presidential run Johnson also sought a third term in the U S Senate According to Robert Caro On November 8 1960 Lyndon Johnson won an election for both the vice presidency of the United States on the Kennedy Johnson ticket and for a third term as senator he had Texas law changed to allow him to run for both offices When he won the vice presidency he made arrangements to resign from the Senate as he was required to do under federal law as soon as it convened on January 3 1961 83 In 1988 Lloyd Bentsen the vice presidential running mate of Democratic presidential candidate Michael Dukakis and a senator from Texas took advantage of Lyndon s law and was able to retain his seat in the Senate despite Dukakis s loss to George H W Bush Johnson was re elected senator with 1 306 605 votes 58 percent to Republican John Tower s 927 653 41 1 percent Fellow Democrat William A Blakley was appointed to replace Johnson as senator but Blakley lost a special election in May 1961 to Tower Vice presidency 1961 1963 See also Presidency of John F Kennedy After the election Johnson was quite concerned about the traditionally ineffective nature of his new office and set about to assume authority not allotted to the position He initially sought a transfer of the authority of Senate majority leader to the vice presidency since that office made him president of the Senate but faced vehement opposition from the Democratic Caucus including members whom he had counted as his supporters 84 President Kennedy and Vice President Johnson outside the White House prior to a ceremony Johnson sought to increase his influence within the executive branch He drafted an executive order for Kennedy s signature granting Johnson general supervision over matters of national security and requiring all government agencies to cooperate fully with the vice president in the carrying out of these assignments Kennedy s response was to sign a non binding letter requesting Johnson to review national security policies instead 85 Kennedy similarly turned down early requests from Johnson to be given an office adjacent to the Oval Office and to employ a full time Vice Presidential staff within the White House 86 His lack of influence was thrown into relief later in 1961 when Kennedy appointed Johnson s friend Sarah T Hughes to a federal judgeship whereas Johnson had tried and failed to garner the nomination for Hughes at the beginning of his vice presidency House Speaker Sam Rayburn wrangled the appointment from Kennedy in exchange for support of an administration bill Moreover many members of the Kennedy White House were contemptuous of Johnson including the president s brother Attorney General Robert F Kennedy and they ridiculed his comparatively brusque crude manner Congressman Tip O Neill recalled that the Kennedy men had a disdain for Johnson that they didn t even try to hide They actually took pride in snubbing him 87 Vice President Johnson and Attorney General Robert Kennedy meeting with civil rights leaders at the White House on June 22 1963 Kennedy however made efforts to keep Johnson busy informed and at the White House often telling aides I can t afford to have my vice president who knows every reporter in Washington going around saying we re all screwed up so we re going to keep him happy 88 Kennedy appointed him to jobs such as the head of the President s Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities through which he worked with African Americans and other minorities Kennedy may have intended this to remain a more nominal position but Taylor Branch contends in Pillar of Fire that Johnson pushed the Kennedy administration s actions further and faster for civil rights than Kennedy originally intended to go Branch notes the irony of Johnson being the advocate for civil rights when the Kennedy family had hoped that he would appeal to conservative southern voters In particular he notes Johnson s Memorial Day 1963 speech at Gettysburg Pennsylvania as being a catalyst that led to more action citation needed Opening Day of the 1961 baseball season President Kennedy throws out the first ball at Griffith Stadium the home field of the Washington Senators as LBJ and Hubert Humphrey look on Johnson took on numerous minor diplomatic missions which gave him some insights into global issues as well as opportunities for self promotion in the name of showing the country s flag During his visit to West Berlin on August 19 20 1961 Johnson calmed Berliners who were outraged by the building of the Berlin Wall 89 He also attended Cabinet and National Security Council meetings Kennedy gave Johnson control over all presidential appointments involving Texas and appointed him chairman of the President s Ad Hoc Committee for Science 90 Kennedy also appointed Johnson Chairman of the National Aeronautics and Space Council The Soviets beat the United States with the first crewed spaceflight in April 1961 and Kennedy gave Johnson the task of evaluating the state of the U S space program and recommending a project that would allow the United States to catch up or beat the Soviets 91 Johnson responded with a recommendation that the United States gain the leadership role by committing the resources to embark on a project to land an American on the Moon in the 1960s 92 93 Kennedy assigned priority to the space program but Johnson s appointment provided potential cover in case of a failure 94 Vice President Johnson visiting Finland in September 1963 here seen with Mrs Johnson while Urho Kekkonen the President of Finland welcomes them Johnson was touched by a Senate scandal in August 1963 when Bobby Baker the Secretary to the Majority Leader of the Senate and a protege of Johnson s came under investigation by the Senate Rules Committee for allegations of bribery and financial malfeasance One witness alleged that Baker had arranged for the witness to give kickbacks for the Vice President Baker resigned in October and the investigation did not expand to Johnson The negative publicity from the affair fed rumors in Washington circles that Kennedy was planning on dropping Johnson from the Democratic ticket in the upcoming 1964 presidential election However on October 31 1963 a reporter asked if he intended and expected to have Johnson on the ticket the following year Kennedy replied Yes to both those questions 95 There is little doubt that Robert Kennedy and Johnson hated each other 96 yet John and Robert Kennedy agreed that dropping Johnson from the ticket could produce heavy losses in the South in the 1964 election and they agreed that Johnson would stay on the ticket 97 98 Presidency 1963 1969 Main article Presidency of Lyndon B Johnson For a chronological guide see Timeline of the Lyndon B Johnson presidency Further information Foreign policy of the Lyndon B Johnson administration Johnson assumed the presidency amid a healthy economy with steady growth and low unemployment and with no serious international crises Therefore he focused his attention on domestic policy until escalation of the Vietnam War began in August 1964 Succession Main article First inauguration of Lyndon B Johnson LBJ is sworn in on Air Force One by Judge Sarah Hughes as Mrs Johnson and Mrs Kennedy look on Official White House Portrait 1964 Johnson was quickly sworn in as president on Air Force One in Dallas on November 22 1963 just two hours and eight minutes after John F Kennedy was assassinated amid suspicions of a conspiracy against the government 99 He was sworn in by U S District Judge Sarah T Hughes a family friend 100 In the rush Johnson took the oath of office using a Roman Catholic missal from President Kennedy s desk 101 despite not being Catholic 102 due to the missal being mistaken for a Bible 102 Cecil Stoughton s iconic photograph of Johnson taking the presidential oath of office as Mrs Kennedy looks on is the most famous photo ever taken aboard a presidential aircraft 102 103 Johnson was convinced of the need to make an impression of an immediate transition of power after the assassination to provide stability to a grieving nation in shock 104 He and the Secret Service were concerned that he could also be a target of a conspiracy 105 and felt compelled to rapidly remove the new president from Dallas and return him to Washington 105 This was greeted by some with assertions that Johnson was in too much haste to assume power 106 107 On November 27 1963 the new president delivered his Let Us Continue speech to a joint session of Congress saying that No memorial oration or eulogy could more eloquently honor President Kennedy s memory than the earliest possible passage of the Civil Rights Bill for which he fought so long 108 The wave of national grief following the assassination gave enormous momentum to Johnson s promise to carry out Kennedy s plans and his policy of seizing Kennedy s legacy to give momentum to his legislative agenda 107 On November 29 1963 just one week after Kennedy s assassination Johnson issued an executive order to rename NASA s Apollo Launch Operations Center and the NASA Air Force Cape Canaveral launch facilities as the John F Kennedy Space Center 109 Cape Canaveral was officially known as Cape Kennedy from 1963 until 1973 110 111 Also on November 29 Johnson established a panel headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren known as the Warren Commission through executive order to investigate Kennedy s assassination and surrounding conspiracies 112 The commission conducted extensive research and hearings and unanimously concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in the assassination However the report remains controversial among some conspiracy theorists 113 Johnson retained senior Kennedy appointees some for the full term of his presidency He even retained Attorney General Robert Kennedy with whom he had a notoriously difficult relationship Robert Kennedy remained in office for a few months until leaving in 1964 to run for the Senate 114 Although Johnson had no official chief of staff Walter Jenkins was the first among a handful of equals and presided over the details of daily operations at the White House George Reedy who was Johnson s second longest serving aide assumed the post of press secretary when John F Kennedy s own Pierre Salinger left that post in March 1964 115 Horace Busby was another triple threat man as Johnson referred to his aides He served primarily as a speechwriter and political analyst 116 Bill Moyers was the youngest member of Johnson s staff he handled scheduling and speechwriting part time 117 Legislative initiatives The new president thought it advantageous to quickly pursue one of Kennedy s primary legislative goals a tax cut Johnson worked closely with Harry F Byrd of Virginia to negotiate a reduction in the budget below 100 billion in exchange for what became overwhelming Senate approval of the Revenue Act of 1964 Congressional approval followed at the end of February and facilitated efforts to follow on civil rights 118 In late 1963 Johnson also launched the initial offensive of his War on Poverty recruiting Kennedy relative Sargent Shriver then head of the Peace Corps to spearhead the effort In March 1964 LBJ sent to Congress the Economic Opportunity Act which created the Job Corps and the Community Action Program designed to attack poverty locally The act also created VISTA Volunteers in Service to America a domestic counterpart to the Peace Corps 119 Civil Rights Act of 1964 Main article Civil Rights Act of 1964 Meeting with civil rights leaders Martin Luther King Jr left Whitney Young and James Farmer in the Oval Office in 1964 President Kennedy had submitted a civil rights bill to Congress in June 1963 which was met with strong opposition 120 121 Johnson renewed the effort and asked Bobby Kennedy to spearhead the undertaking for the administration on Capitol Hill This provided adequate political cover for Johnson should the effort fail but if it were successful Johnson would receive ample credit 122 Historian Robert Caro notes that the bill Kennedy had submitted was facing the same tactics that prevented the passage of civil rights bills in the past southern congressmen and senators used congressional procedure to prevent it from coming to a vote 123 In particular they held up all of the major bills Kennedy had proposed and that were considered urgent especially the tax reform bill to force the bill s supporters to pull it 123 Johnson was quite familiar with the procedural tactic as he played a role in a similar tactic against a civil rights bill that Harry Truman had submitted to Congress fifteen years earlier 123 In that fight a rent control renewal bill was held up until the civil rights bill was withdrawn 123 Believing that the current course meant that the Civil Rights Act would suffer the same fate he adopted a different strategy from that of Kennedy who had mostly removed himself from the legislative process By tackling the tax cut first the previous tactic was eliminated 124 Passing the civil rights bill in the House required getting it through the Rules Committee which had been holding it up in an attempt to kill it Johnson decided on a campaign to use a discharge petition to force it onto the House floor 125 Facing a growing threat that they would be bypassed the House rules committee approved the bill and moved it to the floor of the full House which passed it shortly thereafter by a vote of 290 110 126 In the Senate since the tax bill had passed three days earlier the anti civil rights senators were left with the filibuster as their only remaining tool Overcoming the filibuster required the support of over twenty Republicans who were growing less supportive because their party was about to nominate for president a candidate who opposed the bill 127 According to Caro Johnson ultimately could convince Republican leader Everett Dirksen to support the bill that amassed the necessary Republican votes to overcome the filibuster in March 1964 after 75 hours of debate the bill passed the Senate by a vote of 71 29 128 129 Johnson signed the fortified Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law on July 2 129 The evening after signing the bill Johnson told aide Bill Moyers I think we may have lost the south for your lifetime and mine anticipating a coming backlash from Southern whites against Johnson s Democratic Party 130 131 Biographer Randall B Woods has argued that Johnson effectively used appeals to Judeo Christian ethics to garner support for the civil rights law Woods writes that Johnson undermined the Southern filibuster against the bill LBJ wrapped white America in a moral straitjacket How could individuals who fervently continuously and overwhelmingly identified themselves with a merciful and just God continue to condone racial discrimination police brutality and segregation Where in the Judeo Christian ethic was there justification for killing young girls in a church in Alabama denying an equal education to black children barring fathers and mothers from competing for jobs that would feed and clothe their families Was Jim Crow to be America s response to Godless Communism 132 Woods states that Johnson s religiosity ran deep At 15 he joined the Disciples of Christ or Christian church and would forever believe that it was the duty of the rich to care for the poor the strong to assist the weak and the educated to speak for the inarticulate 133 Johnson shared the beliefs of his mentor FDR in that he paired liberal values to religious values believing that freedom and social justice served both God and man 134 The Great Society Johnson wanted a catchy slogan for the 1964 campaign to describe his proposed domestic agenda for 1965 Eric Goldman who joined the White House in December of that year thought Johnson s domestic program was best captured in the title of Walter Lippman s book The Good Society Richard Goodwin tweaked it to The Great Society and incorporated this in detail as part of a speech for Johnson in May 1964 at the University of Michigan It encompassed movements of urban renewal modern transportation clean environment anti poverty healthcare reform crime control and educational reform 135 1964 presidential election Main article 1964 United States presidential election Further information Lyndon B Johnson 1964 presidential campaign In Spring 1964 Johnson did not look optimistically upon the prospect of being elected president in his own right 136 A pivotal change took place in April when he assumed personal management of negotiations between the railroad brotherhood and the railroad industry over the issue of featherbedding Johnson emphasized to the parties the potential impact upon the economy of a strike After considerable horse trading especially with the carriers who won promises from the president for greater freedom in setting rights and more liberal depreciation allowances from the IRS Johnson got an agreement This substantially boosted his self confidence as well as his image 137 President Lyndon Johnson left alongside Illinois AFL CIO President Reuben Soderstrom center and Vice President Stanley Johnson right speaks to the delegates of the 1964 Illinois AFL CIO convention That same year Robert F Kennedy was widely considered an impeccable choice to run as Johnson s vice presidential running mate but Johnson and Kennedy had never liked one another and Johnson afraid that Kennedy would be credited with his election as president abhorred the idea and opposed it at every turn 138 Kennedy was himself undecided about the position and knowing that the prospect rankled Johnson was content to eliminate himself from consideration Ultimately Goldwater s poor polling numbers degraded any dependence Johnson might have had on Kennedy as his running mate 139 Hubert Humphrey s selection as vice president then became a foregone conclusion and was thought to strengthen Johnson in the Midwest and industrial Northeast 140 Johnson knowing full well the degree of frustration inherent in the office of vice president put Humphrey through a gauntlet of interviews to guarantee his absolute loyalty and having made the decision he kept the announcement from the press until the last moment to maximize media speculation and coverage 141 In preparation for the Democratic convention Johnson requested the FBI send a squad of thirty agents to cover convention activities the objective of the squad was to inform the White House staff of any disruptive activities on the floor The squad s focus narrowed upon the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party MFDP delegation which sought to displace the white segregationist delegation regularly selected in the state The squad s activities also included wiretaps of Martin Luther King s room as well as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee SNCC and the Congress of Racial Equality CORE From beginning to end the squad s assignment was carefully couched in terms of the monitoring of disruptive activities that might endanger the president and other high ranking officials 142 1964 presidential election results Johnson was very concerned about potential political damage from media coverage of racial tensions exposed by a credentials fight between the MFDP and the segregationist delegation and he assigned Humphrey the job of managing the problem 143 The convention s Credentials Committee declared that two MFDP delegates in the delegation be seated as observers and agreed to bar future delegations from states where any citizens are deprived of the right to vote because of their race or color 144 The MFDP rejected the committee s ruling The convention became the apparent personal triumph that Johnson craved but a sense of betrayal caused by the marginalization of the MFDP would trigger disaffection with Johnson and the Democratic Party from the left SNCC chairman John Lewis would call it a turning point in the civil rights movement 145 source source source source source source source source source source source source source source track track track track Daisy advertisement Early in the 1964 presidential campaign Barry Goldwater appeared to be a strong contender with strong support from the South which threatened Johnson s position as he had predicted in reaction to the passage of the Civil Rights Act However Goldwater lost momentum as his campaign progressed On September 7 1964 Johnson s campaign managers broadcast the Daisy ad It portrayed a little girl picking petals from a daisy counting up to ten Then a baritone voice took over counted down from ten to zero and the visual showed the explosion of a nuclear bomb The message conveyed was that electing Goldwater president held the danger of a nuclear war Goldwater s campaign message was best symbolized by the bumper sticker displayed by supporters claiming In your heart you know he s right Opponents captured the spirit of Johnson s campaign with bumper stickers that said In your heart you know he might and In your guts you know he s nuts 146 CIA Director William Colby asserted that Tracy Barnes instructed the CIA of the United States to spy on the Goldwater campaign and the Republican National Committee to provide information to Johnson s campaign 147 Johnson won the presidency by a landslide with 61 05 percent of the vote making it the highest ever share of the popular vote 148 At the time this was also the widest popular margin in the 20th century more than 15 95 million votes this was later surpassed by incumbent President Nixon s victory in 1972 149 In the Electoral College Johnson defeated Goldwater by a margin of 486 to 52 Johnson won 44 states compared to Goldwater s six Voters also gave Johnson the largest majorities in Congress since FDR s election in 1936 a Senate with a 68 32 majority and a house with a 295 140 Democratic margin 150 Voting Rights Act Main article Voting Rights Act of 1965 Johnson began his elected presidential term with similar motives as he had upon succeeding to the office ready to carry forward the plans and programs of John Fitzgerald Kennedy Not because of our sorrow or sympathy but because they are right 151 He was reticent to push southern congressmen even further after passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and suspected their support may have been temporarily tapped out Nevertheless the Selma to Montgomery marches in Alabama led by Martin Luther King ultimately led Johnson to initiate a debate on a voting rights bill in February 1965 152 President Lyndon B Johnson Martin Luther King Jr and Rosa Parks at the signing of the Voting Rights Act on August 6 1965 Johnson gave a congressional speech in which he said rarely at any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself rarely are we met with the challenge to the values and the purposes and the meaning of our beloved nation The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue And should we defeat every enemy should we double our wealth and conquer the stars and still be unequal to this issue then we will have failed as a people and as a nation 153 In 1965 he achieved passage of a second civil rights bill called the Voting Rights Act which outlawed discrimination in voting thus allowing millions of southern blacks to vote for the first time Under the act several states eight of the eleven southern states of the former confederacy Alabama South Carolina North Carolina Tennessee Georgia Louisiana Mississippi Virginia were subjected to the procedure of preclearance in 1965 while Texas then home to the largest African American population of any state followed in 1975 154 The Senate passed the voting rights bill by a vote of 77 19 after 2 1 2 months and it won passage in the house in July 333 85 The results were significant between the years of 1968 and 1980 the number of southern black elected state and federal officeholders nearly doubled The act also made a large difference in the numbers of black elected officials nationally a few hundred black office holders in 1965 mushroomed to 6 000 in 1989 153 After the murder of civil rights worker Viola Liuzzo Johnson went on television to announce the arrest of four Ku Klux Klansmen implicated in her death He angrily denounced the Klan as a hooded society of bigots and warned them to return to a decent society before it s too late Johnson was the first President to arrest and prosecute members of the Klan since Ulysses S Grant about 93 years earlier b 155 He turned to themes of Christian redemption to push for civil rights thereby mobilizing support from churches North and South 156 At the Howard University commencement address on June 4 1965 he said that both the government and the nation needed to help achieve these goals To shatter forever not only the barriers of law and public practice but the walls which bound the condition of many by the color of his skin To dissolve as best we can the antique enmities of the heart which diminish the holder divide the great democracy and do wrong great wrong to the children of God 157 In 1967 Johnson nominated civil rights attorney Thurgood Marshall to be the first African American justice of the Supreme Court To head the new Department of Housing and Urban Development Johnson appointed Robert C Weaver the first African American cabinet secretary in any U S presidential administration In 1968 Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1968 which provided for equal housing opportunities regardless of race creed or national origin The impetus for the law s passage came from the 1966 Chicago Open Housing Movement the April 4 1968 assassination of Martin Luther King Jr and the civil unrest across the country following King s death 158 On April 5 Johnson wrote a letter to the United States House of Representatives urging passage of the Fair Housing Act 159 With newly urgent attention from legislative director Joseph Califano and Democratic Speaker of the House John McCormack the bill which was previously stalled passed the House by a wide margin on April 10 158 160 Immigration President Johnson signs the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 as Sen Edward Kennedy Sen Robert Kennedy and others look on With the passage of the sweeping Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 the country s immigration system was reformed and all national origins quotas dating from the 1920s were removed The annual rate of inflow doubled between 1965 and 1970 and doubled again by 1990 with dramatic increases from Asia and Latin American countries including Mexico 57 Scholars give Johnson little credit for the law which was not one of his priorities he had supported the McCarren Walter Act of 1952 that was unpopular with reformers 161 Federal funding for education Johnson whose own ticket out of poverty was a public education in Texas fervently believed that education was a cure for ignorance and poverty and was an essential component of the American dream especially for minorities who endured poor facilities and tight fisted budgets from local taxes 162 He made education the top priority of the Great Society agenda with an emphasis on helping poor children After the 1964 landslide brought in many new liberal Congressmen LBJ launched a legislative effort that took the name of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act ESEA of 1965 The bill sought to double federal spending on education from 4 billion to 8 billion 163 with considerable facilitating by the White House it passed the House by a vote of 263 to 153 on March 26 and then it remarkably passed without a change in the Senate by 73 to 8 without going through the usual conference committee This was a historic accomplishment by the president with the billion dollar bill passing as introduced just 87 days before 164 For the first time large amounts of federal money went to public schools In practice ESEA meant helping all public school districts with more money going to districts that had large proportions of students from poor families which included all the big cities 165 For the first time private schools most of them Catholic schools in the inner cities received services such as library funding comprising about 12 percent of the ESEA budget Though federal funds were involved they were administered by local officials and by 1977 it was reported that less than half of the funds were applied toward the education of children under the poverty line Dallek further reports that researchers cited by Hugh Davis Graham soon found that poverty had more to do with family background and neighborhood conditions than the quantity of education a child received Early studies suggested initial improvements for poor children helped by ESEA reading and math programs but later assessments indicated that benefits faded quickly and left pupils little better off than those not in the schemes Johnson s second major education program was the Higher Education Act of 1965 which focused on funding for lower income students including grants work study money and government loans Although ESEA solidified Johnson s support among K 12 teachers unions neither the Higher Education Act nor the new endowments mollified the college professors and students growing increasingly uneasy with the war in Vietnam 166 In 1967 Johnson signed the Public Broadcasting Act to create educational television programs to supplement the broadcast networks In 1965 Johnson also set up the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Endowment for the Arts to support academic subjects such as literature history and law and arts such as music painting and sculpture as the WPA once did 167 War on Poverty and healthcare reform Former president Truman and wife Bess at Medicare Bill signing in 1965 as Lady Bird and Hubert Humphrey look on In 1964 at Johnson s request Congress passed the Revenue Act of 1964 and the Economic Opportunity Act as part of the war on poverty Johnson set in motion legislation creating programs such as Head Start food stamps and Work Study 168 During Johnson s years in office national poverty declined significantly with the percentage of Americans living below the poverty line dropping from 23 percent to 12 percent 10 Johnson took an additional step in the War on Poverty with an urban renewal effort presenting to Congress in January 1966 the Demonstration Cities Program To be eligible a city would need to demonstrate its readiness to arrest blight and decay and make a substantial impact on the development of its entire city Johnson requested an investment of 400 million per year totaling 2 4 billion In the fall of 1966 the Congress passed a substantially reduced program costing 900 million which Johnson later called the Model Cities Program Changing the name had little effect on the success of the bill the New York Times wrote 22 years later that the program was for the most part a failure 169 Johnson s initial effort to improve healthcare was the creation of The Commission on Heart Disease Cancer and Strokes HDCS Combined these diseases accounted for 71 percent of the nation s deaths in 1962 170 To enact recommendations of the commission Johnson asked Congress for funds to set up the Regional Medical Program RMP to create a network of hospitals with federally funded research and practice Congress passed a significantly watered down version As a back up position in 1965 Johnson turned his focus to hospital insurance for the aged under Social Security 171 The key player in initiating this program named Medicare was Wilbur Mills Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee To reduce Republican opposition Mills suggested that Medicare be fashioned as a three layer cake hospital insurance under Social Security a voluntary insurance program for doctor visits and an expanded medical welfare program for the poor known as Medicaid 172 The bill passed the house by a margin of 110 votes on April 8 The effort in the Senate was considerably more complicated however the Medicare bill passed Congress on July 28 after negotiation in a conference committee 173 Medicare now covers tens of millions of Americans 174 Johnson gave the first two Medicare cards to former President Harry S Truman and his wife Bess after signing the Medicare bill at the Truman Library in Independence Missouri 175 Transportation In March 1965 Johnson sent to Congress a transportation message which included the creation of a new Transportation Department which would include the Commerce Department s Office of Transportation the Bureau of Public Roads the Federal Aviation Agency the Coast Guard the Maritime Administration the Civil Aeronautics Board and the Interstate Commerce Commission The bill passed the Senate after some negotiation over navigation projects in the house passage required negotiation over maritime interests and the bill was signed October 15 1965 176 Gun control Though Johnson had already introduced a gun control bill on June 6 1968 after the assassination of Robert Kennedy Lady Bird Johnson s press secretary Liz Carpenter in a memo to the president worried that the country had been brainwashed by high drama and that Johnson need ed some quick dramatic actions that addressed the issue of violence In October Johnson signed the Gun Control Act of 1968 into law but did not invoke the memory of Robert Kennedy as he had so often done with his brother an omission the historian Jeff Shesol has argued was motivated by Johnson s longstanding contempt for Robert 177 Space program Former President Lyndon B Johnson center left and Vice President Spiro Agnew center right witness the liftoff of Apollo 11 During Johnson s administration NASA conducted the Gemini crewed space program developed the Saturn V rocket and its launch facility and prepared to make the first crewed Apollo program flights On January 27 1967 the nation was stunned when the entire crew of Apollo 1 was killed in a cabin fire during a spacecraft test on the launch pad stopping Apollo in its tracks Rather than appointing another Warren style commission Johnson accepted Administrator James E Webb s request for NASA to do its investigation holding itself accountable to Congress and the President 178 Johnson maintained his staunch support of Apollo through Congressional and press controversy and the program recovered The first two crewed missions Apollo 7 and the first crewed flight to the Moon Apollo 8 were completed by the end of Johnson s term He congratulated the Apollo 8 crew saying You ve taken all of us all over the world into a new era 179 180 On July 16 1969 Johnson attended the launch of the first Moon landing mission Apollo 11 becoming the first former or incumbent U S president to witness a rocket launch 181 Urban riots Aftermath from a race riot in Washington D C April 1968 Major riots in black neighborhoods caused a series of long hot summers They started with a violent disturbance in the Harlem riots in 1964 and the Watts district of Los Angeles in 1965 and extended to 1971 The momentum for the advancement of civil rights came to a sudden halt in the summer of 1965 with the riots in Watts After 34 people were killed and 35 million equivalent to 300 96 million in 2021 in the property was damaged the public feared an expansion of the violence to other cities and so the appetite for additional programs in LBJ s agenda was lost 182 Newark burned in 1967 where six days of rioting left 26 dead 1 500 injured and the inner city a burned out shell In Detroit in 1967 Governor George Romney sent in 7 400 national guard troops to quell fire bombings looting and attacks on businesses and police Johnson finally sent in federal troops with tanks and machine guns Detroit continued to burn for three more days until finally 43 were dead 2 250 were injured 4 000 were arrested property damage ranged into the hundreds of millions The biggest wave of riots came in April 1968 in over a hundred cities after the assassination of Martin Luther King Johnson called for even more billions to be spent in the cities and another federal civil rights law regarding housing but this request had little Congressional support Johnson s popularity plummeted as a massive white political backlash took shape reinforcing the sense Johnson had lost control of the streets of major cities as well as his party 183 Johnson created the Kerner Commission to study the problem of urban riots headed by Illinois Governor Otto Kerner 57 According to press secretary George Christian Johnson was unsurprised by the riots saying What did you expect I don t know why we re so surprised When you put your foot on a man s neck and hold him down for three hundred years and then you let him up what s he going to do He s going to knock your block off 184 As a result of rioting in Washington D C after the murder of Dr Martin Luther King Jr President Johnson determined that a condition of domestic violence and disorder existed and issued a proclamation and executive order mobilizing combat equipped troops The New York Times reported that 4 000 regular Army and National Guard troops entered into the nation s capital to try to end riotous looting burglarizing and burning by roving bands of Negro youths Some of the troops were sent to guard the Capital and the White House 185 Backlash against Johnson 1966 1967 Lady Bird Johnson and LBJ with Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos on September 12 1966 In 1966 the press sensed a credibility gap between what Johnson was saying in press conferences and what was happening on the ground in Vietnam which led to much less favorable coverage 186 By year s end the Democratic governor of Missouri Warren E Hearnes warned that Johnson would lose the state by 100 000 votes despite winning by a margin of 500 000 in 1964 Frustration over Vietnam too much federal spending and taxation no great public support for your Great Society programs and public disenchantment with the civil rights programs had eroded the President s standing the governor reported 187 There were bright spots in January 1967 Johnson boasted that wages were the highest in history unemployment was at a 13 year low and corporate profits and farm incomes were greater than ever a 4 5 percent jump in consumer prices was worrisome as was the rise in interest rates Johnson asked for a temporary 6 percent surcharge in income taxes to cover the mounting deficit caused by increased spending Johnson s approval ratings stayed below 50 percent by January 1967 the number of his strong supporters had plunged to 16 percent from 25 percent four months before He ran about even with Republican George Romney in trial matchups that spring Asked to explain why he was unpopular Johnson responded I am a dominating personality and when I get things done I don t always please all the people 188 Johnson also blamed the press saying they showed complete irresponsibility and lie and misstate facts and have no one to be answerable to He also blamed the preachers liberals and professors who had turned against him 189 In the congressional elections of 1966 the Republicans gained three seats in the Senate and 47 in the House reinvigorating the conservative coalition and making it more difficult for Johnson to pass any additional Great Society legislation However in the end Congress passed almost 96 percent of the administration s Great Society programs which Johnson then signed into law 190 Vietnam War See also Vietnam War At Kennedy s death there were 16 000 American military personnel stationed in Vietnam supporting South Vietnam in the war against North Vietnam 191 Vietnam had been partitioned at the 1954 Geneva Conference into two countries with North Vietnam led by a Communist government Johnson subscribed to the Domino Theory in Vietnam and to a containment policy that required America to make a serious effort to stop all Communist expansion 192 On taking office Johnson immediately reversed Kennedy s order to withdraw 1 000 military personnel by the end of 1963 193 In late summer 1964 Johnson seriously questioned the value of staying in Vietnam but after meeting with Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Maxwell D Taylor declared his readiness to do more when we had a base or when Saigon was politically more stable 194 He expanded the numbers and roles of the American military following the Gulf of Tonkin Incident citation needed 1964 Shah of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and Queen Farah Pahlavi with the Johnsons on their visit to the United States In August 1964 allegations arose from the military that two U S destroyers had been attacked by some North Vietnamese torpedo boats in international waters 40 miles 64 km from the Vietnamese coast in the Gulf of Tonkin naval communications and reports of the attack were contradictory Although Johnson very much wanted to keep discussions about Vietnam out of the 1964 election campaign he felt forced to respond to the supposed aggression by the North Vietnamese so he sought and obtained from the Congress the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution on August 7 Johnson was determined to embolden his image on foreign policy and also wanted to prevent criticism such as Truman had received in Korea by proceeding without congressional endorsement of military action Responding to the purported attack would also blunt presidential campaign criticism of weakness from the hawkish Goldwater camp The resolution gave congressional approval for use of military force by the commander in chief to repel future attacks and also to assist members of SEATO requesting assistance Johnson later in the campaign expressed assurance that the primary U S goal remained the preservation of South Vietnamese independence through material and advice as opposed to any U S offensive posture 195 The public s reaction to the resolution at the time was positive 48 percent favored stronger measures in Vietnam and only 14 percent wanted to negotiate a settlement and leave 140 In the 1964 presidential campaign Johnson restated his determination to provide measured support for Vietnam while avoiding another Korea but privately he had a sense of foreboding about Vietnam a feeling that no matter what he did things would end badly Indeed his heart was on his Great Society agenda and he even felt that his political opponents favored greater intervention in Vietnam to divert attention and resources away from his War on Poverty The situation on the ground was aggravated in the fall by additional Viet Minh attacks on U S ships in the Tonkin Gulf as well as an attack on Bien Hoa Air Base in South Vietnam 196 Johnson decided against retaliatory action at the time after consultation with the Joint Chiefs and also after public pollster Lou Harris confirmed that his decision would not detrimentally affect him at the polls 197 By the end of 1964 there were approximately 23 000 military personnel in South Vietnam U S casualties for 1964 totaled 1 278 191 In the winter of 1964 1965 Johnson was pressured by the military to begin a bombing campaign to forcefully resist a communist takeover in South Vietnam moreover a plurality in the polls at the time was in favor of military action against the communists with only 26 to 30 percent opposed 198 Johnson revised his priorities and a new preference for stronger action came at the end of January with yet another change of government in Saigon He then agreed with Mac Bundy and McNamara that the continued passive role would only lead to defeat and withdrawal in humiliation Johnson said Stable government or no stable government in Saigon we will do what we ought to do I m prepared to do that we will move strongly General Nguyễn Khanh head of the new government is our boy 199 1965 Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and General Westmoreland in Vietnam 1965 Johnson decided on a systematic bombing campaign in February after a ground report from Bundy recommending immediate U S action to avoid defeat also the Viet Cong had just killed eight U S advisers and wounded dozens of others in an attack at Pleiku Air Base The eight week bombing campaign became known as Operation Rolling Thunder Johnson s instructions for public consumption were clear there was to be no comment that the war effort had been expanded 200 Long term estimates of the bombing campaign ranged from an expectation that Hanoi would rein in the Viet Cong to one of provoking Hanoi and the Viet Cong into an intensification of the war But the short term expectations were consistent that the morale and stability of the South Vietnamese government would be bolstered By limiting the information given out to the public and even to Congress Johnson maximized his flexibility to change course 201 In March Bundy began to urge the use of ground forces air operations alone he counseled would not stop Hanoi s aggression against the South Johnson approved an increase in logistical troops of 18 000 to 20 000 and the deployment of two additional Marine battalions and a Marine air squadron in addition to planning for the deployment of two more divisions More significantly he also authorized a change in mission from defensive to offensive operations he nevertheless continued to insist that this was not to be publicly represented as a change in existing policy 202 By the middle of June the total U S ground forces in Vietnam had increased to 82 000 or by 150 percent 203 That same month Ambassador Taylor reported that the bombing offensive against North Vietnam had been ineffective and that the South Vietnamese army was outclassed and in danger of collapse 204 General Westmoreland shortly thereafter recommended the president further increase ground troops from 82 000 to 175 000 After consulting with his principals Johnson desirous of a low profile chose to announce at a press conference an increase to 125 000 troops with additional forces to be sent later upon request Johnson described himself at the time as boxed in by unpalatable choices between sending Americans to die in Vietnam and giving in to the communists If he sent additional troops he would be attacked as an interventionist and if he did not he thought he risked being impeached He continued to insist that his decision did not imply any change in policy whatsoever Of his desire to veil the decision Johnson jested privately If you have a mother in law with only one eye and she has it in the center of her forehead you don t keep her in the living room 205 By October 1965 there were over 200 000 troops deployed in Vietnam 206 Johnson underwent surgery on November 8 1965 at the Bethesda Naval Hospital to remove his gallbladder and a kidney stone Afterward his doctors reported that the president had come through the surgery beautifully as expected 207 he was able to resume his duties the next day He met with reporters a couple of days later and reassured the nation that he was recovering well Although Johnson was incapacitated during surgery there was no transfer of presidential power to Vice President Humphrey as no constitutional procedure to do so existed at the time The Twenty fifth Amendment which Congress had sent to the states for ratification four months earlier included procedures for the orderly transfer of power in the case of presidential incapacity but was not ratified until 1967 208 209 1966 Awarding a medal to a U S soldier during a visit to Vietnam in 1966 Public and political impatience with the war began to emerge in the spring of 1966 and Johnson s approval ratings reached a new low of 41 percent Sen Richard Russell Chairman of the Armed Services Committee reflected the national mood in June 1966 when he declared it was time to get it over or get out 210 Johnson responded by saying to the press we are trying to provide the maximum deterrence that we can to communist aggression with a minimum of cost 211 In response to the intensified criticism of the war effort Johnson raised suspicions of communist subversion in the country and press relations became strained 212 Johnson s primary war policy opponent in Congress was the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee James William Fulbright 213 who convened a series of public hearings in February to question a range of experts on the progress of the war 214 The persistent Johnson began to seriously consider a more focused bombing campaign against petroleum oil and lubrication facilities in North Vietnam in hopes of accelerating victory 215 Humphrey Rusk and McNamara all agreed and the bombing began at the end of June 216 In July polling results indicated that Americans favored the bombing campaign by a five to one margin however in August a Defense Department study indicated that the bombing campaign had little impact on North Vietnam 217 Philippines President Marcos hosting the leaders of SEATO nations during the Manila Conference on the Vietnam War In the fall of 1966 multiple sources began to report that progress was being made against the North Vietnamese logistics and infrastructure Johnson was urged from every corner to begin peace discussions There was no shortage of peace initiatives nevertheless among protesters English philosopher Bertrand Russell attacked Johnson s policy as a barbaric aggressive war of conquest and in June he initiated the International War Crimes Tribunal as a means to condemn the American effort 218 The gap with Hanoi was an unbridgeable demand on both sides for a unilateral end to bombing and withdrawal of forces In August Johnson appointed Averell Harriman Ambassador for Peace to promote negotiations Westmoreland and McNamara then recommended a concerted program to promote pacification Johnson formally placed this effort under military control in October 219 Also in October 1966 to reassure and promote his war effort Johnson initiated a meeting with allies in Manila the South Vietnamese Thais South Koreans Filipinos Australians and New Zealanders 220 The conference ended with pronouncements to stand fast against communist aggression and to promote ideals of democracy and development in Vietnam and across Asia 221 For Johnson it was a fleeting public relations success confirmed by a 63 percent Vietnam approval rating in November 222 Nevertheless in December Johnson s Vietnam approval rating was again back down in the 40s LBJ had become anxious to justify war casualties and talked of the need for a decisive victory despite the unpopularity of the cause 223 In a discussion about the war with former President Dwight Eisenhower on October 3 1966 Johnson said he was trying to win it just as fast as I can in every way that I know how and later stated that he needed all the help I can get 224 Johnson greeting a crowd 1966 By year s end it was clear that current pacification efforts were ineffectual as had been the air campaign Johnson then agreed to McNamara s new recommendation to add 70 000 troops in 1967 to the 400 000 previously committed While McNamara recommended no increase in the level of bombing Johnson agreed with CIA recommendations to increase them 225 The increased bombing began despite initial secret talks being held in Saigon Hanoi and Warsaw While the bombing ended the talks North Vietnamese intentions were not considered genuine 226 1967 Johnson talking with his Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara 1967 In January and February 1967 probes were made to assess North Vietnamese s willingness to discuss peace but they fell on deaf ears Ho Chi Minh declared that the only solution was a unilateral withdrawal by the U S 227 A Gallup poll taken in the United States in July 1967 showed that 52 percent of the country disapproved of the president s handling of the war and only 34 percent thought progress was being made 228 Johnson s anger and frustration over the lack of a solution to Vietnam and its effect on him politically was exhibited in a statement to Robert F Kennedy who had become a prominent public critic of the war and loomed as a potential challenger in the 1968 presidential election 229 Johnson had just received several reports predicting military progress by the summer and warned Kennedy I ll destroy you and every one of your dove friends in six months he shouted You ll be dead politically in six months 230 McNamara offered Johnson a way out of Vietnam in May the administration could declare its objective in the war South Vietnam s self determination was being achieved and the upcoming September elections in South Vietnam would provide the chance for a coalition government The United States could reasonably expect that country to then assume responsibility for the election outcome But Johnson was reluctant in light of some optimistic reports about the conflict that provided hope of improvement though those were of questionable reliability Meantime the CIA was reporting wide food shortages in Hanoi and an unstable power grid as well as military manpower reductions 231 By the middle of 1967 nearly 70 000 Americans had been killed or wounded in the war In July Johnson sent McNamara Wheeler and other officials to meet with Westmoreland and reach an agreement on plans for the immediate future At that time the war was being commonly described by the press and others as a stalemate Westmoreland said such a description was pure fiction and that we are winning slowly but steadily and the pace can excel if we reinforce our successes 232 Though Westmoreland sought many more Johnson agreed to an increase of 55 000 troops bringing the total to 525 000 233 In August Johnson with the Joint Chiefs support decided to expand the air campaign and exempted only Hanoi Haiphong and a buffer zone with China from the target list 234 In September Ho Chi Minh and North Vietnamese premier Pham Van Dong appeared amenable to French mediation so Johnson ceased bombing in a 10 mile zone around Hanoi this was met with dissatisfaction from whom In a Texas speech Johnson agreed to halt all bombing if Ho Chi Minh would launch productive and meaningful discussions and if North Vietnam would not seek to take advantage of the halt this was named the San Antonio formula There was no response but Johnson pursued the possibility of negotiations with such a bombing pause 235 Vietnam War protestors march at the Pentagon in Washington D C on October 21 1967 Support for the war was dropping and the anti Vietnam War movement strengthened With the war still arguably in a stalemate and in light of the widespread disapproval of the conflict Johnson convened a group called the Wise Men for a fresh in depth look at the war Dean Acheson General Omar Bradley George Ball Mac Bundy Arthur Dean Douglas Dillon Abe Fortas Averell Harriman Henry Cabot Lodge Robert Murphy and Max Taylor 236 At that time McNamara reversing his position on the war recommended that a cap of 525 000 be placed on the number of forces deployed and that the bombing be halted since he could see no success Johnson was quite agitated by this recommendation and McNamara s resignation soon followed 237 Except for George Ball the Wise Men all agreed the administration should press forward 238 Johnson was confident that Hanoi would await the 1968 U S election results before deciding to negotiate 239 On June 23 1967 Johnson traveled to Los Angeles for a Democratic fundraiser Thousands of anti war protesters tried to march past the hotel where he was speaking The march was led by a coalition of peace protestors However a small group of Progressive Labor Party and SDS protestors activists placed themselves at the head of the march and when they reached the hotel staged a sit down Efforts by march monitors to keep the main body of the marchers moving were only partially successful Hundreds of LAPD officers were massed at the hotel and when the march slowed an order was given to disperse the crowd The Riot Act was read and 51 protestors arrested 240 241 This was one of the first massive war protests in the United States and the first in Los Angeles Ending in a clash with riot police it set a pattern for the massive protests which followed 242 Due to the size and violence of this event Johnson attempted no further public speeches in venues outside military bases 242 241 In October with the ever increasing public protests against the war Johnson engaged the FBI and the CIA to investigate monitor and undermine anti war activists 243 In mid October there was a demonstration of 100 000 at the Pentagon Johnson and Rusk were convinced that foreign communist sources were behind the demonstration which was refuted by CIA findings 244 1968 Walt Whitman Rostow shows President Lyndon B Johnson a model of the Khe Sanh area in February 1968 On January 30 the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese launched the Tet Offensive against South Vietnam s five largest cities including Saigon and the U S embassy there and other government installations While the Tet Offensive failed militarily it was a psychological victory definitively turning American public opinion against the war effort Iconically Walter Cronkite of CBS News voted the nation s most trusted person in February opined on the air that the conflict was deadlocked and that additional fighting would change nothing Johnson reacted saying If I ve lost Cronkite I ve lost middle America 245 Indeed demoralization about the war was everywhere 26 percent then approved of Johnson s handling of Vietnam 63 percent disapproved Johnson agreed to increase the troop level by 22 000 despite a recommendation from the Joint Chiefs for ten times that number 246 By March 1968 Johnson was secretly desperate for an honorable way out of the war Clark Clifford the new Defense Secretary described the war as a loser and proposed to cut losses and get out 247 On March 31 Johnson spoke to the nation of Steps to Limit the War in Vietnam He then announced an immediate unilateral halt to the bombing of North Vietnam and announced his intention to seek out peace talks anywhere at any time At the close of his speech he also announced I shall not seek and I will not accept the nomination of my party for another term as your President 248 Tens of thousands of civilians were killed during the American bombing of North Vietnam in Operation Rolling Thunder 249 In March Johnson decided to restrict future bombing with the result that 75 percent of North Vietnam s territory containing 90 percent of its population was off limits to bombing In April he succeeded in opening discussions of peace talks and after extensive negotiations over the site Paris was agreed to and talks began in May When the talks failed to yield any results the decision was made to resort to private discussions in Paris 250 Two months later it was apparent that private discussions proved to be no more productive 251 As casualties mounted and success seemed further away than ever Johnson s popularity plummeted College students and others protested burned draft cards and chanted Hey hey LBJ how many kids did you kill today 192 Johnson could scarcely travel anywhere without facing protests and was not allowed by the Secret Service to attend the 1968 Democratic National Convention where thousands of hippies yippies Black Panthers and other opponents of Johnson s policies both in Vietnam and in the ghettos converged to protest 252 Thus by 1968 the public was polarized with the hawks rejecting Johnson s refusal to continue the war indefinitely and the doves rejecting his current war policies Support for Johnson s middle position continued to shrink until he finally rejected containment and sought a peace settlement By late summer he realized that Nixon was closer to his position than Humphrey He continued to support Humphrey publicly in the election and personally despised Nixon One of Johnson s well known quotes was the Democratic party at its worst is still better than the Republican party at its best 253 Despite recommendations in August from Harriman Vance Clifford and Bundy to halt bombing as an incentive for Hanoi to seriously engage in substantive peace talks Johnson refused 254 In October when the parties came close to an agreement on a bombing halt Republican presidential nominee Richard Nixon intervened with the South Vietnamese making promises of better terms to delay a settlement on the issue until after the election 255 After the election Johnson s primary focus on Vietnam was to get Saigon to join the Paris peace talks Ironically only after Nixon added his urging did they do so Even then they argued about procedural matters until after Nixon took office 256 Six Day War and Israel Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin left next to Johnson during the Glassboro Summit Conference In a 1993 interview for the Johnson Presidential Library oral history archives Johnson s Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara stated that a carrier battle group the U S 6th Fleet sent on a training exercise toward Gibraltar was re positioned back towards the eastern Mediterranean to be able to assist Israel during the Six Day War of June 1967 Given the rapid Israeli advances following their strike on Egypt the administration thought the situation was so tense in Israel that perhaps the Syrians fearing Israel would attack them or the Soviets supporting the Syrians might wish to redress the balance of power and might attack Israel The Soviets learned of this course correction and regarded it as an offensive move In a hotline message from Moscow Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin said If you want war you re going to get war 257 The Soviet Union supported its Arab allies 258 In May 1967 the Soviets started a surge deployment of their naval forces into the East Mediterranean Early in the crisis they began to shadow the U S and British carriers with destroyers and intelligence collecting vessels The Soviet naval squadron in the Mediterranean was sufficiently strong to act as a major restraint on the U S Navy 259 In a 1983 interview with The Boston Globe McNamara claimed that We damn near had war He said Kosygin was angry that we had turned around a carrier in the Mediterranean 260 Surveillance of Martin Luther King Johnson continued the FBI s wiretapping of Martin Luther King Jr that had been previously authorized by the Kennedy administration under Attorney General Robert F Kennedy 261 As a result of listening to the FBI s tapes remarks on King s extramarital activities were made by several prominent officials including Johnson who once said that King was a hypocritical preacher 262 This was despite the fact that Johnson himself had multiple extramarital affairs 41 Johnson also authorized the tapping of phone conversations of others including the Vietnamese friends of a Nixon associate 263 International trips Further information List of international trips made by the President of the United States Lyndon B Johnson Countries visited by Johnson during his presidency Johnson made eleven international trips to twenty countries during his presidency 264 He flew five hundred twenty three thousand miles 841 690 km aboard Air Force One while in office His October 1966 visit to Australia sparked demonstrations from anti war protesters 265 One of the most unusual international trips in presidential history occurred before Christmas in 1967 The President began the trip by going to the memorial service for Australian Prime Minister Harold Holt who had disappeared in a swimming accident and was presumed drowned The White House did not reveal in advance to the press that the President would make the first round the world presidential trip The trip was twenty six thousand nine hundred fifty nine miles 43 386 3 km completed in only 112 5 hours 4 7 days Air Force One crossed the equator twice stopped at Travis Air Force Base in Honolulu Pago Pago Canberra Melbourne Vietnam Karachi and Rome 1968 presidential election Main article 1968 United States presidential election President Johnson meets with Republican candidate Richard Nixon in the White House July 1968 As he had served less than 24 months of President Kennedy s term Johnson was constitutionally permitted to run for a second full term in the 1968 presidential election under the provisions of the 22nd Amendment 266 267 Initially no prominent Democratic candidate was prepared to run against a sitting president of the Democratic Party Only Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota challenged Johnson as an anti war candidate in the New Hampshire primary hoping to pressure the Democrats to oppose the Vietnam War On March 12 McCarthy won 42 percent of the primary vote to Johnson s 49 percent an amazingly strong showing for such a challenger Four days later Senator Robert F Kennedy of New York entered the race Internal polling by Johnson s campaign in Wisconsin the next state to hold a primary election showed the President trailing badly Johnson did not leave the White House to campaign By this time Johnson had lost control of the Democratic Party which was splitting into four generally antagonistic factions The first consisted of Johnson and Humphrey labor unions and local party bosses led by Chicago Mayor Richard J Daley The second group consisted of students and intellectuals who were vociferously against the war and rallied behind McCarthy The third group was Catholics Hispanics and African Americans who rallied behind Robert Kennedy The fourth group was traditionally segregationist white Southerners who rallied behind George C Wallace and the American Independent Party Vietnam was one of many issues that splintered the party and Johnson could see no way to win the war 192 and no way to unite the party long enough for him to win re election 268 Johnson in the Oval Office in 1969 a few days before Richard Nixon s inauguration Also although it was not made public at the time Johnson had become more worried about his failing health and was concerned that he might not live through another four year term In 1967 he secretly commissioned an actuarial study that accurately predicted he would die at 64 269 In early January 1968 Johnson asked former speechwriter Horace Busby to draft a withdrawal statement that he could put into his upcoming State of the Union address but the president did not include it Two months later however spurred by his health concerns and by a growing realization that his political capital was all but gone Johnson again considered withdrawing discussing the possibility with Joseph Califano and Harry McPherson on March 28 270 Three days later he shocked the nation when he announced he would not run for re election by concluding with the line I shall not seek and I will not accept the nomination of my party for another term as your President 271 The next day the president s approval ratings increased from 36 percent to 49 percent 272 Historians have debated the factors that led to Johnson s surprise decision Shesol says Johnson wanted out of the White House but also wanted vindication when the indicators turned negative he decided to leave 273 Gould says that Johnson had neglected the party was hurting it by his Vietnam policies and underestimated McCarthy s strength until the last minute when it was too late for Johnson to recover 274 Woods says Johnson realized he needed to leave for the nation to heal 275 Dallek says that Johnson had no further domestic goals and realized that his personality had eroded his popularity His health was not good and he was preoccupied with the Kennedy campaign his wife was pressing for his retirement and his base of support continued to shrink Leaving the race would allow him to pose as a peacemaker 276 Bennett however says Johnson had been forced out of a reelection race in 1968 by outrage over his policy in Southeast Asia 277 After Robert Kennedy s assassination Johnson rallied the party bosses and unions to give Humphrey the nomination at the 1968 Democratic National Convention Personal correspondences between the President and some in the Republican Party suggested Johnson tacitly supported Nelson Rockefeller s campaign He reportedly said that if Rockefeller became the Republican nominee he would not campaign against him and would not campaign for Humphrey 278 In what was termed the October surprise Johnson announced to the nation on October 31 1968 that he had ordered a complete cessation of all air naval and artillery bombardment of North Vietnam effective November 1 should the Hanoi Government be willing to negotiate and citing progress with the Paris peace talks In the end Democrats did not fully unite behind Humphrey enabling Republican candidate Richard Nixon to win the election Judicial appointments See also Lyndon B Johnson judicial appointments and Lyndon B Johnson judicial appointment controversies Johnson appointed Thurgood Marshall the first African American justice to the Supreme Court Johnson appointed Justices Abe Fortas 1965 and Thurgood Marshall 1967 to the Supreme Court of the United States Johnson anticipated court challenges to his legislative measures in 1965 and thought it advantageous to have a mole in the Supreme Court who he thought could provide him with inside information as he was able to get from the legislative branch Abe Fortas in particular was the individual that Johnson thought could fill the bill The opportunity arose when an opening occurred for ambassador to the UN with Adlai Stevenson s death Associate Justice Arthur Goldberg accepted Johnson s offer to transfer to the UN position Johnson insisted on Fortas assuming Goldberg s seat over Fortas s wife s objection that it was too early in his career She expressed disapproval to Johnson personally afterward 279 When Earl Warren announced his retirement in 1968 Johnson nominated Fortas to succeed him as Chief Justice of the United States and nominated Homer Thornberry to succeed Fortas as associate justice However Fortas s nomination was filibustered by senators and neither nominee was voted upon by the full Senate Post presidency 1969 1973 Johnson with longer hair during an interview in August 1972 five months before his death On Inauguration Day January 20 1969 Johnson saw Nixon sworn in then got on the plane to fly back to Texas When the front door of the plane closed Johnson pulled out a cigarette his first cigarette he had smoked since his heart attack in 1955 One of his daughters pulled it out of his mouth and said Daddy what are you doing You re going to kill yourself He took it back and said I ve now raised you girls I ve now been President Now it s my time From that point on he went into a very self destructive spiral Historian Michael Beschloss 280 After leaving the presidency in January 1969 Johnson went home to his ranch in Stonewall Texas accompanied by a former aide and speechwriter Harry J Middleton who would draft Johnson s first book The Choices We Face and work with him on his memoirs entitled The Vantage Point Perspectives of the Presidency 1963 1969 published in 1971 281 That year the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum opened on the campus of The University of Texas at Austin He donated his Texas ranch in his will to the public to form the Lyndon B Johnson National Historical Park with the provision that the ranch remain a working ranch and not become a sterile relic of the past 282 Johnson gave Nixon high grades in foreign policy but worried that his successor was being pressured into removing U S forces too quickly from South Vietnam before the South Vietnamese were able to defend themselves If the South falls to the Communists we can have a serious backlash here at home he warned 283 During the 1972 presidential election Johnson reluctantly endorsed Democratic presidential nominee George McGovern a senator from South Dakota McGovern had long opposed Johnson s foreign and defense policies The McGovern nomination and presidential platform dismayed him Nixon could be defeated Johnson insisted if only the Democrats don t go too far left 269 Johnson had felt Edmund Muskie would be more likely to defeat Nixon however he declined an invitation to try to stop McGovern receiving the nomination as he felt his unpopularity within the Democratic Party was such that anything he said was more likely to help McGovern Johnson s protege John Connally had served as President Nixon s Secretary of the Treasury and then stepped down to head Democrats for Nixon a group funded by Republicans It was the first time that Connally and Johnson were on opposite sides of a general election campaign 284 Heart issues Johnson wearing a cowboy hat at his ranch in Texas 1972 In March 1970 Johnson suffered an attack of angina and was taken to Brooke Army General Hospital in San Antonio He had gained more than 25 pounds 11 kg since leaving the White House he now weighed around 235 pounds 107 kg and was urged to lose considerable weight He had also resumed smoking after abstaining for nearly 15 years The following summer again gripped by chest pains he lost 15 pounds 6 8 kg in less than a month on a crash diet In April 1972 Johnson had a second heart attack while visiting his daughter Lynda in Virginia I m hurting real bad 269 he confided to friends The chest pains returned nearly every afternoon a series of sharp jolting pains that left him frightened and breathless A portable oxygen tank was kept by his bed and he periodically interrupted what he was doing to lie down and don the mask He continued to smoke heavily and although nominally living on a low calorie low cholesterol diet kept to it only intermittently Meanwhile he began to experience severe abdominal pains diagnosed as diverticulosis His heart condition rapidly worsened and surgery was recommended so Johnson flew to Houston to consult with heart specialist Dr Michael DeBakey where he learned his condition was terminal DeBakey found Johnson s heart to be in such poor condition that although two of his coronary arteries required coronary bypass surgery the former president was not well enough to consider an attempt and would likely have died in surgery 283 Death and funeral Johnson s grave Johnson recorded an hour long television interview with newsman Walter Cronkite at his ranch on January 12 1973 in which he discussed his legacy particularly about the civil rights movement He was still smoking heavily at the time and told Cronkite that it was better for his heart to smoke than to be nervous 285 Ten days later at approximately 3 39 p m Central Time on January 22 1973 Johnson suffered his third and final fatal heart attack in his bedroom He managed to telephone the Secret Service agents on the ranch who found him still holding the telephone receiver unconscious and not breathing Johnson was airlifted in one of his planes to San Antonio and taken to Brooke Army Medical Center where cardiologist and Army colonel George McGranahan pronounced him dead on arrival He was 64 years old 286 The news of Johnson s death was dramatically communicated on CBS Evening News by Walter Cronkite on live television as he spoke with Tom Johnson Lyndon B Johnson s press secretary 287 State funeral Johnson lying in state in the United States Capitol rotunda After lying in state in the Rotunda of the U S Capitol 288 Johnson was honored with a state funeral in which Texas Congressman J J Pickle and former Secretary of State Dean Rusk eulogized him at the Capitol 289 The final services took place on January 25 The funeral was held at the National City Christian Church in Washington D C where he had often worshiped as president The service was presided over by President Richard Nixon and attended by foreign dignitaries led by Eisaku Satō who had served as Japanese prime minister during Johnson s presidency 290 Eulogies were given by George Davis the church s pastor and W Marvin Watson former postmaster general 291 Nixon did not speak though he attended as is customary for presidents during state funerals but the eulogists turned to him and lauded him for his tributes 291 as Rusk did the day before as Nixon mentioned Johnson s death in a speech he gave the day after Johnson died announcing the peace agreement to end the Vietnam War 292 293 Johnson was buried in his family s private cemetery a few yards from the house in which he was born Eulogies were given by former Texas governor Connally and the Reverend Billy Graham the minister who officiated at the burial rites The state funeral the last for a president until Richard Nixon s in 1994 was part of an unexpectedly busy week in Washington as the Military District of Washington MDW dealt with its second major task in less than a week beginning with Richard Nixon s second inauguration which followed Nixon s landslide victory in the 1972 election 294 The inauguration affected the state funeral in various ways because Johnson died only two days after the inauguration 289 294 The MDW and the Armed Forces Inaugural Committee canceled the remainder of the ceremonies surrounding the inauguration to allow for a full state funeral 294 and many of the military men who participated in the inauguration took part in the funeral 294 It also meant that Johnson s casket traveled the entire length of the Capitol entering through the Senate wing when taken into the rotunda to lie in state and exiting through the House wing steps due to inauguration construction on the East Front steps 289 Personality and public image Johnson s image as it appears in the National Portrait Gallery in Washington D C According to biographer Randall Woods Johnson posed in many different roles Depending on the circumstances he could be Johnson the Son of the Tenant Farmer Johnson the Great Compromiser Johnson the All Knowing Johnson the Humble Johnson the Warrior Johnson the Dove Johnson the Romantic Johnson the Hard Headed Pragmatist Johnson the Preserver of Traditions Johnson the Crusader for Social Justice Johnson the Magnanimous Johnson the Vindictive or Johnson the Uncouth LBJ the Hick Lyndon the Satyr and Johnson the Usurper 295 Other historians have noted how he played additional roles as Kent Germany reports the big daddy the southerner westerner Texan the American dreamer the politician the father s son the rising star the flawed giant the Periclean paradox domestic dreams undone by war the very human the tragedy the pathbreaker the ascender and the master 296 Johnson was often seen as a wildly ambitious tireless and imposing figure who was ruthlessly effective at getting legislation passed He worked 18 to 20 hour days without break and was absent of any leisure activities There was no more powerful majority leader in American history biographer Robert Dallek writes Dallek stated that Johnson had biographies on all the senators knew what their ambitions hopes and tastes were and used it to his advantage in securing votes Another Johnson biographer noted He could get up every day and learn what their fears their desires their wishes their wants were and he could then manipulate dominate persuade and cajole them As president Johnson vetoed 30 bills no other president in history vetoed so many bills and never had a single one overridden by Congress At 6 feet 3 5 inches 1 918 m tall 297 298 299 Johnson had his particular brand of persuasion known as The Johnson Treatment 300 A contemporary writes It was an incredible blend of badgering cajolery reminders of past favors promises of future favors predictions of gloom if something doesn t happen When that man started to work on you all of a sudden you just felt that you were standing under a waterfall and the stuff was pouring on you 300 Johnson with his family in the Yellow Oval Room Christmas 1968 Johnson s cowboy hat and boots reflected his Texas roots and genuine love of the rural hill country From 250 acres 100 ha of land that he was given by an aunt in 1951 he created a 2 700 acre 1 100 ha working ranch with 400 head of registered Hereford cattle The National Park Service keeps a herd of Hereford cattle descended from Johnson s registered herd and maintains the ranch property 301 Biographer Randall Woods argues that Social Gospel themes Johnson learned from childhood allowed him to transform social problems into moral problems This helps explain his longtime commitment to social justice as exemplified by the Great Society and his commitment to racial equality The Social Gospel explicitly inspired his foreign policy approach to a sort of Christian internationalism and nation building For example in a 1966 speech he quoted at length from the Social Creed of the Methodist Church issued in 1940 adding It would be very hard for me to write a more perfect description of the American ideal 302 LegacySee also List of memorials to Lyndon B JohnsonHistorian Kent Germany explains Johnson s poor public image The man who was elected to the White House by one of the widest margins in U S history and pushed through as much legislation as any other American politician now seems to be remembered best by the public for succeeding an assassinated hero steering the country into a quagmire in Vietnam cheating on his saintly wife exposing his stitched up belly using profanity picking up dogs by their ears swimming naked with advisers in the White House pool and emptying his bowels while conducting official business Of all those issues Johnson s reputation suffers the most from his management of the Vietnam War something that has overshadowed his civil rights and domestic policy accomplishments and caused Johnson himself to regret his handling of the woman I really loved the Great Society 303 Scholars on the other hand have viewed Johnson both through the lens of his historic legislative achievements and his lack of success in the Vietnam War His overall rating among historians has remained relatively steady over the past 35 years and his average ranking is higher than any of the eight presidents who followed him although similar to Reagan and Clinton 304 The Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston was renamed the Lyndon B Johnson Space Center in 1973 305 Texas created a legal state holiday to be observed on August 27 to mark Johnson s birthday known as Lyndon Baines Johnson Day 306 The Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove on the Potomac was dedicated on April 6 1976 The Lyndon B Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin was named in his honor as is the Lyndon B Johnson National Grassland Also named for him are Lyndon B Johnson High School in Austin Texas Lyndon B Johnson High School in Laredo Texas Lyndon B Johnson Middle School in Melbourne Florida and Lyndon B Johnson Elementary School in Jackson Kentucky Interstate 635 in Dallas Texas is named the Lyndon B Johnson Freeway Johnson was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously in 1980 307 On March 23 2007 President George W Bush signed legislation naming the United States Department of Education headquarters after President Johnson 308 Front view of the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum located on the campus of the University of Texas in Austin Texas Entrance to the Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove on the Potomac Major legislation signed 1963 Clean Air Act of 1963 309 1963 Higher Education Facilities Act of 1963 310 311 1963 Vocational Education Act of 1963 312 1964 Civil Rights Act of 1964 1964 Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1964 1964 Wilderness Act 1964 Nurse Training Act of 1964 313 1964 Food Stamp Act of 1964 1964 Economic Opportunity Act 1964 Housing Act of 1964 314 1965 Higher Education Act of 1965 1965 Older Americans Act 1965 Coinage Act of 1965 1965 Social Security Act of 1965 1965 Voting Rights Act of 1965 1965 Immigration and Nationality Services Act of 1965 1966 Animal Welfare Act of 1966 1966 Freedom of Information Act FOIA 1967 Age Discrimination in Employment Act 315 1967 Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 1968 Architectural Barriers Act of 1968 1968 Bilingual Education Act 1968 Civil Rights Act of 1968 1968 Gun Control Act of 1968Significant regulatory changes 1968 FCC creates national emergency number 9 1 1WorksNational Aeronautics and Space Act 1962 316 Choices We Face 1969 317 The Vantage Point 1971 318 See alsoBox 13 scandal Family of Lyndon B Johnson Electoral history of Lyndon B Johnson History of the United States 1945 1964 History of the United States 1964 1980 Holocaust Museum Houston Johnson Doctrine List of presidents of the United States List of presidents of the United States by previous experience Lyndon B Johnson School of Public Affairs Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum on the campus of the University of Texas in Austin Lyndon B Johnson in popular culture Presidents of the United States on U S postage stamps Zephyr WrightNotes Johnson was vice president under John F Kennedy and became president upon Kennedy s assassination on November 22 1963 As this was prior to the adoption of the Twenty fifth Amendment in 1967 a vacancy in the office of vice president was not filled until the next ensuing election and inauguration President Grant on October 17 1871 suspended habeas corpus in nine South Carolina counties sent in troops and prosecuted the Klan in the federal district court References The Johnson Family Cemetery on the grounds of the LBJ Ranch near Stonewall Texas The two slightly larger middle stones mark the final resting places of First Lady Claudia Taylor Lady Bird Johnson somewhat more brightly illuminated by the sun and President Lyndon B Johnson Library of Congress Retrieved January 20 2023 Lyndon Baines Johnson 37th Vice President 1961 1963 US Senate Retrieved October 5 2019 George Wallace and the 1968 Election umich edu Retrieved May 27 2021 The New Southern Strategy Othering amp Belonging Institute belonging berkeley edu Retrieved April 11 2022 Brown Frank 2004 Nixon s Southern Strategy and Forces against Brown The Journal of Negro Education 73 3 191 208 doi 10 2307 4129605 ISSN 0022 2984 JSTOR 4129605 Meier August 1956 The Negro and the Democratic Party 1875 1915 Phylon 17 2 173 191 doi 10 2307 272592 ISSN 0885 6818 JSTOR 272592 Biographies of Presidents Lyndon Johnson The Presidents of the USA Retrieved February 26 2021 Guderzo Max August 9 2006 Johnson and European integration A missed chance for transatlantic power Cold War History 4 2 89 114 doi 10 1080 14682740412331391825 S2CID 154907129 Retrieved February 17 2023 Medicare Gallup com May 11 2006 Retrieved May 28 2021 a b Dallek Robert Presidency How Do Historians Evaluate the Administration of Lyndon Johnson History News Network Archived from the original on January 9 2021 Retrieved June 17 2010 Survey of Presidential 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operatives LBJ managed to acquire according to the estimates a four percentage point net gain over Stevenson or about only 387 votes of which at least two hundred were patently fraudulent Caro 1990 pp 360 361 a b c d Frum David 2000 How We Got Here The 70s New York City Basic Books ISBN 978 0 465 04195 4 Woods 2006 p 217 Caro 1990 Dallek 1991 p 346 Caro Robert A December 18 1989 The Johnson Years Buying And Selling The New Yorker Goldfield David 2014 Border Men Truman Eisenhower Johnson and Civil Rights The Journal of Southern History 80 1 7 38 JSTOR 23796842 via JSTOR Woods 2006 p 262 LBJ American Experience Retrieved October 12 2014 The New York Times The Johnson Treatment Lyndon B Johnson and Theodore F Green Afterimagegallery com Retrieved October 6 2008 Evans Rowland Novak Robert 1966 Lyndon B Johnson The Exercise of Power New York New American Library p 104 U S Senate Wayne L Morse A Featured Biography July 6 2015 Retrieved April 13 2021 Lyndon Johnson To Retain Post Sarasota 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2 Lyndon B Johnson Sworn in UPI November 22 1963 Retrieved December 21 2011 Walsh 2003 p 74 Transcript Lawrence F O Brien Oral History Interview XIII 9 10 86 by Michael L Gillette Internet Copy Johnson Library See Page 23 at Lyndon Baines Johnson Library Oral History Collection PDF Archived from the original PDF on June 24 2008 Retrieved July 5 2008 a b c terHorst Jerald F Albertazzie Col Ralph 1979 The Flying White House the story of Air Force One Coward McCann amp Geoghegan ISBN 978 0 698 10930 8 Walsh 2003 pp xv 2 17 73 78 Walsh 2003 pp 73 78 a b Hardesty Von 2003 Air Force One The Aircraft that Shaped the Modern Presidency San Diego CA Tehabi Books pp 76 77 Dallek 1998 pp 49 51 a b Walsh 2003 p 78 1963 Year in Review Transition to Johnson UPI November 19 1966 Retrieved December 21 2011 The National Archives Lyndon B Johnson Executive Order 11129 Retrieved April 26 2010 Adams Cecil July 26 1985 Why did they change the name of Cape Kennedy back to Cape Canaveral The Straight Dope 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Tribune p 7 Gould 2010 a b c Janos Leo The Last Days of the President The Atlantic Retrieved February 16 2017 Risen Clay April 2008 The Unmaking of the President Smithsonian Archived from the original on November 19 2020 Retrieved January 24 2021 Remarks on Decision not to Seek Re Election March 31 1968 The Miller Center University of Virginia October 20 2016 Retrieved October 2 2017 Updegrove Mark K 2012 Indomitable will LBJ in the presidency 1st ed New York Crown p 272 ISBN 978 0 307 88771 9 Shesol Jeff 1998 Mutual Contempt Lyndon Johnson Robert Kennedy and the Feud that Defined a Decade W W Norton pp 545 547 ISBN 978 0 393 31855 5 Retrieved October 25 2015 Gould 2010 pp 16 18 Woods 2007 pp 834 835 Dallek 1998 pp 518 525 Bennett Anthony J 2013 The Race for the White House from Reagan to Clinton Reforming Old Systems Building New Coalitions Palgrave Macmillan p 160 ISBN 978 1 137 26860 0 Retrieved October 25 2015 Perlstein Rick 2008 Nixonland The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America Simon amp Schuster ISBN 978 0 7432 4302 5 Dallek 1998 pp 233 235 Decisions That Shook the World vol 1 38 18 47 Dir Gerald Rafshoon Camera Planet Discovery Productions 2004 Harry J Middleton Curriculum Vitae LBJ Presidential Library Reading Room February 25 1971 Harris Marvin December 1999 Taming the wild pecan at Lyndon B Johnson National Historical Park Park Science 19 2 a b Janos Leo July 1973 The Last Days of the President The Atlantic Retrieved July 15 2013 Ashman Charles R 1974 Connally The Adventures of Big Bad John New York Morrow p 271 ISBN 978 0 688 00222 0 In His Final Days LBJ Agonized Over His Legacy PBS NewsHour December 4 2012 Retrieved April 25 2019 The Age January 23 1973 p 1 Death of LBJ as it broke on YouTube Lying in State or in Honor US Architect of the Capitol AOC Retrieved September 1 2018 a b c Foley Thomas January 25 1973 Thousands in Washington Brave Cold to Say Goodbye to Johnson Los Angeles Times p A1 United Press International January 26 1973 LBJ buried near his Texas birthplace The Boston Globe p 1 Archived from the original on January 31 2013 Retrieved July 6 2017 a b Johnson Haynes Witcover Jules January 26 1973 LBJ Buried in Beloved Texas Hills The Washington Post p A1 Claffey Charles January 25 1973 Johnson lies in state at Capitol burial is today at Texas ranch The Boston Globe p 1 Rusk Dean 1990 Rusk Richard Papp Daniel S eds As I Saw It New York W W Norton amp Company ISBN 0 393 02650 7 a b c d Elsen William A January 25 1973 Ceremonial Group Had Busy 5 Weeks The Washington Post p D3 Woods LBJ pp 639 644 645 quoted in Germany Historians and the Many Lyndon Johnsons p 1007 Germany Historians and the Many Lyndon Johnsons p 1007 Caro 1982 p 146 Dallek 1998 p 12 Dallek Robert 2003 An Unfinished Life John F Kennedy Little Brown and Co p 354 ISBN 978 0 316 17238 7 a b Jardine Lisa January 21 2009 Lyndon B Johnson The uncivil rights reformer The Independent London Retrieved September 5 2010 Ranching the LBJ Way National Park Service Retrieved June 18 2013 Randall B Woods LBJ Architect of American Ambition 2006 pp 27 430 465 466 486 487 Kent B Germany Historians and the Many Lyndon Johnsons A Review Essay Journal of Southern History 2009 75 4 pp 1001 1028 at p 1005 in JSTOR Siena College presidential surveys Retrieved August 30 2016 McElheny Victor K August 28 1973 Houston Space Center Is Rededicated to Johnson New Stamp Issued The New York Times p 24 United Press International May 30 1973 Birthday of Johnson Now Texas Holiday The New York Times p 45 Wolley John T Peters Gerhard June 9 1980 Jimmy Carter XXXIX President of the United States 1977 1981 Presidential Medal of Freedom Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony June 9 1980 The American Presidency Project www presidency ucsb edu Archived from the original on July 20 2011 Retrieved February 11 2011 President Bush Signs H R 584 Designates U S Department of Education as the Lyndon Baines Johnson Federal Building whitehouse gov Retrieved October 6 2008 via National Archives Remarks Upon Signing the Clean Air Act John T Woolley and Gerhard Peters The American Presidency Project Retrieved November 22 2010 Facilities Act of December 16 1963 Higher Ed org Retrieved November 22 2010 Remarks Upon Signing the Higher Education Facilities Act John T Woolley and Gerhard Peters The American Presidency Project Retrieved November 22 2010 Remarks Upon Signing the Vocational Education Bill John T Woolley and Gerhard Peters The American Presidency Project Retrieved November 22 2010 Remarks Upon Signing the Nurse Training Act of 1964 John T Woolley and Gerhard Peters The American Presidency Project Retrieved February 25 2011 Remarks Upon Signing the Housing Act John T Woolley and Gerhard Peters The American Presidency Project Retrieved November 22 2010 Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 Finduslaw com Archived from the original on December 8 2011 Retrieved June 17 2010 Griffith Allison 1962 Lyndon B Johnson introduction National Aeronautics and Space Act A Study of the Development of Public Policy Public Affairs Press LCCN 62014610 Retrieved October 18 2020 Johnson Lyndon B 1969 Choices We Face A Bantam extra Bantam LCCN 68059614 Retrieved October 18 2020 Johnson Lyndon B 1971 The Vantage Point Perspectives of the Presidency 1963 1969 Holt Rinehart and Winston ISBN 978 0 03 084492 8 LCCN 74102146 Retrieved October 18 2020 Works cited Bernstein Irving 1996 Guns or Butter The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson New York Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 506312 7 Caro Robert 1982 The Years of Lyndon Johnson The Path to Power Alfred A Knopf ISBN 978 0 679 72945 7 Caro Robert 1990 The Years of Lyndon Johnson Means of Ascent Alfred A Knopf ISBN 978 0 394 52835 9 Caro Robert 2002 The Years of Lyndon Johnson Master Of The Senate Alfred A Knopf ISBN 978 0 394 72095 1 Caro Robert 2012 The Years of Lyndon Johnson The Passage of Power Alfred A Knopf ISBN 978 0 375 71325 5 Dallek Robert 1991 Lone Star Rising Lyndon Johnson and His Times 1908 1960 Oxford University Press Dallek Robert 1998 Flawed Giant Lyndon Johnson and His Times 1961 1973 Oxford University Press p 524 ISBN 978 0 19 505465 1 Gould Lewis L 2010 1968 The Election That Changed America Chicago Ivan R Dee ISBN 978 1 56663 862 3 Retrieved October 25 2015 Reeves Richard 1993 President Kennedy Profile of Power New York Simon amp Schuster ISBN 978 0 671 64879 4 Walsh Kenneth T 2003 Air Force One a history of the presidents and their planes New York Hyperion ISBN 978 1 4013 0004 3 Woods Randall 2006 LBJ Architect of American Ambition New York Free Press ISBN 978 0 684 83458 0 Further readingMain article Bibliography of Lyndon B Johnson Andrew John A 1999 Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society Chicago Ivan R Dee ISBN 978 1 56663 185 3 OCLC 37884743 Berman Larry Lyndon Johnson s War The Road to Stalemate in Vietnam 1991 Bornet Vaughn Davis 1983 The Presidency of Lyndon B Johnson Lawrence KS University Press of Kansas ISBN 978 0 7006 0242 1 Brands H W 1997 The Wages of Globalism Lyndon Johnson and the Limits of American Power New York Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 511377 8 Cohen Warren I and Nancy Bernkopf Tuckerm eds Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World American Foreign Policy 1963 1968 Cambridge University Press 1994 Colman Jonathan 2010 The Foreign Policy of Lyndon B Johnson The United States and the World 1963 1969 PDF Edinburgh University Press Dallek Robert 2004 Lyndon B Johnson Portrait of a President New York Oxford University Press ISBN 978 1 280 50296 5 abridged version of his two volume biography Ellis Sylvia 2013 Freedom s Pragmatist Lyndon Johnson and Civil Rights Gainesville FL University Press of Florida Gavin Francis J and Mark Atwood Lawrence eds 2014 Beyond the Cold War Lyndon Johnson and the New Global Challenges of the 1960s doi 10 1093 acprof oso 9780199790692 001 0001 online Lichtenstein Nelson ed Political Profiles The Johnson Years 1976 short biographies of 400 key politicians Schulman Bruce J 1995 Lyndon B Johnson and American Liberalism A Brief Biography with Documents Boston Bedford Books of St Martin s Press ISBN 978 0 312 08351 9 Schwarz Jordan A 2011 The New Dealers Power politics in the age of Roosevelt Vintage pp 364 284 Vandiver Frank E Shadows of Vietnam Lyndon Johnson s Wars 1997 Woods Randall B Prisoners of Hope Lyndon B Johnson the Great Society and the Limits of Liberalism 2016 480pp Zarefsky David President Johnson s War on Poverty 1986 Historiography Catsam Derek The Civil Rights Movement and the Presidency in the Hot Years of the Cold War A Historical and Historiographical Assessment History Compass 6 1 2008 314 344 Germany Kent B Historians and the Many Lyndon Johnsons A Review Essay Journal of Southern History 2009 75 4 pp 1001 1028 in JSTOR Lerner Mitchell B A Companion to Lyndon B Johnson 2012 scholarly essays on all aspects of Johnson s career External linksLyndon B Johnson at Wikipedia s sister projects Media from Commons Quotations from Wikiquote Texts from Wikisource Presidential Library amp Museum White House biography United States Congress Lyndon B Johnson id J000160 Biographical Directory of the United States Congress The Presidential Recordings of Lyndon B Johnson Digital Edition Archived May 6 2021 at the Wayback Machine Appearances on C SPAN Life Portrait of Lyndon B Johnson from C SPAN s American Presidents Life Portraits November 12 1999 Works by or about Lyndon B Johnson at Internet Archive Works by Lyndon B Johnson at LibriVox public domain audiobooks Lyndon B Johnson collected news and commentary at The New York Times Lyndon Baines Johnson A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress Extensive essays on Lyndon Johnson and shorter essays on each member of his cabinet and First Lady from the Miller Center of Public Affairs LBJ Archived December 20 2016 at the Wayback Machine an American Experience documentary Lyndon B Johnson Personal Manuscripts Lyndon B Johnson at IMDb Portals Biography 1960s Civil rights movement Liberalism Politics Texas World War II United States Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Lyndon B Johnson amp oldid 1148051593, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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