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Politics of the Philippines

March 18, 2023

Politics in the Philippines are governed by a three-branch system of government. The country is a democracy, with a president who is directly elected by the people and serves as both the head of state and the head of government. The president serves as the leader of the executive branch and is a powerful political figure. A president may only hold office for one six-year term. The bicameral Congress, which consists of the smaller Senate, which is elected at-large across the country, and the larger House of Legislators, which is mostly made up of members chosen from specific geographic districts, is the body that carries out legislative duties. The judiciary is overseen by the Supreme Court of the Philippines, which has extensive review jurisdiction over judgments issued by other governmental and administrative institutions.

Politics of the Philippines

Politika ng Pilipinas
Polity typeUnitary presidential republic
ConstitutionConstitution of the Philippines
Legislative branch
NameCongress
TypeBicameral
Meeting place
Upper house
NameSenate
Presiding officerJuan Miguel Zubiri, Senate President
AppointerPlurality-at-large voting
Lower house
NameHouse of Representatives
Presiding officerMartin Romualdez, Speaker of the House of Representatives
AppointerParallel voting
Executive branch
Head of State and Government
TitlePresident
CurrentlyBongbong Marcos
AppointerDirect popular vote
Cabinet
NameExecutive departments of the Philippines
Current cabinetCabinet of the Philippines
Appointernominated by the President and presented to the Commission on Appointments
HeadquartersMalacañang Palace
Ministries22
Judicial branch
NameJudiciary of the Philippines
Supreme Court
Chief judgeAlexander Gesmundo
SeatSupreme Court Building
Padre Faura St., Ermita, Manila

The legal system, which covers both civil and criminal law, has been impacted by the prior rule of both Spain and the United States. Spanish control was mostly supported by local intermediaries, which resulted in an elite-dominated system. The United States took sovereignty of the whole archipelago following the Spanish–American war, suppressing a rebellion that occurred at the end of Spanish administration, Control by the United States resulted in democracy and institutions that were fashioned after the American political system. Martial law's implementation hampered this. National politics were ruled by a two-party system when the country attained independence in 1946 and changes brought about by the restoration of democracy are what led to the multi-party system that exists today. There have been various levels of left-wing insurgencies since independence, as well as a continuous Islamic Insurgency

Elections are held every three years, although the president, vice-president, and Senators are elected for six-year terms. Results are determined through plurality voting, including plurality-at-large for elections (such as for the Senate) with multiple winners. A mixed-member proportional representation system is used to elect a minority of the House of Representatives. Local government units have some revenue-generating powers, under a code intended to decentralize power away from the national government. Administrative structures at local levels are designed to foster civil society participation.

Politics is dominated by a powerful elite, with dynastic politics common at both the local and national levels. Political parties are weak, with elections instead dominated by individual and familial personalities. Political positions provide extensive opportunities for patronage, and clientelism and electoral fraud are common. Corruption is considered widespread, while state institutions are relatively weak. Politics has been heavily influenced at times by the Catholic Church, the Philippine military, and the United States. Despite pessimism about the potential for political change, democracy maintains strong public support, and voter turnout is high.

Executive

Main article: President of the Philippines
See also: Vice President of the Philippines, Cabinet of the Philippines, and Executive departments of the Philippines

Executive power is vested to the President,[1]: 254  who is both head of state and head of government.[2]: 31  This individual is directly elected to a six-year term through a single-round first past the post election,[3] and being limited to one term are unable to seek re-election.[1]: 254  To be eligible for the presidency, an individual must be at least 40 years old, and must have resided in the Philippines for the decade prior to the election. Presidents may legislate through executive orders and other administrative actions, and must approve or veto bills coming from the Congress.[4]

 
The Malacañang Palace is the official residence of the president.

The vice president, limited to two consecutive six-year terms, is elected separately from the president.[5]: 201  This means the president and vice president may be from different political parties.[3] While the vice president has no constitutional powers aside from acting as president when the latter is unable to do so, the president may give the former a cabinet office.[6] In case of death, resignation, or incapacitation, of the president, the vice president becomes the president until the expiration of the term.[5]: 207  The vice president may also serve as Acting President if the president is temporarily incapacitated.[5]: 206  Following in the line of succession are the Senate president and the Speaker of the House.[4]

Executive power is exercised through the Cabinet,[5]: 214  who are appointed by the president. While the appointees may wield executive power, all powers and responsibilities ultimately remain with the president, who may overrule any decision made by a cabinet member. The Cabinet includes the heads of executive departments.[5]: 213  Actions taken by executive and administrative officials are taken as actions exercised by the president.[7]: 23–24  Cabinet members may not be members of Congress.[5]: 385  Close relatives of the president are explicitly barred from certain offices.[5]: 205 

The president is also the commander in chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines,[1]: 265  thereby ensuring civilian supremacy over the military.[8][9]: 80  This title gives the president several emergency military powers,[1]: 266–267  such as the ability to suspend habeas corpus and declare martial law,[10]: 234  although these powers automatically end after 60 days unless extended by Congress,[11] and can be reviewed by the Supreme Court.[12]: 112  The president also proposes a national budget, which Congress may alter before they adopt it.[1]: 282 

The president wields significant political power, including considerable influence over supposedly independent agencies due to the power of appointment.[1]: 286  The president directly controlled the Philippine Development Assistance Fund until the Supreme Court declared this unconstitutional in 2013. Following this, the Disbursement Acceleration Program was created to allow the president to direct funds, although some parts of this new program have similarly been declared unconstitutional. Such influence means that the legislature has never overcome a presidential veto, despite having the theoretical power to do so. A commission on appointments, independent from the legislature but made up of members from it, has the power to veto presidential appointments. However, court rulings mean the president can renominate an individual repeatedly upon rejection, and that that individual can effectively carry out the role by being officially in an acting capacity.[13] The strength of the Presidency combined with weak state institutions exacerbates corruption in the country.[2]: 31 

Under the 1987 constitution, the House of Representatives has the power to impeach the president through a vote of one-third of its members, and the Senate decides upon the case. Impeachment proceedings against an individual can not occur more than once per year, which can be abused through the filing cases with weak impeachment claims to forestall the filing of stronger cases. President Joseph Estrada was the first Asian head of state to be tried following impeachment, although he was not ousted by the Senate. No president has ever been ousted through impeachment.[13]

Legislature

Main article: Congress of the Philippines
See also: Senate of the Philippines and House of Representatives of the Philippines

Congress is a bicameral legislature. The upper house, the Senate, is composed of 24 senators. These are elected through plurality-at-large voting, with the entire country considered a single district.[14] The senators elect amongst themselves a Senate President.[5]: 159  Half of the Senate seats are contested every three years,[14] and senators are limited to serving a maximum of two consecutive six-year terms.[15]

The lower house is the House of Representatives,[5]: 163  currently composed of 311 representatives,[16] with 20% elected via party-list system, and the rest elected from legislative districts. Legislative districts are intended to be roughly equal in population, and every city with a population of at least 250,000 people is guaranteed at least one representative.[5]: 162–163  The House of Representatives is headed by the Speaker.[5]: 159  Representatives are elected every three years, and are limited to three three-year terms.[14]

Each bill needs the consent of both houses to be submitted to the president for his signature. If the president vetoes the bill, Congress can override the veto with a two-thirds supermajority.[5]: 180  If either house voted down on a bill or fails to act on it after an adjournment sine die, the bill is lost and would have to be proposed to the next congress, with the process starting all over again. Congress's decisions are mostly via majority vote, except for voting on constitutional amendments and other matters. Each house has its inherent power, with the Senate given the power to vote on treaties, while money bills may only be introduced by the House of Representatives.[17] The constitution provides Congress with impeachment powers, with the House of Representatives having the power to impeach, and the Senate having the power to try the impeached official.[5]: 433 

The control the legislature has over funding includes individual discretionary funds. These funds are considered an avenue for patronage politics[10]: 235  and are often seen a symbol of corruption. They are derogatorily referred to as "pork barrel" funds.[10]: 284–285  In addition to being able to use such funds to curry favor or gain support, politicians can personally benefit from kickbacks, which are often directly used for re-election campaigns.[18]: 102–103  The Priority Development Assistance Fund scam highlighted the link between such funding and legislative support for executive initiatives.[19]: 44–45 

As of 2019, the PDP-LABAN, the Nacionalista Party (NP), the Nationalist People's Coalition (NPC), National Unity Party (NUP), and the Liberal Party (LP) are the parties with largest membership in Congress.[20] The party of the sitting president controls the House of Representatives, where members often change party affiliation to join the president's party. The Senate has generally acted more independently.[21][22][23]: 13–16 

Judiciary

Main article: Judiciary of the Philippines

The judiciary is headed by the Supreme Court, which lies at the top of three lower court levels. The Supreme Court is the court of last resort,[24]: 6–7  and can decide on the constitutionality of laws.[24]: 48–49  Vested with the responsibility of overseeing the other branches of government, the Supreme Court has significant powers, able to go as far as overruling discretionary decisions made by political and administrative individuals and bodies,[25]: 356–357  giving it powers usually seen as those of the executive and legislature.[26]: 10874  The court can effectively create law without precedent, and such decisions are not subject to review by other bodies.[25]: 367–368 

All lower levels of courts have their bases through legislation, rather than the constitution.[24]: 39  Their proceedings are determined by the Supreme Court.[24]: 46  Courts are arranged in a three-level hierarchy,[24]: 8–9  with each level able to review only rulings at lower levels.[27] Within the regular court system,[24]: 8–9  the Court of Appeals is the second-highest appellate court.[28] Below this, Regional Trial Courts have original jurisdiction on most criminal matters, and are the main trial courts. The Regional Trial Courts are organized within judicial regions, which correspond to the administrative regions.[28] The lowest level courts are the Metropolitan Trial Courts.[24]: 41 [28]

Alongside the regular courts, a variety of special courts have been set up at various levels of the judicial system.[24]: 8  The Court of Tax Appeals was set up specifically to rule on tax matters.[24]: 43  The Sandiganbayan is a special court set up to deal with cases of government corruption.[24]: 42, 52  Some Regional Trial Courts specialize in a particular sort of case, such as heinous crime courts, family courts, and environmental courts.[24]: 44–45 [29] Sharia courts, which have been set up in some regions on the same level as Regional and Metropolitan courts,[28] rule on personal law where both parties are Muslim.[24]: 8 [30] Some administrative bodies are able to exercise very specific quasi-judicial powers, as determined by law.[24]: 7, 9 

The president appoints justices and judges to the judicial system. For an appointment to the Supreme Court, the president must select from a short-list provided by the Judicial and Bar Council, although they have influence over the shortlist and can ask for it to be changed.[1]: 302–206  The Judicial and Bar Council is responsible for vetting appointments. Congress has no control over appointments, to reduce its political influence on the judiciary.[10]: 14 [25]: 364  However, the Chief Justice can be impeached by the legislature, which took place for the first time with the conviction of Chief Justice Renato Corona in 2012.[13] Political pressure is thought to be behind inconsistencies between some court decisions.[26]: 10875–10876  Traditionally the most senior associate justice became the Chief Justice. However, this tradition was broken by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, and her successor President Benigno Aquino III also bypassed seniority in some judicial appointments.[13]

The Ombudsman of the Philippines is selected by the president from a list provided by the Judicial and Bar Council. This selection does not need confirmation, and lasts for a seven-year term with no re-appointment. The Ombudsman investigates and prosecutes public officials and agencies, except for the president, who is immune while in office. Considerable power lies with the position to request information and direct public officials to carry out certain tasks as required by law.[1] The Office of the Solicitor General is an independent body that represents the government in legal cases.[31]

Legal system

See also: Legal codes of the Philippines
 
The 1935 Constitution of the Philippines, which served as the basis for the current constitution.

The Philippine Legal System is a hybrid form based on the Spanish civil law and American common law system,[32]: 304–305  with a system of Sharia law in place for some areas of law involving Muslims.[33][26]: 10874 

The Constitution is the supreme law of the land[34]: 216  and laws passed by the Congress must be consistent with the Constitution.[35] Since the establishment of the 1898 Constitution, there have been only three new constitutions, implemented in 1935, 1973, and 1987, respectively.[5]: 10  Prior to 1898, the Spanish Constitution of 1812 had applied to the Philippines for a short time, and there were numerous proposed constitutions during the Philippine Revolution. The most notable of these was the Malolos Constitution.[5]: 42  The presidential system established with the 1935 Constitution[5]: 43  was replaced by a semi-parliamentary system in 1973 under the authoritarian rule of President Marcos, concentrating power in his hands.[5]: 47–48, 382 

After the 1986 People Power Revolution brought President Aquino to power, she issued a proclamation establishing a temporary constitution and created a constitutional commission. The commission finished writing a new constitution on October 15, 1986, which was subsequently approved by referendum on February 2, 1987. The 1987 constitution restored the presidential system,[5]: 47–48, 382  being based on the 1935 constitution rather than the 1973 one.[34]: 216  The constitution is designed to provide a number of checks and balances, including the establishment of independent constitutional commissions and an Ombudsman. The Ombudsman and members of these commissions, in addition to the leaders of the executive (the president and vice-president) and judicial (Justices of the Supreme Court, including the Chief Justice) branches, may be removed through impeachment.[23]: 9 

All presidents under the current constitution have proposed some type of constitutional reform, although none have succeeded.[36] Wariness around such change exists due to the structural aim of the constitution in limiting Presidential power compared to previous constitution, leaving reform open to accusations of being a power grab.[36][37]: 1  A switch to a unicameral parliamentary system is seen by some as a way to make the legislature and government more responsive and effective.[10]: 290  It has also been argued such a change would weaken the presidency, and strengthen the role of political parties.[10]: 292  Such a proposal gained majority support in the house along with presidential support in the mid-2000s, but stalled due to senate opposition.[38]: 63–66  Reforming the country as a federation is a recurring issue arising as a result of a desire for local autonomy. Such considerations influenced the 1987 constitution; while it maintained the unitary state, it included provisions for autonomous regions and for stronger local government.[38]: 54–56 [39]

The Civil Code of the Philippines is based on the Civil Code of Spain, which was extended to the Philippines on July 31, 1889. A notable feature of this code is the influence of the Catholic Church, which remains to this day.[40]: 122  Under this code, judicial decisions applying or interpreting the laws or the Constitution is part of the legal system, the doctrine of stare decisis applies in deciding legal controversies.[41] However, the application of stare decisis is not the same as in full common law jurisdictions, as it incorporates civil law precedent.[32][41] The constitution grants the Supreme Court the power of judicial review, through which it can "determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of the Government".[42][43]

This power is extensive enough that the court can create new law without precedent in such situations, and such decisions are not themselves subject to review from another body.[25]: 366–368  The president may issue executive orders, proclamations or other executive issuance.[4] The Philippines adopts the dualist system in the incorporation of international law, with such laws able to come into force either through adoption in domestic legislation or a constitutional declaration.[44] The local legislative assemblies may enact local ordinances within their respective territorial and political boundaries in accordance with the local autonomy granted by the Local Government Code.[45]

Elections

Main article: Elections in the Philippines
 
Voting lines in Mabalacat during the 2013 elections

Since 1935 and the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines, elections have been administered by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). The elected officials are the president, vice president, members of Congress, regional governors and assemblymen, provincial governors, vice governors, and board members, city and municipal mayors, vice mayors and councilors, and barangay (village) chairmen and councilors. Elections are for fixed terms. Most elected officials have three-year terms, with the exceptions being the president, vice president, and senators, whose terms last for six years.[46]: 162–163 

All terms above the barangay level begin and end on June 30 of the election year,[47] and all elected officials are limited to three consecutive terms, except for senators,[48] and the vice president, who are limited to two, and for the president, who cannot be reelected.[5]: 201  12 of the 24 senators are up for election every 3 years. All are elected on a national basis, with voters selecting up to 12 names from the list of all candidates. It is not required to fill out 12 names for the vote to be valid, and voters select 7.5 candidates on average. This system increases the importance of name familiarity, with up to one-fifth of voters reporting they decide upon their votes while inside the voting booth.[49]: 84–85  All positions are voted on separately, including those of president and vice-president.[10]: 234 

Despite the plurality voting system used to elect presidents, elections are effectively a multi-party system. Prior to the Marcos regime, the country effectively had a two-party system, however the restriction of presidents to one term in the 1987 has likely prevented that system from reemerging.[50]: 488–489  Even during the two-party era, internal party structures were weak. Three presidents had previously switched parties after falling to obtain the nomination in their previous party's conference.[51]: 754  Under the 1987 constitution, elections above the barangay level are held every three years since 1992 on the second Monday of May,[52] although senate seats, the presidency, and the vice presidency are only contested every six years since 1992.[34]: 216 

Ever since elections were first introduced by the United States,[15] single-winner elections have been carried out using a plurality voting system: the candidate with the highest number of votes is elected.[46]: 149  Multiple-winner elections, except for representatives elected through the party-list system, are done via plurality-at-large voting.[46]: 162  Each voter has x votes, from which the x candidates with the highest number of votes are elected.[53] A constitutional commission was assembled after the 1986 People Power Revolution in part to consider the process of elections. It determined to keep plurality/first-past-the-post voting for 80% of seats, but to use a mixed-member proportional representation party-list system to allocate up to 20% of seats. However, such a system was not used until the 1998 general election,[54][55] which followed the passing of the Party-List System Act in 1995. Prior to this law passing, sectoral representatives were appointed by the President.[56]

 
Electoral official in Valencia checking an electoral roll during the 2013 elections

A group participating in the party-list system (which may not be running in any single-member constituencies) must receive 2% of votes cast to enter congress, and can win a maximum of three seats. The 1998 election saw 123 organizations run, and only 32% of voters selecting a party-list organization, meaning only 13 organizations passed the 2% threshold taking up only 14 of the 52 seats allocated to party-list organizations. COMELEC decided to allocate the remaining seats to organizations that had not reached the 2% threshold despite prior rules indicating they would be distributed among parties that passed the threshold by vote share. Following a legal challenge, the Supreme Court overruled COMELEC, implementing its own system to allocate the seats, limiting the maximum three seats to only the most-voted organization. In the run-up to the 2001 election COMELEC approved over 160 organizations. Following a legal challenge at the Supreme Court COMELEC all but 42 were disqualified, including seven which had won more than 2% of the votes. Two court later nullified two of the disqualifications.[57]

The 1986 commission also kept the "open ballot" system, where voters had to write the name of their chosen candidate on the voting form.[55] The distribution of sample filled-in ballots to voters by politicians provided more opportunities for patronage through the determination of which other names appear on a politicians sample ballot, and increased the power of local politicians who were better able to distribute these ballots to voters.[58] The 1992 and 2004 presidential elections were contested in court following accusations of electoral fraud. Neither case succeeded.[59]

Vote counting in these elections could take up to 18 hours, and tabulation could take up to 40 days. In 1992 COMELEC adopted a strategic plan to modernize voting, and the first electronic vote-counting pilot test took place in the 1996 Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao general election. This pilot was considered a success.[60] In 1997 a law was based calling for the open ballots to be replaced by pre-printed ballots.[58] However, it was not until the May 2010 elections that electronic vote-counting was used for a national election.[60] This change in the process saw ballots shift from the "open ballot" system to ballots where voters fill in ovals next to the candidate names.[61] It has been reported by COMELEC that this new system reduces the ability for vote-buyers to monitor how people vote.[58] It also reduced vote count time, with manual counting previously taking perhaps months.[62]

National and local elections began to be held on the same day from May 1992, following the passage of Republic Act (RA) 7166.[51]: 757  The country has a voting age of 18.[63] Under the 1987 constitution all registered parties are allowed poll watchers, whereas under the previous system poll watchers were only allowed from the two main parties.[46]: 179  Political advertising was allowed beginning in 2001. Various forms of electoral fraud occur throughout the various elections, and are even expected by a majority of voters. Vote buying is especially prevalent, and campaigns are estimated to cost as much as 16 times the legal campaign finance limit.[18]: 103–104 

Local government

Main article: Local government in the Philippines
See also: Administrative divisions of the Philippines
Local government hierarchy
The smallest local government units, the barangays, are grouped into cities and municipalities. These are part of provinces, although some cities are administratively independent. Provinces can be grouped into autonomous regions.
(
)

The Philippines has been highly centralized since Spanish rule, being governed from an "Imperial Manila". The Spanish created some bodies to bring together barangays in 1893, and the Americans organized provincial governments in 1905. Both actions, however, left the majority of power with the capital. During the Commonwealth period local governments remained under the direct control of the president, before some autonomy was granted to cities and municipalities in 1959 through RA 2264, "An Act Amending the Laws Governing Local Governments by Increasing their Autonomy and Reorganizing Provincial Governments", and to barangays (then called barrios) through RA 2370, the "Barrio Charter Act". Further powers were given under the "Decentralization Act of 1967" (RA 5185), before local elections were abolished with the imposition of martial law in 1972.[64]: 40–42 

The 1987 constitution mandates that local governments must have local autonomy.[64]: 43  The 1991 Local Government Code (Republic Act 7160) shifted some power away from the capital.[52] Barangays are grouped into municipalities or cities, while municipalities and cities may be further grouped into provinces. Each barangay, municipality or city, and the province is headed by a captain, mayor, or governor, respectively, with its legislatures being the Sangguniang Barangay (village council), Sangguniang Bayan (municipal council) or Sangguniang Panlungsod (city council), and the Sangguniang Panlalawigan (provincial board).[65]: 102–105  The Local Government Code seeks to enhance civil participation in local government, mandating civil society representation on bodies such as school and health boards. There are also mechanisms for the recall of elected officials, and local legislation through publicly organized referendum, although such mechanisms are rarely used.[46]: 181 [65]: 111 

Regions are groupings of adjacent provinces created by the national government, often with linguistic or ethnic similarities. However, they do not by themselves have any local government. The exception is the autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao, which has its own regional government.[66] While Article X of the 1987 constitution allows autonomous regions in the Cordilleras and Muslim Mindanao, only the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) exists.[52] A referendum held in 1989 led to four provinces voting to be part of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). In 1990 elections were held for a regional governor, a vice-governor, and for representatives in the Regional Assembly.[46]: 186 

A 2018 law confirmed through a 2019 plebiscite transformed the ARMM into the more powerful BARMM.[52] Elections in Mindanao have a reputation for electoral anomalies.[46]: 187  Two laws aimed at creating the proposed autonomous region in Cordillera were defeated[52] after two plebiscites.[67] The National Capital Region has a unique governing body, the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority, which carries out some region-equivalent functions.[65]: 105–107 [68]

The concentration of political and economic power in Manila leads has created the demand for changes such as decentralization or federation.[52] While local government units have the autonomy, most of their budget is derived from the Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA), a disbursement from the national government which is ultimately derived from taxes. This makes most local government units ultimately dependent on the national government.[1] However, they do have the ability to raise income through other measures, such as taxes, which is reflected by significantly increased responsibilities.[69] Provinces further from the capital tend to be both poorer, and more reliant on IRA funding from the national government.[66]

Culture and influences

Despite the challenges faced by Filipino elections, and a sometimes pessimistic view about the potential of elections,[70]: 214  there is broad public support for democracy,[46]: 179 [71]: 4  coupled with a free press and an established legal system.[72][70]: 4  Voter turnout in legislative and executive elections averages above 75 percent. However, other forms of political participation, such as membership in a political party, civil society organization, and labor unions, are rarely used.[73] There are several examples of mass direct action throughout history, including the long-running communist rebellion in the Philippines and the multiple "People Power" events.[74]: 16  A distrust of the state, and of state institutions such as the police, is a continuing legacy of martial law.[10]: 2 

Political parties continue to be weak, often created to propel a single candidate before fading from relevancy. The power of the president within the political system may be one factor limiting the development of stable political parties, as the president is in a position to considerably support their allies.[51]: 756–757  Parties often serve to ally various political families,[75]: 8  and it is common for politicians elected on losing party tickets to switch allegiance to the party of the president.[46]: 177  The power of traditional elites outside of the government has also inhibited the development of strong national institutions.[2]: 30–31  Broad democratic political debate is linked with the concept of good governance, rather than political movements related to class.[76]: 122  The persistence of poverty is widely linked in political discourse to the presence of corruption.[76]: 124–125  Campaigns focus on personal qualities and records, rather than party platforms.[18]: 102 

There has been strong continuity in class structures from the Spanish period to the present.[77]: 54–55  One prominent historical narrative sees Philippine history through the lens of an "unfinished revolution", tracing the takeover of the Philippine Revolution by elites from the masses to unfulfilled expectations of reform following the People Power Revolution.[72] Electoral pressure is absorbed through elections, despite the winners of elections invariably coming from various factions of the elite, and political parties being differentiated more by patronage networks than by policies. The importance of election funding creates a cyclic effect as political positions provide access to state power which provides the ability to generate funds.[78]: 17–18  This state capture means that reforms occur slowly, even if popular.[10]: 2 

While questions over land reform have persisted since the colonial era, and have been considered by multiple administrations faced with peasant and communist-related political instability, the links between legislators and landlords mean progress has been limited and the vast majority of farmers continue to work on land owned by others.[71]: 125 [79][80] This failure to achieve significant land reform is thought to have restricted the growth of the Philippine economy, and is linked to continuing political inequality.[81]: 69–70  Despite such inequality, the strength of the left movement has declined since the restoration of democracy.[82]: 12 

A small professional and technical middle class, mostly concentrated in urban areas such as Metro Manila, are relatively trusted within the civil service and play a significant role in civil society organization. Such organizations are examples of cause-based politics, an exception to the usual model of Philippine political parties and political organization. While too small to change the overall political structure, civil society organizations are sometimes able to influence policy on specific issues.[83][84] Notably, the role they played in the People Power Revolution led to a brief political consensus towards a more technocratic and relatively economically liberal state.[85]: 252–253 

Some tension exists between this middle class with the larger but less active poorer class,[86]: 42–44  most clearly expressed in the different outcomes and opinions regarding the entwined EDSA II and EDSA III protests. Unlike in the first People Power Revolution, which saw joint participation from both classes, these following mass protests are generally considered to have predominantly middle and lower class movements respectively, with EDSA III failing to overturn the success of EDSA II.[86]: 81–83 

Politicians at local and national levels are usually either dynastic candidates or popular celebrities. Dynastic politics is very common.[49]: 83  Members of the House and local government officials can be elected for a maximum of three terms, although positions often pass to family members.[52] In 1992, 32% of the representatives in the restored Congress were children of politicians, and 15% represented a third or fourth generation.[75]: xviii  In 2010, over half of the members of the House of Representatives and over half of all Governors were related to someone who had been in Congress over the previous 20 years. Over 60% of high-level local elective offices were held by a dynastic candidate. For both dynastic candidates and celebrities, voter familiarity with their names is thought to drive their electoral success.[49]: 84 

Levels of education correlate with voting for each of the types of candidates, with those with less education more likely to vote for celebrity candidates and those with more education more likely to vote for dynastic candidates. Less wealthy voters are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates, although it has little impact on votes for dynastic candidates. Older voters are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates, and voters in Luzon are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates than voters in the Visayas or Mindanao.[49]: 91–92  While the constitution bans political dynasties, no legislation has been passed to define what this means.[48] Term limits have had a limited effect on such dynasties.[87]

In addition to strong divisions in class identity, the Philippines has a diversity of regional identities, driven by its archipelagic nature and varied history.[72] Regional and ethnic identities are sometimes stronger than national identity,[2]: 30  with national identity often being driven by Christians, and more specifically Tagalogs.[72] Contrasted with the broad Christian Filipino identity is that of the Muslims, and that of often-marginalized indigenous peoples.[2]: 9  Winning a presidential election usually comes with winning the highly populous Tagalog areas of Southern Luzon. Most winning candidates have done well throughout the Philippines, winning pluralities in Luzon, the Visayas, and Mindanao. However, some elections have been won without the Visayas or Mindanao, and in a single case, the 2004 election, the Presidency was won without a plurality in Luzon. However, the importance of national image has been increasing in presidential contests.[70]: 156 

Despite the centralization of national power, politics itself is very decentralized.[78]: 18  Political patronage relationships extend vertically through the various levels of political administration.[88]: 20 [89]: 26  National politicians then relied on local politicians to drive turnout within the constituency of the local politician, incentivizing government funding of local projects rather than national ones to shore up support, and causing national political parties to function more as an alliance of local politicians rather than centralized platforms.[55]

Decentralization of power to local governments and widespread poverty have reinforced the presence of clientelism within politics.[59][78]: 18  Such an effect is particularly strong in the geographically defined House of Representative seats.[10]: 15  The importance of name recognition in politics (especially under the open ballot system) and the use of single-member district entrenchs local politicians.[55] Politics is defined by clans and personalities rather than political parties, and politicians receive support from members of their linguistic group or from a geographical area that identifies with them.[73] Political, cultural, and geographical borders are mutually reinforcing.[72]

Factional rivalries have dominated local politics since the late 19th century. As democracy expanded under American rule, these rivalries influenced provincial and national politics.[90] Local politics is thus often more personal and potentially violent than national politics.[51]: 755  It can also grow more authoritarian, even as national politics becomes more democratic.[89]: 28  The competitiveness of different localities varies greatly, from having a long-entrenched dynasty, to having regular electoral turnover.[89]: 30 

Furthermore, a strong emphasis on family, so entrenched it is enshrined in the civil code, makes local familial links more important than state support,[75]: 7  and personal links more important than ideological interests.[88]: 18 [a] Particular families are associated with certain areas, and a seat passing within a family is often seen as political continuity, with competition provided instead by seats passing to another family.[75]: 41  A paternalistic landlord-tenant relationship typifies politician voter relationships in rural areas.[88]: 20 

Local politicians attend events such as baptisms, funerals, and weddings within their constituency, often providing a direct financial donation.[18]: 102  In urban areas, where established patron-client links are weaker, patronage takes the form of machine politics, being more specific and short-term.[88]: 20–21  In such situations, electoral fraud and physical coercion is more common.[89]: 28–30  Vote buying is extremely prevalent, including "negative vote buying", where voters are taken out of their constituency on voting day or have their fingers inked without having cast a ballot.[58] Over time, this model of control, supported through the economic benefits of state capture, has become more prominent compared to the older paternalistic model.[89]: 28–30 

Catholic Church

See also: Catholic Church in the Philippines
 
Protests against the Reproductive Health Act of 2012 (RH Bill)

The influence of the Church in civil society dates back to the Spanish era, when the Church exercised considerable secular power.[78]: 16, 25  Despite the separation of Church and State that was established under American rule, the Church retained social influence among both elites and the wider population and a desire to promote its global values within the country.[78]: 32–34  The Church provides a unifying moral framework that transcends class lines, linking the rich with the poor.[76]: 118 [86]: 42, 87 

National structures were established shortly after independence,[78]: 50  and the Church became directly involved in elections, both through its administrative hierarchy and through the actions of individual clergy.[78]: 50–51  The politicization of the Church increased after the Second Vatican Council, in great part due to the activism of Catholic youth.[78]: 75–77  Another factor was the increasing filipinization of the Church following independence.[78]: 85  The Church did not initially strongly oppose Marcos[78]: 87  and agreed with his anti-communist stance. However, internal opposition grew over the course of the martial law era.[10]: 220 

Public political opposition from individual clergy members eventually shifted the opinion of the Church hierarchy, who supported the candidacy of Corazon Aquino and the subsequent People Power Revolution.[10]: 223–224  Due to these events, the Church began to see itself as a "guardian of democracy".[19]: 45  Later, the Church was one of the institutions that became opposed to the Presidency of Joseph Estrada.[10]: 275 

Religious orders, such as the Society of Jesus and Opus Dei, run private educational establishments for law, medicine, and business.[78]: 34  The Church is active in social and economic development, in ways not always in alignment with the desire of state authorities.[78]: 75  It has organized to assist in anti-corruption efforts.[76]: 125, 145  The Church maintains strong influence on the topic of family, notably through its support of large family size and its opposition to birth control.[10]: 295–296  Catholic influence led to the removal of divorce laws following independence.[91]

The political influence of the Church has decreased in the 21st century, following sexual abuse revelations and the death of the prominent Cardinal Jaime Sin.[19]: 45–46  A symbolic moment for Church influence was the passing of the Reproductive Health Act of 2012 by the Benigno Aquino administration. This law aimed to make contraception and family planning more accessible, a topic which had faced long-standing Church opposition. Public opinion was thought to be in favor of the law.[92] The Rodrigo Duterte administration has also clashed with the Church,[93] with Duterte at times directly positioning himself against the Church.[23]: 26 [19]: 46  While Duterte himself is not in favor of a divorce law, proposals to legalize divorce gained significant support in Congress following his election,[94] with one bill being passed by the House of Representatives before rejection by the Senate.[95] The measure was reintroduced in the next session of Congress.[96]

Military

See also: Armed Forces of the Philippines
 
The 2003 Oakwood mutiny and 2007 Manila Peninsula siege saw prominent buildings in Makati occupied by military forces in opposition to the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo administration.

The Philippine military became officially involved in socioeconomic issues during the Hukbalahap Rebellion.[9]: 81 [10]: 179  Its involvement was expanded further by Ferdinand Marcos, who actively used the military for civil work.[97] While the 1935 constitution designated the president the Commander in Chief, the 1973 constitution was the first to explicitly include the principle of civilian control of the military.[7]: 8  Despite this change, during martial law under Marcos, military leaders took over aspects of local government and became directly involved in the economy,[9]: 80–81  and the military itself expanded threefold.[78]: 88–89  During this period, the communist and Islamist rebellions in the Philippines led to further involvement by the military in politics.[9]: 82  Internal opposition to Marcos developed as corruption became more apparent, and following the 1986 elections an apparently failed coup by a military faction sparked what became the People Power Revolution[10]: 223–224  The military's perceived role in this overthrowing of President Marcos[9]: 82  created a precedent for direct intervention into politics.[7]: 11 

The 1987 constitution kept the 1973 text on civilian rule over the military, although it added that the armed forces were the "protector of the people and the state".[9]: 83 [7]: 8  It also separated the Philippine Constabulary from the military, while shifting response for internal security from the military to the police.[9]: 86–87  However, the military has remained more involved in politics than it was before martial law, playing a role in the 2001 Second EDSA Revolution which overthrew President Estrada.[9]: 82  Failed or suspected coups took place in the late 1980s, 2003, 2006,[9]: 83–84  and 2007.[12]: 98 

Civilian oversight of the military includes a dedicated deputy ombudsman for the military, investigation by the Commission on Human Rights, and the jurisdiction of civilian courts. The 1989 Philippine coup d'état attempt led to rebellion and mutiny becoming crimes.[9]: 80  As an institution the military is supportive of democracy, with many factions often coming out in opposition to attempted coups.[12]: 110  However, weak civilian institutions continue to provide openings for military influence.[9]: 85, 93  Amnesty was granted to those involved in past coup attempts in 1992.[9]: 86 

The practice of recruiting retired military officers for some executive branch roles, such as ambassadorships, or within cabinet, was started by Marcos and continued after the restoration of democracy.[9]: 81, 93  The separation between the police and the military was impeded by the continuing communist and Islamic rebellions.[9]: 91  The president remains able to use the military to rule by decree.[12]: 102  Localized instances of martial law have been declared in 2009[98] and 2017, both in Mindanao.[99][100]

United States

See also: Philippines-United States relations
 
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, American President Ronald Reagan, and Imelda Marcos during a Philippine state visit to the United States

Even after Philippine independence, the United States remained entwined within Philippine politics and the Philippine economy.[78]: 23 [101] Influence also remains in social and civil institutions.[78]: 24–25  In the context of the Cold War, direct and indirect influence was leveraged in the early days of independence to reinforce democratic institutions.[78]: 49–50  Early civil influence was particularly strong among veterans' networks, and the American military maintained support for Philippine military campaigns against the Hukbalahap.[78]: 59–60  During the Hukbalahap rebellion the United States also supported land reforms to reduce potential attraction to communism, although this pressure subsided as the rebellion ceased.[81]: 87 

When Marcos declared martial law, to muted American response and with general acquiescence,[10]: 205  the strategic value of the Philippines and its American military bases led to continued official support.[10]: 211  While the United States eventually pressured Marcos to bring back elections,[18]: 100  such support enabled Marcos to stay in power even as civil society and the military began to turn against him.[10]: 224  Eventually, the United States supported the development of an anti-Marcos coalition,[102]: 109  and in 1989 intervened to halt a coup against the new Aquino government.[103]: 200 

The influence of the United States decreased in the 1990s, when agreements to host American military bases ended and the country increased the regional aspects of its foreign policy.[10]: 11  Following the September 11 attacks in the United States, security ties deepened once more, as the Moro insurgency became linked with the global War on Terror. This growing cooperation included the limited return of some US forces to Philippine soil.[103]: 221 

History

Main article: Political history of the Philippines

Pre-independence

 
The Spanish established Manila as the capital of the Captaincy General of the Philippines.

Before the onset of Spanish rule in the 16th century, the Philippines was split into numerous barangays, which were small entities while being part of region-wide trade networks.[10]: 26–27  The arrival of Hindu influence increased the power of Indianized datus.[10]: 24–25  The first large state was Sulu, which adopted Islam in the 15th century.[10]: 43–44  Spanish Captain-General Miguel López de Legazpi established a settlement in Cebu in 1565. Maynila was conquered in 1571, and Manila subsequently became the center of Spanish administration.[104]: 1076 

Spain gradually conquered the majority of the modern Philippines, although full control was never established over some Muslims areas in the south and in the Cordillera highlands.[104]: 1076  In the 19th century Spain eventually gained control over the seas and coasts.[74]: 95–96  Inward migration in the Cordilleras to escape Spanish control and an increase in trade saw settlements in interior areas increase in population and political complexity.[105] Throughout Spanish rule, the archipelago remained divided by regional identity and language.[10]: 83–84 

Rule during the Spanish era was dominated by the church, especially friars.[10]: 53  Ultimate power was held by the King and the Council of the Indies, with the Philippines being part of New Spain,[104]: 1077  although the islands functioned practically autonomously.[106]: 25  The Philippines had their own Governor[104]: 1077  and a judicial body was established in 1583.[106]: 25  Direct Spanish rule did not extend far from Manila,[107]: 208  and locals were relied upon for administration.[106]: 24–26  Traditional native elites, along with some native officeholders and high-value tax payers, became part of a group known as the principalia.[108][109]: 16–17  Over time, this elite class became more culturally distinct, gaining an education unavailable to most and intermarrying with Spanish officials and Chinese merchants.[77]: 20–21 

In the 19th century, Philippine ports opened to world trade and shifts started occurring within Filipino society.[110][111] An expanding civil service and a changing economy saw more complex social structures emerge with new upper and middle classes.[109]: 12–14  The Latin American wars of independence and renewed immigration led to shifts in social identity, with the term Filipino shifting from referring to Spaniards born in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Philippines to a term encompassing all people in the archipelago. This identity shift was driven by wealthy families of mixed ancestry, for which it developed into a national identity.[112][113] A class of educated individuals became known as the Ilustrados. This group gained prominence in Philippine administration, and became increasingly involved in politics.[109]: 26–34 

 
The Ilustrados in Madrid, circa 1890

In the 1880s, some prominent Ilustrados launched the Propaganda Movement.[109]: 35–36  For the most part this was a campaign for secular self-government as a full part of Spain,[10]: 105–107  but as proposed liberal reforms were rejected, some saw the movement as the beginning of a national awakening.[109]: 36  In 1892 the Katipunan split from the movement, led by members of Manila's urban middle class.[109]: 39  The Katipunan advocated complete Philippine independence, and began the Philippine Revolution in 1896.[114] The Spanish–American war reached the Philippines on May 1 with the Battle of Manila Bay. The Katipunan under Emilio Aguinaldo proclaimed the independence of the Philippines on June 12, 1898.[115] Aguinaldo proclaimed a revolutionary government, and convened a congress that approved the Malolos Constitution, inaugurating the First Philippine Republic.[40]: 123 

Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States in 1898.[116] The Philippine–American War erupted in February 1899 in a skirmish in Manila.[117] Aguinaldo was captured on April 1, 1901.[104]: 1076  The Americans gave Filipinos limited self-government at the local level by 1901.[46]: 150–151  The hierarchical social structure that existed under Spanish rule was co-opted by the United States, with democracy introduced in a manner which did not threaten the power of the existing elites.[51]: 752  Local elites were entrenched into the national system.[46]: 151 

The first election of the Philippine Assembly in 1907 was won by the independence-supporting Nacionalista Party, led by Sergio Osmeña.[46]: 151–152  The Nacionalista party would maintain electoral dominance until independence.[77]: 42  In some rural areas opposition to American rule persisted among the poorer population,[74]: 128–130  and the development of class consciousness-based political organization led to peasant revolts in the 1930s.[88]: 21–22  American forces extended their control over the entirety of the islands,[118] securing the Sultanate of Sulu[119] and establishing control over interior mountainous areas.[120] The Philippine government pursued a policy of gradually strengthening government in Mindanao, supported by immigration from Christian areas.[121]: 269–270  Despite this, the traditional political structures of Sultanates and Datus continued as a parallel political structure.[122]: 93 

The 1916 Jones Law envisioned eventual Philippine independence.[123] The Nacionalista-dominated legislature grew more powerful, seizing state bodies and using nationalism to weaken American oversight.[10]: 139 [121]: 271 [104]: 1117 [10]: 141–142  The establishment of the senate led to the Nacionalistas forming opposing camps loyal to Osmeña (the Unipersonalistas) and Senate President Manuel L. Quezon (the Colectavistas).[77]: 44  The 1934 Tydings–McDuffie Act paved the way for the Commonwealth of the Philippines and mandated U.S. recognition of independence of the Philippine Islands after a ten-year transition period.[124][104]: 1117 

 
United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt signs the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines in the presence of then Philippine Senate President Manuel L. Quezon.

Quezon and Osmeña were elected as president and vice president, respectively, in 1935.[125]: 12  In 1937 the voting franchise was expanded to include literate women.[10]: 147  A national curriculum similarly sought to impose a single vision of a Filipino identity across the diverse ethnolinguistic groups of the islands,[122]: 110  and Tagalog was established as a national language.[126] Treatment of the Commonwealth by the United States was inconsistent: sometimes it was treated as a separate country, sometimes as under US jurisdiction.[127]: 37–40  The presidential system of the Commonwealth government was based on that of the United States.[46]: 154  However, while dividing power between three branches similarly to the constitution of the United States, the 1935 constitution gave the Philippine president significantly more power both politically and economically than that accorded to the president of the United States.[128]: 16 

The Japanese invasion of 1941 at the onset of World War II forced the Commonwealth government to go into exile,[104]: 1118  and subjected the country to a puppet government.[129] The KALIBAPI became the sole legal political party, and Jose P. Laurel was declared president of an independent Second Philippine Republic.[125]: 14–15 [130][72] In rural areas, a sudden vacuum of elite power led to the formation of new local governments by the remaining populace, beginning the Hukbalahap Rebellion.[102]: 105  The Americans reconquered the Philippines in 1944, and Osmeña, who had succeeded Quezon upon the latter's death, restored the Commonwealth government.[125]: 15 

The Nacionalistas were divided following the war, with a leadership struggle leading to Manuel Roxas setting up what would later be the Liberal Party.[15] Roxas defeated Osmeña in the 1946 presidential election, and became the last president of the Commonwealth.[131]: 145  A left-wing political movement that spawned from the Hukbalahap fight against the Japanese was suppressed by the former elite with American support, leading to the continuation of the rebellion against the new government.[102]: 105  The Americans granted independence on July 4, 1946, and Roxas became the first president of the new Republic of the Philippines.[131]: 145 

Independence

 
President Manuel Roxas' inauguration as the first president of an independent Philippines.

The impact of the war led to a weaker civil service and a reduction in the dominance of Manila, with provincial politicians gaining political power and in some cases de facto autonomy. Many leveraged their provincial power to engage in national politics.[75]: 19–20  Universal suffrage saw an expansion of voter participation, although power remained concentrated in the hands of a small elite.[128]: 14–15  A diversifying post-war economy largely brought an end to the land-based cacique democracy patronage system. Political offices became lucrative by themselves, and patronage became more reliant on access to government funds.[132]: 69  These changes did not shift the overall shape of Filipino politics, which remained a two-party system dominated by a narrow elite.[128]: 15  There was little policy difference between the parties.[78]: 17 

Roxas suffered a fatal heart attack in 1948, allowing Vice President Elpidio Quirino to rule the country for the next six years.[125]: 16  Quirino sought to significantly expand executive power.[128]: 18  Quirino's Liberal government was widely seen as corrupt and was easily beaten by his former Defense secretary Ramon Magsaysay in 1953. Magsaysay, who oversaw the surrender of the long-running Hukbalahap Rebellion, was massively popular.[133][134] Magsaysay implemented a plan to settle surrendered Hukbalahap rebels in Mindanao,[122]: 111  cementing a demographic shift in Mindanao from a Muslim to a Christian majority.[103]: 177, 180 

Before the 1957 election, Magsaysay was killed in a plane crash.[135] His vice president, Carlos P. Garcia, succeeded him and won the election.[136] He continued Magsaysay's "Filipino First" policy[70]: 69  and implemented an austerity program.[137] Garcia was defeated by his vice president, Diosdado Macapagal of the Liberal Party, in 1961. Macapagal initiated a return to a system of free enterprise, and sought land reform and electrification.[104]: 808  Macapagal was defeated in 1965 by Senator Ferdinand Marcos.[138]

 
President Ferdinand Marcos declares martial law

The growing and diversifying economy of the 1960s led to a growth in private business power[78]: 78  and an expansion in mass media.[78]: 80  Marcos was the first president to be re-elected, in 1969, although the election was tainted by violence and allegations of fraud and vote buying.[78]: 87  Civil unrest heightened after the election.[78]: 87  Communist rebellion strengthened during Marcos' rule,[10]: 219–220  and a Moro insurgency emerged in Mindanao.[10]: 216  Marcos declared martial law in 1972.[78]: 87 

Attempts to end the war in Mindanao led Marcos to recognize Islamic holidays, introduce a code of Muslim personal laws, and formally recognize a number of sultans in Mindanao and Sulu.[103]: 190–197  Marcos framed his government as fighting against the rich landed elite that traditionally dominated politics. He relied on the growing technocratic civil service, who were receptive to such arguments, to effectively run the country under martial law.[132]: 69–71  Marcos also relied on the military, which gained increased power and resources during the martial law period.[128]: 46–47  A constitutional convention finalized a new constitution in November 1972,[139] which introduced a semi-presidential system.[15]

Marcos continued to rule by decree without elections until 1978, when the Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) legislature was elected.[15] Marcos had complete control over the bureaucracy, local governments, military, the press, and COMELEC. The 1978 parliamentary and the 1980 local elections were dominated by Marcos' Kilusang Bagong Lipunan party.[15][78]: 88  The unicameral IBP had little real power.[40]: 125  The Supreme Court affirmed the expansive executive powers claimed under martial law.[7]: 10–11  Marcos laid out a vision of a "new society", which would represent an end to old oligarchies.[70]: 70 

Some political dynasties who were not Marcos allies were stripped of assets and power,[75]: 41  in many cases replaced in local politics by Marcos allies.[75]: 437  Marcos ended martial law in 1981, shortly before a visit to the Philippines by Pope John Paul II, although he retained immense executive powers.[7]: 12–13  Opposition groups still boycotted the 1981 presidential election,[140][141] which Marcos easily won.[142]: 1151  Opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was slain upon his return to the Philippines in 1983.[12]: 97 

By this time, the government was marred by a weak economy, rampant corruption, and a loss of political support.[142]: 1153–1154  A united opposition participated in the 1984 parliamentary election, making gains.[102]: 108  A snap election saw the opposition nominate Benigno's widow Corazon as their candidate.[7]: 11 [70]: 70  Marcos was declared the winner of the 1986 election, but the opposition refused to accept the result, alleging that the election was rigged. The People Power Revolution drove Marcos from power, and Aquino became president.[12]: 98 

 
Corazon Aquino was inaugurated president on February 25, 1986; it was one of two presidential inaugurations that day.

The 1987 constitution restored democracy along the lines of the 1935 constitution.[15] The new constitution introduced some elements of direct democracy.[7]: 6  The 1988 local elections saw the traditional elite recapturing local political office.[102]: 112 [143] Aquino's government was mired by coup attempts,[72] and saw continued rebellions by communists and Islamic separatists.[102]: 109  In 1991, a new Local Government Code shifted some power and resources to lower levels of government.[102]: 115 

Aquino did not wish to run for election again,[144] and leading up to the 1992 presidential election she supported Fidel V. Ramos, who had left her party to form his own.[145][146] Ramos won, albeit under controversial circumstances and allegations of electoral fraud.[147][148][149] The 1992 elections were the first to be synchronized, with presidential, legislative, and local elections held simultaneously.[46]: 167–169  With the 1997 Asian financial crisis damaging the image of economy liberalism, and with no clear successor to Ramos,[85]: 252–253  Ramos's vice president Joseph Estrada won the 1998 election with a comfortable margin on a populist campaign appealing directly to poorer voters.[86]: 95–97 

The Estrada administration was embroiled in charges of cronyism and corruption, leading to his impeachment by the House of Representatives.[10]: 274–276  In the impeachment trial, Estrada's allies in the Senate successfully prevented evidence to be presented, triggering massive protests.[150][151] The military withdrew their support from Estrada and transferred their allegiance to Vice President Arroyo; the Supreme Court later ruled the presidency as vacant, and Estrada left Malacañang Palace.[152][153]

Arroyo was sworn in as president on January 20, 2001. Estrada's supporters launched their own mass movement, which was ultimately unsuccessful.[86]: 101–103 [154] Arroyo's People Power Coalition won a majority of seats in the 2001 elections and therefore consolidated power. In 2003, a failed coup attempt took place in the central business district.[155] As she had served less than four years as president, Arroyo was eligible for re-election.[37]: 7  She won the 2004 election with a slim plurality. It was later exposed that Arroyo rigged the election.[156] This second term saw another coup attempt.[157][158] By the end of her presidency, Arroyo was the most unpopular president since the 1986 People Power Revolution.[159]

Before the 2010 election, former president Aquino died, and her son, Benigno Aquino III, won the election.[160][161] His administration was politically stable, seen as relatively clean, and had the highest ratings since Marcos.[19]: 42–43  While his popularity dipped towards the end of his administration, it was linked to perceptions about the failure of change within the wider political system, rather than to Aquino himself.[19]: 45  In the 2016 presidential election, Aquino's handpicked successor was decisively defeated by Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte.[162]

Duterte ran on a populist platform, winning votes from various socioeconomic classes, with particularly strong appeal to the middle classes.[23]: 18  Duterte implemented a War on Drugs that led to thousands of deaths.[163] Duterte then prioritized infrastructure spending,[164][165][166] and sought to end the communist insurgency.[167][168] The administration made peace with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, replacing the ARMM with the more powerful Bangsamoro region.[169] The Duterte government has largely continued Aquino's economic policies, including those focused on the poor. Its political policies have shown a shift towards illiberal democracy, with the politicization of legal institutions and less regard for checks and balances.[23]: 26–28 

In May 2022, Ferdinand Marcos Jr (known by his nickname "Bongbong"), son of former president Ferdinand Marcos, received nearly 59 percent of the vote and won the presidential election by landslide. His vice presidential candidate was Sara Duterte, daughter of then-president Rodrigo Duterte.[170] On 30 June 2022, Marcos was sworn in as the Philippine president and Sara Duterte was sworn in as vice-president.[171]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Families in Filipino culture refer not just to the nuclear family, but to a wide network of both blood and marriage ties.[75]: 9–10 

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i Rose-Ackerman, Susan; Desierto, Diane A.; Volosin, Natalia (2011). "Hyper-Presidentialism: Separation of Powers without Checks and Balances in Argentina and Philippines". Berkeley Journal of International Law. 29: 246–333. doi:10.15779/Z38XW8H. Retrieved November 20, 2020.
  2. ^ a b c d e Banlaoi, Rommel (October 13, 2009). Philippine Security in the Age of Terror: National, Regional, and Global Challenges in the Post-9/11 World. CRC Press. ISBN 978-1-4398-1551-9. Retrieved December 7, 2020.
  3. ^ a b Teehankee, Julio C.; Thompson, Mark R. (October 2016). "The Vote in the Philippines: Electing A Strongman". Journal of Democracy. 27 (4): 124–134. doi:10.1353/jod.2016.0068. Retrieved November 19, 2020.
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  6. ^ Gavilan, Jodesz (June 3, 2016). "Spare tire or not? The role of the Philippine vice president". Rappler. Retrieved August 23, 2020.
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  10. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af Abinales, P. N.; Amoroso, Donna J. (2005). State and Society in the Philippines. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7425-1024-1.
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  17. ^ Philippine Constitution 1987, Article VI § 24.
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  20. ^ Bueza, Michael (July 2, 2019). . Rappler. Archived from the original on May 29, 2021. Retrieved May 29, 2021. PDP-Laban also has the biggest contingent in the House, with 84 members, according to their candidacy forms when they ran in the 2019 polls. NP has 42 House members, followed by NPC with 36 members, and National Unity Party with 25 members. ... LP only has 18 members in the House.
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  169. ^ Punzalan, Jamaine (January 21, 2021). . ABS-CBN News. Archived from the original on January 26, 2021. Retrieved January 30, 2021. The Bangsamoro or "nation of Moros" is the culmination of a tumultuous peace process separatist Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and successive governments, aimed at ending conflict that has killed at least 120,000 people since the 1970s.
  170. ^ "Ferdinand Marcos Jr wins landslide election victory in the Philippines". France 24. May 9, 2022.
  171. ^ "Ferdinand Marcos Jr sworn in as Philippines president, replacing Duterte". BBC News. June 30, 2022.
  • "The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines". Official Gazette of the Government of the Philippines. 1987.

Further reading

  • Hutchcroft, Paul D. (1998). Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking in the Philippines. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-1-5017-3863-0.
  • Kalaw, Maximo M. (1927). The development of Philippine politics (1882-1920). Oriental commercial.
  • Mendoza, Ronald; Beja, Edsel Jr.; Venida, Victor; Yap, David (July 17, 2013). "Political dynasties and poverty: Resolving the "chicken or the egg" question". Munich Personal RePEc Archive. Munich University Library.
  • Muñoz, Mauro R. (2002). Philippine Governance and Constitution. Goodwill Trading Co., Inc. ISBN 978-971-574-062-3.
  • Weissenbach, Kristina (2010). "Political Parties and Party Types - Conceptual Approaches to the Institutionalization of Political Parties in Transitional States: The Case of the Philippines". Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V.

March 18, 2023
politics, philippines, politics, philippines, governed, three, branch, system, government, country, democracy, with, president, directly, elected, people, serves, both, head, state, head, government, president, serves, leader, executive, branch, powerful, poli. Politics in the Philippines are governed by a three branch system of government The country is a democracy with a president who is directly elected by the people and serves as both the head of state and the head of government The president serves as the leader of the executive branch and is a powerful political figure A president may only hold office for one six year term The bicameral Congress which consists of the smaller Senate which is elected at large across the country and the larger House of Legislators which is mostly made up of members chosen from specific geographic districts is the body that carries out legislative duties The judiciary is overseen by the Supreme Court of the Philippines which has extensive review jurisdiction over judgments issued by other governmental and administrative institutions Politics of the Philippines Politika ng PilipinasPolity typeUnitary presidential republicConstitutionConstitution of the PhilippinesLegislative branchNameCongressTypeBicameralMeeting placeSenate GSIS Building House of Representatives Batasang PambansaUpper houseNameSenatePresiding officerJuan Miguel Zubiri Senate PresidentAppointerPlurality at large votingLower houseNameHouse of RepresentativesPresiding officerMartin Romualdez Speaker of the House of RepresentativesAppointerParallel votingExecutive branchHead of State and GovernmentTitlePresidentCurrentlyBongbong MarcosAppointerDirect popular voteCabinetNameExecutive departments of the PhilippinesCurrent cabinetCabinet of the PhilippinesAppointernominated by the President and presented to the Commission on AppointmentsHeadquartersMalacanang PalaceMinistries22Judicial branchNameJudiciary of the PhilippinesSupreme CourtChief judgeAlexander GesmundoSeatSupreme Court BuildingPadre Faura St Ermita ManilaThe legal system which covers both civil and criminal law has been impacted by the prior rule of both Spain and the United States Spanish control was mostly supported by local intermediaries which resulted in an elite dominated system The United States took sovereignty of the whole archipelago following the Spanish American war suppressing a rebellion that occurred at the end of Spanish administration Control by the United States resulted in democracy and institutions that were fashioned after the American political system Martial law s implementation hampered this National politics were ruled by a two party system when the country attained independence in 1946 and changes brought about by the restoration of democracy are what led to the multi party system that exists today There have been various levels of left wing insurgencies since independence as well as a continuous Islamic InsurgencyElections are held every three years although the president vice president and Senators are elected for six year terms Results are determined through plurality voting including plurality at large for elections such as for the Senate with multiple winners A mixed member proportional representation system is used to elect a minority of the House of Representatives Local government units have some revenue generating powers under a code intended to decentralize power away from the national government Administrative structures at local levels are designed to foster civil society participation Politics is dominated by a powerful elite with dynastic politics common at both the local and national levels Political parties are weak with elections instead dominated by individual and familial personalities Political positions provide extensive opportunities for patronage and clientelism and electoral fraud are common Corruption is considered widespread while state institutions are relatively weak Politics has been heavily influenced at times by the Catholic Church the Philippine military and the United States Despite pessimism about the potential for political change democracy maintains strong public support and voter turnout is high Contents 1 Executive 2 Legislature 3 Judiciary 4 Legal system 5 Elections 6 Local government 7 Culture and influences 7 1 Catholic Church 7 2 Military 7 3 United States 8 History 8 1 Pre independence 8 2 Independence 9 See also 10 Notes 11 References 12 Further readingExecutive EditMain article President of the Philippines See also Vice President of the Philippines Cabinet of the Philippines and Executive departments of the Philippines Executive power is vested to the President 1 254 who is both head of state and head of government 2 31 This individual is directly elected to a six year term through a single round first past the post election 3 and being limited to one term are unable to seek re election 1 254 To be eligible for the presidency an individual must be at least 40 years old and must have resided in the Philippines for the decade prior to the election Presidents may legislate through executive orders and other administrative actions and must approve or veto bills coming from the Congress 4 The Malacanang Palace is the official residence of the president The vice president limited to two consecutive six year terms is elected separately from the president 5 201 This means the president and vice president may be from different political parties 3 While the vice president has no constitutional powers aside from acting as president when the latter is unable to do so the president may give the former a cabinet office 6 In case of death resignation or incapacitation of the president the vice president becomes the president until the expiration of the term 5 207 The vice president may also serve as Acting President if the president is temporarily incapacitated 5 206 Following in the line of succession are the Senate president and the Speaker of the House 4 Executive power is exercised through the Cabinet 5 214 who are appointed by the president While the appointees may wield executive power all powers and responsibilities ultimately remain with the president who may overrule any decision made by a cabinet member The Cabinet includes the heads of executive departments 5 213 Actions taken by executive and administrative officials are taken as actions exercised by the president 7 23 24 Cabinet members may not be members of Congress 5 385 Close relatives of the president are explicitly barred from certain offices 5 205 The president is also the commander in chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines 1 265 thereby ensuring civilian supremacy over the military 8 9 80 This title gives the president several emergency military powers 1 266 267 such as the ability to suspend habeas corpus and declare martial law 10 234 although these powers automatically end after 60 days unless extended by Congress 11 and can be reviewed by the Supreme Court 12 112 The president also proposes a national budget which Congress may alter before they adopt it 1 282 The president wields significant political power including considerable influence over supposedly independent agencies due to the power of appointment 1 286 The president directly controlled the Philippine Development Assistance Fund until the Supreme Court declared this unconstitutional in 2013 Following this the Disbursement Acceleration Program was created to allow the president to direct funds although some parts of this new program have similarly been declared unconstitutional Such influence means that the legislature has never overcome a presidential veto despite having the theoretical power to do so A commission on appointments independent from the legislature but made up of members from it has the power to veto presidential appointments However court rulings mean the president can renominate an individual repeatedly upon rejection and that that individual can effectively carry out the role by being officially in an acting capacity 13 The strength of the Presidency combined with weak state institutions exacerbates corruption in the country 2 31 Under the 1987 constitution the House of Representatives has the power to impeach the president through a vote of one third of its members and the Senate decides upon the case Impeachment proceedings against an individual can not occur more than once per year which can be abused through the filing cases with weak impeachment claims to forestall the filing of stronger cases President Joseph Estrada was the first Asian head of state to be tried following impeachment although he was not ousted by the Senate No president has ever been ousted through impeachment 13 Legislature EditMain article Congress of the Philippines See also Senate of the Philippines and House of Representatives of the Philippines Congress is a bicameral legislature The upper house the Senate is composed of 24 senators These are elected through plurality at large voting with the entire country considered a single district 14 The senators elect amongst themselves a Senate President 5 159 Half of the Senate seats are contested every three years 14 and senators are limited to serving a maximum of two consecutive six year terms 15 The lower house is the House of Representatives 5 163 currently composed of 311 representatives 16 with 20 elected via party list system and the rest elected from legislative districts Legislative districts are intended to be roughly equal in population and every city with a population of at least 250 000 people is guaranteed at least one representative 5 162 163 The House of Representatives is headed by the Speaker 5 159 Representatives are elected every three years and are limited to three three year terms 14 2011 State of the Nation Address by Benigno Aquino III Each bill needs the consent of both houses to be submitted to the president for his signature If the president vetoes the bill Congress can override the veto with a two thirds supermajority 5 180 If either house voted down on a bill or fails to act on it after an adjournment sine die the bill is lost and would have to be proposed to the next congress with the process starting all over again Congress s decisions are mostly via majority vote except for voting on constitutional amendments and other matters Each house has its inherent power with the Senate given the power to vote on treaties while money bills may only be introduced by the House of Representatives 17 The constitution provides Congress with impeachment powers with the House of Representatives having the power to impeach and the Senate having the power to try the impeached official 5 433 The control the legislature has over funding includes individual discretionary funds These funds are considered an avenue for patronage politics 10 235 and are often seen a symbol of corruption They are derogatorily referred to as pork barrel funds 10 284 285 In addition to being able to use such funds to curry favor or gain support politicians can personally benefit from kickbacks which are often directly used for re election campaigns 18 102 103 The Priority Development Assistance Fund scam highlighted the link between such funding and legislative support for executive initiatives 19 44 45 As of 2019 update the PDP LABAN the Nacionalista Party NP the Nationalist People s Coalition NPC National Unity Party NUP and the Liberal Party LP are the parties with largest membership in Congress 20 The party of the sitting president controls the House of Representatives where members often change party affiliation to join the president s party The Senate has generally acted more independently 21 22 23 13 16 Judiciary EditMain article Judiciary of the Philippines Supreme Court of the Philippines The judiciary is headed by the Supreme Court which lies at the top of three lower court levels The Supreme Court is the court of last resort 24 6 7 and can decide on the constitutionality of laws 24 48 49 Vested with the responsibility of overseeing the other branches of government the Supreme Court has significant powers able to go as far as overruling discretionary decisions made by political and administrative individuals and bodies 25 356 357 giving it powers usually seen as those of the executive and legislature 26 10874 The court can effectively create law without precedent and such decisions are not subject to review by other bodies 25 367 368 All lower levels of courts have their bases through legislation rather than the constitution 24 39 Their proceedings are determined by the Supreme Court 24 46 Courts are arranged in a three level hierarchy 24 8 9 with each level able to review only rulings at lower levels 27 Within the regular court system 24 8 9 the Court of Appeals is the second highest appellate court 28 Below this Regional Trial Courts have original jurisdiction on most criminal matters and are the main trial courts The Regional Trial Courts are organized within judicial regions which correspond to the administrative regions 28 The lowest level courts are the Metropolitan Trial Courts 24 41 28 Alongside the regular courts a variety of special courts have been set up at various levels of the judicial system 24 8 The Court of Tax Appeals was set up specifically to rule on tax matters 24 43 The Sandiganbayan is a special court set up to deal with cases of government corruption 24 42 52 Some Regional Trial Courts specialize in a particular sort of case such as heinous crime courts family courts and environmental courts 24 44 45 29 Sharia courts which have been set up in some regions on the same level as Regional and Metropolitan courts 28 rule on personal law where both parties are Muslim 24 8 30 Some administrative bodies are able to exercise very specific quasi judicial powers as determined by law 24 7 9 The president appoints justices and judges to the judicial system For an appointment to the Supreme Court the president must select from a short list provided by the Judicial and Bar Council although they have influence over the shortlist and can ask for it to be changed 1 302 206 The Judicial and Bar Council is responsible for vetting appointments Congress has no control over appointments to reduce its political influence on the judiciary 10 14 25 364 However the Chief Justice can be impeached by the legislature which took place for the first time with the conviction of Chief Justice Renato Corona in 2012 13 Political pressure is thought to be behind inconsistencies between some court decisions 26 10875 10876 Traditionally the most senior associate justice became the Chief Justice However this tradition was broken by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and her successor President Benigno Aquino III also bypassed seniority in some judicial appointments 13 The Ombudsman of the Philippines is selected by the president from a list provided by the Judicial and Bar Council This selection does not need confirmation and lasts for a seven year term with no re appointment The Ombudsman investigates and prosecutes public officials and agencies except for the president who is immune while in office Considerable power lies with the position to request information and direct public officials to carry out certain tasks as required by law 1 The Office of the Solicitor General is an independent body that represents the government in legal cases 31 Legal system EditSee also Legal codes of the Philippines The 1935 Constitution of the Philippines which served as the basis for the current constitution The Philippine Legal System is a hybrid form based on the Spanish civil law and American common law system 32 304 305 with a system of Sharia law in place for some areas of law involving Muslims 33 26 10874 The Constitution is the supreme law of the land 34 216 and laws passed by the Congress must be consistent with the Constitution 35 Since the establishment of the 1898 Constitution there have been only three new constitutions implemented in 1935 1973 and 1987 respectively 5 10 Prior to 1898 the Spanish Constitution of 1812 had applied to the Philippines for a short time and there were numerous proposed constitutions during the Philippine Revolution The most notable of these was the Malolos Constitution 5 42 The presidential system established with the 1935 Constitution 5 43 was replaced by a semi parliamentary system in 1973 under the authoritarian rule of President Marcos concentrating power in his hands 5 47 48 382 After the 1986 People Power Revolution brought President Aquino to power she issued a proclamation establishing a temporary constitution and created a constitutional commission The commission finished writing a new constitution on October 15 1986 which was subsequently approved by referendum on February 2 1987 The 1987 constitution restored the presidential system 5 47 48 382 being based on the 1935 constitution rather than the 1973 one 34 216 The constitution is designed to provide a number of checks and balances including the establishment of independent constitutional commissions and an Ombudsman The Ombudsman and members of these commissions in addition to the leaders of the executive the president and vice president and judicial Justices of the Supreme Court including the Chief Justice branches may be removed through impeachment 23 9 All presidents under the current constitution have proposed some type of constitutional reform although none have succeeded 36 Wariness around such change exists due to the structural aim of the constitution in limiting Presidential power compared to previous constitution leaving reform open to accusations of being a power grab 36 37 1 A switch to a unicameral parliamentary system is seen by some as a way to make the legislature and government more responsive and effective 10 290 It has also been argued such a change would weaken the presidency and strengthen the role of political parties 10 292 Such a proposal gained majority support in the house along with presidential support in the mid 2000s but stalled due to senate opposition 38 63 66 Reforming the country as a federation is a recurring issue arising as a result of a desire for local autonomy Such considerations influenced the 1987 constitution while it maintained the unitary state it included provisions for autonomous regions and for stronger local government 38 54 56 39 The Civil Code of the Philippines is based on the Civil Code of Spain which was extended to the Philippines on July 31 1889 A notable feature of this code is the influence of the Catholic Church which remains to this day 40 122 Under this code judicial decisions applying or interpreting the laws or the Constitution is part of the legal system the doctrine of stare decisis applies in deciding legal controversies 41 However the application of stare decisis is not the same as in full common law jurisdictions as it incorporates civil law precedent 32 41 The constitution grants the Supreme Court the power of judicial review through which it can determine whether or not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of the Government 42 43 This power is extensive enough that the court can create new law without precedent in such situations and such decisions are not themselves subject to review from another body 25 366 368 The president may issue executive orders proclamations or other executive issuance 4 The Philippines adopts the dualist system in the incorporation of international law with such laws able to come into force either through adoption in domestic legislation or a constitutional declaration 44 The local legislative assemblies may enact local ordinances within their respective territorial and political boundaries in accordance with the local autonomy granted by the Local Government Code 45 Elections EditMain article Elections in the Philippines Voting lines in Mabalacat during the 2013 elections Since 1935 and the establishment of the Commonwealth of the Philippines elections have been administered by the Commission on Elections COMELEC The elected officials are the president vice president members of Congress regional governors and assemblymen provincial governors vice governors and board members city and municipal mayors vice mayors and councilors and barangay village chairmen and councilors Elections are for fixed terms Most elected officials have three year terms with the exceptions being the president vice president and senators whose terms last for six years 46 162 163 All terms above the barangay level begin and end on June 30 of the election year 47 and all elected officials are limited to three consecutive terms except for senators 48 and the vice president who are limited to two and for the president who cannot be reelected 5 201 12 of the 24 senators are up for election every 3 years All are elected on a national basis with voters selecting up to 12 names from the list of all candidates It is not required to fill out 12 names for the vote to be valid and voters select 7 5 candidates on average This system increases the importance of name familiarity with up to one fifth of voters reporting they decide upon their votes while inside the voting booth 49 84 85 All positions are voted on separately including those of president and vice president 10 234 Despite the plurality voting system used to elect presidents elections are effectively a multi party system Prior to the Marcos regime the country effectively had a two party system however the restriction of presidents to one term in the 1987 has likely prevented that system from reemerging 50 488 489 Even during the two party era internal party structures were weak Three presidents had previously switched parties after falling to obtain the nomination in their previous party s conference 51 754 Under the 1987 constitution elections above the barangay level are held every three years since 1992 on the second Monday of May 52 although senate seats the presidency and the vice presidency are only contested every six years since 1992 34 216 Ever since elections were first introduced by the United States 15 single winner elections have been carried out using a plurality voting system the candidate with the highest number of votes is elected 46 149 Multiple winner elections except for representatives elected through the party list system are done via plurality at large voting 46 162 Each voter has x votes from which the x candidates with the highest number of votes are elected 53 A constitutional commission was assembled after the 1986 People Power Revolution in part to consider the process of elections It determined to keep plurality first past the post voting for 80 of seats but to use a mixed member proportional representation party list system to allocate up to 20 of seats However such a system was not used until the 1998 general election 54 55 which followed the passing of the Party List System Act in 1995 Prior to this law passing sectoral representatives were appointed by the President 56 Electoral official in Valencia checking an electoral roll during the 2013 elections A group participating in the party list system which may not be running in any single member constituencies must receive 2 of votes cast to enter congress and can win a maximum of three seats The 1998 election saw 123 organizations run and only 32 of voters selecting a party list organization meaning only 13 organizations passed the 2 threshold taking up only 14 of the 52 seats allocated to party list organizations COMELEC decided to allocate the remaining seats to organizations that had not reached the 2 threshold despite prior rules indicating they would be distributed among parties that passed the threshold by vote share Following a legal challenge the Supreme Court overruled COMELEC implementing its own system to allocate the seats limiting the maximum three seats to only the most voted organization In the run up to the 2001 election COMELEC approved over 160 organizations Following a legal challenge at the Supreme Court COMELEC all but 42 were disqualified including seven which had won more than 2 of the votes Two court later nullified two of the disqualifications 57 The 1986 commission also kept the open ballot system where voters had to write the name of their chosen candidate on the voting form 55 The distribution of sample filled in ballots to voters by politicians provided more opportunities for patronage through the determination of which other names appear on a politicians sample ballot and increased the power of local politicians who were better able to distribute these ballots to voters 58 The 1992 and 2004 presidential elections were contested in court following accusations of electoral fraud Neither case succeeded 59 Vote counting in these elections could take up to 18 hours and tabulation could take up to 40 days In 1992 COMELEC adopted a strategic plan to modernize voting and the first electronic vote counting pilot test took place in the 1996 Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao general election This pilot was considered a success 60 In 1997 a law was based calling for the open ballots to be replaced by pre printed ballots 58 However it was not until the May 2010 elections that electronic vote counting was used for a national election 60 This change in the process saw ballots shift from the open ballot system to ballots where voters fill in ovals next to the candidate names 61 It has been reported by COMELEC that this new system reduces the ability for vote buyers to monitor how people vote 58 It also reduced vote count time with manual counting previously taking perhaps months 62 National and local elections began to be held on the same day from May 1992 following the passage of Republic Act RA 7166 51 757 The country has a voting age of 18 63 Under the 1987 constitution all registered parties are allowed poll watchers whereas under the previous system poll watchers were only allowed from the two main parties 46 179 Political advertising was allowed beginning in 2001 Various forms of electoral fraud occur throughout the various elections and are even expected by a majority of voters Vote buying is especially prevalent and campaigns are estimated to cost as much as 16 times the legal campaign finance limit 18 103 104 Local government EditMain article Local government in the Philippines See also Administrative divisions of the Philippines Local government hierarchyPresident of the PhilippinesAutonomous regionsProvincesIndependent citiesProvincesIndependent citiesComponent citiesMunicipalitiesComponent citiesMunicipalitiesBarangaysBarangaysBarangaysBarangaysBarangaysBarangays The smallest local government units the barangays are grouped into cities and municipalities These are part of provinces although some cities are administratively independent Provinces can be grouped into autonomous regions vte The Philippines has been highly centralized since Spanish rule being governed from an Imperial Manila The Spanish created some bodies to bring together barangays in 1893 and the Americans organized provincial governments in 1905 Both actions however left the majority of power with the capital During the Commonwealth period local governments remained under the direct control of the president before some autonomy was granted to cities and municipalities in 1959 through RA 2264 An Act Amending the Laws Governing Local Governments by Increasing their Autonomy and Reorganizing Provincial Governments and to barangays then called barrios through RA 2370 the Barrio Charter Act Further powers were given under the Decentralization Act of 1967 RA 5185 before local elections were abolished with the imposition of martial law in 1972 64 40 42 The 1987 constitution mandates that local governments must have local autonomy 64 43 The 1991 Local Government Code Republic Act 7160 shifted some power away from the capital 52 Barangays are grouped into municipalities or cities while municipalities and cities may be further grouped into provinces Each barangay municipality or city and the province is headed by a captain mayor or governor respectively with its legislatures being the Sangguniang Barangay village council Sangguniang Bayan municipal council or Sangguniang Panlungsod city council and the Sangguniang Panlalawigan provincial board 65 102 105 The Local Government Code seeks to enhance civil participation in local government mandating civil society representation on bodies such as school and health boards There are also mechanisms for the recall of elected officials and local legislation through publicly organized referendum although such mechanisms are rarely used 46 181 65 111 Regions are groupings of adjacent provinces created by the national government often with linguistic or ethnic similarities However they do not by themselves have any local government The exception is the autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao which has its own regional government 66 While Article X of the 1987 constitution allows autonomous regions in the Cordilleras and Muslim Mindanao only the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao BARMM exists 52 A referendum held in 1989 led to four provinces voting to be part of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao ARMM In 1990 elections were held for a regional governor a vice governor and for representatives in the Regional Assembly 46 186 A 2018 law confirmed through a 2019 plebiscite transformed the ARMM into the more powerful BARMM 52 Elections in Mindanao have a reputation for electoral anomalies 46 187 Two laws aimed at creating the proposed autonomous region in Cordillera were defeated 52 after two plebiscites 67 The National Capital Region has a unique governing body the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority which carries out some region equivalent functions 65 105 107 68 The concentration of political and economic power in Manila leads has created the demand for changes such as decentralization or federation 52 While local government units have the autonomy most of their budget is derived from the Internal Revenue Allotment IRA a disbursement from the national government which is ultimately derived from taxes This makes most local government units ultimately dependent on the national government 1 However they do have the ability to raise income through other measures such as taxes which is reflected by significantly increased responsibilities 69 Provinces further from the capital tend to be both poorer and more reliant on IRA funding from the national government 66 Culture and influences EditDespite the challenges faced by Filipino elections and a sometimes pessimistic view about the potential of elections 70 214 there is broad public support for democracy 46 179 71 4 coupled with a free press and an established legal system 72 70 4 Voter turnout in legislative and executive elections averages above 75 percent However other forms of political participation such as membership in a political party civil society organization and labor unions are rarely used 73 There are several examples of mass direct action throughout history including the long running communist rebellion in the Philippines and the multiple People Power events 74 16 A distrust of the state and of state institutions such as the police is a continuing legacy of martial law 10 2 Political parties continue to be weak often created to propel a single candidate before fading from relevancy The power of the president within the political system may be one factor limiting the development of stable political parties as the president is in a position to considerably support their allies 51 756 757 Parties often serve to ally various political families 75 8 and it is common for politicians elected on losing party tickets to switch allegiance to the party of the president 46 177 The power of traditional elites outside of the government has also inhibited the development of strong national institutions 2 30 31 Broad democratic political debate is linked with the concept of good governance rather than political movements related to class 76 122 The persistence of poverty is widely linked in political discourse to the presence of corruption 76 124 125 Campaigns focus on personal qualities and records rather than party platforms 18 102 There has been strong continuity in class structures from the Spanish period to the present 77 54 55 One prominent historical narrative sees Philippine history through the lens of an unfinished revolution tracing the takeover of the Philippine Revolution by elites from the masses to unfulfilled expectations of reform following the People Power Revolution 72 Electoral pressure is absorbed through elections despite the winners of elections invariably coming from various factions of the elite and political parties being differentiated more by patronage networks than by policies The importance of election funding creates a cyclic effect as political positions provide access to state power which provides the ability to generate funds 78 17 18 This state capture means that reforms occur slowly even if popular 10 2 While questions over land reform have persisted since the colonial era and have been considered by multiple administrations faced with peasant and communist related political instability the links between legislators and landlords mean progress has been limited and the vast majority of farmers continue to work on land owned by others 71 125 79 80 This failure to achieve significant land reform is thought to have restricted the growth of the Philippine economy and is linked to continuing political inequality 81 69 70 Despite such inequality the strength of the left movement has declined since the restoration of democracy 82 12 A small professional and technical middle class mostly concentrated in urban areas such as Metro Manila are relatively trusted within the civil service and play a significant role in civil society organization Such organizations are examples of cause based politics an exception to the usual model of Philippine political parties and political organization While too small to change the overall political structure civil society organizations are sometimes able to influence policy on specific issues 83 84 Notably the role they played in the People Power Revolution led to a brief political consensus towards a more technocratic and relatively economically liberal state 85 252 253 Some tension exists between this middle class with the larger but less active poorer class 86 42 44 most clearly expressed in the different outcomes and opinions regarding the entwined EDSA II and EDSA III protests Unlike in the first People Power Revolution which saw joint participation from both classes these following mass protests are generally considered to have predominantly middle and lower class movements respectively with EDSA III failing to overturn the success of EDSA II 86 81 83 Politicians at local and national levels are usually either dynastic candidates or popular celebrities Dynastic politics is very common 49 83 Members of the House and local government officials can be elected for a maximum of three terms although positions often pass to family members 52 In 1992 32 of the representatives in the restored Congress were children of politicians and 15 represented a third or fourth generation 75 xviii In 2010 over half of the members of the House of Representatives and over half of all Governors were related to someone who had been in Congress over the previous 20 years Over 60 of high level local elective offices were held by a dynastic candidate For both dynastic candidates and celebrities voter familiarity with their names is thought to drive their electoral success 49 84 Levels of education correlate with voting for each of the types of candidates with those with less education more likely to vote for celebrity candidates and those with more education more likely to vote for dynastic candidates Less wealthy voters are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates although it has little impact on votes for dynastic candidates Older voters are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates and voters in Luzon are more likely to vote for celebrity candidates than voters in the Visayas or Mindanao 49 91 92 While the constitution bans political dynasties no legislation has been passed to define what this means 48 Term limits have had a limited effect on such dynasties 87 In addition to strong divisions in class identity the Philippines has a diversity of regional identities driven by its archipelagic nature and varied history 72 Regional and ethnic identities are sometimes stronger than national identity 2 30 with national identity often being driven by Christians and more specifically Tagalogs 72 Contrasted with the broad Christian Filipino identity is that of the Muslims and that of often marginalized indigenous peoples 2 9 Winning a presidential election usually comes with winning the highly populous Tagalog areas of Southern Luzon Most winning candidates have done well throughout the Philippines winning pluralities in Luzon the Visayas and Mindanao However some elections have been won without the Visayas or Mindanao and in a single case the 2004 election the Presidency was won without a plurality in Luzon However the importance of national image has been increasing in presidential contests 70 156 Despite the centralization of national power politics itself is very decentralized 78 18 Political patronage relationships extend vertically through the various levels of political administration 88 20 89 26 National politicians then relied on local politicians to drive turnout within the constituency of the local politician incentivizing government funding of local projects rather than national ones to shore up support and causing national political parties to function more as an alliance of local politicians rather than centralized platforms 55 Decentralization of power to local governments and widespread poverty have reinforced the presence of clientelism within politics 59 78 18 Such an effect is particularly strong in the geographically defined House of Representative seats 10 15 The importance of name recognition in politics especially under the open ballot system and the use of single member district entrenchs local politicians 55 Politics is defined by clans and personalities rather than political parties and politicians receive support from members of their linguistic group or from a geographical area that identifies with them 73 Political cultural and geographical borders are mutually reinforcing 72 Factional rivalries have dominated local politics since the late 19th century As democracy expanded under American rule these rivalries influenced provincial and national politics 90 Local politics is thus often more personal and potentially violent than national politics 51 755 It can also grow more authoritarian even as national politics becomes more democratic 89 28 The competitiveness of different localities varies greatly from having a long entrenched dynasty to having regular electoral turnover 89 30 Furthermore a strong emphasis on family so entrenched it is enshrined in the civil code makes local familial links more important than state support 75 7 and personal links more important than ideological interests 88 18 a Particular families are associated with certain areas and a seat passing within a family is often seen as political continuity with competition provided instead by seats passing to another family 75 41 A paternalistic landlord tenant relationship typifies politician voter relationships in rural areas 88 20 Local politicians attend events such as baptisms funerals and weddings within their constituency often providing a direct financial donation 18 102 In urban areas where established patron client links are weaker patronage takes the form of machine politics being more specific and short term 88 20 21 In such situations electoral fraud and physical coercion is more common 89 28 30 Vote buying is extremely prevalent including negative vote buying where voters are taken out of their constituency on voting day or have their fingers inked without having cast a ballot 58 Over time this model of control supported through the economic benefits of state capture has become more prominent compared to the older paternalistic model 89 28 30 Catholic Church Edit See also Catholic Church in the Philippines Protests against the Reproductive Health Act of 2012 RH Bill The influence of the Church in civil society dates back to the Spanish era when the Church exercised considerable secular power 78 16 25 Despite the separation of Church and State that was established under American rule the Church retained social influence among both elites and the wider population and a desire to promote its global values within the country 78 32 34 The Church provides a unifying moral framework that transcends class lines linking the rich with the poor 76 118 86 42 87 National structures were established shortly after independence 78 50 and the Church became directly involved in elections both through its administrative hierarchy and through the actions of individual clergy 78 50 51 The politicization of the Church increased after the Second Vatican Council in great part due to the activism of Catholic youth 78 75 77 Another factor was the increasing filipinization of the Church following independence 78 85 The Church did not initially strongly oppose Marcos 78 87 and agreed with his anti communist stance However internal opposition grew over the course of the martial law era 10 220 Public political opposition from individual clergy members eventually shifted the opinion of the Church hierarchy who supported the candidacy of Corazon Aquino and the subsequent People Power Revolution 10 223 224 Due to these events the Church began to see itself as a guardian of democracy 19 45 Later the Church was one of the institutions that became opposed to the Presidency of Joseph Estrada 10 275 Religious orders such as the Society of Jesus and Opus Dei run private educational establishments for law medicine and business 78 34 The Church is active in social and economic development in ways not always in alignment with the desire of state authorities 78 75 It has organized to assist in anti corruption efforts 76 125 145 The Church maintains strong influence on the topic of family notably through its support of large family size and its opposition to birth control 10 295 296 Catholic influence led to the removal of divorce laws following independence 91 The political influence of the Church has decreased in the 21st century following sexual abuse revelations and the death of the prominent Cardinal Jaime Sin 19 45 46 A symbolic moment for Church influence was the passing of the Reproductive Health Act of 2012 by the Benigno Aquino administration This law aimed to make contraception and family planning more accessible a topic which had faced long standing Church opposition Public opinion was thought to be in favor of the law 92 The Rodrigo Duterte administration has also clashed with the Church 93 with Duterte at times directly positioning himself against the Church 23 26 19 46 While Duterte himself is not in favor of a divorce law proposals to legalize divorce gained significant support in Congress following his election 94 with one bill being passed by the House of Representatives before rejection by the Senate 95 The measure was reintroduced in the next session of Congress 96 Military Edit See also Armed Forces of the Philippines The 2003 Oakwood mutiny and 2007 Manila Peninsula siege saw prominent buildings in Makati occupied by military forces in opposition to the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo administration The Philippine military became officially involved in socioeconomic issues during the Hukbalahap Rebellion 9 81 10 179 Its involvement was expanded further by Ferdinand Marcos who actively used the military for civil work 97 While the 1935 constitution designated the president the Commander in Chief the 1973 constitution was the first to explicitly include the principle of civilian control of the military 7 8 Despite this change during martial law under Marcos military leaders took over aspects of local government and became directly involved in the economy 9 80 81 and the military itself expanded threefold 78 88 89 During this period the communist and Islamist rebellions in the Philippines led to further involvement by the military in politics 9 82 Internal opposition to Marcos developed as corruption became more apparent and following the 1986 elections an apparently failed coup by a military faction sparked what became the People Power Revolution 10 223 224 The military s perceived role in this overthrowing of President Marcos 9 82 created a precedent for direct intervention into politics 7 11 The 1987 constitution kept the 1973 text on civilian rule over the military although it added that the armed forces were the protector of the people and the state 9 83 7 8 It also separated the Philippine Constabulary from the military while shifting response for internal security from the military to the police 9 86 87 However the military has remained more involved in politics than it was before martial law playing a role in the 2001 Second EDSA Revolution which overthrew President Estrada 9 82 Failed or suspected coups took place in the late 1980s 2003 2006 9 83 84 and 2007 12 98 Civilian oversight of the military includes a dedicated deputy ombudsman for the military investigation by the Commission on Human Rights and the jurisdiction of civilian courts The 1989 Philippine coup d etat attempt led to rebellion and mutiny becoming crimes 9 80 As an institution the military is supportive of democracy with many factions often coming out in opposition to attempted coups 12 110 However weak civilian institutions continue to provide openings for military influence 9 85 93 Amnesty was granted to those involved in past coup attempts in 1992 9 86 The practice of recruiting retired military officers for some executive branch roles such as ambassadorships or within cabinet was started by Marcos and continued after the restoration of democracy 9 81 93 The separation between the police and the military was impeded by the continuing communist and Islamic rebellions 9 91 The president remains able to use the military to rule by decree 12 102 Localized instances of martial law have been declared in 2009 98 and 2017 both in Mindanao 99 100 United States Edit See also Philippines United States relations Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos American President Ronald Reagan and Imelda Marcos during a Philippine state visit to the United States Even after Philippine independence the United States remained entwined within Philippine politics and the Philippine economy 78 23 101 Influence also remains in social and civil institutions 78 24 25 In the context of the Cold War direct and indirect influence was leveraged in the early days of independence to reinforce democratic institutions 78 49 50 Early civil influence was particularly strong among veterans networks and the American military maintained support for Philippine military campaigns against the Hukbalahap 78 59 60 During the Hukbalahap rebellion the United States also supported land reforms to reduce potential attraction to communism although this pressure subsided as the rebellion ceased 81 87 When Marcos declared martial law to muted American response and with general acquiescence 10 205 the strategic value of the Philippines and its American military bases led to continued official support 10 211 While the United States eventually pressured Marcos to bring back elections 18 100 such support enabled Marcos to stay in power even as civil society and the military began to turn against him 10 224 Eventually the United States supported the development of an anti Marcos coalition 102 109 and in 1989 intervened to halt a coup against the new Aquino government 103 200 The influence of the United States decreased in the 1990s when agreements to host American military bases ended and the country increased the regional aspects of its foreign policy 10 11 Following the September 11 attacks in the United States security ties deepened once more as the Moro insurgency became linked with the global War on Terror This growing cooperation included the limited return of some US forces to Philippine soil 103 221 History EditMain article Political history of the Philippines Pre independence Edit The Spanish established Manila as the capital of the Captaincy General of the Philippines Before the onset of Spanish rule in the 16th century the Philippines was split into numerous barangays which were small entities while being part of region wide trade networks 10 26 27 The arrival of Hindu influence increased the power of Indianized datus 10 24 25 The first large state was Sulu which adopted Islam in the 15th century 10 43 44 Spanish Captain General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi established a settlement in Cebu in 1565 Maynila was conquered in 1571 and Manila subsequently became the center of Spanish administration 104 1076 Spain gradually conquered the majority of the modern Philippines although full control was never established over some Muslims areas in the south and in the Cordillera highlands 104 1076 In the 19th century Spain eventually gained control over the seas and coasts 74 95 96 Inward migration in the Cordilleras to escape Spanish control and an increase in trade saw settlements in interior areas increase in population and political complexity 105 Throughout Spanish rule the archipelago remained divided by regional identity and language 10 83 84 Rule during the Spanish era was dominated by the church especially friars 10 53 Ultimate power was held by the King and the Council of the Indies with the Philippines being part of New Spain 104 1077 although the islands functioned practically autonomously 106 25 The Philippines had their own Governor 104 1077 and a judicial body was established in 1583 106 25 Direct Spanish rule did not extend far from Manila 107 208 and locals were relied upon for administration 106 24 26 Traditional native elites along with some native officeholders and high value tax payers became part of a group known as the principalia 108 109 16 17 Over time this elite class became more culturally distinct gaining an education unavailable to most and intermarrying with Spanish officials and Chinese merchants 77 20 21 In the 19th century Philippine ports opened to world trade and shifts started occurring within Filipino society 110 111 An expanding civil service and a changing economy saw more complex social structures emerge with new upper and middle classes 109 12 14 The Latin American wars of independence and renewed immigration led to shifts in social identity with the term Filipino shifting from referring to Spaniards born in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Philippines to a term encompassing all people in the archipelago This identity shift was driven by wealthy families of mixed ancestry for which it developed into a national identity 112 113 A class of educated individuals became known as the Ilustrados This group gained prominence in Philippine administration and became increasingly involved in politics 109 26 34 The Ilustrados in Madrid circa 1890 In the 1880s some prominent Ilustrados launched the Propaganda Movement 109 35 36 For the most part this was a campaign for secular self government as a full part of Spain 10 105 107 but as proposed liberal reforms were rejected some saw the movement as the beginning of a national awakening 109 36 In 1892 the Katipunan split from the movement led by members of Manila s urban middle class 109 39 The Katipunan advocated complete Philippine independence and began the Philippine Revolution in 1896 114 The Spanish American war reached the Philippines on May 1 with the Battle of Manila Bay The Katipunan under Emilio Aguinaldo proclaimed the independence of the Philippines on June 12 1898 115 Aguinaldo proclaimed a revolutionary government and convened a congress that approved the Malolos Constitution inaugurating the First Philippine Republic 40 123 Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States in 1898 116 The Philippine American War erupted in February 1899 in a skirmish in Manila 117 Aguinaldo was captured on April 1 1901 104 1076 The Americans gave Filipinos limited self government at the local level by 1901 46 150 151 The hierarchical social structure that existed under Spanish rule was co opted by the United States with democracy introduced in a manner which did not threaten the power of the existing elites 51 752 Local elites were entrenched into the national system 46 151 The first election of the Philippine Assembly in 1907 was won by the independence supporting Nacionalista Party led by Sergio Osmena 46 151 152 The Nacionalista party would maintain electoral dominance until independence 77 42 In some rural areas opposition to American rule persisted among the poorer population 74 128 130 and the development of class consciousness based political organization led to peasant revolts in the 1930s 88 21 22 American forces extended their control over the entirety of the islands 118 securing the Sultanate of Sulu 119 and establishing control over interior mountainous areas 120 The Philippine government pursued a policy of gradually strengthening government in Mindanao supported by immigration from Christian areas 121 269 270 Despite this the traditional political structures of Sultanates and Datus continued as a parallel political structure 122 93 The 1916 Jones Law envisioned eventual Philippine independence 123 The Nacionalista dominated legislature grew more powerful seizing state bodies and using nationalism to weaken American oversight 10 139 121 271 104 1117 10 141 142 The establishment of the senate led to the Nacionalistas forming opposing camps loyal to Osmena the Unipersonalistas and Senate President Manuel L Quezon the Colectavistas 77 44 The 1934 Tydings McDuffie Act paved the way for the Commonwealth of the Philippines and mandated U S recognition of independence of the Philippine Islands after a ten year transition period 124 104 1117 United States President Franklin D Roosevelt signs the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines in the presence of then Philippine Senate President Manuel L Quezon Quezon and Osmena were elected as president and vice president respectively in 1935 125 12 In 1937 the voting franchise was expanded to include literate women 10 147 A national curriculum similarly sought to impose a single vision of a Filipino identity across the diverse ethnolinguistic groups of the islands 122 110 and Tagalog was established as a national language 126 Treatment of the Commonwealth by the United States was inconsistent sometimes it was treated as a separate country sometimes as under US jurisdiction 127 37 40 The presidential system of the Commonwealth government was based on that of the United States 46 154 However while dividing power between three branches similarly to the constitution of the United States the 1935 constitution gave the Philippine president significantly more power both politically and economically than that accorded to the president of the United States 128 16 The Japanese invasion of 1941 at the onset of World War II forced the Commonwealth government to go into exile 104 1118 and subjected the country to a puppet government 129 The KALIBAPI became the sole legal political party and Jose P Laurel was declared president of an independent Second Philippine Republic 125 14 15 130 72 In rural areas a sudden vacuum of elite power led to the formation of new local governments by the remaining populace beginning the Hukbalahap Rebellion 102 105 The Americans reconquered the Philippines in 1944 and Osmena who had succeeded Quezon upon the latter s death restored the Commonwealth government 125 15 The Nacionalistas were divided following the war with a leadership struggle leading to Manuel Roxas setting up what would later be the Liberal Party 15 Roxas defeated Osmena in the 1946 presidential election and became the last president of the Commonwealth 131 145 A left wing political movement that spawned from the Hukbalahap fight against the Japanese was suppressed by the former elite with American support leading to the continuation of the rebellion against the new government 102 105 The Americans granted independence on July 4 1946 and Roxas became the first president of the new Republic of the Philippines 131 145 Independence Edit President Manuel Roxas inauguration as the first president of an independent Philippines The impact of the war led to a weaker civil service and a reduction in the dominance of Manila with provincial politicians gaining political power and in some cases de facto autonomy Many leveraged their provincial power to engage in national politics 75 19 20 Universal suffrage saw an expansion of voter participation although power remained concentrated in the hands of a small elite 128 14 15 A diversifying post war economy largely brought an end to the land based cacique democracy patronage system Political offices became lucrative by themselves and patronage became more reliant on access to government funds 132 69 These changes did not shift the overall shape of Filipino politics which remained a two party system dominated by a narrow elite 128 15 There was little policy difference between the parties 78 17 Roxas suffered a fatal heart attack in 1948 allowing Vice President Elpidio Quirino to rule the country for the next six years 125 16 Quirino sought to significantly expand executive power 128 18 Quirino s Liberal government was widely seen as corrupt and was easily beaten by his former Defense secretary Ramon Magsaysay in 1953 Magsaysay who oversaw the surrender of the long running Hukbalahap Rebellion was massively popular 133 134 Magsaysay implemented a plan to settle surrendered Hukbalahap rebels in Mindanao 122 111 cementing a demographic shift in Mindanao from a Muslim to a Christian majority 103 177 180 Before the 1957 election Magsaysay was killed in a plane crash 135 His vice president Carlos P Garcia succeeded him and won the election 136 He continued Magsaysay s Filipino First policy 70 69 and implemented an austerity program 137 Garcia was defeated by his vice president Diosdado Macapagal of the Liberal Party in 1961 Macapagal initiated a return to a system of free enterprise and sought land reform and electrification 104 808 Macapagal was defeated in 1965 by Senator Ferdinand Marcos 138 President Ferdinand Marcos declares martial law The growing and diversifying economy of the 1960s led to a growth in private business power 78 78 and an expansion in mass media 78 80 Marcos was the first president to be re elected in 1969 although the election was tainted by violence and allegations of fraud and vote buying 78 87 Civil unrest heightened after the election 78 87 Communist rebellion strengthened during Marcos rule 10 219 220 and a Moro insurgency emerged in Mindanao 10 216 Marcos declared martial law in 1972 78 87 Attempts to end the war in Mindanao led Marcos to recognize Islamic holidays introduce a code of Muslim personal laws and formally recognize a number of sultans in Mindanao and Sulu 103 190 197 Marcos framed his government as fighting against the rich landed elite that traditionally dominated politics He relied on the growing technocratic civil service who were receptive to such arguments to effectively run the country under martial law 132 69 71 Marcos also relied on the military which gained increased power and resources during the martial law period 128 46 47 A constitutional convention finalized a new constitution in November 1972 139 which introduced a semi presidential system 15 Marcos continued to rule by decree without elections until 1978 when the Interim Batasang Pambansa IBP legislature was elected 15 Marcos had complete control over the bureaucracy local governments military the press and COMELEC The 1978 parliamentary and the 1980 local elections were dominated by Marcos Kilusang Bagong Lipunan party 15 78 88 The unicameral IBP had little real power 40 125 The Supreme Court affirmed the expansive executive powers claimed under martial law 7 10 11 Marcos laid out a vision of a new society which would represent an end to old oligarchies 70 70 Some political dynasties who were not Marcos allies were stripped of assets and power 75 41 in many cases replaced in local politics by Marcos allies 75 437 Marcos ended martial law in 1981 shortly before a visit to the Philippines by Pope John Paul II although he retained immense executive powers 7 12 13 Opposition groups still boycotted the 1981 presidential election 140 141 which Marcos easily won 142 1151 Opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr was slain upon his return to the Philippines in 1983 12 97 By this time the government was marred by a weak economy rampant corruption and a loss of political support 142 1153 1154 A united opposition participated in the 1984 parliamentary election making gains 102 108 A snap election saw the opposition nominate Benigno s widow Corazon as their candidate 7 11 70 70 Marcos was declared the winner of the 1986 election but the opposition refused to accept the result alleging that the election was rigged The People Power Revolution drove Marcos from power and Aquino became president 12 98 Corazon Aquino was inaugurated president on February 25 1986 it was one of two presidential inaugurations that day The 1987 constitution restored democracy along the lines of the 1935 constitution 15 The new constitution introduced some elements of direct democracy 7 6 The 1988 local elections saw the traditional elite recapturing local political office 102 112 143 Aquino s government was mired by coup attempts 72 and saw continued rebellions by communists and Islamic separatists 102 109 In 1991 a new Local Government Code shifted some power and resources to lower levels of government 102 115 Aquino did not wish to run for election again 144 and leading up to the 1992 presidential election she supported Fidel V Ramos who had left her party to form his own 145 146 Ramos won albeit under controversial circumstances and allegations of electoral fraud 147 148 149 The 1992 elections were the first to be synchronized with presidential legislative and local elections held simultaneously 46 167 169 With the 1997 Asian financial crisis damaging the image of economy liberalism and with no clear successor to Ramos 85 252 253 Ramos s vice president Joseph Estrada won the 1998 election with a comfortable margin on a populist campaign appealing directly to poorer voters 86 95 97 The Estrada administration was embroiled in charges of cronyism and corruption leading to his impeachment by the House of Representatives 10 274 276 In the impeachment trial Estrada s allies in the Senate successfully prevented evidence to be presented triggering massive protests 150 151 The military withdrew their support from Estrada and transferred their allegiance to Vice President Arroyo the Supreme Court later ruled the presidency as vacant and Estrada left Malacanang Palace 152 153 Presidents Joseph Estrada Gloria Macapagal Arroyo Rodrigo Duterte Fidel V Ramos and Benigno Aquino III Arroyo was sworn in as president on January 20 2001 Estrada s supporters launched their own mass movement which was ultimately unsuccessful 86 101 103 154 Arroyo s People Power Coalition won a majority of seats in the 2001 elections and therefore consolidated power In 2003 a failed coup attempt took place in the central business district 155 As she had served less than four years as president Arroyo was eligible for re election 37 7 She won the 2004 election with a slim plurality It was later exposed that Arroyo rigged the election 156 This second term saw another coup attempt 157 158 By the end of her presidency Arroyo was the most unpopular president since the 1986 People Power Revolution 159 Before the 2010 election former president Aquino died and her son Benigno Aquino III won the election 160 161 His administration was politically stable seen as relatively clean and had the highest ratings since Marcos 19 42 43 While his popularity dipped towards the end of his administration it was linked to perceptions about the failure of change within the wider political system rather than to Aquino himself 19 45 In the 2016 presidential election Aquino s handpicked successor was decisively defeated by Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte 162 Duterte ran on a populist platform winning votes from various socioeconomic classes with particularly strong appeal to the middle classes 23 18 Duterte implemented a War on Drugs that led to thousands of deaths 163 Duterte then prioritized infrastructure spending 164 165 166 and sought to end the communist insurgency 167 168 The administration made peace with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front replacing the ARMM with the more powerful Bangsamoro region 169 The Duterte government has largely continued Aquino s economic policies including those focused on the poor Its political policies have shown a shift towards illiberal democracy with the politicization of legal institutions and less regard for checks and balances 23 26 28 In May 2022 Ferdinand Marcos Jr known by his nickname Bongbong son of former president Ferdinand Marcos received nearly 59 percent of the vote and won the presidential election by landslide His vice presidential candidate was Sara Duterte daughter of then president Rodrigo Duterte 170 On 30 June 2022 Marcos was sworn in as the Philippine president and Sara Duterte was sworn in as vice president 171 See also EditSovereignty of the PhilippinesNotes Edit Families in Filipino culture refer not just to the nuclear family but to a wide network of both blood and marriage ties 75 9 10 References Edit a b c d e f g h i Rose Ackerman Susan Desierto Diane A Volosin Natalia 2011 Hyper Presidentialism Separation of Powers without Checks and Balances in Argentina and Philippines Berkeley Journal of International Law 29 246 333 doi 10 15779 Z38XW8H Retrieved November 20 2020 a b c d e Banlaoi Rommel October 13 2009 Philippine Security in the Age of Terror National Regional and Global Challenges in the Post 9 11 World CRC Press ISBN 978 1 4398 1551 9 Retrieved December 7 2020 a b Teehankee Julio C Thompson Mark R October 2016 The Vote in the Philippines Electing A Strongman Journal of Democracy 27 4 124 134 doi 10 1353 jod 2016 0068 Retrieved November 19 2020 a b c Powers and Duties President Vice President of the Philippines Rappler April 27 2021 Retrieved May 2 2021 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Lazo Ricardo S 2009 Philippine Governance and the 1987 Constitution 2006 ed Rex Bookstore Inc ISBN 978 971 23 4546 3 Gavilan Jodesz June 3 2016 Spare tire or not The role of the Philippine vice president Rappler Retrieved August 23 2020 a b c d e f g h Bernas Joaquin G 2003 A Living Constitution The Abbreviated Estrada Presidency Ateneo University Press ISBN 978 971 550 433 1 Hernandez Carolina G 1985 The Philippine military and civilian control Under Marcos and beyond Third World Quarterly 7 4 910 912 doi 10 1080 01436598508419874 Retrieved December 3 2020 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Hernandez Carolina G 2007 The Military in Philippine Politics Retrospect and Prospects In Severino Rodolfo C Salazar Lorraine Carlos eds Whither the Philippines in the 21st Century Institute of Southeast Asian Studies ISBN 978 981 230 499 5 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af Abinales P N Amoroso Donna J 2005 State and Society in the Philippines Rowman amp Littlefield ISBN 978 0 7425 1024 1 Cepeda Mara July 22 2017 Congress extends martial law to December 31 Rappler Retrieved December 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of ASEAN Chief Justices Retrieved December 10 2020 Davide Hilario G Jr Vinson Sara 2011 Green Courts Initiative in the Philippines PDF Journal of Court Innovation 3 1 124 Courts for Muslims A Primer on the Philippine Shari a Courts PDF Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication pp 4 5 Retrieved December 16 2020 Lim Gerard January 11 2016 FAST FACTS The Office of the Solicitor General and its roles Rappler Retrieved May 2 2021 a b Gamboa Melquiades J 1974 The Meeting of the Roman Law and the Common Law in the Philippines PDF Philippine Law Journal 49 Mastura Michael O 1994 Legal Pluralism in the Philippines Law amp Society Review 28 3 461 475 doi 10 2307 3054065 JSTOR 3054065 a b c Teehankee Julio 2006 Consolidation or Crisis of Clientelistic Democracy The 2004 Synchronized Elections in the Philippines In Platje Wies Croissant Aurel Martin Beate Dejong Ben eds Between Consolidation and Crisis Elections and Democracy in Five Nations in Southeast Asia LIT Verlag Munster ISBN 978 3 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Constitution 1987 The term of office of elective local officials except barangay officials which shall be determined by law at noon on the thirtieth day of June next following their election Article X 8 a b Querubin Pablo October 2011 Political Reform and Elite Persistence Term Limits and Political Dynasties in the Philippines PDF Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies p 3 Retrieved December 24 2020 a b c d David Clarissa C San Pascual Ma Rosel S December 21 2016 Predicting vote choice for celebrity and political dynasty candidates in Philippine national elections Philippine Political Science Journal 37 2 82 93 doi 10 1080 01154451 2016 1198076 S2CID 156251503 Choi Jungug May 2001 Philippine Democracies Old and New PDF Asian Survey University of California Press 41 3 488 501 doi 10 1525 as 2001 41 3 488 ISSN 0004 4687 Retrieved August 23 2020 a b c d e Manacsa Rodelio Cruz Tan Alexander C November 1 2005 Manufacturing Parties Re examining the Transient Nature of Philippine 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Goldsmith Ben Ruthrauf Holly Case Study Report on the Philippines 2010 Elections PDF National Democratic Institute pp 276 277 Retrieved August 24 2020 Meisburger Tim May 5 2020 Will Automated Elections in the Philippines Increase Public Confidence The Asia Foundation Retrieved August 24 2020 Reyes Vincente August 28 2013 The Impact of Automation on Elections Case Study of the May 2010 Philippine Presidential Contests Journal of Developing Societies 29 3 262 doi 10 1177 0169796X13494276 S2CID 154904425 Retrieved November 19 2020 Nohlen Dieter Grotz Florian Hartmann Christof November 15 2001 Elections in Asia and the Pacific A Data Handbook Volume I Middle East Central Asia and South Asia Oxford University Press p 14 ISBN 978 0 19 153041 8 a b Brillantes Alex B Jr April 1998 Decentralized Democratic Governance Under the Local Government Code A Governmental Perspective PDF Philippine Journal of Public Administration 42 1 2 Retrieved December 4 2020 a b c Turner Mark July 27 2016 Philippines From Centralism to Localism Central Local Relations in Asia Pacific Convergence or Divergence Springer ISBN 978 1 349 27711 7 a b Tusalem Rollin F April 9 2019 Imperial Manila How institutions and political geography disadvantage Philippine provinces Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5 3 3 8 9 11 12 doi 10 1177 2057891119841441 S2CID 159099808 Retrieved December 4 2020 Camfili Matyline A Gapasin Mursha D Banes Gigy G Licyayo Christian M Batani Ruth S 2016 Awareness and Support of Benguet Constituents on Cordillera Regional Autonomy Benguet State University Research Journal 75 70 The Regional Development Council PDF National Economic and Development Authority Retrieved December 4 2020 Teng Calleja Mendiola Hechanova Ma Regina M Alampay Ramon Benedicto A Canoy Nico A Franco Edna P Alampay Erwin A 2017 Transformation in Philippine local government Local Government Studies 43 1 4 doi 10 1080 03003930 2016 1235561 S2CID 157880958 Retrieved December 4 2020 a b c d e f White III Lynn T December 17 2014 Philippine Politics Possibilities and Problems in a Localist Democracy Routledge ISBN 978 1 317 57422 4 a b Hermida Ranilo Balaguer November 19 2014 Imagining Modern Democracy A Habermasian Assessment of the Philippine Experiment State University of New York Press ISBN 978 1 4384 5388 0 a b c d e f g Bankoff Greg Weekley Kathleen November 22 2017 Post Colonial National Identity in the Philippines Celebrating the Centennial of Independence Routledge ISBN 978 1 351 74209 2 a b Holmes Ronald D December 1 2016 The Dark Side of Electoralism Opinion Polls and Voting in the 2016 Philippine Presidential Election Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35 3 15 38 doi 10 1177 186810341603500302 a b c Abinales Patricio N Amoroso Donna J July 6 2017 State and Society in the Philippines Second ed Rowman amp Littlefield ISBN 978 1 5381 0395 1 a b c d e f g h McCoy Alfred W 2009 An Anarchy of Families State and Family in the Philippines University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0 299 22984 9 a b c d Rodan Garry Hughes Caroline 2014 The Politics of Accountability in Southeast Asia The Dominance of Moral Ideologies Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 870353 2 a b c d Simbulan Dante C 2005 The Modern Principalia The Historical Evolution of the Philippine Ruling Oligarchy University of the Philippines Press ISBN 978 971 542 496 7 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x Hedman Eva Lotta November 30 2005 In the Name of Civil Society From Free Election Movements to People Power in the Philippines University of Hawaii Press ISBN 978 0 8248 2921 6 Overholt William H May 1976 Land Reform in the Philippines Asian Survey 16 5 428 433 436 445 448 doi 10 2307 2643192 JSTOR 2643192 Umali Justin October 28 2019 Of Rice and Bullets The Story of Land Reform in the Philippines Retrieved May 22 2021 a b Jong sung You January 22 2015 The genesis of inequality land reforms and path dependence Democracy Inequality and Corruption Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 1 107 07840 6 Thompson Mark R Batalla Eric Vincent C February 19 2018 Introduction Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines Routledge ISBN 978 1 317 48526 1 Kimura Masataka June 2003 The Emergence of the Middle Classes and Political Change in the Philippines PDF The Developing Economies XLI 2 264 284 doi 10 1111 j 1746 1049 2003 tb00941 x hdl 10 1111 j 1746 1049 2003 tb00941 x Thompson Mark R Batalla Eric Vincent C eds February 19 2018 Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines Routledge pp 262 367 ISBN 978 1 317 48526 1 a b Magno Alexander R 2001 PHILIPPINES Trauma of a Failed Presidency Southeast Asian Affairs 2001 251 262 doi 10 1355 SEAA01P JSTOR 27912279 a b c d e Wataru Kusaka 2017 Moral Politics in the Philippines Inequality Democracy and the Urban Poor National University of Singapore Press ISBN 978 981 4722 38 4 Kasuya Yuko Much Ado about Nothing Clan Politics and Term Limit in the Philippines PDF Correct Movement p 26 Retrieved December 24 2020 a b c d e Kimura Masataka February 19 2018 Clientelism revisited In Thompson Mark R Batalla Eric Vincent C eds Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines Routledge ISBN 978 1 317 48526 1 a b c d e Sidel John T February 19 2018 Patrons Bosses Dynasties and Reformers in Local Politics In Thompson Mark R Batalla Eric Vincent C eds Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines Routledge ISBN 978 1 317 48526 1 McCoy Alfred W 1989 Quezon s Commonwealth The Emergence of Philippine Authoritarianism In Paredes Ruby R ed Philippine Colonial Democracy Ateneo de Manila University Press p 121 ISBN 978 971 11 3072 5 Reyes Deogracias T June 1953 History of Divorce Legislation in the Philippines since 1900 Philippine Studies Ateneo de Manila University 1 1 50 52 JSTOR 42718998 Power of the Catholic Church slipping in Philippines The Christian Science Monitor March 6 2013 Archived from the original on March 7 2013 Retrieved May 13 2021 Maresca Thomas April 29 2017 Catholic Church dissents on Duterte s drug war USA Today pp 4B Archived from the original on April 25 2017 Retrieved May 13 2017 Patag Kristine Joy March 20 2018 Legalizing divorce in the Philippines What you need to know PhilStar Retrieved May 13 2021 Dimatulac Crissy Jalea Glee February 5 2020 House panel OKs bills legalizing divorce CNN Philippines Retrieved May 13 2021 Punay Edu February 9 2020 Proposed divorce law won t be easy way out of marriage PhilStar Retrieved May 13 2021 Selochan Viberto March 2004 The Military and the Fragile Democracy of the Philippines PDF In May Ron Selochan Viberto eds The Military and Democracy in Asia and the Pacific ANU Press p 59 ISBN 9781920942007 Arroyo proclaims martial law in Maguindanao ABS CBN News December 4 2009 Retrieved May 30 2021 Morales Yvette May 24 2017 Duterte declares martial law in Mindanao CNN Philippines Archived from the original on May 24 2017 Retrieved May 30 2021 Gavilan Jodesz August 15 2017 Martial Law 101 Things you should know Rappler Retrieved December 22 2020 Tan Samuel K April 16 2015 Politico Diplomatic History of the Philippines National Commission for Culture and the Arts Archived from the original on August 18 2018 a b c d e f g Franco Jennifer C 2004 The Philippines Fractious Civil Society and Competing Visions of Democracy In Alagappa Muthiah ed Civil Society and Political Change in Asia Expanding and Contracting Democratic Space Stanford University Press ISBN 978 0 8047 5097 4 a b c d Gross Max L 2007 Islam in the Philippines A Muslim Archipelago Islam and Politics in Southeast Asia United States Department of Defense ISBN 978 1 932946 19 2 a b c d e f g h i Ooi Keat Gin 2004 Southeast Asia A Historical Encyclopedia from Angkor Wat to East Timor ABC CLIO ISBN 978 1 57607 770 2 Acabado Stephen April 8 2016 The Archaeology of Pericolonialism Responses of the Unconquered to Spanish Conquest and Colonialism in Ifugao Philippines International Journal of Historical Archaeology 21 10 22 doi 10 1007 s10761 016 0342 9 S2CID 147472482 a b c Newson Linda A April 16 2009 Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines University of Hawaii Press ISBN 978 0 8248 6197 1 Yeo Andrew 2020 Philippine National Independence 1898 1904 In Haggard Stephan Kang David C eds East Asia in the World Twelve Events That Shaped the Modern International Order Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 1 108 47987 5 Anastacio Leia Castaneda August 22 2016 The Foundations of the Modern Philippine State Imperial Rule and the American Constitutional Tradition in the Philippine Islands 1898 1935 Cambridge University Press p 51 ISBN 978 1 107 02467 0 a b c d e f Cullinane Michael 2003 Ilustrado Politics Filipino Elite Responses to American Rule 1898 1908 Ateneo University Press ISBN 978 971 550 439 3 Hall Daniel George Edward 1981 History of South East Asia Macmillan International Higher Education p 757 ISBN 978 1 349 16521 6 Retrieved July 30 2020 Bacareza Hermogenes E 2003 The German Connection A Modern History Hermogenes E Bacareza p 10 ISBN 978 971 93095 4 3 Retrieved July 30 2020 Hedman Eva Lotta Sidel John 2005 Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century Colonial Legacies Post Colonial Trajectories Routledge p 71 ISBN 978 1 134 75421 2 Retrieved July 30 2020 Steinberg David Joel 2018 Chapter 3 A SINGULAR AND A PLURAL FOLK THE PHILIPPINES A Singular and a Plural Place Routledge p 47 doi 10 4324 9780429494383 ISBN 978 0 8133 3755 5 The cultural identity of the mestizos was challenged as they became increasingly aware that they were true members of neither the indio nor the Chinese community Increasingly powerful but adrift they linked with the Spanish mestizos who were also being challenged because after the Latin American revolutions broke the Spanish Empire many of the settlers from the New World Caucasian Creoles born in Mexico or Peru became suspect in the eyes of the Iberian Spanish The Spanish Empire had lost its universality Halili Maria Christine N 2004 Philippine History Rex Bookstore pp 137 145 ISBN 978 971 23 3934 9 The Malolos Congress The National Historical Institute 1999 pp 13 15 ISBN 978 971 538 122 2 America s War for Humanity Related in Story and Picture Embracing a Complete History of Cuba s Struggle for Liberty and the Glorious Heroism of America s Soldiers and Sailors N D Thompson Publishing Company 1898 pp 593 595 Retrieved April 16 2021 The American Contribution to Philippine Education 1898 1998 United States Information Service 1998 Duka Cecilio D 2008 Struggle for Freedom Rex Bookstore Inc pp 200 202 ISBN 978 971 23 5045 0 Kho Madge The Bates Treaty PhilippineUpdate com Retrieved December 2 2007 Aguilar Carino Ma Luisa 1994 The Igorot as Other Four Discourses from the Colonial Period Philippine Studies 42 2 194 209 JSTOR 42633435 via JSTOR a b Fry Howard T 1978 The Bacon Bill of 1926 New Light on an Exercise in Divide and Rule Philippine Studies 26 3 a b c Milligan Jeffrey Ayala 2020 Islamic Identity Postcoloniality and Educational Policy Schooling and Ethno Religious Conflict in the Southern Philippines Springer Nature ISBN 978 981 15 1228 5 Ybiernas Vicente Angel 2015 Contested National Development Executive Legislative Relations in American Colonial Philippines and the Cabinet Crisis of 1923 PDF Asian Studies 51 2 103 Retrieved December 3 2020 Pub L 73 127 48 Stat 456 enacted March 24 1934 a b c d Chamberlain Sharon W March 5 2019 A Reckoning Philippine Trials of Japanese War Criminals University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0 299 31860 4 Thompson Roger M January 1 2003 Filipino English and Taglish Language Switching from Multiple Perspectives John Benjamins Publishing pp 28 29 ISBN 978 90 272 4891 6 Buhler Konrad G February 8 2001 State Succession and Membership in International Organizations Legal Theories Versus Political Pragmatism Martinus Nijhoff Publishers ISBN 978 90 411 1553 9 a b c d e Hedman Eva Lotta E Sidel John Thayer 2000 Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century Colonial Legacies Post colonial Trajectories 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Center of Military History pp 64 133 Retrieved April 16 2021 Magsaysay Philippine President Dies in Crash of Private Plane Israel Blames U N for Gaza Crisis The Harvard Crimson Associated Press March 18 1957 Archived from the original on April 22 2018 Retrieved April 16 2021 Republic of the Philippines Background Office of Armed Forces Information amp Education 1961 p 7 Retrieved May 12 2021 Antonio Eleanor D Dallo Evangeline M Imperial Consuelo M Samson Maria Carmelita B Soriano Celia D 2005 Kayamanan I Kasaysayan ng Pilipinas in Filipino Rex Book Store p 297 ISBN 978 971 23 4040 6 Chronology of Events Leading to Marcos Resignation AP News February 26 1986 Archived from the original on May 12 2021 Retrieved May 12 2021 Philippine Congress History House of Representatives Retrieved April 7 2021 United States Information Agency 1984 Communism in the Philippines Problems of Communism Problems of Communism U S Information Agency Documentary Studies Section International Information Administration p 45 ISSN 0032 941X Retrieved April 14 2022 Franco Jennifer March 24 2020 Elections and Democratization in the Philippines Routledge ISBN 978 1 136 54191 9 Retrieved May 12 2021 a b Overholt William H November 1986 The Rise and Fall of Ferdinand Marcos Asian Survey 26 11 1137 1163 doi 10 2307 2644313 JSTOR 2644313 Ilano Alberto 1989 THE PHILIPPINES IN 1988 On a Hard Road to Recovery Southeast Asian Affairs 251 252 JSTOR 27911979 Avila John Laurence 2019 A gathering crisis in the Philippines Southeast Asian Affairs 1990 Routledge p 268 ISBN 978 1 000 24046 7 Branigin William January 26 1992 Aquino Endorses Ex aide Washington Post Retrieved April 10 2021 Putzel James March 1 1995 Democratization and Clan Politics The 1992 Philippine Elections South East Asia Research 3 1 24 26 doi 10 1177 0967828X9500300103 Singh Daljit Kiat Liak Teng 2005 Southeast Asian Affairs 2005 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies p 293 ISBN 978 981 230 306 6 Retrieved April 10 2021 Ramos Is Declared New President 6 Weeks After Philippine Election The New York Times June 23 1992 Retrieved April 10 2021 Guerrero Aileen May 22 1992 Cheating Apparently A Way Of Life In Philippine Politics With PM Philippines Election AP News Retrieved April 10 2021 Chandrasekaran Rajiv January 17 2001 Estrada Impeachment Trial Thrown Into Chaos Washington Post Retrieved April 16 2021 Bociurkiw Michael 2001 Revolution by Cell Phone Forbes Archived from the original on September 18 2001 Retrieved April 16 2021 When hundreds of thousands of protesters massed in central Manila in January to oust disgraced Philippine President Joseph Estrada they were lured out of their homes and offices not by megaphones or gunfire but by millions of instant messages broadcast to their cellular telephones Estrada leaves presidential palace News24 January 20 2001 Retrieved April 11 2021 Philippines President to Resign ABC News Retrieved April 11 2021 Rebellion quashed in the Philippines CNN May 1 2001 Archived from the original on January 7 2018 Retrieved April 16 2021 Banlaoi Rommel October 13 2009 Philippine Security in the Age of Terror National Regional and Global Challenges in the Post 9 11 World CRC Press p 104 ISBN 978 1 4398 1551 9 Retrieved January 31 2021 SarDesai D R October 3 2018 Southeast Asia Student Economy Edition Past and Present Routledge ISBN 978 0 429 97268 3 Retrieved January 31 2021 Dayley Robert 2019 Southeast Asia in the New International Era Routledge ISBN 978 0 429 76888 0 Retrieved April 16 2021 Grote Beverborg Tobias November 29 2007 Failed Putsch Attempt in the Philippines DW News Retrieved April 16 2021 Manila s Arroyo most unpopular leader since 86 poll Reuters July 18 2008 Retrieved January 31 2021 Gomez Jim May 11 2010 Aquino opens up lead in Philippine vote NBC News Archived from the original on January 30 2021 Retrieved January 30 2021 Philippine elections get under way Al Jazeera Al Jazeera Media Network May 10 2010 Archived from the original on January 30 2021 Retrieved January 30 2021 Official count Duterte is new president Robredo is vice president CNN Philippines May 28 2016 Archived from the original on May 28 2016 Retrieved January 30 2021 Romero Alexis December 26 2017 Duterte gov t probing over 16 000 drug war linked deaths as homicide not EJK The Philippine Star Archived from the original on January 3 2018 Retrieved January 30 2021 Lema Karen August 23 2016 Beyond war on drugs Philippines Duterte seen setting up economic boom Reuters Archived from the original on August 22 2016 Retrieved April 19 2021 de Vera Ben O Yee Jovic Camus Miguel R April 19 2017 Dutertenomics Golden age of infrastructure Philippine Daily Inquirer Archived from the original on April 22 2017 Retrieved April 19 2021 Malindog Uy Anna September 13 2020 Build Build Build Program Amid a Pandemic The ASEAN Post Archived from the original on January 26 2021 Retrieved April 19 2021 Studies IISS The International Institute for Strategic May 25 2020 Table 1 Armed Conflict Survey 2020 Routledge ISBN 978 1 000 19224 7 Retrieved April 10 2021 Schreer Benjamin Tan Andrew T H April 1 2019 Terrorism and Insurgency in Asia A contemporary examination of terrorist and separatist movements Routledge ISBN 978 0 429 63224 2 Retrieved April 19 2021 Punzalan Jamaine January 21 2021 Duterte on Bangsamoro anniversary Give full support to the BARMM ABS CBN News Archived from the original on January 26 2021 Retrieved January 30 2021 The Bangsamoro or nation of Moros is the culmination of a tumultuous peace process separatist Moro Islamic Liberation Front MILF and successive governments aimed at ending conflict that has killed at least 120 000 people since the 1970s Ferdinand Marcos Jr wins landslide election victory in the Philippines France 24 May 9 2022 Ferdinand Marcos Jr sworn in as Philippines president replacing Duterte BBC News June 30 2022 The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines Official Gazette of the Government of the Philippines 1987 Further reading EditHutchcroft Paul D 1998 Booty Capitalism The Politics of Banking in the Philippines Cornell University Press ISBN 978 1 5017 3863 0 Kalaw Maximo M 1927 The development of Philippine politics 1882 1920 Oriental commercial Mendoza Ronald Beja Edsel Jr Venida Victor Yap David July 17 2013 Political dynasties and poverty Resolving the chicken or the egg question Munich Personal RePEc Archive Munich University Library Munoz Mauro R 2002 Philippine Governance and Constitution Goodwill Trading Co Inc ISBN 978 971 574 062 3 Weissenbach Kristina 2010 Political Parties and Party Types Conceptual Approaches to the Institutionalization of Political Parties in Transitional States The Case of the Philippines Konrad Adenauer Stiftung e V Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Politics of the Philippines amp oldid 1143677491, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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