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Matrilineality

May 14, 2023

Matrilineality is the tracing of kinship through the female line. It may also correlate with a social system in which each person is identified with their matriline – their mother's lineage – and which can involve the inheritance of property and/or titles. A matriline is a line of descent from a female ancestor to a descendant (of either sex) in which the individuals in all intervening generations are mothers – in other words, a "mother line". In a matrilineal descent system, an individual is considered to belong to the same descent group as their mother. This ancient matrilineal descent pattern is in contrast to the currently more popular pattern of patrilineal descent from which a family name is usually derived. The matriline of historical nobility was also called their enatic or uterine ancestry, corresponding to the patrilineal or "agnatic" ancestry.

Early human kinship

In the late 19th century, almost all prehistorians and anthropologists believed, following Lewis H. Morgan's influential book Ancient Society, that early human kinship everywhere was matrilineal.[1] This idea was taken up by Friedrich Engels in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. The Morgan-Engels thesis that humanity's earliest domestic institution was not the family but the matrilineal clan soon became incorporated into communist orthodoxy. In reaction, most 20th century social anthropologists considered the theory of matrilineal priority untenable,[2][3] although during the 1970s and 1980s, a range of feminist scholars often attempted to revive it.[4]

In recent years, evolutionary biologists, geneticists and palaeoanthropologists have been reassessing the issues, many citing genetic and other evidence that early human kinship may have been matrilineal after all.[5][6][7][8] One crucial piece of indirect evidence has been genetic data suggesting that over thousands of years, women among sub-Saharan African hunter-gatherers have chosen to reside postmaritally not with their husbands' family but with their own mother and other natal kin.[9] Another line of argument is that when sisters and their mothers help each other with childcare, the descent line tends to be matrilineal rather than patrilineal.[10] Biological anthropologists are now widely agreed that cooperative childcare was a development crucial in making possible the evolution of the unusually large human brain and characteristically human psychology.[11] Although others refute the claims of supporters of the universality of matrilocality or patrilocality, pointing out that hunter-gatherer societies have a flexible philopatry or practice multilocality, which in turn leads to a more egalitarian society, since both men and women have the right to choose with whom to live.[12][13] According to some data pastoralists and farmers strongly gravitate towards patrilocality, so patrilocality is a common phenomenon among non-Pygmies.[14] But among some hunter-gatherers, patrilocality is less common than among farmers. So for example, among the pygmies of aka, which includes biaka and benzene, a young couple usually settles in her husband's camp after the birth of their first child.[15] However, the husband can stay in the wife's community, where one of his brothers or sisters can join him. This can happen in societies where the bride's service is practiced. Or in any other societies. According to the data above, some scientists also say that kinship and residence in hunter-gatherer societies are complex and multifaceted. For example, when re-checking past data (which were not very reliable), the researchers note that about 40% of the groups were bilocal, 22.9% were matrilocal and 25% were patrilocal.[16] A number of scientists also advocate multilocality, refuting the concepts of exceptional matrilocality (matrilineality) or patrilocality (patrilineality).[12][17]

Matrilineal surname

Main article: Matriname
Further information: Extinction of surnames

Matrilineal surnames are names transmitted from mother to daughter, in contrast to the more familiar patrilineal surnames transmitted from father to son, the pattern most common among family names today. For clarity and for brevity, the scientific terms patrilineal surname and matrilineal surname are usually abbreviated as patriname and matriname.[18]

Cultural patterns

There appears to be some evidence for the presence of matrilineality in Pre-Islamic Arabia, in a very limited number of the Arabian peoples (first of all among the Amorites of Yemen, and among some strata of Nabateans in Northern Arabia);[19] on the other hand, there seems to be some reliable evidence for the presence of matrilineality in Islamic Arabia, the descendants of prophet Muhammad 12 imams are said to be from the lineage of his daughter Fatima termed as "sons of Fatima".

A modern example from South Africa is the order of succession to the position of the Rain Queen in a culture of matrilineal primogeniture: not only is dynastic descent reckoned through the female line, but only females are eligible to inherit.[20]

In some traditional societies and cultures, membership in their groups was – and, in the following list, still is if shown in italics – inherited matrilineally. Examples include the Cherokee, Choctaw, Gitksan, Haida, Hopi, Iroquois, Lenape, Navajo and Tlingit of North America; the Cabécar and Bribri of Costa Rica; the Naso and Kuna people of Panama; the Kogi, Wayuu and Carib of South America; the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra, Indonesia and Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia; the Trobrianders, Dobu and Nagovisi of Melanesia; the Nairs, some Thiyyas & Muslims of Kerala and the Mogaveeras, Billavas & the Bunts of Karnataka in south India; the Khasi, Jaintia and Garo of Meghalaya in northeast India and Bangladesh; the Ngalops and Sharchops of Bhutan; the Mosuo of China; the Kayah of Southeast Asia, the Picti of Scotland, the Basques of Spain and France; the Ainu of Japan, the Akan including the Ashanti, Bono, Akwamu, Fante of Ghana; most groups across the so-called "matrilineal belt" of south-central Africa; the Nubians of Southern Egypt & Sudan and the Tuareg of west and north Africa; the Serer of Senegal, The Gambia and Mauritania.

Clan names vs. surnames

Most of the example cultures in this article are based on (matrilineal) clans. Any clan might possibly contain from one to several or many descent groups or family groups – i.e., any matrilineal clan might be descended from one or several or many unrelated female ancestors. Also, each such descent group might have its own family name or surname, as one possible cultural pattern. The following two example cultures each follow a different pattern, however:

Example 1. Members of the (matrilineal) clan culture Minangkabau do not even have a surname or family name, see this culture's own section below. In contrast, members do have a clan name, which is important in their lives although not included in the member's name. Instead, one's name is just one's given name.

Example 2. Members of the (matrilineal) clan culture Akan, see its own section below, also do not have matrilineal surnames and likewise their important clan name is not included in their name. However, members' names do commonly include second names which are called surnames but which are not routinely passed down from either father or mother to all their children as a family name.[21]

Note well that if a culture did include one's clan name in one's name and routinely handed it down to all children in the descent group then it would automatically be the family name or surname for one's descent group (as well as for all other descent groups in one's clan).

Care of children

While a mother normally takes care of her own children in all cultures, in some matrilineal cultures an "uncle-father" will take care of his nieces and nephews instead: in other words social fathers here are uncles. There is not a necessary connection between the role of father and genitor. In many such matrilineal cultures, especially where residence is also matrilocal, a man will exercise guardianship rights not over the children he fathers but over his sisters' children, who are viewed as 'his own flesh'. These children's biological father – unlike an uncle who is their mother's brother and thus their caregiver – is in some sense a 'stranger' to them, even when affectionate and emotionally close.[22]

According to Steven Pinker, attributing to Kristen Hawkes, among foraging groups matrilocal societies are less likely to commit female infanticide than are patrilocal societies.[23]

Matrilineality in specific ethnic groups

In Europe

Ancient Greece

While men held positions of religious and political power, the Spartan constitution mandated that inheritance and proprietorship pass from mother to daughter.[24]

Ancient Scotland

In Pictish society, succession in leadership (later kingship) was matrilineal (through the mother's side), with the reigning chief succeeded by either his brother or perhaps a nephew but not through patrilineal succession of father to son.[25]

In the Americas

Lenape

Main article: Lenape

Occupied for 10,000 years by Native Americans, the land that would become New Jersey was overseen by clans of the Lenape or Lenni Lenape or Delaware, who farmed, fished, and hunted upon it. The pattern of their culture was that of a matrilineal agricultural and mobile hunting society that was sustained with fixed, but not permanent, settlements in their matrilineal clan territories. Leadership by men was inherited through the maternal line, and the women elders held the power to remove leaders of whom they disapproved.

Villages were established and relocated as the clans farmed new sections of the land when soil fertility lessened and when they moved among their fishing and hunting grounds by seasons. The area was claimed as a part of the Dutch New Netherland province dating from 1614, where active trading in furs took advantage of the natural pass west, but the Lenape prevented permanent settlement beyond what is now Jersey City.

"Early Europeans who first wrote about these Indians found matrilineal social organization to be unfamiliar and perplexing. As a result, the early records are full of 'clues' about early Lenape society, but were usually written by observers who did not fully understand what they were seeing."[26]

Hopi

Main article: Hopi people

The Hopi (in what is now the Hopi Reservation in northeastern Arizona), according to Alice Schlegel, had as its "gender ideology ... one of female superiority, and it operated within a social actuality of sexual equality."[27] According to LeBow (based on Schlegel's work), in the Hopi, "gender roles ... are egalitarian .... [and] [n]either sex is inferior."[28] LeBow concluded that Hopi women "participate fully in ... political decision-making."[29] According to Schlegel, "the Hopi no longer live as they are described here"[30] and "the attitude of female superiority is fading".[30] Schlegel said the Hopi "were and still are matrilinial"[31] and "the household ... was matrilocal".[31]

Schlegel explains why there was female superiority as that the Hopi believed in "life as the highest good ... [with] the female principle ... activated in women and in Mother Earth ... as its source"[32] and that the Hopi "were not in a state of continual war with equally matched neighbors"[33] and "had no standing army"[33] so that "the Hopi lacked the spur to masculine superiority"[33] and, within that, as that women were central to institutions of clan and household and predominated "within the economic and social systems (in contrast to male predominance within the political and ceremonial systems)",[33] the Clan Mother, for example, being empowered to overturn land distribution by men if she felt it was unfair,[32] since there was no "countervailing ... strongly centralized, male-centered political structure".[32]

Iroquois

Main article: Iroquois

The Iroquois Confederacy or League, combining five to six Native American Haudenosaunee nations or tribes before the U.S. became a nation, operated by The Great Binding Law of Peace, a constitution by which women retained matrilineal-rights and participated in the League's political decision-making, including deciding whether to proceed to war,[34] through what may have been a matriarchy[35] or "gyneocracy".[36] The dates of this constitution's operation are unknown: the League was formed in approximately 1000–1450, but the constitution was oral until written in about 1880.[37] The League still exists.

Other Iroquoian-speaking peoples such as the Wyandot and the Meherrin, that were never part of the Iroquois League, nevertheless have traditionally possessed a matrilineal family structure.

Mandan

Main article: Mandan

The Mandan people of the northern Great Plains of the United States historically lived in matrilineal extended family lodges.

Tanana Athabaskan

Main article: Tanana_Athabaskans

The Tanana Athabaskan people, the original inhabitants of the Tanana River basin in Alaska and Canada, traditionally lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands.

Upper Kuskokwim

Main article: Upper_Kuskokwim_people

The Upper Kuskokwim people are the original inhabitants of the Upper Kuskokwim River basin. They speak an Athabaskan language more closely related to Tanana than to the language of the Lower Kuskokkwim River basin. They were traditionally hunter-gatherers who lived in matrilineal semi-nomadic bands.

Tsenacommacah (Powhatan Confederacy)

Main article: Tsenacommacah

The Powhatan and other tribes of the Tsenacommacah, also known as the Powhatan Confederacy, practiced a version of male-preference matrilineal seniority, favoring brothers over sisters in the current generation (but allowing sisters to inherit if no brothers remained), but passing to the next generation through the eldest female line. In A Map of Virginia John Smith of Jamestown explains:

His [Chief Powhatan's] kingdome descendeth not to his sonnes nor children: but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3 namely Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh; and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest: and after them to the heires male and female of the eldest sister; but never to the heires of the males.[38]

Guna

Main article: Guna_people

In the traditional culture of the Guna people of Panama and Colombia, families are matrilinear and matrilocal, with the groom moving to become part of the bride's family. The groom also takes the last name of the bride.

Kogi

Main article: Kogi_people

The Kogi people of northern Colombia practice bilateral inheritance, with certain rights, names or associations descending matrilineally.

Naso

Main article: Naso_people

The Naso (Teribe or Térraba) people of Panama and Costa Rica describe themselves as a matriarchal community, although their monarchy has traditionally been inherited in the male line.

Bribri

Main article: Bribri_people

The clan system of the Bribri people of Costa Rica and Panama is matrilineal; that is, a child's clan is determined by the clan his or her mother belongs to. Only women can inherit land.

Cabécar

Main article: Cabécar_people

The social organization of the Cabécar people of Costa Rica is predicated on matrilineal clans in which the mother is the head of household. Each matrilineal clan controls marriage possibilities, regulates land tenure, and determines property inheritance for its members.

Bororo

Main article: Bororo

The Bororo people of Brazil and Bolivia live in matrilineal clans, with husbands moving to live with their wives' extended families.

Wayuu

Main article: Wayuu_people

The Wayuu people of Colombia and Venezuela live in matrilineal clans, with paternal relationships in the background.

In Africa

Akan

Main articles: Akan people and Abusua

Some 20 million Akan live in Africa, particularly in Ghana and Ivory Coast. (See as well their subgroups, the Ashanti, also called Asante, Akyem, Bono, Fante, Akwamu.) Many but not all of the Akan still (2001)[39][40] practice their traditional matrilineal customs, living in their traditional extended family households, as follows. The traditional Akan economic, political and social organization is based on maternal lineages, which are the basis of inheritance and succession. A lineage is defined as all those related by matrilineal descent from a particular ancestress. Several lineages are grouped into a political unit headed by a chief and a council of elders, each of whom is the elected head of a lineage – which itself may include multiple extended-family households. Public offices are thus vested in the lineage, as are land tenure and other lineage property. In other words, lineage property is inherited only by matrilineal kin.[39][41]

"The principles governing inheritance stress sex, generation and age – that is to say, men come before women and seniors before juniors." When a woman's brothers are available, a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters' sons. Finally, "it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females" may inherit.[42]

Each lineage controls the lineage land farmed by its members, functions together in the veneration of its ancestors, supervises marriages of its members, and settles internal disputes among its members.[43]

The political units above are likewise grouped into eight larger groups called abusua (similar to clans), named Aduana, Agona, Asakyiri, Asenie, Asona, Bretuo, Ekuona and Oyoko. The members of each abusua are united by their belief that they are all descended from the same ancient ancestress. Marriage between members of the same abusua is forbidden. One inherits or is a lifelong member of the lineage, the political unit, and the abusua of one's mother, regardless of one's gender and/or marriage. Note that members and their spouses thus belong to different abusuas, mother and children living and working in one household and their husband/father living and working in a different household.[39][41]

According to this source[42] of further information about the Akan, "A man is strongly related to his mother's brother (wɔfa) but only weakly related to his father's brother. This must be viewed in the context of a polygamous society in which the mother/child bond is likely to be much stronger than the father/child bond. As a result, in inheritance, a man's nephew (sister's son) will have priority over his own son. Uncle-nephew relationships therefore assume a dominant position."[42]

Certain other aspects of the Akan culture are determined patrilineally rather than matrilineally. There are 12 patrilineal Ntoro (which means spirit) groups, and everyone belongs to their father's Ntoro group but not to his (matrilineal) family lineage and abusua. Each patrilineal Ntoro group has its own surnames,[44] taboos, ritual purifications, and etiquette.[41]

A recent (2001) book[39] provides this update on the Akan: Some families are changing from the above abusua structure to the nuclear family.[45] Housing, childcare, education, daily work, and elder care etc. are then handled by that individual family rather than by the abusua or clan, especially in the city.[46] The above taboo on marriage within one's abusua is sometimes ignored, but "clan membership" is still important,[45] with many people still living in the abusua framework presented above.[39]

Tuareg

Main article: Tuareg people

The Tuareg (Arabic:طوارق, sometimes spelled Touareg in French, or Twareg in English) are a large Berber ethnic confederation found across several nations in north Africa, including Niger, Mali and Algeria. The Tuareg are clan-based,[47] and are (still, in 2007) "largely matrilineal".[47][48][49] The Tuareg are Muslim, but mixed with a "heavy dose" of their pre-existing beliefs including matrilineality.[47][49]

Tuareg women enjoy high status within their society, compared with their Arab counterparts and with other Berber tribes: Tuareg social status is transmitted through women, with residence often matrilocal.[48] Most women could read and write, while most men were illiterate, concerning themselves mainly with herding livestock and other male activities.[48] The livestock and other movable property were owned by the women, whereas personal property is owned and inherited regardless of gender.[48] In contrast to most other Muslim cultural groups, men wear veils but women do not.[47][49] This custom is discussed in more detail in the Tuareg article's clothing section, which mentions it may be the protection needed against the blowing sand while traversing the Sahara desert.[50]

Serer

Main article: Serer maternal clans

The Serer people of Senegal, the Gambia and Mauritania are patrilineal (simanGol in Serer language[51]) as well as matrilineal (tim[52]). There are several Serer matriclans and matriarchs. Some of these matriarchs include Fatim Beye (1335) and Ndoye Demba (1367) – matriarchs of the Joos matriclan which also became a dynasty in Waalo (Senegal). Some matriclans or maternal clans form part of Serer medieval and dynastic history, such as the Guelowars. The most revered clans tend to be rather ancient and form part of Serer ancient history. These proto-Serer clans hold great significance in Serer religion and mythology. Some of these proto-Serer matriclans include the Cegandum and Kagaw, whose historical account is enshrined in Serer religion, mythology and traditions.[53]

In Serer culture, inheritance is both matrilineal and patrilineal.[54] It all depends on the asset being inherited – i.e. whether the asset is a paternal asset – requiring paternal inheritance (kucarla[54] ) or a maternal asset – requiring maternal inheritance (den yaay[52] or ƭeen yaay[54]). The actual handling of these maternal assets (such as jewelry, land, livestock, equipment or furniture, etc.) is discussed in the subsection Role of the Tokoor of one of the above-listed main articles.

Guanches

Main article: Guanches

The Berber inhabitants of Gran Canaria island had developed a matrilineal society by the time the Canary Islands and their people, called Guanches, were conquered by the Spanish.[55]

In Asia

Sri Lanka

On Kerala, see the India section.

Matrilineality among the Muslims and Tamils in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka arrived from Kerala, India via Muslim traders before 1200 CE.[56][57][58] Matrilineality here includes kinship and social organization, inheritance and property rights.[59][60][61] For example, "the mother's dowry property and/or house is passed on to the eldest daughter."[62][63] The Sinhalese people are the third ethnic group in eastern Sri Lanka,[64] and have a kinship system which is "intermediate" between that of matrilineality and that of patrilineality,[65][66] along with "bilateral inheritance" (in some sense intermediate between matrilineal and patrilineal inheritance).[60][67] While the first two groups speak the Tamil language, the third group speaks the Sinhala language. The Tamils largely identify with Hinduism, the Sinhalese being primarily Buddhist.[68] The three groups are about equal in population size.[69]

Patriarchal social structures apply to all of Sri Lanka, but in the Eastern Province are mixed with the matrilineal features summarized in the paragraph above and described more completely in the following subsection:

A matrilineal and patriarchal mixture

According to Kanchana N. Ruwanpura, Eastern Sri Lanka "is highly regarded even among" feminist economists "for the relatively favourable position of its women, reflected" in women's equal achievements in Human Development Indices "(HDIs) as well as matrilineal and" bilateral "inheritance patterns and property rights".[70][71] She also conversely argues that "feminist economists need to be cautious in applauding Sri Lanka's gender-based achievements and/or matrilineal communities",[72] because these matrilineal communities coexist with "patriarchal structures and ideologies" and the two "can be strange but ultimately compatible bedfellows",[73] as follows:

She "positions Sri Lankan women within gradations of patriarchy by beginning with a brief overview of the main religious traditions," Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam, "and the ways in which patriarchal interests are promoted through religious practice" in Eastern Sri Lanka (but without being as repressive as classical patriarchy).[74] Thus, "feminists have claimed that Sri Lankan women are relatively well positioned in the" South Asian region,[75][60] despite "patriarchal institutional laws that ... are likely to work against the interests of women," which is a "co-operative conflict" between women and these laws.[76] (Clearly "female-heads have no legal recourse" from these laws which state "patriarchal interests".)[77] For example, "the economic welfare of female-heads [heads of households] depends upon networks" ("of kin and [matrilineal] community"), "networks that mediate the patriarchal-ideological nexus."[78] She wrote that "some female heads possessed" "feminist consciousness"[79][a] and, at the same time, that "in many cases female-heads are not vociferous feminists ... but rather 'victims' of patriarchal relations and structures that place them in precarious positions.... [while] they have held their ground ... [and] provided for their children".[80]

On the other hand, she also wrote that feminists including Malathi de Alwis and Kumari Jayawardena have criticized a romanticized view of women's lives in Sri Lanka put forward by Yalman, and mentioned the Sri Lankan case "where young women raped (usually by a man) are married-off/required to cohabit with the rapists!"[81]

Indonesia

Main article: Minangkabau people

In the Minangkabau matrilineal clan culture in Indonesia, a person's clan name is important in their marriage and their other cultural-related events.[82][83][84] Two totally unrelated people who share the same clan name can never be married because they are considered to be from the same clan mother (unless they come from distant villages). Likewise, when Minangs meet total strangers who share the same clan name, anywhere in Indonesia, they could theoretically expect to feel that they are distant relatives.[85] Minang people do not have a family name or surname; neither is one's important clan name included in one's name; instead one's given name is the only name one has.[86]

The Minangs are one of the world's largest matrilineal societies/cultures/ethnic groups, with a population of 4 million in their home province West Sumatra in Indonesia and about 4 million elsewhere, mostly in Indonesia. The Minang people are well known within their country for their tradition of matrilineality and for their "dedication to Islam" – despite Islam being "supposedly patrilineal".[82] This well-known accommodation, between their traditional complex of customs, called adat, and their religion, was actually worked out to help end the Minangkabau 1821–37 Padri War.[82] This source is available online.[82]

The Minangkabau are a prime example of a matrilineal culture with female inheritance. With Islamic religious background of complementarianism and places a greater number of men than women in positions of religious and political power. Inheritance and proprietorship pass from mother to daughter. The society of Minangkabau exhibits the ability of societies to lack rape culture without social equity of genders.[87]

Besides Minangkabau, several other ethnics in Indonesia are also matrilineal and have similar culture as the Minangkabau. They are Suku Melayu Bebilang, Suku Kubu and Kerinci people. Suku Melayu Bebilang live in Kota Teluk Kuantan, Kabupaten Kuantan Singingi (also known as Kuansing), Riau. They have similar culture as the Minang. Suku Kubu people live in Jambi and South Sumatera. They are around 200 000 people. Suku Kerinci people mostly live in Kabupaten Kerinci, Jambi. They are around 300 000 people[citation needed]

China

Originally, Chinese surnames were derived matrilineally,[88] although by the time of the Shang dynasty (1600 to 1046 BCE) they had become patrilineal.[89]

Archaeological data supports the theory that during the Neolithic period (7000 to 2000 BCE) in China, Chinese matrilineal clans evolved into the usual patrilineal families by passing through a transitional patrilineal clan phase.[89] Evidence includes some "richly furnished" tombs for young women in the early Neolithic Yangshao culture, whose multiple other collective burials imply a matrilineal clan culture.[89] Toward the late Neolithic period, when burials were apparently of couples, "a reflection of patriarchy", an increasing elaboration of presumed chiefs' burials is reported.[89]

Relatively isolated ethnic minorities such as the Mosuo (Na) in southwestern China are highly matrilineal. (See several sections of the Mosuo article.)

Vietnam

Most ethnic groups classified as "(Montagnards, Malayo-Polynesian and Austroasian)" are matrilineal.[90]

On North Vietnam, according to Alessandra Chiricosta, the legend of Âu Cơ is said to be evidence of "the presence of an original 'matriarchy' ... and [it] led to the double kinship system, which developed there .... [and which] combined matrilineal and patrilineal patterns of family structure and assigned equal importance to both lines."[91][b]

India

Main articles: Marumakkathayam, Aliyasantana, and Meghalaya § Social_institutions

Of communities recognized in the national Constitution as Scheduled Tribes, "some ... [are] matriarchal and matrilineal"[92] "and thus have been known to be more egalitarian."[93] Several Hindu communities in South India practiced matrilineality, especially the Nair[94][95] (or Nayar) and Tiyyas[96] in the state of Kerala, and the Bunts and Billava in the states of Karnataka. The system of inheritance was known as Marumakkathayam in the Nair community or Aliyasantana in the Bunt and the Billava community, and both communities were subdivided into clans. This system was exceptional in the sense that it was one of the few traditional systems in western historical records of India that gave women some liberty and the right to property.

In the matrilineal system, the family lived together in a tharavadu which was composed of a mother, her brothers and younger sisters, and her children. The oldest male member was known as the karanavar and was the head of the household, managing the family estate. Lineage was traced through the mother, and the children belonged to the mother's family. In earlier days, surnames would be of the maternal side. All family property was jointly owned. In the event of a partition, the shares of the children were clubbed with that of the mother. The karanavar's property was inherited by his sisters' sons rather than his own sons. (For further information see the articles Nair and Bunts and Billava.) Amitav Ghosh has stated that, although there were numerous other matrilineal succession systems in communities of the south Indian coast, the Nairs "achieved an unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matrilineality".[97]

In the northeast Indian state Meghalaya, the Khasi, Garo, Jaintia people have a long tradition of a largely matrilinear system in which the youngest daughter inherits the wealth of the parents and takes over their care.[98]

Malaysia

Main article: Adat perpatih

A culture similar to lareh bodi caniago practiced by the Minangkabau is the basis for adat perpatih practices in the state of Negeri Sembilan and parts of Malacca as a product of West Sumatran migration into the Malay peninsula in the 15th century.[99][100]

The Kurds

Main articles: Mangur (Kurdish tribe) and Mokryan

Matrilineality was occasionally practiced by mainstream Sorani, Zaza, Feyli, Gorani, and Alevi Kurds, though the practice was much rarer among non-Alevi Kurmanji-speaking Kurds.[101]

The Mangur clan of the, Culturally, Mokri tribal confederation and, politically, Bolbas Federation[102] is an enatic clan, meaning members of the clan can only inherit their mothers last name and are considered to be a part of the mothers family. The entire Mokri tribe may have also practiced this form of enaticy before the collapse of their emirate and its direct rule from the Iranian or Ottoman state, or perhaps the tradition started because of depopulation in the area due to raids.[103]

In Oceania

Some oceanic societies, such as the Marshallese and the Trobrianders,[104] the Palauans,[105] the Yapese[106] and the Siuai,[107] are characterized by matrilineal descent. The sister's sons or the brothers of the decedent are commonly the successors in these societies.

Matrilineal identification within Judaism

Main article: Matrilineality in Judaism

Matrilineality in Judaism or matrilineal descent in Judaism is the tracing of Jewish descent through the maternal line. Close to all Jewish communities have followed matrilineal descent from at least early Tannaitic (c. 10–70 CE) times through modern times.[108]

The origins and date-of-origin of matrilineal descent in Judaism are uncertain. Orthodox Jews, who believe that matrilineality and matriarchy within Judaism are related to the metaphysical concept of the Jewish soul,[109] maintain that matrilineal descent is an Oral Law from at least the time of the Receiving of the Torah on Mt. Sinai (c. 1310 BCE).[110] Conservative Jewish Theologian Rabbi Louis Jacobs suggests that the marriage practices of the Jewish community were re-stated as a law of matrilineal descent in the early Tannaitic Period (c. 10–70 CE).[108]

The law of matrilineal descent was first codified, as all Jewish Oral Law, in the Mishnah (c. 2nd century CE).[111] The Talmud[112] (c. 500 CE) adduces the law of matrilineal descent from Deuteronomy: You shall not intermarry with them: you shall not give your daughter to his son, and you shall not take his daughter for your son. For he will turn away your son from following Me, and they will worship the gods of others...[113] Conservative Jewish Theologian Rabbi Louis Jacobs dismisses the suggestion that "the Tannaim were influenced by the Roman legal system..."[114] and that "even if the Rabbis were familiar with the Roman law, they might have reacted to it [instead] by preserving the patrilineal principle, holding fast to their own system."[108]

The Jewish Oral Tradition cites the Book of Ezra, Chapters 9, 10, regarding the law of matrilineal descent in Judaism.[110] The medieval French commentator, Rabbi Shlomo Yitzchaki (1040–1105 CE), in his commentary on Prophets references the law of matrilineal descent regarding Tamar, daughter of King David.[115] Maimonides re-codified the law of matrilineal descent in his compilation of Jewish Law, Mishneh Torah (c. 1170–1180 CE).[116] The law of matrilineal descent was again re-codified in the Code of Jewish Law, Shulchan Aruch (1563 CE), without mention of any dissenting opinion.[117]

The Hellenized Jewish philosopher, Philo of Alexandria (c. 20 BCE – 50 CE) calls the child of a Jew and a non-Jew a nothos (bastard), regardless of whether the non-Jewish parent is the father or the mother.[118] While Flavius Josephus (c. 37–100 CE), the Romanized Jewish historian, writing about events that were alleged to have occurred a century prior, has Antigonus II Mattathias (c. 63–37 BCE), the last Hasmonean king of Judea, denigrating Herod –whose father's family were Idumean Arabs forcibly converted to Judaism by John Hyrcanus (c. 134–104 BCE)[119] and whose mother, according to Josephus, was either an Idumean Arab[120] or Arabian (Nabatean Arab)[121]– by referring to him as "an Idumean i.e. a half-Jew" and as therefore unfit to be given governorship of Judea by the Romans.[122]

In practice, Jewish denominations define "Who is a Jew?" via descent in different ways. All denominations of Judaism have protocols for conversion for those who are not Jewish by descent.

Orthodox Judaism practices matrilineal descent and considers it axiomatic.[123] The Conservative Jewish Movement also practices matrilineal descent as virtually all Jewish communities have for at least two thousand years.[108] In 1986, the Conservative Movement's Rabbinical Assembly reiterated the commitment of the Conservative Movement to the practice of matrilineal descent.[124]

In 1983, the Central Conference of American Rabbis of Reform Judaism passed a resolution waiving the need for formal conversion for anyone with at least one Jewish parent, provided that either (a) one is raised as a Jew, by Reform standards, or (b) one engages in an appropriate act of public identification, formalizing a practice that had been common in Reform synagogues for at least a generation. This 1983 resolution departed from the Reform Movement's previous position requiring formal conversion to Judaism for children without a Jewish mother.[125] However, the closely associated Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has rejected this resolution and requires formal conversion for anyone without a Jewish mother.[126]

Karaite Judaism does not accept Jewish Oral Law as definitive, believing that all divine commandments were recorded with their plain meaning in the written Torah. As such, they interpret the Hebrew Bible to indicate that Jewishness can only follow patrilineal descent.

In 1968, the Reconstructionist movement became the first American Jewish movement to pass a resolution recognizing Jews of patrilineal descent.[citation needed]

In mythology

Certain ancient myths have been argued to expose ancient traces of matrilineal customs that existed before historical records.

The ancient historian Herodotus is cited by Robert Graves in his translations of Greek myths as attesting that the Lycians[127][128] of their times "still reckoned" by matrilineal descent, or were matrilineal, as were the Carians.[129]

In Greek mythology, while the royal function was a male privilege, power devolution often came through women, and the future king inherited power through marrying the queen heiress. This is illustrated in the Homeric myths where all the noblest men in Greece vie for the hand of Helen (and the throne of Sparta), as well as the Oedipian cycle where Oedipus weds the recently widowed queen at the same time he assumes the Theban kingship.

This trend also is evident in many Celtic myths, such as the (Welsh) mabinogi stories of Culhwch and Olwen, or the (Irish) Ulster Cycle, most notably the key facts to the Cúchulainn cycle that Cúchulainn gets his final secret training with a warrior woman, Scáthach, and becomes the lover of her daughter; and the root of the Táin Bó Cuailnge, that while Ailill may wear the crown of Connacht, it is his wife Medb who is the real power, and she needs to affirm her equality to her husband by owning chattels as great as he does.

The Picts are widely cited as being matrilineal.[130][131]

A number of other Breton stories also illustrate the motif. Even the King Arthur legends have been interpreted in this light by some. For example, the Round Table, both as a piece of furniture and as concerns the majority of knights belonging to it, was a gift to Arthur from Guinevere's father Leodegrance.

Arguments also have been made that matrilineality lay behind various fairy tale plots which may contain the vestiges of folk traditions not recorded.

For instance, the widespread motif of a father who wishes to marry his own daughter—appearing in such tales as Allerleirauh, Donkeyskin, The King who Wished to Marry His Daughter, and The She-Bear—has been explained as his wish to prolong his reign, which he would lose after his wife's death to his son-in-law.[132] More mildly, the hostility of kings to their daughter's suitors is explained by hostility to their successors. In such tales as The Three May Peaches, Jesper Who Herded the Hares, or The Griffin, kings set dangerous tasks in an attempt to prevent the marriage.[133]

Fairy tales with hostility between the mother-in-law and the heroine—such as Mary's Child, The Six Swans, and Perrault's Sleeping Beauty—have been held to reflect a transition between a matrilineal society, where a man's loyalty was to his mother, and a patrilineal one, where his wife could claim it, although this interpretation is predicated on such a transition being a normal development in societies.[134]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Feminist consciousness raising, a means of raising awareness of a feminist perspective or subject
  2. ^ Patrilineal, belonging to the father's lineage, generally for inheritance

References

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  118. ^ On the Life of Moses 2.36.193, On the Virtues 40.224, On the Life of Moses 1.27.147
  119. ^ Josephus, Antiquities, 13.9.1.
  120. ^ Josephus, Antiquities, 14.7.3.
  121. ^ Josephus, Wars, 1.8.9.
  122. ^ Josephus, Antiquities, 14.15.2.
  123. ^ See Rabbi Moses Feinstein's re-affirmation of matrilineal descent, Elberg, Rabbi S., September, 1984, HaPardes Rabbinical Journal, Hebrew, vol.59, Is.1, p. 21.
  124. ^ Rabbis Joel Roth and Akiba Lubow (1988). "A Standard of Rabbinic Practice Regarding Determinati·on of Jewish Identity" (PDF). rabbinicalassembly.org. The Rabbinical Assembly. Retrieved 25 March 2020.
  125. ^ "Reform Movement's Resolution on Patrilineal Descent (March 1983)". www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org.
  126. ^ Reform Judaism in Israel: Progress and Prospects 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  127. ^ Herodotus, before 425 BCE. http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/History_of_Herodotus/Book_1, "History of Herodotus". Graves's notation is "i.173" meaning in Book 1 – Scroll down to paragraph 173 to find the (matrilineal) Lycians.
  128. ^ Graves, Robert (1955, 1960). The Greek Myths, Vol. 1. Penguin Books. ISBN 0-14-020508-X; p. 296 (myth #88, comment #2).
  129. ^ Graves 1955,1960; p. 256 (myth #75, comment #5).
  130. ^ http://www.historyfiles.co.uk/KingListsBritain/GaelsPictland.htm "thanks to the practise of matrilineal descent followed by the Picts, and a large number of eligible would-be kings"
  131. ^ http://www.historyfiles.co.uk/KingListsBritain/EnglandMercia.htm "the Picts are known as strong adherents to the concept of matrilineal descent"
  132. ^ Schlauch, Margaret (1969). Chaucer's Constance and Accused Queens. New York: Gordian Press. ISBN 0-87752-097-6; p. 43.
  133. ^ Schlauch 1969, p. 45.
  134. ^ Schlauch 1969, p. 34.

Further reading

  • Goldberg, Stephen (1973). "Review of Male Dominance and Female Autonomy: Domestic Authority in Martrilineal Societies". Contemporary Sociology. 2 (6): 630–632. doi:10.2307/2062470. JSTOR 2062470.
  • Cameron, Anne (1981) Daughters of Copper Woman. Press Gang Publishers.
  • Holden, C. J. & Mace, R. (2003). Spread of cattle led to the loss of matrilineal descent in Africa: a coevolutionary analysis. The Royal Society Full text
  • Holden, C.J., Sear, R. & Mace, R. (2003) Matriliny as daughter-biased investment. Evolution & Human Behavior 24: 99–112.
  • Knight, C. 2008. Early human kinship was matrilineal. In N. J. Allen, H. Callan, R. Dunbar and W. James (eds.), Early Human Kinship. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 61–82.Full text 7 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine
  • Sear, R (2008). "Kin and child survival in rural Malawi: Are matrilineal kin always beneficial in a matrilineal society?". Human Nature. 19 (3): 277–293. doi:10.1007/s12110-008-9042-4. PMID 26181618. S2CID 40826492.
  • Mattison, S.M. (2011). "Evolutionary contributions to solving the "Matrilineal Puzzle": A test of Holden, Sear, and Mace's model". Human Nature. 22 (1–2): 64–88. doi:10.1007/s12110-011-9107-7. PMID 22388801. S2CID 32332130.

May 14, 2023
matrilineality, tracing, kinship, through, female, line, also, correlate, with, social, system, which, each, person, identified, with, their, matriline, their, mother, lineage, which, involve, inheritance, property, titles, matriline, line, descent, from, fema. Matrilineality is the tracing of kinship through the female line It may also correlate with a social system in which each person is identified with their matriline their mother s lineage and which can involve the inheritance of property and or titles A matriline is a line of descent from a female ancestor to a descendant of either sex in which the individuals in all intervening generations are mothers in other words a mother line In a matrilineal descent system an individual is considered to belong to the same descent group as their mother This ancient matrilineal descent pattern is in contrast to the currently more popular pattern of patrilineal descent from which a family name is usually derived The matriline of historical nobility was also called their enatic or uterine ancestry corresponding to the patrilineal or agnatic ancestry Contents 1 Early human kinship 2 Matrilineal surname 3 Cultural patterns 3 1 Clan names vs surnames 3 2 Care of children 4 Matrilineality in specific ethnic groups 4 1 In Europe 4 1 1 Ancient Greece 4 1 2 Ancient Scotland 4 2 In the Americas 4 2 1 Lenape 4 2 2 Hopi 4 2 3 Iroquois 4 2 4 Mandan 4 2 5 Tanana Athabaskan 4 2 6 Upper Kuskokwim 4 2 7 Tsenacommacah Powhatan Confederacy 4 2 8 Guna 4 2 9 Kogi 4 2 10 Naso 4 2 11 Bribri 4 2 12 Cabecar 4 2 13 Bororo 4 2 14 Wayuu 4 3 In Africa 4 3 1 Akan 4 3 2 Tuareg 4 3 3 Serer 4 3 4 Guanches 4 4 In Asia 4 4 1 Sri Lanka 4 4 1 1 A matrilineal and patriarchal mixture 4 4 2 Indonesia 4 4 3 China 4 4 4 Vietnam 4 4 5 India 4 4 6 Malaysia 4 4 7 The Kurds 4 5 In Oceania 5 Matrilineal identification within Judaism 6 In mythology 7 See also 8 Notes 9 References 10 Further readingEarly human kinship EditIn the late 19th century almost all prehistorians and anthropologists believed following Lewis H Morgan s influential book Ancient Society that early human kinship everywhere was matrilineal 1 This idea was taken up by Friedrich Engels in The Origin of the Family Private Property and the State The Morgan Engels thesis that humanity s earliest domestic institution was not the family but the matrilineal clan soon became incorporated into communist orthodoxy In reaction most 20th century social anthropologists considered the theory of matrilineal priority untenable 2 3 although during the 1970s and 1980s a range of feminist scholars often attempted to revive it 4 In recent years evolutionary biologists geneticists and palaeoanthropologists have been reassessing the issues many citing genetic and other evidence that early human kinship may have been matrilineal after all 5 6 7 8 One crucial piece of indirect evidence has been genetic data suggesting that over thousands of years women among sub Saharan African hunter gatherers have chosen to reside postmaritally not with their husbands family but with their own mother and other natal kin 9 Another line of argument is that when sisters and their mothers help each other with childcare the descent line tends to be matrilineal rather than patrilineal 10 Biological anthropologists are now widely agreed that cooperative childcare was a development crucial in making possible the evolution of the unusually large human brain and characteristically human psychology 11 Although others refute the claims of supporters of the universality of matrilocality or patrilocality pointing out that hunter gatherer societies have a flexible philopatry or practice multilocality which in turn leads to a more egalitarian society since both men and women have the right to choose with whom to live 12 13 According to some data pastoralists and farmers strongly gravitate towards patrilocality so patrilocality is a common phenomenon among non Pygmies 14 But among some hunter gatherers patrilocality is less common than among farmers So for example among the pygmies of aka which includes biaka and benzene a young couple usually settles in her husband s camp after the birth of their first child 15 However the husband can stay in the wife s community where one of his brothers or sisters can join him This can happen in societies where the bride s service is practiced Or in any other societies According to the data above some scientists also say that kinship and residence in hunter gatherer societies are complex and multifaceted For example when re checking past data which were not very reliable the researchers note that about 40 of the groups were bilocal 22 9 were matrilocal and 25 were patrilocal 16 A number of scientists also advocate multilocality refuting the concepts of exceptional matrilocality matrilineality or patrilocality patrilineality 12 17 Matrilineal surname EditMain article Matriname Further information Extinction of surnames Matrilineal surnames are names transmitted from mother to daughter in contrast to the more familiar patrilineal surnames transmitted from father to son the pattern most common among family names today For clarity and for brevity the scientific terms patrilineal surname and matrilineal surname are usually abbreviated as patriname and matriname 18 Cultural patterns EditThere appears to be some evidence for the presence of matrilineality in Pre Islamic Arabia in a very limited number of the Arabian peoples first of all among the Amorites of Yemen and among some strata of Nabateans in Northern Arabia 19 on the other hand there seems to be some reliable evidence for the presence of matrilineality in Islamic Arabia the descendants of prophet Muhammad 12 imams are said to be from the lineage of his daughter Fatima termed as sons of Fatima A modern example from South Africa is the order of succession to the position of the Rain Queen in a culture of matrilineal primogeniture not only is dynastic descent reckoned through the female line but only females are eligible to inherit 20 In some traditional societies and cultures membership in their groups was and in the following list still is if shown in italics inherited matrilineally Examples include the Cherokee Choctaw Gitksan Haida Hopi Iroquois Lenape Navajo and Tlingit of North America the Cabecar and Bribri of Costa Rica the Naso and Kuna people of Panama the Kogi Wayuu and Carib of South America the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra Indonesia and Negeri Sembilan Malaysia the Trobrianders Dobu and Nagovisi of Melanesia the Nairs some Thiyyas amp Muslims of Kerala and the Mogaveeras Billavas amp the Bunts of Karnataka in south India the Khasi Jaintia and Garo of Meghalaya in northeast India and Bangladesh the Ngalops and Sharchops of Bhutan the Mosuo of China the Kayah of Southeast Asia the Picti of Scotland the Basques of Spain and France the Ainu of Japan the Akan including the Ashanti Bono Akwamu Fante of Ghana most groups across the so called matrilineal belt of south central Africa the Nubians of Southern Egypt amp Sudan and the Tuareg of west and north Africa the Serer of Senegal The Gambia and Mauritania Clan names vs surnames Edit Most of the example cultures in this article are based on matrilineal clans Any clan might possibly contain from one to several or many descent groups or family groups i e any matrilineal clan might be descended from one or several or many unrelated female ancestors Also each such descent group might have its own family name or surname as one possible cultural pattern The following two example cultures each follow a different pattern however Example 1 Members of the matrilineal clan culture Minangkabau do not even have a surname or family name see this culture s own section below In contrast members do have a clan name which is important in their lives although not included in the member s name Instead one s name is just one s given name Example 2 Members of the matrilineal clan culture Akan see its own section below also do not have matrilineal surnames and likewise their important clan name is not included in their name However members names do commonly include second names which are called surnames but which are not routinely passed down from either father or mother to all their children as a family name 21 Note well that if a culture did include one s clan name in one s name and routinely handed it down to all children in the descent group then it would automatically be the family name or surname for one s descent group as well as for all other descent groups in one s clan Care of children Edit While a mother normally takes care of her own children in all cultures in some matrilineal cultures an uncle father will take care of his nieces and nephews instead in other words social fathers here are uncles There is not a necessary connection between the role of father and genitor In many such matrilineal cultures especially where residence is also matrilocal a man will exercise guardianship rights not over the children he fathers but over his sisters children who are viewed as his own flesh These children s biological father unlike an uncle who is their mother s brother and thus their caregiver is in some sense a stranger to them even when affectionate and emotionally close 22 According to Steven Pinker attributing to Kristen Hawkes among foraging groups matrilocal societies are less likely to commit female infanticide than are patrilocal societies 23 Matrilineality in specific ethnic groups EditIn Europe Edit Ancient Greece Edit While men held positions of religious and political power the Spartan constitution mandated that inheritance and proprietorship pass from mother to daughter 24 Ancient Scotland Edit In Pictish society succession in leadership later kingship was matrilineal through the mother s side with the reigning chief succeeded by either his brother or perhaps a nephew but not through patrilineal succession of father to son 25 In the Americas Edit Lenape Edit Main article Lenape Occupied for 10 000 years by Native Americans the land that would become New Jersey was overseen by clans of the Lenape or Lenni Lenape or Delaware who farmed fished and hunted upon it The pattern of their culture was that of a matrilineal agricultural and mobile hunting society that was sustained with fixed but not permanent settlements in their matrilineal clan territories Leadership by men was inherited through the maternal line and the women elders held the power to remove leaders of whom they disapproved Villages were established and relocated as the clans farmed new sections of the land when soil fertility lessened and when they moved among their fishing and hunting grounds by seasons The area was claimed as a part of the Dutch New Netherland province dating from 1614 where active trading in furs took advantage of the natural pass west but the Lenape prevented permanent settlement beyond what is now Jersey City Early Europeans who first wrote about these Indians found matrilineal social organization to be unfamiliar and perplexing As a result the early records are full of clues about early Lenape society but were usually written by observers who did not fully understand what they were seeing 26 Hopi Edit Main article Hopi people The Hopi in what is now the Hopi Reservation in northeastern Arizona according to Alice Schlegel had as its gender ideology one of female superiority and it operated within a social actuality of sexual equality 27 According to LeBow based on Schlegel s work in the Hopi gender roles are egalitarian and n either sex is inferior 28 LeBow concluded that Hopi women participate fully in political decision making 29 According to Schlegel the Hopi no longer live as they are described here 30 and the attitude of female superiority is fading 30 Schlegel said the Hopi were and still are matrilinial 31 and the household was matrilocal 31 Schlegel explains why there was female superiority as that the Hopi believed in life as the highest good with the female principle activated in women and in Mother Earth as its source 32 and that the Hopi were not in a state of continual war with equally matched neighbors 33 and had no standing army 33 so that the Hopi lacked the spur to masculine superiority 33 and within that as that women were central to institutions of clan and household and predominated within the economic and social systems in contrast to male predominance within the political and ceremonial systems 33 the Clan Mother for example being empowered to overturn land distribution by men if she felt it was unfair 32 since there was no countervailing strongly centralized male centered political structure 32 Iroquois Edit Main article Iroquois The Iroquois Confederacy or League combining five to six Native American Haudenosaunee nations or tribes before the U S became a nation operated by The Great Binding Law of Peace a constitution by which women retained matrilineal rights and participated in the League s political decision making including deciding whether to proceed to war 34 through what may have been a matriarchy 35 or gyneocracy 36 The dates of this constitution s operation are unknown the League was formed in approximately 1000 1450 but the constitution was oral until written in about 1880 37 The League still exists Other Iroquoian speaking peoples such as the Wyandot and the Meherrin that were never part of the Iroquois League nevertheless have traditionally possessed a matrilineal family structure Mandan Edit Main article Mandan The Mandan people of the northern Great Plains of the United States historically lived in matrilineal extended family lodges Tanana Athabaskan Edit Main article Tanana Athabaskans The Tanana Athabaskan people the original inhabitants of the Tanana River basin in Alaska and Canada traditionally lived in matrilineal semi nomadic bands Upper Kuskokwim Edit Main article Upper Kuskokwim people The Upper Kuskokwim people are the original inhabitants of the Upper Kuskokwim River basin They speak an Athabaskan language more closely related to Tanana than to the language of the Lower Kuskokkwim River basin They were traditionally hunter gatherers who lived in matrilineal semi nomadic bands Tsenacommacah Powhatan Confederacy Edit Main article TsenacommacahThe Powhatan and other tribes of the Tsenacommacah also known as the Powhatan Confederacy practiced a version of male preference matrilineal seniority favoring brothers over sisters in the current generation but allowing sisters to inherit if no brothers remained but passing to the next generation through the eldest female line In A Map of Virginia John Smith of Jamestown explains His Chief Powhatan s kingdome descendeth not to his sonnes nor children but first to his brethren whereof he hath 3 namely Opitchapan Opechancanough and Catataugh and after their decease to his sisters First to the eldest sister then to the rest and after them to the heires male and female of the eldest sister but never to the heires of the males 38 Guna Edit Main article Guna people In the traditional culture of the Guna people of Panama and Colombia families are matrilinear and matrilocal with the groom moving to become part of the bride s family The groom also takes the last name of the bride Kogi Edit Main article Kogi people The Kogi people of northern Colombia practice bilateral inheritance with certain rights names or associations descending matrilineally Naso Edit Main article Naso people The Naso Teribe or Terraba people of Panama and Costa Rica describe themselves as a matriarchal community although their monarchy has traditionally been inherited in the male line Bribri Edit Main article Bribri people The clan system of the Bribri people of Costa Rica and Panama is matrilineal that is a child s clan is determined by the clan his or her mother belongs to Only women can inherit land Cabecar Edit Main article Cabecar people The social organization of the Cabecar people of Costa Rica is predicated on matrilineal clans in which the mother is the head of household Each matrilineal clan controls marriage possibilities regulates land tenure and determines property inheritance for its members Bororo Edit Main article Bororo The Bororo people of Brazil and Bolivia live in matrilineal clans with husbands moving to live with their wives extended families Wayuu Edit Main article Wayuu people The Wayuu people of Colombia and Venezuela live in matrilineal clans with paternal relationships in the background In Africa Edit Akan Edit Main articles Akan people and Abusua Some 20 million Akan live in Africa particularly in Ghana and Ivory Coast See as well their subgroups the Ashanti also called Asante Akyem Bono Fante Akwamu Many but not all of the Akan still 2001 39 40 practice their traditional matrilineal customs living in their traditional extended family households as follows The traditional Akan economic political and social organization is based on maternal lineages which are the basis of inheritance and succession A lineage is defined as all those related by matrilineal descent from a particular ancestress Several lineages are grouped into a political unit headed by a chief and a council of elders each of whom is the elected head of a lineage which itself may include multiple extended family households Public offices are thus vested in the lineage as are land tenure and other lineage property In other words lineage property is inherited only by matrilineal kin 39 41 The principles governing inheritance stress sex generation and age that is to say men come before women and seniors before juniors When a woman s brothers are available a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters sons Finally it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females may inherit 42 Each lineage controls the lineage land farmed by its members functions together in the veneration of its ancestors supervises marriages of its members and settles internal disputes among its members 43 The political units above are likewise grouped into eight larger groups called abusua similar to clans named Aduana Agona Asakyiri Asenie Asona Bretuo Ekuona and Oyoko The members of each abusua are united by their belief that they are all descended from the same ancient ancestress Marriage between members of the same abusua is forbidden One inherits or is a lifelong member of the lineage the political unit and the abusua of one s mother regardless of one s gender and or marriage Note that members and their spouses thus belong to different abusuas mother and children living and working in one household and their husband father living and working in a different household 39 41 According to this source 42 of further information about the Akan A man is strongly related to his mother s brother wɔfa but only weakly related to his father s brother This must be viewed in the context of a polygamous society in which the mother child bond is likely to be much stronger than the father child bond As a result in inheritance a man s nephew sister s son will have priority over his own son Uncle nephew relationships therefore assume a dominant position 42 Certain other aspects of the Akan culture are determined patrilineally rather than matrilineally There are 12 patrilineal Ntoro which means spirit groups and everyone belongs to their father s Ntoro group but not to his matrilineal family lineage and abusua Each patrilineal Ntoro group has its own surnames 44 taboos ritual purifications and etiquette 41 A recent 2001 book 39 provides this update on the Akan Some families are changing from the above abusua structure to the nuclear family 45 Housing childcare education daily work and elder care etc are then handled by that individual family rather than by the abusua or clan especially in the city 46 The above taboo on marriage within one s abusua is sometimes ignored but clan membership is still important 45 with many people still living in the abusua framework presented above 39 Tuareg Edit Main article Tuareg people The Tuareg Arabic طوارق sometimes spelled Touareg in French or Twareg in English are a large Berber ethnic confederation found across several nations in north Africa including Niger Mali and Algeria The Tuareg are clan based 47 and are still in 2007 largely matrilineal 47 48 49 The Tuareg are Muslim but mixed with a heavy dose of their pre existing beliefs including matrilineality 47 49 Tuareg women enjoy high status within their society compared with their Arab counterparts and with other Berber tribes Tuareg social status is transmitted through women with residence often matrilocal 48 Most women could read and write while most men were illiterate concerning themselves mainly with herding livestock and other male activities 48 The livestock and other movable property were owned by the women whereas personal property is owned and inherited regardless of gender 48 In contrast to most other Muslim cultural groups men wear veils but women do not 47 49 This custom is discussed in more detail in the Tuareg article s clothing section which mentions it may be the protection needed against the blowing sand while traversing the Sahara desert 50 Serer Edit Main article Serer maternal clans The Serer people of Senegal the Gambia and Mauritania are patrilineal simanGol in Serer language 51 as well as matrilineal tim 52 There are several Serer matriclans and matriarchs Some of these matriarchs include Fatim Beye 1335 and Ndoye Demba 1367 matriarchs of the Joos matriclan which also became a dynasty in Waalo Senegal Some matriclans or maternal clans form part of Serer medieval and dynastic history such as the Guelowars The most revered clans tend to be rather ancient and form part of Serer ancient history These proto Serer clans hold great significance in Serer religion and mythology Some of these proto Serer matriclans include the Cegandum and Kagaw whose historical account is enshrined in Serer religion mythology and traditions 53 In Serer culture inheritance is both matrilineal and patrilineal 54 It all depends on the asset being inherited i e whether the asset is a paternal asset requiring paternal inheritance kucarla 54 or a maternal asset requiring maternal inheritance den yaay 52 or ƭeen yaay 54 The actual handling of these maternal assets such as jewelry land livestock equipment or furniture etc is discussed in the subsection Role of the Tokoor of one of the above listed main articles Guanches Edit Main article Guanches The Berber inhabitants of Gran Canaria island had developed a matrilineal society by the time the Canary Islands and their people called Guanches were conquered by the Spanish 55 In Asia Edit Sri Lanka Edit On Kerala see the India section Matrilineality among the Muslims and Tamils in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka arrived from Kerala India via Muslim traders before 1200 CE 56 57 58 Matrilineality here includes kinship and social organization inheritance and property rights 59 60 61 For example the mother s dowry property and or house is passed on to the eldest daughter 62 63 The Sinhalese people are the third ethnic group in eastern Sri Lanka 64 and have a kinship system which is intermediate between that of matrilineality and that of patrilineality 65 66 along with bilateral inheritance in some sense intermediate between matrilineal and patrilineal inheritance 60 67 While the first two groups speak the Tamil language the third group speaks the Sinhala language The Tamils largely identify with Hinduism the Sinhalese being primarily Buddhist 68 The three groups are about equal in population size 69 Patriarchal social structures apply to all of Sri Lanka but in the Eastern Province are mixed with the matrilineal features summarized in the paragraph above and described more completely in the following subsection A matrilineal and patriarchal mixture Edit According to Kanchana N Ruwanpura Eastern Sri Lanka is highly regarded even among feminist economists for the relatively favourable position of its women reflected in women s equal achievements in Human Development Indices HDIs as well as matrilineal and bilateral inheritance patterns and property rights 70 71 She also conversely argues that feminist economists need to be cautious in applauding Sri Lanka s gender based achievements and or matrilineal communities 72 because these matrilineal communities coexist with patriarchal structures and ideologies and the two can be strange but ultimately compatible bedfellows 73 as follows She positions Sri Lankan women within gradations of patriarchy by beginning with a brief overview of the main religious traditions Buddhism Hinduism and Islam and the ways in which patriarchal interests are promoted through religious practice in Eastern Sri Lanka but without being as repressive as classical patriarchy 74 Thus feminists have claimed that Sri Lankan women are relatively well positioned in the South Asian region 75 60 despite patriarchal institutional laws that are likely to work against the interests of women which is a co operative conflict between women and these laws 76 Clearly female heads have no legal recourse from these laws which state patriarchal interests 77 For example the economic welfare of female heads heads of households depends upon networks of kin and matrilineal community networks that mediate the patriarchal ideological nexus 78 She wrote that some female heads possessed feminist consciousness 79 a and at the same time that in many cases female heads are not vociferous feminists but rather victims of patriarchal relations and structures that place them in precarious positions while they have held their ground and provided for their children 80 On the other hand she also wrote that feminists including Malathi de Alwis and Kumari Jayawardena have criticized a romanticized view of women s lives in Sri Lanka put forward by Yalman and mentioned the Sri Lankan case where young women raped usually by a man are married off required to cohabit with the rapists 81 Indonesia Edit Main article Minangkabau people In the Minangkabau matrilineal clan culture in Indonesia a person s clan name is important in their marriage and their other cultural related events 82 83 84 Two totally unrelated people who share the same clan name can never be married because they are considered to be from the same clan mother unless they come from distant villages Likewise when Minangs meet total strangers who share the same clan name anywhere in Indonesia they could theoretically expect to feel that they are distant relatives 85 Minang people do not have a family name or surname neither is one s important clan name included in one s name instead one s given name is the only name one has 86 The Minangs are one of the world s largest matrilineal societies cultures ethnic groups with a population of 4 million in their home province West Sumatra in Indonesia and about 4 million elsewhere mostly in Indonesia The Minang people are well known within their country for their tradition of matrilineality and for their dedication to Islam despite Islam being supposedly patrilineal 82 This well known accommodation between their traditional complex of customs called adat and their religion was actually worked out to help end the Minangkabau 1821 37 Padri War 82 This source is available online 82 The Minangkabau are a prime example of a matrilineal culture with female inheritance With Islamic religious background of complementarianism and places a greater number of men than women in positions of religious and political power Inheritance and proprietorship pass from mother to daughter The society of Minangkabau exhibits the ability of societies to lack rape culture without social equity of genders 87 Besides Minangkabau several other ethnics in Indonesia are also matrilineal and have similar culture as the Minangkabau They are Suku Melayu Bebilang Suku Kubu and Kerinci people Suku Melayu Bebilang live in Kota Teluk Kuantan Kabupaten Kuantan Singingi also known as Kuansing Riau They have similar culture as the Minang Suku Kubu people live in Jambi and South Sumatera They are around 200 000 people Suku Kerinci people mostly live in Kabupaten Kerinci Jambi They are around 300 000 people citation needed China Edit Originally Chinese surnames were derived matrilineally 88 although by the time of the Shang dynasty 1600 to 1046 BCE they had become patrilineal 89 Archaeological data supports the theory that during the Neolithic period 7000 to 2000 BCE in China Chinese matrilineal clans evolved into the usual patrilineal families by passing through a transitional patrilineal clan phase 89 Evidence includes some richly furnished tombs for young women in the early Neolithic Yangshao culture whose multiple other collective burials imply a matrilineal clan culture 89 Toward the late Neolithic period when burials were apparently of couples a reflection of patriarchy an increasing elaboration of presumed chiefs burials is reported 89 Relatively isolated ethnic minorities such as the Mosuo Na in southwestern China are highly matrilineal See several sections of the Mosuo article Vietnam Edit Most ethnic groups classified as Montagnards Malayo Polynesian and Austroasian are matrilineal 90 On North Vietnam according to Alessandra Chiricosta the legend of Au Cơ is said to be evidence of the presence of an original matriarchy and it led to the double kinship system which developed there and which combined matrilineal and patrilineal patterns of family structure and assigned equal importance to both lines 91 b India Edit Main articles Marumakkathayam Aliyasantana and Meghalaya Social institutions Of communities recognized in the national Constitution as Scheduled Tribes some are matriarchal and matrilineal 92 and thus have been known to be more egalitarian 93 Several Hindu communities in South India practiced matrilineality especially the Nair 94 95 or Nayar and Tiyyas 96 in the state of Kerala and the Bunts and Billava in the states of Karnataka The system of inheritance was known as Marumakkathayam in the Nair community or Aliyasantana in the Bunt and the Billava community and both communities were subdivided into clans This system was exceptional in the sense that it was one of the few traditional systems in western historical records of India that gave women some liberty and the right to property In the matrilineal system the family lived together in a tharavadu which was composed of a mother her brothers and younger sisters and her children The oldest male member was known as the karanavar and was the head of the household managing the family estate Lineage was traced through the mother and the children belonged to the mother s family In earlier days surnames would be of the maternal side All family property was jointly owned In the event of a partition the shares of the children were clubbed with that of the mother The karanavar s property was inherited by his sisters sons rather than his own sons For further information see the articles Nair and Bunts and Billava Amitav Ghosh has stated that although there were numerous other matrilineal succession systems in communities of the south Indian coast the Nairs achieved an unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matrilineality 97 In the northeast Indian state Meghalaya the Khasi Garo Jaintia people have a long tradition of a largely matrilinear system in which the youngest daughter inherits the wealth of the parents and takes over their care 98 Malaysia Edit Main article Adat perpatih A culture similar to lareh bodi caniago practiced by the Minangkabau is the basis for adat perpatih practices in the state of Negeri Sembilan and parts of Malacca as a product of West Sumatran migration into the Malay peninsula in the 15th century 99 100 The Kurds Edit Main articles Mangur Kurdish tribe and Mokryan Matrilineality was occasionally practiced by mainstream Sorani Zaza Feyli Gorani and Alevi Kurds though the practice was much rarer among non Alevi Kurmanji speaking Kurds 101 The Mangur clan of the Culturally Mokri tribal confederation and politically Bolbas Federation 102 is an enatic clan meaning members of the clan can only inherit their mothers last name and are considered to be a part of the mothers family The entire Mokri tribe may have also practiced this form of enaticy before the collapse of their emirate and its direct rule from the Iranian or Ottoman state or perhaps the tradition started because of depopulation in the area due to raids 103 In Oceania Edit Some oceanic societies such as the Marshallese and the Trobrianders 104 the Palauans 105 the Yapese 106 and the Siuai 107 are characterized by matrilineal descent The sister s sons or the brothers of the decedent are commonly the successors in these societies Matrilineal identification within Judaism EditMain article Matrilineality in Judaism Matrilineality in Judaism or matrilineal descent in Judaism is the tracing of Jewish descent through the maternal line Close to all Jewish communities have followed matrilineal descent from at least early Tannaitic c 10 70 CE times through modern times 108 The origins and date of origin of matrilineal descent in Judaism are uncertain Orthodox Jews who believe that matrilineality and matriarchy within Judaism are related to the metaphysical concept of the Jewish soul 109 maintain that matrilineal descent is an Oral Law from at least the time of the Receiving of the Torah on Mt Sinai c 1310 BCE 110 Conservative Jewish Theologian Rabbi Louis Jacobs suggests that the marriage practices of the Jewish community were re stated as a law of matrilineal descent in the early Tannaitic Period c 10 70 CE 108 The law of matrilineal descent was first codified as all Jewish Oral Law in the Mishnah c 2nd century CE 111 The Talmud 112 c 500 CE adduces the law of matrilineal descent from Deuteronomy You shall not intermarry with them you shall not give your daughter to his son and you shall not take his daughter for your son For he will turn away your son from following Me and they will worship the gods of others 113 Conservative Jewish Theologian Rabbi Louis Jacobs dismisses the suggestion that the Tannaim were influenced by the Roman legal system 114 and that even if the Rabbis were familiar with the Roman law they might have reacted to it instead by preserving the patrilineal principle holding fast to their own system 108 The Jewish Oral Tradition cites the Book of Ezra Chapters 9 10 regarding the law of matrilineal descent in Judaism 110 The medieval French commentator Rabbi Shlomo Yitzchaki 1040 1105 CE in his commentary on Prophets references the law of matrilineal descent regarding Tamar daughter of King David 115 Maimonides re codified the law of matrilineal descent in his compilation of Jewish Law Mishneh Torah c 1170 1180 CE 116 The law of matrilineal descent was again re codified in the Code of Jewish Law Shulchan Aruch 1563 CE without mention of any dissenting opinion 117 The Hellenized Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria c 20 BCE 50 CE calls the child of a Jew and a non Jew a nothos bastard regardless of whether the non Jewish parent is the father or the mother 118 While Flavius Josephus c 37 100 CE the Romanized Jewish historian writing about events that were alleged to have occurred a century prior has Antigonus II Mattathias c 63 37 BCE the last Hasmonean king of Judea denigrating Herod whose father s family were Idumean Arabs forcibly converted to Judaism by John Hyrcanus c 134 104 BCE 119 and whose mother according to Josephus was either an Idumean Arab 120 or Arabian Nabatean Arab 121 by referring to him as an Idumean i e a half Jew and as therefore unfit to be given governorship of Judea by the Romans 122 In practice Jewish denominations define Who is a Jew via descent in different ways All denominations of Judaism have protocols for conversion for those who are not Jewish by descent Orthodox Judaism practices matrilineal descent and considers it axiomatic 123 The Conservative Jewish Movement also practices matrilineal descent as virtually all Jewish communities have for at least two thousand years 108 In 1986 the Conservative Movement s Rabbinical Assembly reiterated the commitment of the Conservative Movement to the practice of matrilineal descent 124 In 1983 the Central Conference of American Rabbis of Reform Judaism passed a resolution waiving the need for formal conversion for anyone with at least one Jewish parent provided that either a one is raised as a Jew by Reform standards or b one engages in an appropriate act of public identification formalizing a practice that had been common in Reform synagogues for at least a generation This 1983 resolution departed from the Reform Movement s previous position requiring formal conversion to Judaism for children without a Jewish mother 125 However the closely associated Israel Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has rejected this resolution and requires formal conversion for anyone without a Jewish mother 126 Karaite Judaism does not accept Jewish Oral Law as definitive believing that all divine commandments were recorded with their plain meaning in the written Torah As such they interpret the Hebrew Bible to indicate that Jewishness can only follow patrilineal descent In 1968 the Reconstructionist movement became the first American Jewish movement to pass a resolution recognizing Jews of patrilineal descent citation needed In mythology EditCertain ancient myths have been argued to expose ancient traces of matrilineal customs that existed before historical records The ancient historian Herodotus is cited by Robert Graves in his translations of Greek myths as attesting that the Lycians 127 128 of their times still reckoned by matrilineal descent or were matrilineal as were the Carians 129 In Greek mythology while the royal function was a male privilege power devolution often came through women and the future king inherited power through marrying the queen heiress This is illustrated in the Homeric myths where all the noblest men in Greece vie for the hand of Helen and the throne of Sparta as well as the Oedipian cycle where Oedipus weds the recently widowed queen at the same time he assumes the Theban kingship This trend also is evident in many Celtic myths such as the Welsh mabinogi stories of Culhwch and Olwen or the Irish Ulster Cycle most notably the key facts to the Cuchulainn cycle that Cuchulainn gets his final secret training with a warrior woman Scathach and becomes the lover of her daughter and the root of the Tain Bo Cuailnge that while Ailill may wear the crown of Connacht it is his wife Medb who is the real power and she needs to affirm her equality to her husband by owning chattels as great as he does The Picts are widely cited as being matrilineal 130 131 A number of other Breton stories also illustrate the motif Even the King Arthur legends have been interpreted in this light by some For example the Round Table both as a piece of furniture and as concerns the majority of knights belonging to it was a gift to Arthur from Guinevere s father Leodegrance Arguments also have been made that matrilineality lay behind various fairy tale plots which may contain the vestiges of folk traditions not recorded For instance the widespread motif of a father who wishes to marry his own daughter appearing in such tales as Allerleirauh Donkeyskin The King who Wished to Marry His Daughter and The She Bear has been explained as his wish to prolong his reign which he would lose after his wife s death to his son in law 132 More mildly the hostility of kings to their daughter s suitors is explained by hostility to their successors In such tales as The Three May Peaches Jesper Who Herded the Hares or The Griffin kings set dangerous tasks in an attempt to prevent the marriage 133 Fairy tales with hostility between the mother in law and the heroine such as Mary s Child The Six Swans and Perrault s Sleeping Beauty have been held to reflect a transition between a matrilineal society where a man s loyalty was to his mother and a patrilineal one where his wife could claim it although this interpretation is predicated on such a transition being a normal development in societies 134 See also EditRuth Bre advocate for matrilineality List of matrilineal or matrilocal societies Married and maiden names Mater semper certa est the mother is always certain until 1978 and in vitro pregnancies Matrifocal family Partus sequitur ventrem WehaliNotes Edit Feminist consciousness raising a means of raising awareness of a feminist perspective or subject Patrilineal belonging to the father s lineage generally for inheritanceReferences Edit Murdock G P 1949 Social Structure London and New York Macmillan p 185 Malinowski B 1956 Marriage Past and Present A debate between Robert Briffault and Bronislaw Malinowski ed M F Ashley Montagu Boston Porter Sargent Harris M 1969 The Rise of Anthropological Theory London Routledge p 305 Leacock E B 1981 Myths of Male Dominance Collected articles on women cross culturally New York Monthly Review Press Hrdy S B 2009 Mothers and others The evolutionary origins of mutual understanding London and Cambridge MA Belknap Press of Harvard University Press Knight C 2008 Early human kinship was matrilineal Archived 7 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine In N J Allen H Callan R Dunbar and W James eds Early Human Kinship Oxford Blackwell pp 61 82 Opie K and C Power 2009 Grandmothering and Female Coalitions A basis for matrilineal priority In N J Allen H Callan R Dunbar and W James eds Early Human Kinship Oxford Blackwell pp 168 186 Chris Knight 2012 Engels was Right Early Human Kinship was Matriliineal Schlebusch C M 2010 Genetic variation in Khoisan speaking populations from southern Africa Dissertation University of Witwatersrand this is available online see pages following p 68 Fig 3 18 and p 180 81 fig 4 23 and p 243 p 287 Wu J J He Q Q Deng L L Wang S C Mace R Ji T Tao Y 2013 Communal breeding promotes a matrilineal social system where husband and wife live apart Proc R Soc B 280 1758 20130010 doi 10 1098 rspb 2013 0010 PMC 3619460 PMID 23486437 Burkart J M Hrdy S B van Schaik C P 2009 Cooperative breeding and human cognitive evolution Evolutionary Anthropology 18 5 175 186 CiteSeerX 10 1 1 724 8494 doi 10 1002 evan 20222 S2CID 31180845 a b Hill Kim R Walker Robert S Bozicevic Miran Eder James Headland Thomas Hewlett Barry Hurtado A Magdalena Marlowe Frank Wiessner Polly Wood Brian 11 March 2011 Co residence patterns in hunter gatherer societies show unique human social structure Science 331 6022 1286 1289 Bibcode 2011Sci 331 1286H doi 10 1126 science 1199071 ISSN 1095 9203 PMID 21393537 S2CID 93958 Dyble M Salali G D Chaudhary N Page A Smith D Thompson J Vinicius L Mace R Migliano A B 15 May 2015 Human behavior Sex equality can explain the unique social structure of hunter gatherer bands Science 348 6236 796 798 doi 10 1126 science aaa5139 ISSN 1095 9203 PMID 25977551 S2CID 5078886 Verdu Paul Becker Noemie S A Froment Alain Georges Myriam Grugni Viola Quintana Murci Lluis Hombert Jean Marie Van der Veen Lolke Le Bomin Sylvie Bahuchet Serge Heyer Evelyne 2013 Sociocultural behavior sex biased admixture and effective population sizes in Central African Pygmies and non Pygmies Molecular Biology and Evolution 30 4 918 937 doi 10 1093 molbev mss328 ISSN 1537 1719 PMC 3603314 PMID 23300254 Destro Bisol Giovanni Donati Francesco Coia Valentina Boschi Ilaria Verginelli Fabio Caglia Alessandra Tofanelli Sergio Spedini Gabriella Capelli Cristian 1 September 2004 Variation of Female and Male Lineages in Sub Saharan Populations the Importance of Sociocultural Factors Molecular Biology and Evolution 21 9 1673 1682 doi 10 1093 molbev msh186 ISSN 0737 4038 PMID 15190128 Dyble M 2016 The behavioural ecology and evolutionary implications of hunter gatherer social organisation S2CID 202198539 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help Marlowe Frank W 2004 Marital Residence among Foragers Current Anthropology 45 2 277 283 doi 10 1086 382256 S2CID 145129698 Sykes Bryan 2001 The Seven Daughters of Eve W W Norton ISBN 0 393 02018 5 pp 291 2 Bryan Sykes uses matriname and states that women adding their own matriname to men s patriname or surname as Sykes calls it would really help in future genealogy work and historical record searches Sykes also states p 292 that a woman s matriname will be handed down with her mtDNA the main topic of his book Korotayev A V 1995 Were There Any Truly Matrilineal Lineages in the Arabian Peninsula Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 25 83 98 The Balobedu Queenship Recognised and Dignity Restored Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs 27 July 2016 Retrieved 24 January 2020 de Witte Marleen 2001 Long live the dead changing funeral celebrations in Asante Ghana Published by Het Spinhuis ISBN 90 5260 003 1 p 55 Readers may verify this i e that surnames are not passed down as a family name by inspecting an actual family tree on p 55 via Google Books at https books google com books id Fmf5UqZzbvoC amp q 22Adwoa Dufie 22 Schneider D M 1961 The distinctive features of matrilineal descent groups Introduction In Schneider D M and K Gough eds Matrilineal Kinship Berkeley University of California Press pp 1 29 Pinker Steven The Better Angels of Our Nature Why Violence Has Declined N Y Viking hardback 2011 ISBN 978 0 670 02295 3 p 421 author prof psychology Harvard Univ Archived at Ghostarchive and the Wayback Machine Historia Civilis The Constitution of the Spartans via YouTube Picts World History Encyclopedia This quote is from Lenni Lenape s Society section Schlegel Alice Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority in Quarterly Journal of Ideology A Critique of the Conventional Wisdom vol VIII no 4 1984 p 44 and see pp 44 52 essay based partly on seventeen years of fieldwork among the Hopi per p 44 n 1 author of Dep t of Anthropology Univ of Ariz Tucson LeBow Diana Rethinking Matriliny Among the Hopi op cit p 8 LeBow Diana Rethinking Matriliny Among the Hopi op cit p 18 a b Schlegel Alice Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority op cit p 44 n 1 a b Schlegel Alice Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority op cit p 45 a b c Schlegel Alice Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority op cit p 50 a b c d Schlegel Alice Hopi Gender Ideology of Female Superiority op cit p 49 Jacobs Renee E Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution How the Founding Fathers Ignored the Clan Mothers in American Indian Law Review vol 16 no 2 pp 497 531 esp pp 498 509 c author 1991 Jacobs Renee Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution in American Indian Law Review op cit pp 506 507 Jacobs Renee Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution in American Indian Law Review op cit p 505 amp p 506 n 38 quoting Carr L The Social and Political Position of Women Among the Huron Iroquois Tribes Report of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology p 223 1884 Jacobs Renee Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution in American Indian Law Review op cit p 498 amp n 6 Smith John A Map of Virginia Oxford Joseph Barnes 1612 http etext lib virginia edu etcbin jamestown browse id J1008 also Repr in The Complete Works of John Smith 1580 1631 Ed Philip L Barbour Chapel Hill University Press of Virginia 1983 Vol 1 pp 305 63 a b c d e Witte Marleen de 2001 Long Live the Dead Changing Funeral Celebrations in Asante Ghana Aksant Academic Publishers ISBN 978 90 5260 003 1 Studies University of Ghana Institute of African 1988 Research Review Institute of African Studies Institute of African Studies a b c Busia Kofi Abrefa 1970 Encyclopaedia Britannica 1970 William Benton publisher The University of Chicago ISBN 0 85229 135 3 Vol 1 p 477 This Akan article was written by Kofi Abrefa Busia formerly professor of Sociology and Culture of Africa at the University of Leiden Netherlands a b c ashanti com au before 2010 http ashanti com au pb wp 8078438f html Ashanti Home Page The Ashanti Family unit Archived https web archive org web 20070626101235 http www ashanti com au pb wp 8078438f html on 26 June 2007 Owusu Ansah David November 1994 http lcweb2 loc gov cgi bin query r frd cstdy field 28DOCID gh0048 29 Ghana The Akan Group This source Ghana is one of the Country Studies available from the US Library of Congress Archived https archive ph heND on 10 July 2012 de Witte 2001 p 55 shows such surnames in a family tree which provides a useful example of names a b de Witte 2001 p 53 de Witte 2001 p 73 a b c d Haven Cynthia 23 May 07 http news stanford edu pr 2007 pr tuareg 052307 html New exhibition highlights the artful Tuareg of the Sahara Stanford University Archived http archive today 1InK on 10 December 2012 a b c d Spain Daphne 1992 Gendered Spaces University of North Carolina Press ISBN 0 8078 2012 1 p 57 a b c Murphy Robert F 1966 Review of Ecology and Culture of the Pastoral Tuareg with Particular Reference to the Tuareg of Ahaggar and Ayr American Anthropologist 68 2 554 556 doi 10 1525 aa 1966 68 2 02a00540 JSTOR 669389 Bradshaw Foundation 2007 or later http www bradshawfoundation com tuareg index php The Tuareg of the Sahara Archived at http archive today A2To on 20 July 2012 in French Kalis Simone Medecine traditionnelle religion et divination chez les Seereer Sine du Senegal La connaissance de la nuit L Harmattan 1997 p 299 ISBN 2 7384 5196 9 a b Dupire Marguerite Sagesse sereer Essais sur la pensee sereer ndut KARTHALA Editions 1994 For tim and den yaay see p 116 The book also deals in depth about the Serer matriclans and means of succession through the matrilineal line See also pages 38 95 99 104 119 20 123 160 172 4 in French 1 ISBN 2865374874 Retrieved 4 August 2012 in French Gravrand Henry La Civilisation Sereer Cosaan p 200 Nouvelles Editions africaines 1983 ISBN 2723608778 a b c in French Becker Charles Vestiges historiques tremoins materiels du passe clans les pays sereer Dakar 1993 CNRS ORS TO M Excerpt Retrieved 4 August 2012 Jose Farrujia de la Rosa Augusto 2014 An Archaeology of the Margins Colonialism Amazighity and Heritage Management in the Canary Islands Springer Science amp Business Media p 8 ISBN 9781461493969 Ruwanpura Kanchana N 2006 Matrilineal Communities Patriarchal Realities A Feminist Nirvana Uncovered Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press paperback ISBN 978 0 472 06977 4 fieldwork in 1998 99 during the Sri Lankan civil war per p 45 see p 51 This page 51 of the Ruwanpura book is accessible online via Google Books books google com The book s TOC and pages 1 11 and 50 62 are currently accessible McGilvray Dennis B 1989 Households in Akkaraipattu Dowry and Domestic Organization among Matrilineal Tamils and Moors of Sri Lanka in J N Gray and D J Mearns eds Society From the Inside Out Anthropological Perspectives on the South Asian Household pp 192 235 London Sage Publications Humphries Jane 1993 Gender Inequality and Economic Development in Dieter Bos ed Economics in a Changing World Volume 3 Public Policy and Economic Organization New York St Martin s Press pp 218 33 a b c Agarwal Bina 1996 A Field of One s Own Gender and Land Rights in South Asia New Delhi Cambridge University Press First edition was 1994 Ruwanpura 2006 p 1 Accessible online as above Ruwanpura 2006 p 53 Accessible online as above McGilvray 1989 pp 201 2 Ruwanpura 2006 pp 3 4 accessible online as above and p 39 Ruwanpura 2006 p 72 Yalman Nur 1971 Under the Bo Tree Studies in Caste Kinship and Marriage in the Interior of Ceylon Berkeley University of California Press Ruwanpura 2006 p 71 Ruwanpura 2006 pp 3 4 Accessible online as above Ruwanpura 2006 p 39 Ruwanpura 2006 p 1 Accessible online as above Humphries 1993 p 228 Ruwanpura 2006 p 3 Accessible online as above Ruwanpura 2006 p 10 and see p 6 prevalence of patriarchal structures and ideologies Accessible online as above Ruwanpura 2006 pp 4 5 Accessible online as above Ruwanpura 2006 p 4 Accessible online as above Ruwanpura 2006 p 182 Ruwanpura 2006 p 182 both quotations Ruwanpura 2006 pp 145 146 Ruwanpura 2006 p 142 both quotations Ruwanpura 2006 p 37 Ruwanpura 2006 p 76 n 7 a b c d Sanday Peggy Reeves Dec2002 http www sas upenn edu psanday report 02 html Report from Indonesia Archived http archive today y9zp on 11 December 2012 Sanday Peggy Reeves 2004 Women at the Center Life in a Modern Matriarchy Cornell University Press ISBN 0 8014 8906 7 Parts of this book are available online at books google com Fitzsimmons Caitlin 21Oct09 http www roamingtales com 2009 10 21 a matrilineal islamic society in sumatra A matrilineal Islamic society in Sumatra Archived http archive today GhkTB on 2 February 2013 Sanday 2004 p 67 Sanday 2004 p 241 Peletz Michael G 2005 The King Is Dead Long Live the Queen American Ethnologist 32 1 39 41 doi 10 1525 ae 2005 32 1 39 JSTOR 3805147 linguistics berkeley edu 2004 http www linguistics berkeley edu rosemary 55 2004 names pdf Naming practices A PDF file with a section on Chinese naming practices Mak et al 2003 a b c d Zhimin An 1988 Archaeological Research on Neolithic China Current Anthropology 29 5 753 759 doi 10 1086 203698 JSTOR 2743616 S2CID 144920735 Refugees United Nations High Commissioner for UNHCR Document Not Found UNHCR Chiricosta Alessandra Following the Trail of the Fairy Bird The Search For a Uniquely Vietnamese Women s Movement in Roces Mina amp Louise P Edwards eds Women s Movements in Asia Feminisms and Transnational Activism London or Oxon Routledge pbk 2010 ISBN 978 0 415 48703 0 p 125 and see p 126 single quotation marks so in original author Chiricosta philosopher amp historian of religions esp intercultural philosophy religious amp cultural dialogue gender amp anthropology amp taught at La Sapienza univ Urbaniana univ amp Roma Tre univ all in Italy School of Oriental amp African Studies amp Univ of Ha Noi Sinha Mukherjee Sucharita 2013 Women s Empowerment and Gender Bias in the Birth and Survival of Girls in Urban India Feminist Economics 19 1 28 doi 10 1080 13545701 2012 752312 S2CID 155056803 p 9 citing Srinivas Mysore Narasimhachar The Cohesive Role of Sanskritization and Other Essays Delhi Oxford University Press 1989 amp Agarwal Bina A Field of One s Own Gender and Land Rights in South Asia Cambridge Cambridge Univ Press 1994 Mukherjee Sucharita Sinha Women s Empowerment and Gender Bias in the Birth and Survival of Girls in Urban India op cit p 9 Panikkar Kavalam Madhava July December 1918 Some Aspects of Nayar Life The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 48 254 293 doi 10 2307 2843423 JSTOR 2843423 Retrieved 9 June 2011 Schneider David Murray and Gough Kathleen Editors 1961 Matrilineal Kinship Berkeley University of California Press pp 298 384 is the whole Nayar Central Kerala chapter for example ISBN 9780520025295 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a first has generic name help Accessible here via GoogleBooks Nossiter Thomas Johnson 1982 Kerala s Identity Unity and Diversity In Communism in Kerala A Study in Political Adaptation University of California Press ISBN 978 0 520 04667 2 Retrieved 2011 06 09 P 30 Ghosh Amitav 2003 The Imam and the Indian prose pieces Orient Blackswan p 193 ISBN 9788175300477 To access it via GoogleBooks click on book title Sanghamitra Choudhury 5 February 2016 Women and Conflict in India Taylor amp Francis p 92 ISBN 978 1 317 55361 8 Negeri Sembilan History and Culture Archived from the original on 28 July 2018 Retrieved 4 March 2017 The Minangkabau of Negeri Sembilan 4 April 2016 Kevin McKiernan 7 March 2006 The Kurds St Martin s Press ISBN 9780312325466 Minorsky V 1957 Mongol Place Names in Mukri Kurdistan Mongolica 19 1 75 JSTOR 609632 Abdurrahman Sharafkandi Cesti Micevir Malinowski Bronislaw Argonauts Of The Western Pacific esp or only chaps I II amp VI The Palauan culture The Yapese kinship Hogbin H Ian 1950 Studies in the Anthropology of Bougainville Solomon Islands Douglas L Oliver American Anthropologist 52 2 250 251 doi 10 1525 aa 1950 52 2 02a00140 a b c d Reviewed by Louis Jacobs 2 Originally published in Judaism 34 1 Winter 1985 55 59 Schaapkens Natan Inside Orthodox Judaism A Critical Perspective on Its Theology ISBN 978 1 365 39059 3 Also from the perspective of classical Jewish belief the primary identity of all people follows the mother Genesis 20 12 Rashi a b Midrash Rabbah Numbers 19 Kiddushin 3 12 See Kiddushin 68b and Yebamoth 23a Deuteronomy 7 3 4 In Roman law without connubium the right to contract a legal marriage according to Roman law i e where both parties are Roman citizens and where both parties gave consent the marriage was not a justum matrimonium a legal Roman marriage and the children from such a union had no legal father and therefore followed the Roman citizenship status of the mother Interestingly t hese restrictions as to marriage were not founded on any enactments they were a part of that large mass of Roman law which belongs to Jus Moribus Constitutum unwritten Roman law LacusCurtius Roman Marriage Matrimonium Smith s Dictionary 1875 penelope uchicago edu University of Chicago II Samuel 13 13 Rashi Maimonides Laws of Forbidden Relationships 15 4 Even HaEzer 8 5 On the Life of Moses 2 36 193 On the Virtues 40 224 On the Life of Moses 1 27 147 Josephus Antiquities 13 9 1 Josephus Antiquities 14 7 3 Josephus Wars 1 8 9 Josephus Antiquities 14 15 2 See Rabbi Moses Feinstein s re affirmation of matrilineal descent Elberg Rabbi S September 1984 HaPardes Rabbinical Journal Hebrew vol 59 Is 1 p 21 Rabbis Joel Roth and Akiba Lubow 1988 A Standard of Rabbinic Practice Regarding Determinati on of Jewish Identity PDF rabbinicalassembly org The Rabbinical Assembly Retrieved 25 March 2020 Reform Movement s Resolution on Patrilineal Descent March 1983 www jewishvirtuallibrary org Reform Judaism in Israel Progress and Prospects Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine Herodotus before 425 BCE http en wikisource org wiki History of Herodotus Book 1 History of Herodotus Graves s notation is i 173 meaning in Book 1 Scroll down to paragraph 173 to find the matrilineal Lycians Graves Robert 1955 1960 The Greek Myths Vol 1 Penguin Books ISBN 0 14 020508 X p 296 myth 88 comment 2 Graves 1955 1960 p 256 myth 75 comment 5 http www historyfiles co uk KingListsBritain GaelsPictland htm thanks to the practise of matrilineal descent followed by the Picts and a large number of eligible would be kings http www historyfiles co uk KingListsBritain EnglandMercia htm the Picts are known as strong adherents to the concept of matrilineal descent Schlauch Margaret 1969 Chaucer s Constance and Accused Queens New York Gordian Press ISBN 0 87752 097 6 p 43 Schlauch 1969 p 45 Schlauch 1969 p 34 Further reading EditGoldberg Stephen 1973 Review of Male Dominance and Female Autonomy Domestic Authority in Martrilineal Societies Contemporary Sociology 2 6 630 632 doi 10 2307 2062470 JSTOR 2062470 Cameron Anne 1981 Daughters of Copper Woman Press Gang Publishers Holden C J amp Mace R 2003 Spread of cattle led to the loss of matrilineal descent in Africa a coevolutionary analysis The Royal Society Full text Holden C J Sear R amp Mace R 2003 Matriliny as daughter biased investment Evolution amp Human Behavior 24 99 112 Full text Knight C 2008 Early human kinship was matrilineal In N J Allen H Callan R Dunbar and W James eds Early Human Kinship Oxford Blackwell pp 61 82 Full text Archived 7 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine Sear R 2008 Kin and child survival in rural Malawi Are matrilineal kin always beneficial in a matrilineal society Human Nature 19 3 277 293 doi 10 1007 s12110 008 9042 4 PMID 26181618 S2CID 40826492 Mattison S M 2011 Evolutionary contributions to solving the Matrilineal Puzzle A test of Holden Sear and Mace s model Human Nature 22 1 2 64 88 doi 10 1007 s12110 011 9107 7 PMID 22388801 S2CID 32332130 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Matrilineality amp oldid 1151429474, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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