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Shunzhi Emperor

September 27, 2023

"Fulin" redirects here. For the Roman and Byzantine empires in contemporary Chinese sources, see Daqin.
"Emperor Shizu of Qing" redirects here. For the ancestor of the Qing emperors, see Bukūri Yongšon.

The Shunzhi Emperor (Fulin; 15 March 1638 – 5 February 1661) was the second emperor of the Qing dynasty of China, and the first Qing emperor to rule over China proper, reigning from 1644 to 1661. A committee of Manchu princes chose him to succeed his father, Hong Taiji (1592–1643), in September 1643, when he was five years old. The princes also appointed two co-regents: Dorgon (1612–1650), the 14th son of the Qing dynasty's founder Nurhaci (1559–1626), and Jirgalang (1599–1655), one of Nurhaci's nephews, both of whom were members of the Qing imperial clan.

Shunzhi Emperor
順治帝
Emperor of the Qing dynasty
Reign8 October 1643 – 5 February 1661
PredecessorHong Taiji
SuccessorKangxi Emperor
RegentsDorgon (1643–1650)
Jirgalang (1643–1647)
Emperor of China
Reign1644–1661
PredecessorChongzhen Emperor (Ming dynasty)
SuccessorKangxi Emperor
BornAisin Gioro Fulin
(愛新覺羅·福臨)
(1638-03-15)15 March 1638
(崇德三年 正月 三十日)
Yongfu Palace, Mukden Palace
Died5 February 1661(1661-02-05) (aged 22)
(順治十八年 正月 七日)
Hall of Mental Cultivation
Burial
Xiao Mausoleum, Eastern Qing tombs
Consorts
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(m. 1651; dep. 1653)​

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(m. 1654)​

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(m. 1656; died 1660)​

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(m. 1653)​
IssueFuquan, Prince Yuxian of the First Rank
Kangxi Emperor
Changning, Prince Gong of the First Rank
Longxi, Prince Chunjing of the First Rank
Princess Gongque of the Second Rank
Names
Aisin Gioro Fulin
(愛新覺羅 福臨)
Manchu: Fulin (ᡶᡠᠯᡳᠨ)
Era dates
Shunzhi
(順治; 8 February 1644 – 17 February 1662)
Manchu: Ijishūn dasan (ᡳᠵᡳᠰᡥᡡᠨ ᡩᠠᠰᠠᠨ)
Mongolian: Эеэр засагч (ᠡᠶᠡᠪᠡᠷᠭᠦᠦ ᠵᠠᠰᠠᠭᠴᠢ)
Posthumous name
Emperor Titian Longyun Dingtong Jianji Yingrui Qinwen Xianwu Dahe Honggong Zhiren Chunxiao Zhang
(體天隆運定統建極英睿欽文顯武大德弘功至仁純孝章皇帝)
Manchu: Eldembuhe hūwangdi (ᡝᠯᡩᡝᠮᠪᡠᡥᡝ
ᡥᡡᠸᠠᠩᡩᡳ)
Temple name
Shizu (世祖)
Manchu: Šidzu (ᡧᡳᡯᡠ)
HouseAisin Gioro
DynastyQing
FatherHong Taiji
MotherEmpress Xiaozhuangwen
Shunzhi Emperor
Traditional Chinese順治帝
Simplified Chinese顺治帝
Literal meaning"Smoothly-Ruling Emperor"
This article contains Manchu text. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Manchu alphabet.

From 1643 to 1650, political power lay mostly in the hands of Dorgon. Under his leadership, the Qing Empire conquered most of the territory of the fallen Ming dynasty (1368–1644), chased Ming loyalist regimes deep into the southwestern provinces, and established the basis of Qing rule over China proper despite highly unpopular policies such as the "hair cutting command" of 1645, which forced Qing subjects to shave their forehead and braid their remaining hair into a queue resembling that of the Manchus. After Dorgon's death on the last day of 1650, the young Shunzhi Emperor started to rule personally. He tried, with mixed success, to fight corruption and to reduce the political influence of the Manchu nobility. In the 1650s, he faced a resurgence of Ming loyalist resistance, but by 1661 his armies had defeated the Qing Empire's last enemies, seafarer Koxinga (1624–1662) and the Prince of Gui (1623–1662) of the Southern Ming dynasty, both of whom would succumb the following year. The Shunzhi Emperor died at the age of 22 of smallpox, a highly contagious disease that was endemic in China, but against which the Manchus had no immunity. He was succeeded by his third son Xuanye, who had already survived smallpox, and who reigned for sixty years under the era name "Kangxi" (hence he was known as the Kangxi Emperor). Because fewer documents have survived from the Shunzhi era than from later eras of the Qing dynasty, the Shunzhi era is a relatively little-known period of Qing history.

"Shunzhi" was the name of this ruler's reign period in Chinese. This title had equivalents in Manchu and Mongolian because the Qing imperial family was Manchu and ruled over many Mongol tribes that helped the Qing to conquer the Ming dynasty. The emperor's personal name was Fulin, and the posthumous name by which he was worshipped at the Imperial Ancestral Temple was Shizu (Wade–Giles: Shih-tsu; Chinese: 世祖).

Historical background Edit

 
Depiction of a Jurchen man on a Ming woodblock print dated 1609. The original caption explained that the Jurchens lived near the Changbai Mountains and wore "deerskin shoes and fish-scale clothing."[1]

In the 1580s, when China was ruled by the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), a number of Jurchen tribes lived in Manchuria.[2] In a series of campaigns from the 1580s to the 1610s, Nurhaci (1559–1626), the leader of the Jianzhou Jurchens, unified most Jurchen tribes under his rule.[3] One of his most important reforms was to integrate Jurchen clans under flags of four different colors—yellow, white, red, and blue—each further subdivided into two to form an encompassing social and military system known as the Eight Banners.[4] Nurhaci gave control of these Banners to his sons and grandsons.[5] Around 1612, Nurhaci renamed his clan Aisin Gioro ("golden Gioro" in the Manchu language), both to distinguish his family from other Gioro lines and to allude to an earlier dynasty that had been founded by Jurchens, the Jin ("golden") dynasty that had ruled northern China from 1115 to 1234.[6] In 1616 Nurhaci formally announced the foundation of the "Later Jin" dynasty, effectively declaring his independence from the Ming.[7] Over the next few years he wrested most major cities in Liaodong from Ming control.[8] His string of victories ended in February 1626 at the siege of Ningyuan, where Ming commander Yuan Chonghuan defeated him with the help of recently acquired Portuguese cannon.[9] Probably wounded during the battle, Nurhaci died a few months later.[10]

Nurhaci's son and successor Hong Taiji (1592–1643) continued his father's state-building efforts: he concentrated power into his own hands, modeled the Later Jin's government institutions on Chinese ones, and integrated Mongol allies and surrendered Chinese troops into the Eight Banners.[11] In 1629 he led an incursion to the outskirts of Beijing, during which he captured Chinese craftsmen who knew how to cast Portuguese cannon.[12] In 1635 Hong Taiji renamed the Jurchens the "Manchus", and in 1636 changed the name of his polity from "Later Jin" to "Qing".[13] After capturing the last remaining Ming cities in Liaodong, by 1643 the Qing were preparing to attack the struggling Ming dynasty, which was crumbling under the combined weight of financial bankruptcy, devastating epidemics, and large-scale bandit uprisings fed by widespread starvation.[14]

Becoming emperor Edit

When Hong Taiji died on 21 September 1643 without having named a successor, the fledgling Qing state faced a possibly serious crisis.[15] Several contenders—namely Nurhaci's second and eldest surviving son Daišan, Nurhaci's fourteenth and fifteenth sons Dorgon and Dodo (both born to the same mother), and Hong Taiji's eldest son Hooge—started to vie for the throne.[16] With his brothers Dodo and Ajige, Dorgon (31 years old) controlled the Plain and Bordered White Banners, Daišan (60) was in charge of the two Red Banners, whereas Hooge (34) had the loyalty of his father's two Yellow Banners.[17]

The decision about who would become the new Qing emperor fell to the Deliberative Council of Princes and Ministers, which was the Manchus' main policymaking body until the emergence of the Grand Council in the 1720s.[18] Many Manchu princes argued that Dorgon, a proven military leader, should become the new emperor, but Dorgon refused and insisted that one of Hong Taiji's sons should succeed his father.[19] To recognize Dorgon's authority while keeping the throne in Hong Taiji's descent line, the members of the council named Hong Taiji's ninth son, Fulin, as the new emperor, but decided that Dorgon and Jirgalang (a nephew of Nurhaci who controlled the Bordered Blue Banner) would act as the five-year-old child's regents.[19] Fulin was officially crowned emperor of the Qing dynasty on 8 October 1643; it was decided that he would reign under the era name "Shunzhi."[20] Because the Shunzhi reign is not well documented, it constitutes a relatively little-known period of Qing history.[21]

Dorgon's regency (1643–1650) Edit

 
Prince Regent Dorgon in imperial regalia. He reigned as a quasi emperor from 1643 to his death in 1650, a period during which the Qing conquered almost all of China.

A quasi emperor Edit

On 17 February 1644, Jirgalang, who was a capable military leader but looked uninterested in managing state affairs, willingly yielded control of all official matters to Dorgon.[22] After an alleged plot by Hooge to undermine the regency was exposed on 6 May of that year, Hooge was stripped of his title of Imperial Prince and his co-conspirators were executed.[23] Dorgon soon replaced Hooge's supporters (mostly from the Yellow Banners) with his own, thus gaining closer control of two more Banners.[24] By early June 1644, he was in firm control of the Qing government and its military.[25]

In early 1644, just as Dorgon and his advisors were pondering how to attack the Ming, peasant rebellions were dangerously approaching Beijing. On 24 April of that year, rebel leader Li Zicheng breached the walls of the Ming capital, pushing the Chongzhen Emperor to hang himself on a hill behind the Forbidden City.[26] Hearing the news, Dorgon's Chinese advisors Hong Chengchou and Fan Wencheng (范文程; 1597–1666) urged the Manchu prince to seize this opportunity to present themselves as avengers of the fallen Ming and to claim the Mandate of Heaven for the Qing.[27] The last obstacle between Dorgon and Beijing was Ming general Wu Sangui, who was garrisoned at Shanhai Pass at the eastern end of the Great Wall.[28] Himself caught between the Manchus and Li Zicheng's forces, Wu requested Dorgon's help in ousting the bandits and restoring the Ming.[29] When Dorgon asked Wu to work for the Qing instead, Wu had little choice but to accept.[30] Aided by Wu Sangui's elite soldiers, who fought the rebel army for hours before Dorgon finally chose to intervene with his cavalry, the Qing won a decisive victory against Li Zicheng at the Battle of Shanhai Pass on 27 May.[31] Li's defeated troops looted Beijing for several days until Li left the capital on 4 June with all the wealth he could carry.[32]

Settling in the capital Edit

 
The circular mound of the Altar of Heaven, where the Shunzhi Emperor conducted sacrifices on 30 October 1644, ten days before being officially proclaimed Emperor of China. The ceremony marked the moment when the Qing dynasty seized the Mandate of Heaven.

After six weeks of mistreatment at the hands of rebel troops, the Beijing population sent a party of elders and officials to greet their liberators on 5 June.[33] They were startled when, instead of meeting Wu Sangui and the Ming heir apparent, they saw Dorgon, a horseriding Manchu with his shaved forehead, present himself as the Prince Regent.[34] In the midst of this upheaval, Dorgon installed himself in the Wuying Palace (武英殿), the only building that remained more or less intact after Li Zicheng had set fire to the palace complex on 3 June.[35] Banner troops were ordered not to loot; their discipline made the transition to Qing rule "remarkably smooth."[36] Yet at the same time as he claimed to have come to avenge the Ming, Dorgon ordered that all claimants to the Ming throne (including descendants of the last Ming emperor) should be executed along with their supporters.[37]

On 7 June, just two days after entering the city, Dorgon issued special proclamations to officials around the capital, assuring them that if the local population accepted to shave their forehead, wear a queue, and surrender, the officials would be allowed to stay at their post.[38] He had to repeal this command three weeks later after several peasant rebellions erupted around Beijing, threatening Qing control over the capital region.[39]

Dorgon greeted the Shunzhi Emperor at the gates of Beijing on 19 October 1644.[40] On 30 October the six-year-old monarch performed sacrifices to Heaven and Earth at the Altar of Heaven.[41] The southern cadet branch of Confucius' descendants who held the title Wujing boshi 五經博士 and the sixty-fifth generation descendant of Confucius to hold the title Duke Yansheng in the northern branch both had their titles reconfirmed on 31 October.[41] A formal ritual of enthronement for Fulin was held on 8 November, during which the young emperor compared Dorgon's achievements to those of the Duke of Zhou, a revered regent from antiquity.[42] During the ceremony, Dorgon's official title was raised from "Prince Regent" to "Uncle Prince Regent" (Shufu shezheng wang 叔父攝政王), in which the Manchu term for "Uncle" (ecike) represented a rank higher than that of imperial prince.[43] Three days later Dorgon's co-regent Jirgalang was demoted from "Prince Regent" to "Assistant Uncle Prince Regent" (Fu zheng shuwang 輔政叔王).[44] In June 1645, Dorgon eventually decreed that all official documents should refer to him as "Imperial Uncle Prince Regent" (Huang shufu shezheng wang 皇叔父攝政王), which left him one step short of claiming the throne for himself.[44]

 
Examination cells in Beijing. In order to enhance their legitimacy among the Chinese elite, the Qing reestablished the imperial civil service examinations almost as soon as they seized Beijing in 1644.

One of Dorgon's first orders in the new Qing capital was to vacate the entire northern part of Beijing to give it to Bannermen, including Han Chinese Bannermen.[45] The Yellow Banners were given the place of honor north of the palace, followed by the White Banners east, the Red Banners west, and the Blue Banners south.[46] This distribution accorded with the order established in the Manchu homeland before the conquest and under which "each of the banners was given a fixed geographical location according to the points of the compass."[47] Despite tax remissions and large-scale building programs designed to facilitate the transition, in 1648 many Chinese civilians still lived among the newly arrived Banner population and there was still animosity between the two groups.[48] Agricultural land outside the capital was also marked off (quan 圈) and given to Qing troops.[49] Former landowners now became tenants who had to pay rent to their absentee Bannermen landlords.[49] This transition in land use caused "several decades of disruption and hardship."[49]

In 1646, Dorgon also ordered that the civil examinations for selecting government officials be reestablished. From then on they were held regularly every three years as under the Ming. In the very first palace examination held under Qing rule in 1646, candidates, most of whom were northern Chinese, were asked how the Manchus and Han Chinese could be made to work together for a common purpose.[50] The 1649 examination inquired about "how Manchus and Han Chinese could be unified so that their hearts were the same and they worked together without division."[51] Under the Shunzhi Emperor's reign, the average number of graduates per session of the metropolitan examination was the highest of the Qing dynasty ("to win more Chinese support"), until 1660 when lower quotas were established.[52]

To promote ethnic harmony, in 1648 an imperial decree formulated by Dorgon allowed Han Chinese civilians to marry women from the Manchu Banners, with the permission of the Board of Revenue if they were registered daughters of officials or commoners, or the permission of their banner company captain if they were unregistered commoners. Only later in the dynasty were these policies allowing intermarriage rescinded.[45][53][54]

Conquest of China proper Edit

Main article: Qing conquest of the Ming
See also: Southern Ming
 
A late-Qing woodblock print representing the Yangzhou massacre of May 1645. Dorgon's brother Dodo ordered this massacre to scare other southern Chinese cities into submission. By the late nineteenth century the massacre was used by anti-Qing revolutionaries to arouse anti-Manchu sentiment among the Han Chinese population.[55]

Under the reign of Dorgon—whom historians have variously called "the mastermind of the Qing conquest" and "the principal architect of the great Manchu enterprise"—the Qing subdued almost all of China and pushed loyalist "Southern Ming" resistance into the far southwestern reaches of China. After repressing anti-Qing revolts in Hebei and Shandong in the Summer and Fall of 1644, Dorgon sent armies to root out Li Zicheng from the important city of Xi'an (Shaanxi province), where Li had reestablished his headquarters after fleeing Beijing in early June 1644.[56] Under the pressure of Qing armies, Li was forced to leave Xi'an in February 1645, and he was killed—either by his own hand or by a peasant group that had organized for self-defense in this time of rampant banditry—in September 1645 after fleeing though several provinces.[57]

From newly captured Xi'an, in early April 1645 the Qing mounted a campaign against the rich commercial and agricultural region of Jiangnan south of the lower Yangtze River, where in June 1644 a Ming imperial prince had established a regime loyal to the Ming.[a] Factional bickering and numerous defections prevented the Southern Ming from mounting an efficient resistance.[b] Several Qing armies swept south, taking the key city of Xuzhou north of the Huai River in early May 1645 and soon converging on Yangzhou, the main city on the Southern Ming's northern line of defense.[62] Bravely defended by Shi Kefa, who refused to surrender, Yangzhou fell to Manchu artillery on 20 May after a one-week siege.[63] Dorgon's brother Prince Dodo then ordered the slaughter of Yangzhou's entire population.[64] As intended, this massacre terrorized other Jiangnan cities into surrendering to the Qing.[65] Indeed, Nanjing surrendered without a fight on 16 June after its last defenders had made Dodo promise he would not hurt the population.[66] The Qing soon captured the Ming emperor (who died in Beijing the following year) and seized Jiangnan's main cities, including Suzhou and Hangzhou; by early July 1645, the frontier between the Qing and the Southern Ming had been pushed south to the Qiantang River.[67]

 
A man in San Francisco's Chinatown around 1900. The Chinese habit of wearing a queue came from Dorgon's July 1645 edict ordering all men to shave their forehead and tie their hair into a queue similar to those of the Manchus.

On 21 July 1645, after Jiangnan had been superficially pacified, Dorgon issued a most inopportune edict ordering all Chinese men to shave their forehead and to braid the rest of their hair into a queue identical to those of the Manchus.[68] The punishment for non-compliance was death.[69] This policy of symbolic submission helped the Manchus in telling friend from foe.[70] For Han officials and literati, however, the new hairstyle was shameful and demeaning (because it breached a common Confucian directive to preserve one's body intact), whereas for common folk cutting their hair was the same as losing their virility.[71] Because it united Chinese of all social backgrounds into resistance against Qing rule, the hair cutting command greatly hindered the Qing conquest.[72] The defiant population of Jiading and Songjiang was massacred by former Ming general Li Chengdong (李成東; d. 1649), respectively on 24 August and 22 September.[73] Jiangyin also held out against about 10,000 Qing troops for 83 days. When the city wall was finally breached on 9 October 1645, the Qing army led by Ming defector Liu Liangzuo (劉良佐; d. 1667) massacred the entire population, killing between 74,000 and 100,000 people.[74] These massacres ended armed resistance against the Qing in the Lower Yangtze.[75] A few committed loyalists became hermits, hoping that for lack of military success, their withdrawal from the world would at least symbolize their continued defiance against foreign rule.[75]

After the fall of Nanjing, two more members of the Ming imperial household created new Southern Ming regimes: one centered in coastal Fujian around the "Longwu Emperor" Zhu Yujian, Prince of Tang—a ninth-generation descendant of Ming founder Zhu Yuanzhang—and one in Zhejiang around "Regent" Zhu Yihai, Prince of Lu.[76] But the two loyalist groups failed to cooperate, making their chances of success even lower than they already were.[77] In July 1646, a new Southern Campaign led by Prince Bolo sent Prince Lu's Zhejiang court into disarray and proceeded to attack the Longwu regime in Fujian.[78] Zhu Yujian was caught and summarily executed in Tingzhou (western Fujian) on 6 October.[79] His adoptive son Koxinga fled to the island of Taiwan with his fleet.[79] Finally in November, the remaining centers of Ming resistance in Jiangxi province fell to the Qing.[80]

 
Johan Nieuhof's portrait of Shang Kexi, who recaptured Guangzhou from Ming loyalist forces in 1650. He was one of the Han Chinese generals the Qing relied on to conquer and administer southern China. Entrenched in the south, he eventually took part in the anti-Qing rebellion of the Three Feudatories in 1673.

In late 1646 two more Southern Ming monarchs emerged in the southern province of Guangzhou, reigning under the era names of Shaowu (紹武) and Yongli.[80] Short of official costumes, the Shaowu court had to purchase robes from local theater troops.[80] The two Ming regimes fought each other until 20 January 1647, when a small Qing force led by Li Chengdong captured Guangzhou, killed the Shaowu Emperor, and sent the Yongli court fleeing to Nanning in Guangxi.[81] In May 1648, however, Li mutinied against the Qing, and the concurrent rebellion of another former Ming general in Jiangxi helped Yongli to retake most of south China.[82] This resurgence of loyalist hopes was short-lived. New Qing armies managed to reconquer the central provinces of Huguang (present-day Hubei and Hunan), Jiangxi, and Guangdong in 1649 and 1650.[83] The Yongli emperor had to flee again.[83] Finally on 24 November 1650, Qing forces led by Shang Kexi captured Guangzhou and massacred the city's population, killing as many as 70,000 people.[84]

Meanwhile, in October 1646, Qing armies led by Hooge (the son of Hong Taiji who had lost the succession struggle of 1643) reached Sichuan, where their mission was to destroy the kingdom of bandit leader Zhang Xianzhong.[85] Zhang was killed in a battle against Qing forces near Xichong in central Sichuan on 1 February 1647.[86] Also late in 1646 but further north, forces assembled by a Muslim leader known in Chinese sources as Milayin (米喇印) revolted against Qing rule in Ganzhou (Gansu). He was soon joined by another Muslim named Ding Guodong (丁國棟).[87] Proclaiming that they wanted to restore the Ming, they occupied a number of towns in Gansu, including the provincial capital Lanzhou.[87] These rebels' willingness to collaborate with non-Muslim Chinese suggests that they were not only driven by religion.[87] Both Milayin and Ding Guodong were captured and killed by Meng Qiaofang (孟喬芳; 1595–1654) in 1648, and by 1650 the Muslim rebels had been crushed in campaigns that inflicted heavy casualties.[88]

Transition and personal rule (1651–1661) Edit

Purging Dorgon's clique Edit

 
Portrait of the Shunzhi Emperor in adulthood

Dorgon's unexpected death on 31 December 1650 during a hunting trip triggered a period of fierce factional struggles and opened the way for deep political reforms.[89] Because Dorgon's supporters were still influential at court, Dorgon was given an imperial funeral and was posthumously elevated to imperial status as the "Righteous Emperor" (yi huangdi 義皇帝).[90] On the same day of mid-January 1651, however, several officers of the White Banners led by former Dorgon supporter Ubai arrested Dorgon's brother Ajige for fear he would proclaim himself as the new regent; Ubai and his officers then named themselves presidents of several Ministries and prepared to take charge of the government.[91]

Meanwhile, Jirgalang, who had been stripped of his title of regent in 1647, gathered support among Banner officers who had been disgruntled during Dorgon's rule.[92] In order to consolidate support for the emperor in the two Yellow Banners (which had belonged to the Qing monarch since Hong Taiji) and to gain followers in Dorgon's Plain White Banner, Jirgalang named them the "Upper Three Banners" (shang san qi 上三旗; Manchu: dergi ilan gūsa), which from then on were owned and controlled by the emperor.[93] Oboi and Suksaha, who would become regents for the Kangxi Emperor in 1661, were among the Banner officers who gave Jirgalang their support, and Jirgalang appointed them to the Council of Deliberative Princes to reward them.[92]

On 1 February, Jirgalang announced that the Shunzhi Emperor, who was about to turn thirteen, would now assume full imperial authority.[92] The regency was thus officially abolished. Jirgalang then moved to the attack. In late February or early March 1651 he accused Dorgon of usurping imperial prerogatives: Dorgon was found guilty and all his posthumous honors were removed.[92] Jirgalang continued to purge former members of Dorgon's clique and to bestow high ranks and nobility titles upon a growing number of followers in the Three Imperial Banners, so that by 1652 all of Dorgon's former supporters had been either killed or effectively removed from government.[94]

Factional politics and the fight against corruption Edit

 
Court dress was a controversial topic during the Shunzhi era. High official Chen Mingxia was denounced in 1654 because he advocated returning to Ming-dynasty court dress, an example of which is shown in this 17th-century portrait of Ni Yuanlu.

On 7 April 1651, barely two months after he seized the reins of government, the Shunzhi Emperor issued an edict announcing that he would purge corruption from officialdom.[95] This edict triggered factional conflicts among literati that would frustrate him until his death.[96] One of his first gestures was to dismiss grand academician Feng Quan (馮銓; 1595–1672), a northern Chinese who had been impeached in 1645 but was allowed to remain in his post by Prince Regent Dorgon.[97] The Shunzhi Emperor replaced Feng with Chen Mingxia (ca. 1601–1654), an influential southern Chinese with good connections in Jiangnan literary societies.[98] Though later in 1651 Chen was also dismissed on charges of influence peddling, he was reinstated in his post in 1653 and soon became a close personal advisor to the sovereign.[99] He was even allowed to draft imperial edicts just as Ming Grand Secretaries used to.[100] Still in 1653, the Shunzhi Emperor decided to recall the disgraced Feng Quan, but instead of balancing the influence of northern and southern Chinese officials at court as the emperor had intended, Feng Quan's return only intensified factional strife.[101] In several controversies at court in 1653 and 1654, the southerners formed one bloc opposed to the northerners and the Manchus.[102] In April 1654, when Chen Mingxia spoke to northern official Ning Wanwo (寧完我; d. 1665) about restoring the style of dress of the Ming court, Ning immediately denounced Chen to the emperor and accused him of various crimes including bribe-taking, nepotism, factionalism, and usurping imperial prerogatives.[103] Chen was executed by strangulation on 27 April 1654.[104]

In November 1657, a major cheating scandal erupted during the Shuntian provincial-level examinations in Beijing.[105] Eight candidates from Jiangnan who were also relatives of Beijing officials had bribed examiners in the hope of being ranked higher in the contest.[106] Seven examination supervisors found guilty of receiving bribes were executed, and several hundred people were sentenced to punishments ranging from demotion to exile and confiscation of property.[107] The scandal, which soon spread to Nanjing examination circles, uncovered the corruption and influence-peddling that was rife in the bureaucracy, and that many moralistic officials from the north attributed to the existence of southern literary clubs and to the decline of classical scholarship.[108]

Chinese style of rule Edit

During his short reign, the Shunzhi Emperor encouraged Han Chinese to participate in government activities and revived many Chinese-style institutions that had been either abolished or marginalized during Dorgon's regency. He discussed history, classics, and politics with grand academicians such as Chen Mingxia (see previous section) and surrounded himself with new men such as Wang Xi (王熙; 1628–1703), a young northern Chinese who was fluent in Manchu.[109] The "Six Edicts" (Liu yu 六諭) that the Shunzhi Emperor promulgated in 1652 were the predecessors to the Kangxi Emperor's "Sacred Edicts" (1670): "bare bones of Confucian orthodoxy" that instructed the population to behave in a filial and law-abiding fashion.[110] In another move toward Chinese-style government, the sovereign reestablished the Hanlin Academy and the Grand Secretariat in 1658. These two institutions based on Ming models further eroded the power of the Manchu elite and threatened to revive the extremes of literati politics that had plagued the late Ming, when factions coalesced around rival grand secretaries.[111]

To counteract the power of the Imperial Household Department and the Manchu nobility, in July 1653 the Shunzhi Emperor established the Thirteen Offices (十三衙門), or Thirteen Eunuch Bureaus, which were supervised by Manchus, but manned by Chinese eunuchs rather than Manchu bondservants.[112] Eunuchs had been kept under tight control during Dorgon's regency, but the young emperor used them to counter the influence of other power centers such as his mother the Empress Dowager and former regent Jirgalang.[113] By the late 1650s eunuch power became formidable again: they handled key financial and political matters, offered advice on official appointments, and even composed edicts.[114] Because eunuchs isolated the monarch from the bureaucracy, Manchu and Chinese officials feared a return to the abuses of eunuch power that had plagued the late Ming.[115] Despite the emperor's attempt to impose strictures on eunuch activities, the Shunzhi Emperor's favorite eunuch Wu Liangfu (吳良輔; d. 1661), who had helped him defeat the Dorgon faction in the early 1650s, was caught in a corruption scandal in 1658.[116] The fact that Wu only received a reprimand for his accepting bribes did not reassure the Manchu elite, which saw eunuch power as a degradation of Manchu power.[117] The Thirteen Offices would be eliminated (and Wu Liangfu executed) by Oboi and the other regents of the Kangxi Emperor in March 1661 soon after the Shunzhi Emperor's death.[118]

Frontiers, tributaries, and foreign relations Edit

 
"Moghul embassy" (emissaries from a Mughal prince who ruled Turfan in Central Asia) as portrayed in 1656 by Dutch visitors to the Shunzhi Emperor's Beijing.[119]

In 1646, when Qing armies led by Bolo had entered the city of Fuzhou, they had found envoys from the Ryūkyū Kingdom, Annam, and the Spanish in Manila.[120] These tributary embassies that had come to see the now fallen Longwu Emperor of the Southern Ming were forwarded to Beijing, and eventually sent home with instructions about submitting to the Qing.[120] The King of the Ryūkyū Islands sent his first tribute mission to the Qing in 1649, Siam in 1652, and Annam in 1661, after the last remnants of Ming resistance had been removed from Yunnan, which bordered Annam.[120]

Also in 1646 sultan Abu al-Muhammad Haiji Khan, a Moghul prince who ruled Turfan, had sent an embassy requesting the resumption of trade with China, which had been interrupted by the fall of the Ming dynasty.[121] The mission was sent without solicitation, but the Qing agreed to receive it, allowing it to conduct tribute trade in Beijing and Lanzhou (Gansu).[122] But this agreement was interrupted by a Muslim rebellion that engulfed the northwest in 1646 (see the last paragraph of the "Conquest of China" section above). Tribute and trade with Hami and Turfan, which had aided the rebels, were eventually resumed in 1656.[123] In 1655, however, the Qing court announced that tributary missions from Turfan would be accepted only once every five years.[124]

 
The bell-shaped White Dagoba, which can still be seen in Beihai Park in Beijing, was commissioned by the Shunzhi Emperor to honor Tibetan Buddhism.

In 1651 the young emperor invited to Beijing the Fifth Dalai Lama, the leader of the Yellow Hat Sect of Tibetan Buddhism, who, with the military help of Khoshot Mongol Gushri Khan, had recently unified religious and secular rule in Tibet.[125] Qing emperors had been patrons of Tibetan Buddhism since at least 1621 under the reign of Nurhaci, but there were also political reasons behind the invitation.[126] Namely, Tibet was becoming a powerful polity west of the Qing, and the Dalai Lama held influence over Mongol tribes, many of which had not submitted to the Qing.[127] To prepare for the arrival of this "living Buddha," the Shunzhi Emperor ordered the building of the White Dagoba (baita 白塔) on an island on one of the imperial lakes northwest of the Forbidden City, at the former site of Qubilai Khan's palace.[128] After more invitations and diplomatic exchanges to decide where the Tibetan leader would meet the Qing emperor, the Dalai Lama arrived in Beijing in January 1653.[c] The Dalai Lama later had a scene of this visit carved in the Potala Palace in Lhasa, which he had started building in 1645.[129]

Meanwhile, north of the Manchu homeland, adventurers Vassili Poyarkov (1643–1646) and Yerofei Khabarov (1649–1653) had started to explore the Amur River valley for Tzarist Russia. In 1653 Khabarov was recalled to Moscow and replaced by Onufriy Stepanov, who assumed command of Khabarov's Cossack troops.[130] Stepanov went south into the Sungari River, along which he exacted "yasak" (fur tribute) from native populations such as the Daur and the Duchers, but these groups resisted because they were already paying tribute to the Shunzhi Emperor ("Shamshakan" in Russian sources).[131] In 1654 Stepanov defeated a small Manchu force that had been despatched from Ningguta to investigate Russian advances.[130] In 1655 another Qing commander, the Mongol Minggadari (d. 1669), defeated Stepanov's forces at fort Kumarsk on the Amur, but this was not enough to chase the Russians.[132] In 1658, however, Manchu general Šarhūda (1599–1659) attacked Stepanov with a fleet of 40 or more ships that managed to kill or capture most Russians.[130] This Qing victory temporarily cleared the Amur valley of Cossack bands, but Sino-Russian border conflicts would continue until 1689, when the signature of the Treaty of Nerchinsk fixed the borders between Russia and the Qing.[130]

Continuous campaigns against the Southern Ming Edit

 
The flight of the Yongli Emperor—the last sovereign of the Southern Ming dynasty—from 1647 to 1661. The provincial and national boundaries are those of the People's Republic of China.

Though the Qing under Dorgon's leadership had successfully pushed the Southern Ming deep into southern China, Ming loyalism was not dead yet. In early August 1652, Li Dingguo, who had served as general in Sichuan under bandit king Zhang Xianzhong (d. 1647) and was now protecting the Yongli Emperor of the Southern Ming, retook Guilin (Guangxi province) from the Qing.[133] Within a month, most of the commanders who had been supporting the Qing in Guangxi reverted to the Ming side.[134] Despite occasionally successful military campaigns in Huguang and Guangdong in the next two years, Li failed to retake important cities.[133] In 1653, the Qing court put Hong Chengchou in charge of retaking the southwest.[135] Headquartered in Changsha (in what is now Hunan province), he patiently built up his forces; only in late 1658 did well-fed and well-supplied Qing troops mount a multipronged campaign to take Guizhou and Yunnan.[135] In late January 1659, a Qing army led by Manchu prince Doni took the capital of Yunnan, sending the Yongli Emperor fleeing into nearby Burma, which was then ruled by King Pindale Min of the Toungoo dynasty.[135] The last sovereign of the Southern Ming stayed there until 1662, when he was captured and executed by Wu Sangui, the former Ming general whose surrender to the Manchus in April 1644 had allowed Dorgon to start the Qing conquest of China.[136]

Zheng Chenggong ("Koxinga"), who had been adopted by the Longwu Emperor in 1646 and ennobled by Yongli in 1655, also continued to defend the cause of the Southern Ming.[137] In 1659, just as the Shunzhi Emperor was preparing to hold a special examination to celebrate the glories of his reign and the success of the southwestern campaigns, Zheng sailed up the Yangtze River with a well-armed fleet, took several cities from Qing hands, and went so far as to threaten Nanjing.[138] When the emperor heard of this sudden attack he is said to have slashed his throne with a sword in anger.[138] But the siege of Nanjing was relieved and Zheng Chenggong repelled, forcing Zheng to take refuge in the southeastern coastal province of Fujian.[139] Pressured by Qing fleets, Zheng fled to Taiwan in April 1661 but died that same summer.[140] His descendants resisted Qing rule until 1683, when the Kangxi Emperor successfully took the island.[141]

Personality and relationships Edit

 
Johann Adam Schall von Bell, a Jesuit missionary the Shunzhi Emperor affectionately called mafa ("grand'pa" in Manchu).

After Fulin came to rule on his own in 1651, his mother the Empress Dowager Zhaosheng arranged for him to marry her niece, but the young monarch deposed his new Empress in 1653.[142] The following year Xiaozhuang arranged another imperial marriage with her Khorchin Mongol clan, this time matching her son with her own grand-niece.[142] Though Fulin also disliked his second empress (known posthumously as Empress Xiaohuizhang), he was not allowed to demote her. She never bore him children.[143] Starting in 1656, the Shunzhi Emperor lavished his affection on Consort Donggo, who, according to Jesuit accounts from the time, had first been the wife of another Manchu noble.[144] She gave birth to a son (the Shunzhi Emperor's fourth) in November 1657. The emperor would have made him his heir apparent, but he died early in 1658 before he was given a name.[145]

The Shunzhi Emperor was an open-minded emperor and relied on the advice of Johann Adam Schall von Bell, a Jesuit missionary from Cologne in the Germanic parts of the Holy Roman Empire, for guidance on matters ranging from astronomy and technology to religion and government.[146] In late 1644, Dorgon had put Schall in charge of preparing a new calendar because his eclipse predictions had proven more reliable than those of the official astronomer.[147] After Dorgon's death Schall developed a personal relationship with the young emperor, who called him "grandfather" (mafa in Manchu).[148] At the height of his influence in 1656 and 1657, Schall reports that the Shunzhi Emperor often visited his house and talked to him late into the night.[146] He was excused from prostrating himself in the presence of the emperor, was granted land to build a church in Beijing, and was even given imperial permission to adopt a son (because Fulin worried that Schall did not have an heir), but the Jesuits' hope of converting the Qing sovereign to Christianity was crushed when the Shunzhi Emperor became a devout follower of Chan Buddhism in 1657.[149]

The emperor developed a good command of Chinese that allowed him to manage matters of state and to appreciate Chinese arts such as calligraphy and drama.[150] One of his favorite texts was "Rhapsody of a Myriad Sorrows" (Wan chou qu 萬愁曲), by Gui Zhuang (歸莊; 1613–1673), who was a close friend of anti-Qing intellectuals Gu Yanwu and Wan Shouqi (萬壽祺; 1603–1652).[151] "Quite passionate and attach[ing] great importance to qing (love)," he could also recite by heart long passages of the popular Romance of the Western Chamber.[150]


Death and succession Edit

 
Electron micrograph of the smallpox virus, which the Manchus had no immunity against. The Shunzhi Emperor died of it, and his young successor, Xuanye, was chosen because he had already survived it.

Smallpox Edit

In September 1660, Consort Donggo, the Shunzhi Emperor's favourite consort, suddenly died as a result of grief over the loss of a child.[138] Overwhelmed with grief, the emperor fell into dejection for months, until he contracted smallpox on 2 February 1661.[138] On 4 February 1661, officials Wang Xi (王熙, 1628–1703; the emperor's confidant) and Margi (a Manchu) were called to the emperor's bedside to record his last will.[152] On the same day, his seven-year-old third son Xuanye was chosen to be his successor, probably because he had already survived smallpox.[153] The emperor died on 5 February 1661 in the Forbidden City at the age of twenty-two.[138]

The Manchus feared smallpox more than any other disease because they had no immunity to it and almost always died when they contracted it.[154] By 1622 at the latest, they had already established an agency to investigate smallpox cases and isolate sufferers to avoid contagion.[155] During outbreaks, royal family members were routinely sent to "smallpox avoidance centers" (bidousuo 避痘所) to protect themselves from infection.[156] The Shunzhi Emperor was particularly fearful of the disease, because he was young and lived in a large city, near sources of contagion.[156] Indeed, during his reign at least nine outbreaks of smallpox were recorded in Beijing, each time forcing the emperor to move to a protected area such as the "Southern Park" (Nanyuan 南苑), a hunting ground south of Beijing where Dorgon had built a "smallpox avoidance center" in the 1640s.[157] Despite this and other precautions—such as rules forcing Chinese residents to move out of the city when they contracted smallpox—the young monarch still succumbed to that illness.[158]

Forged last will Edit

 
An official court portrait of Oboi, who on 5 February 1661 was named as the main regent to the newly enthroned Kangxi Emperor, who was only seven years old.

The emperor's last will, which was made public on the evening of 5 February, appointed four regents for his young son: Oboi, Soni, Suksaha, and Ebilun, who had all helped Jirgalang to purge the court of Dorgon's supporters after Dorgon's death on the last day of 1650.[159] It is difficult to determine whether the Shunzhi Emperor had really named these four Manchu nobles as regents, because they and Empress Dowager Zhaosheng clearly tampered with the emperor's testament before promulgating it.[d] The emperor's will expressed his regret about his Chinese-style ruling (his reliance on eunuchs and his favoritism toward Chinese officials), his neglect of Manchu nobles and traditions, and his headstrong devotion to his consort rather than to his mother.[160] Though the emperor had often issued self-deprecating edicts during his reign, the policies his will rejected had been central to his government since he had assumed personal rule in the early 1650s.[161] The will as it was formulated gave "the mantle of imperial authority" to the four regents, and served to support their pro-Manchu policies during the period known as the Oboi regency, which lasted from 1661 to 1669.[162]

After death Edit

Because court statements did not clearly announce the cause of the emperor's death, rumors soon started to circulate that he had not died but in fact retired to a Buddhist monastery to live anonymously as a monk, either out of grief for the death of his beloved consort, or because of a coup by the Manchu nobles his will had named as regents.[163] These rumors seemed not so incredible because the emperor had become a fervent follower of Chan Buddhism in the late 1650s, even letting monks move into the imperial palace.[164] Modern Chinese historians have considered the Shunzhi Emperor's possible retirement as one of the three mysterious cases of the early Qing.[e] But much circumstantial evidence—including an account by one of these monks that the emperor's health greatly deteriorated in early February 1661 because of smallpox, and the fact that a concubine and an Imperial Bodyguard committed suicide to accompany the emperor in burial—suggests that the Shunzhi Emperor's death was not staged.[165]

After being kept in the Forbidden City for 27 days of mourning, on 3 March 1661 the emperor's corpse was transported in a lavish procession to Jingshan 景山 (a hillock just north of the Forbidden City), after which a large amount of precious goods were burned as funeral offerings.[166] Only two years later, in 1663, was the body transported to its final resting place.[167] Contrary to Manchu customs at the time, which usually dictated that a deceased person should be cremated, the Shunzhi Emperor was buried.[168] He was interred in what later came to be known as the Eastern Qing Tombs, 125 kilometers (75 miles) northeast of Beijing, one of two Qing imperial cemeteries.[169] His tomb is part of the Xiao (孝) mausoleum complex (known in Manchu as the Hiyoošungga Munggan), which was the first mausoleum to be erected on that site.[169]

Legacy Edit

See also: Four Regents of the Kangxi Emperor and Kangxi Emperor
 
The Kangxi Emperor's three "southern tours" in the Jiangnan region—1684, 1689 (here depicted), and 1699—asserted the prestige and confidence of the newly solidified Qing dynasty a few years after it defeated the Three Feudatories.[170]

The fake will in which the Shunzhi Emperor had supposedly expressed regret for abandoning Manchu traditions gave authority to the nativist policies of the Kangxi Emperor's four regents.[171] Citing the testament, Oboi and the other regents quickly abolished the Thirteen Eunuch Bureaus.[172] Over the next few years, they enhanced the power of the Imperial Household Department, which was run by Manchus and their bondservants, eliminated the Hanlin Academy, and limited membership in the Deliberative Council of Princes and Ministers to Manchus and Mongols.[173] The regents also adopted aggressive policies toward the Qing's Chinese subjects: they executed dozens of people and punished thousands of others in the wealthy Jiangnan region for literary dissent and tax arrears, and forced the coastal population of southeast China to move inland in order to starve the Taiwan-based Kingdom of Tungning run by descendants of Koxinga.[174]

After the Kangxi Emperor managed to imprison Oboi in 1669, he reverted many of the regents' policies.[175] He restored institutions his father had favored, including the Grand Secretariat, through which Chinese officials gained an important voice in government.[176] He also defeated the rebellion of the Three Feudatories, three Chinese military commanders who had played key military roles in the Qing conquest, but had now become entrenched rulers of enormous domains in southern China.[177] The civil war (1673–1681) tested the loyalty of the new Qing subjects, but Qing armies eventually prevailed.[178] Once victory had become certain, a special examination for "eminent scholars of broad learning" (Boxue hongru 博學鴻儒) was held in 1679 to attract Chinese literati who had refused to serve the new dynasty.[179] The successful candidates were assigned to compile the official history of the fallen Ming dynasty.[177] The rebellion was defeated in 1681, the same year the Kangxi Emperor initiated the use of variolation to inoculate children of the imperial family against smallpox.[180] When the Kingdom of Tungning finally fell in 1683, the military consolidation of the Qing regime was complete.[177] The institutional foundation laid by Dorgon, and the Shunzhi and Kangxi emperors allowed the Qing to erect an imperial edifice of awesome proportion and to turn it into "one of the most successful imperial states the world has known."[181] Ironically, however, the prolonged Pax Manchurica that followed the Kangxi consolidation made the Qing unprepared to face aggressive European powers with modern weaponry in the nineteenth century.[182]

Family Edit

Although only nineteen empresses and consorts are recorded for the Shunzhi Emperor in the Aisin Gioro genealogy made by the Imperial Clan Court, burial records show that he had at least thirty-two of them.[183] Twelve bore him children. There were two empresses in his reign, both relatives of his mother the empress dowager. After the 1644 conquest, imperial consorts and empresses were usually known by their titles and by the name of their patrilineal clan.[184]

Eleven of the Shunzhi Emperor's 32 spouses bore him a total of fourteen children,[185] but only four sons (Fuquan, Xuanye, Changning, and Longxi) and one daughter (Princess Gongque) lived to be old enough to marry. Unlike later Qing emperors, the names of the Shunzhi Emperor's sons did not include a generational character.[186]

 
The Shunzhi Emperor's third son, Xuanye, after he had become the Kangxi Emperor (r. 1661–1722).

Before the Qing court moved to Beijing in 1644, Manchu women used to have personal names, but after 1644 these names "disappear from the genealogical and archival records."[184] Only after their betrothal were imperial daughters given a title and rank, by which they then became known.[184] Although five of the Shunzhi Emperor's six daughters died in infancy or childhood, they all appear in the Aisin Gioro genealogy.[184]

Empress

  • Consort Jing, of the Khorchin Borjigit clan (靜妃 博爾濟吉特氏), first cousin, personal name Erdeni Bumba (額爾德尼布木巴)
  • Empress Xiaohuizhang, of the Khorchin Borjigit clan (孝惠章皇后 博爾濟吉特氏; 5 November 1641 – 7 January 1718), personal name Altantsetseg (阿拉坦琪琪格)
  • Empress Xiaoxian, of the Donggo clan (孝獻皇后 董鄂氏; 1639 – 23 September 1660)
    • Prince Rong of the First Rank (榮親王; 12 November 1657 – 25 February 1658), fourth son

Consort

  • Consort Dao, of the Khorchin Borjigit clan (悼妃 博爾濟吉特氏; d. 7 April 1658), first cousin
  • Consort Zhen, of the Donggo clan (貞妃 董鄂氏; d. 5 February 1661)
  • Consort Ke, of the Shi clan (恪妃 石氏; d. 13 January 1668)
  • Consort Gongjing, of the Hotsit Borjigit clan (恭靖妃 博爾濟吉特氏; d. 20 May 1689)
  • Consort Shuhui, of the Khorchin Borjigit clan (淑惠妃 博爾濟吉特氏; 1642 – 17 December 1713), first cousin once removed
  • Consort Duanshun, of the Abaga Borjigit clan (端順妃 博爾濟吉特氏; d. 1 August 1709)
  • Consort Ningque, of the Donggo clan (寧愨妃 董鄂氏; d. 11 August 1694)

Concubine

  • Mistress, of the Ba clan (巴氏)
    • Niuniu (牛鈕; 13 December 1651 – 9 March 1652), first son
    • Third daughter (30 January 1654 – April/May 1658)
    • Fifth daughter (6 February 1655 – January 1661)
  • Mistress, of the Chen clan (陳氏; d. 1690)
  • Mistress, of the Yang clan (楊氏)
    • Princess Gongque of the Second Rank (和碩恭愨公主; 19 January 1654 – 26 November 1685), second daughter
      • Married Na'erdu (訥爾杜; d. 1676) of the Manchu Gūwalgiya clan in February/March 1667
    • Fourth daughter (9 January 1655 – March/April 1661)
  • Mistress, of the Nara clan (那拉氏)
    • Sixth daughter (11 November 1657 – March 1661)
  • Mistress, of the Tang clan (唐氏)
    • Qishou (奇授; 3 January 1660 – 12 December 1665), sixth son
  • Mistress, of the Muktu clan (穆克圖氏)
    • Yonggan (永幹; 23 January 1661 – 15 January 1668), eighth son

Ancestry Edit

Giocangga (1526–1583)
Taksi (1543–1583)
Empress Yi
Nurhaci (1559–1626)
Agu
Empress Xuan (d. 1569)
Hong Taiji (1592–1643)
Taitanju
Yangginu (d. 1583)
Empress Xiaocigao (1575–1603)
Mother-in-law of Yehe
Shunzhi Emperor (1638–1661)
Namusai
Manggusi
Jaisang
Empress Xiaozhuangwen (1613–1688)
Boli (d. 1654)

In popular culture Edit

See also Edit

Explanatory notes Edit

  1. ^ Dorgon's brother Dodo received the command to lead this "southern expedition" (nan zheng 南征) on 1 April.[58] He set out from Xi'an on that very day.[59] The Ming Prince of Fu had been crowned as emperor on 19 June 1644.[60][61]
  2. ^ For examples of the factional struggles that weakened the Hongguang court, see Wakeman 1985, pp. 523–43. Some defections are explained in Wakeman 1985, pp. 543–45.
  3. ^ Western historians do not seem to agree on the date of the Dalai Lama's visit: see Wakeman 1985, p. 929, note 81 ("1651"); Crossley 1999, p. 239 ("1651"); Naquin 2000, pp. 311 and 473 ("1652"); Benard 2004, p. 134, note 23 ("1652"); Zarrow 2004b, p. 187, note 5 ("between 1652 and 1653"); Rawski 1998, p. 252 ("1653"); Berger 2003, p. 57. The Qing Veritable Records (Shilu 實錄) cited on p. 476 of Li 2003, however, clearly indicate that the Dalai Lama arrived in Beijing on 14 January 1653 (on the 15th day of the last month of the 9th year of Shunzhi) and left the capital sometime in the second month of the 10th year of Shunzhi (March 1653).
  4. ^ Historians agree that the Shunzhi Emperor's will was either deeply modified or forged altogether. See for instance Oxnam 1975, pp. 62–63 and 205-7; Kessler 1976, p. 20; Wakeman 1985, p. 1015; Dennerline 2002, p. 119; and Spence 2002, p. 126.
  5. ^ See Meng Sen 孟森 (1868–1937), The Three Disputed Cases of the Early Qing 《清初三大疑案》 (1935) (in Chinese). The other two are whether Dorgon secretly married Empress Dowager Zhaosheng and whether the Yongzheng Emperor usurped the succession to his father, the Kangxi Emperor.

References Edit

Citations Edit

  1. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 34.
  2. ^ Roth Li 2002, pp. 25–26.
  3. ^ Roth Li 2002, pp. 29–30 (campaigns of Jurchen unification) and 40 (seizing of patents).
  4. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 34.
  5. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 36.
  6. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 28.
  7. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 37.
  8. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 42.
  9. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 46.
  10. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 51.
  11. ^ Elliott 2001, p. 63.
  12. ^ Roth Li 2002, pp. 29–30.
  13. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 63.
  14. ^ Elliott 2001, p. 64 (preparing to attack the Ming); Spence 1999, pp. 21–24 (late Ming crises).
  15. ^ Oxnam 1975 (p. 38), Wakeman 1985 (p. 297), and Gong 2010 (p. 51) all place Hong Taiji's death on 21 September (Chongde 崇德 8.8.9). Dennerline 2002 (p. 74) gives the date as 9 September.
  16. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 98.
  17. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 99 (about the White and Yellow banners); Dennerline 2002, p. 79 (table with age of the imperial princes and the banners they controlled).
  18. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 77 (convening of the Deliberative Council to discuss Hong Taiji's succession); Hucker 1985, p. 266 (Deliberative Council as "the most influential shaper of policy in the early Ch'ing" [i.e., Qing]; Bartlett 1991, p. 1 (the Grand Council rose "to the overlordship of almost the entire central government of the Chinese empire" in the 1720s and 1730s).
  19. ^ a b Dennerline 2002, p. 78.
  20. ^ Fang 1943a, p. 255.
  21. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 73.
  22. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 299.
  23. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 300, note 231.
  24. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 79.
  25. ^ Roth Li 2002, p. 71.
  26. ^ Mote 1999, p. 809.
  27. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 304; Dennerline 2002, p. 81.
  28. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 290.
  29. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 304.
  30. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 308.
  31. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 311–12.
  32. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 313; Mote 1999, p. 817.
  33. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 313.
  34. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 314 (were all expecting Wu and the heir apparent) and 315 (reaction to seeing Dorgon instead).
  35. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 315.
  36. ^ Naquin 2000, p. 289.
  37. ^ Mote 1999, p. 818.
  38. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 416; Mote 1999, p. 828.
  39. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 420–22 (which explains these matters and claims that the order was repealed by edict on 25 June). Gong 2010, p. 84 gives the date as 28 June.
  40. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 857.
  41. ^ a b Wakeman 1985, p. 858.
  42. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 858 and 860 ("According to the emperor's speechwriter, who was probably Fan Wencheng, Dorgon even 'surpassed' (guo) the revered Duke of Zhou because 'The Uncle Prince also led the Grand Army through Shanhai Pass to smash two hundred thousand bandit soldiers, and then proceeded to take Yanjing, pacifying the Central Xia. He invited Us to come to the capital and received Us as a great guest'.").
  43. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 860–61, and p. 861, note 31.
  44. ^ a b Wakeman 1985, p. 861.
  45. ^ a b Wakeman 1985, pp. 478–.
  46. ^ See maps in Naquin 2000, p. 356 and Elliott 2001, p. 103.
  47. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 170.
  48. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 477 and Naquin 2000, pp. 289–91.
  49. ^ a b c Naquin 2000, p. 291.
  50. ^ Elman 2002, p. 389.
  51. ^ Cited in Elman 2002, pp. 389–90.
  52. ^ Man-Cheong 2004, p. 7, Table 1.1 (number of graduates per session under each Qing reign); Wakeman 1985, p. 954 (reason for the high quotas); Elman 2001, p. 169 (lower quotas in 1660).
  53. ^
  54. ^ Walthall, Anne (1 January 2008). Servants of the Dynasty: Palace Women in World History. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-25444-2.
  55. ^ Zarrow 2004a, passim.
  56. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 483 (Li reestablished headquarters in Xi'an) and 501 (Hebei and Shandong revolts, new campaigns against Li).
  57. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 501–7.
  58. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 521
  59. ^ Struve 1988, p. 657
  60. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 346
  61. ^ Struve 1988, p. 644
  62. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 522 (taking of Xuzhou; Struve 1988, p. 657 (converging on Yangzhou).
  63. ^ Struve 1988, p. 657.
  64. ^ Finnane 1993, p. 131.
  65. ^ Struve 1988, p. 657 (purpose of the massacre was to terrorize Jiangnan); Zarrow 2004a, passim (late-Qing uses of the Yangzhou massacre).
  66. ^ Struve 1988, p. 660.
  67. ^ Struve 1988, p. 660 (capture of Suzhou and Hangzhou by early July 1645; new frontier); Wakeman 1985, p. 580 (capture of the emperor around 17 June, and later death in Beijing).
  68. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 647; Struve 1988, p. 662; Dennerline 2002, p. 87 (which calls this edict "the most untimely promulgation of [Dorgon's] career."
  69. ^ Kuhn 1990, p. 12.
  70. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 647 ("From the Manchus' perspective, the command to cut one's hair or lose one's head not only brought rulers and subjects together into a single physical resemblance; it also provided them with a perfect loyalty test").
  71. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 648–49 (officials and literati) and 650 (common men). In the Classic of Filial Piety, Confucius is cited to say that "a person's body and hair, being gifts from one's parents, are not to be damaged: this is the beginning of filial piety" (身體髮膚，受之父母，不敢毀傷，孝之始也). Prior to the Qing dynasty, adult Han Chinese men customarily did not cut their hair, but instead wore it in a topknot.
  72. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 662–63 ("broke the momentum of the Qing conquest"); Wakeman 1975, p. 56 ("the hair-cutting order, more than any other act, engendered the Kiangnan [Jiangnan] resistance of 1645"); Wakeman 1985, p. 650 ("the rulers' effort to make Manchus and Han one unified 'body' initially had the effect of unifying upper- and lower-class natives in central and south China against the interlopers").
  73. ^ Wakeman 1975, p. 78.
  74. ^ Wakeman 1975, p. 83.
  75. ^ a b Wakeman 1985, p. 674.
  76. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 665 (on the Prince of Tang) and 666 (on the Prince of Lu).
  77. ^ Struve 1988, pp. 667–69 (for their failure to cooperate), 669-74 (for the deep financial and tactical problems that beset both regimes).
  78. ^ Struve 1988, p. 675.
  79. ^ a b Struve 1988, p. 676.
  80. ^ a b c Wakeman 1985, p. 737.
  81. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 738.
  82. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 765–66.
  83. ^ a b Wakeman 1985, p. 767.
  84. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 767–68.
  85. ^ Dai 2009, p. 17.
  86. ^ Dai 2009, pp. 17–18.
  87. ^ a b c Rossabi 1979, p. 191.
  88. ^ Larsen & Numata 1943, p. 572 (Meng Qiaofang, death of rebel leaders); Rossabi 1979, p. 192.
  89. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 47 ("intense factional rivalry," "among the fiercest and most complex of the early Ch'ing"); Wakeman 1985, pp. 892–93 (date and cause of Dorgon's death) and 907 (second "great wave of Qing institutional reform" from 1652 to 1655).
  90. ^ Oxnam 1975, pp. 47–48.
  91. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 47.
  92. ^ a b c d Oxnam 1975, p. 48.
  93. ^ Elliott 2001, p. 79 (Manchu name; "personal property of the emperor"); Oxnam 1975, p. 48 (timing and purpose of Jirgalang's move).
  94. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 49.
  95. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 106.
  96. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 107.
  97. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 106 (dismissal of Feng Quan in 1651); Wakeman 1985, pp. 865–72 (for the story of the failed purge of Feng Quan in 1645).
  98. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 107 ("coalition of literary societies"); Wakeman 1985, p. 865.
  99. ^ Dennerline 2002, pp. 108–9.
  100. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 109.
  101. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 958.
  102. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 959–74 (discussion of these cases).
  103. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 976 (April 1654, Ning Wanwo) and 977–81 (long discussion of Chen Mingxia's "crimes").
  104. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 985–86.
  105. ^ Gong 2010, p. 295 gives the date as 30 November 1657.
  106. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 1004, note 38.
  107. ^ Ho 1962, pp. 191–92.
  108. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 1004–5.
  109. ^ Dennerline 2002, pp. 109 (topics of discussions with Chen Mingxia) and 112 (on Wang Xi).
  110. ^ Mair 1985, p. 326 ("bare bones"); Oxnam 1975, pp. 115–16.
  111. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 113.
  112. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 931 ("Thirteen Offices"); Rawski 1998, p. 163 ("Thirteen Eunuch Bureaus," supervised by Manchus).
  113. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 113; Oxnam 1975, pp. 52–53.
  114. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 931 (composed edicts); Oxnam 1975, p. 52.
  115. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 52 (isolated emperor from his officials); Kessler 1976, p. 27.
  116. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 1016; Kessler 1976, p. 27; Oxnam 1975, p. 54.
  117. ^ Oxnam 1975, pp. 52–53.
  118. ^ Kessler 1976, p. 27; Rawski 1998, p. 163 (specific date).
  119. ^ In 1951 Italian scholar Luciano Petech was the first to hypothesize that these emissaries came from Turfan, not from the Moghul India (Petech 1951, pp. 124–27, cited in Lach & van Kley 1994, plate 315). Kim 2008, p. 109 discusses this Turfan embassy in some detail.
  120. ^ a b c Wills 1984, p. 40.
  121. ^ Kim 2008, p. 109.
  122. ^ Kim 2008, p. 109 ("without solicitation"; location of trade); Rossabi 1979, p. 190 (within the constraints of the old tributary system).
  123. ^ Rossabi 1979, p. 192.
  124. ^ Kim 2008, p. 111.
  125. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 250 (unification or religious and secular rule).
  126. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 251 (beginning of Qing patronage of Tibetan Buddhism).
  127. ^ Zarrow 2004b, p. 187, note 5 (political reasons for inviting the Dalai Lama).
  128. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 929, note 81 (site of Qionghua Island and Qubilai's former palace); Naquin 2000, p. 309 (preparation for Lama's visit, "bell-shaped" temple).
  129. ^ Naquin 2000, p. 473; Chayet 2004, p. 40 (date of the beginning of the construction of the Potala).
  130. ^ a b c d Fang 1943b, p. 632.
  131. ^ Turayev 1995.
  132. ^ Kennedy 1943, p. 576 (Mongol); Fang 1943b, p. 632 (victory, but "yielded no permanent success").
  133. ^ a b Struve 1988, p. 704.
  134. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 973, note 194.
  135. ^ a b c Dennerline 2002, p. 117.
  136. ^ Struve 1988, p. 710.
  137. ^ Spence 2002, p. 136.
  138. ^ a b c d e Dennerline 2002, p. 118.
  139. ^ Wakeman 1985, pp. 1048–49.
  140. ^ Spence 2002, pp. 136–37.
  141. ^ Spence 2002, p. 146.
  142. ^ a b Gates & Fang 1943, p. 300.
  143. ^ Wu 1979, p. 36.
  144. ^ Wu 1979, pp. 15–16.
  145. ^ Wu 1979, p. 16.
  146. ^ a b Spence 1969, p. 19.
  147. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 54; Wakeman 1985, p. 858, note 24.
  148. ^ Spence 1969, p. 19; Wakeman 1985, p. 929, note 82.
  149. ^ Spence 1969, p. 19 (list of privileges); Fang 1943a, p. 258 (date of conversion to Buddhism).
  150. ^ a b Zhou 2009, pp. 12.
  151. ^ Wakeman 1984, p. 631, note 2.
  152. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 205.
  153. ^ Spence 2002, p. 125. Note that Xuanye was born in May 1654, and was therefore less than seven years old. Both Spence 2002 and Oxnam 1975 (p. 1) nonetheless claim that he was "seven years old." Dennerline 2002 (p. 119) and Rawski 1998 (p. 99) indicate that he was "not yet seven years old." In Chinese documents concerning the succession, Xuanye was said to be eight sui (Oxnam 1975, p. 62).
  154. ^ Perdue 2005, p. 47 ("Seventy to 80 percent of those infected died"); Chang 2002, p. 196 (most feared disease among the Manchus).
  155. ^ Chang 2002, p. 180.
  156. ^ a b Chang 2002, p. 181.
  157. ^ Naquin 2000, p. 311 (Southern Park used as hunting ground); Chang 2002, pp. 181 (number of outbreaks) and 192 (Dorgon building a bidousuo in the Southern Park).
  158. ^ Naquin 2000, p. 296 (on rule forcing Chinese residents to move out).
  159. ^ Oxnam 1975, pp. 48 (on the four men helping Jirgalang), 50 (date of promulgation of the edict of succession), and 62 (on appointment of the four regents); Kessler 1976, p. 21 (on helping to get rid of Dorgon's faction in the early 1650s).
  160. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 52.
  161. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 51 (on proclamations in which the emperor "publicly degraded himself") and 52 (on the centrality of these policies to the Shunzhi Emperor's rule).
  162. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 63.
  163. ^ Spence 2002, p. 125.
  164. ^ Fang 1943a, p. 258 (emperor became a devout Buddhist in 1657); Dennerline 2002, p. 118 (emperor had become devoted to Buddhism "by 1659"; monks living in the palace).
  165. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 205 (for monk's diary, citing an older study by Chinese historian Meng Sen 孟森); Spence 2002, p. 125 (on the two suicides).
  166. ^ Standaert 2008, pp. 73–74.
  167. ^ Standaert 2008, p. 75.
  168. ^ Elliott 2001, p. 477, note 122 (citing several studies and primary documents). By contrast, Hong Taiji and the Shunzhi Emperor's two empresses had been cremated (Elliott 2001, p. 264).
  169. ^ a b Fang 1943a, p. 258.
  170. ^ Chang 2007, p. 86.
  171. ^ Kessler 1976, p. 26; Oxnam 1975, p. 63.
  172. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 65.
  173. ^ Oxnam 1975, p. 71 (details of membership in the Deliberative Council); Spence 2002, pp. 126–27 (other institutions).
  174. ^ Kessler 1976, pp. 31–32 (Ming history case), 33–36 (tax arrears case), and 39–46 (clearing of the coast).
  175. ^ Spence 2002, p. 133.
  176. ^ Kessler 1976, p. 30 (restored in 1670).
  177. ^ a b c Spence 2002, p. 122.
  178. ^ Spence 2002, pp. 140–43 (details of the campaigns).
  179. ^ Li 2010, p. 153.
  180. ^ Rawski 1998, p. 113 (use of variolation starting in 1681).
  181. ^ Dennerline 2002, p. 73 (citation); Wakeman 1985, p. 1125 (institutional foundation, awesome proportion).
  182. ^ Wakeman 1985, p. 1127.
  183. ^ See table in Rawski 1998, p. 141.
  184. ^ a b c d Rawski 1998, p. 129.
  185. ^ See table in Rawski 1998, p. 142.
  186. ^ See table in Rawski 1998, p. 112.

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External links Edit

  •   Media related to Shunzhi Emperor at Wikimedia Commons
Shunzhi Emperor
Born: 15 March 1638 Died: 5 February 1661
Regnal titles
Preceded by Emperor of the Qing dynasty
1643–1661 		Succeeded by
Preceded by Emperor of China
1644–1661

September 27, 2023
shunzhi, emperor, fulin, redirects, here, roman, byzantine, empires, contemporary, chinese, sources, daqin, emperor, shizu, qing, redirects, here, ancestor, qing, emperors, bukūri, yongšon, fulin, march, 1638, february, 1661, second, emperor, qing, dynasty, ch. Fulin redirects here For the Roman and Byzantine empires in contemporary Chinese sources see Daqin Emperor Shizu of Qing redirects here For the ancestor of the Qing emperors see Bukuri Yongson The Shunzhi Emperor Fulin 15 March 1638 5 February 1661 was the second emperor of the Qing dynasty of China and the first Qing emperor to rule over China proper reigning from 1644 to 1661 A committee of Manchu princes chose him to succeed his father Hong Taiji 1592 1643 in September 1643 when he was five years old The princes also appointed two co regents Dorgon 1612 1650 the 14th son of the Qing dynasty s founder Nurhaci 1559 1626 and Jirgalang 1599 1655 one of Nurhaci s nephews both of whom were members of the Qing imperial clan Shunzhi Emperor順治帝Emperor of the Qing dynastyReign8 October 1643 5 February 1661PredecessorHong TaijiSuccessorKangxi EmperorRegentsDorgon 1643 1650 Jirgalang 1643 1647 Emperor of ChinaReign1644 1661PredecessorChongzhen Emperor Ming dynasty SuccessorKangxi EmperorBornAisin Gioro Fulin 愛新覺羅 福臨 1638 03 15 15 March 1638 崇德三年 正月 三十日 Yongfu Palace Mukden PalaceDied5 February 1661 1661 02 05 aged 22 順治十八年 正月 七日 Hall of Mental CultivationBurialXiao Mausoleum Eastern Qing tombsConsortsConsort Jing m 1651 dep 1653 wbr Empress Xiaohuizhang m 1654 wbr Empress Xiaoxian m 1656 died 1660 wbr Empress Xiaokangzhang m 1653 wbr IssueFuquan Prince Yuxian of the First RankKangxi EmperorChangning Prince Gong of the First RankLongxi Prince Chunjing of the First RankPrincess Gongque of the Second RankNamesAisin Gioro Fulin 愛新覺羅 福臨 Manchu Fulin ᡶᡠᠯᡳᠨ Era datesShunzhi 順治 8 February 1644 17 February 1662 Manchu Ijishun dasan ᡳᠵᡳᠰᡥᡡᠨ ᡩᠠᠰᠠᠨ Mongolian Eeer zasagch ᠡᠶᠡᠪᠡᠷᠭᠦᠦ ᠵᠠᠰᠠᠭᠴᠢ Posthumous nameEmperor Titian Longyun Dingtong Jianji Yingrui Qinwen Xianwu Dahe Honggong Zhiren Chunxiao Zhang 體天隆運定統建極英睿欽文顯武大德弘功至仁純孝章皇帝 Manchu Eldembuhe huwangdi ᡝᠯᡩᡝᠮᠪᡠᡥᡝ ᡥᡡᠸᠠᠩᡩᡳ Temple nameShizu 世祖 Manchu Sidzu ᡧᡳᡯᡠ HouseAisin GioroDynastyQingFatherHong TaijiMotherEmpress XiaozhuangwenShunzhi EmperorTraditional Chinese順治帝Simplified Chinese顺治帝Literal meaning Smoothly Ruling Emperor TranscriptionsStandard MandarinHanyu PinyinShunzhi DiWade GilesShun4 chih4 Ti4IPA ʂwe n ʈʂɻ ti Yue CantoneseYale RomanizationSeuhnjih DaiJyutpingSeon6 zi6 Dai3IPA sɵn tsiː tɐi Southern MinHokkien POJSun ti TeThis article contains Manchu text Without proper rendering support you may see question marks boxes or other symbols instead of Manchu alphabet From 1643 to 1650 political power lay mostly in the hands of Dorgon Under his leadership the Qing Empire conquered most of the territory of the fallen Ming dynasty 1368 1644 chased Ming loyalist regimes deep into the southwestern provinces and established the basis of Qing rule over China proper despite highly unpopular policies such as the hair cutting command of 1645 which forced Qing subjects to shave their forehead and braid their remaining hair into a queue resembling that of the Manchus After Dorgon s death on the last day of 1650 the young Shunzhi Emperor started to rule personally He tried with mixed success to fight corruption and to reduce the political influence of the Manchu nobility In the 1650s he faced a resurgence of Ming loyalist resistance but by 1661 his armies had defeated the Qing Empire s last enemies seafarer Koxinga 1624 1662 and the Prince of Gui 1623 1662 of the Southern Ming dynasty both of whom would succumb the following year The Shunzhi Emperor died at the age of 22 of smallpox a highly contagious disease that was endemic in China but against which the Manchus had no immunity He was succeeded by his third son Xuanye who had already survived smallpox and who reigned for sixty years under the era name Kangxi hence he was known as the Kangxi Emperor Because fewer documents have survived from the Shunzhi era than from later eras of the Qing dynasty the Shunzhi era is a relatively little known period of Qing history Shunzhi was the name of this ruler s reign period in Chinese This title had equivalents in Manchu and Mongolian because the Qing imperial family was Manchu and ruled over many Mongol tribes that helped the Qing to conquer the Ming dynasty The emperor s personal name was Fulin and the posthumous name by which he was worshipped at the Imperial Ancestral Temple was Shizu Wade Giles Shih tsu Chinese 世祖 Contents 1 Historical background 2 Becoming emperor 3 Dorgon s regency 1643 1650 3 1 A quasi emperor 3 2 Settling in the capital 3 3 Conquest of China proper 4 Transition and personal rule 1651 1661 4 1 Purging Dorgon s clique 4 2 Factional politics and the fight against corruption 4 3 Chinese style of rule 4 4 Frontiers tributaries and foreign relations 4 5 Continuous campaigns against the Southern Ming 4 6 Personality and relationships 5 Death and succession 5 1 Smallpox 5 2 Forged last will 5 3 After death 6 Legacy 7 Family 8 Ancestry 9 In popular culture 10 See also 11 Explanatory notes 12 References 12 1 Citations 12 2 Works cited 13 External linksHistorical background Edit nbsp Depiction of a Jurchen man on a Ming woodblock print dated 1609 The original caption explained that the Jurchens lived near the Changbai Mountains and wore deerskin shoes and fish scale clothing 1 In the 1580s when China was ruled by the Ming dynasty 1368 1644 a number of Jurchen tribes lived in Manchuria 2 In a series of campaigns from the 1580s to the 1610s Nurhaci 1559 1626 the leader of the Jianzhou Jurchens unified most Jurchen tribes under his rule 3 One of his most important reforms was to integrate Jurchen clans under flags of four different colors yellow white red and blue each further subdivided into two to form an encompassing social and military system known as the Eight Banners 4 Nurhaci gave control of these Banners to his sons and grandsons 5 Around 1612 Nurhaci renamed his clan Aisin Gioro golden Gioro in the Manchu language both to distinguish his family from other Gioro lines and to allude to an earlier dynasty that had been founded by Jurchens the Jin golden dynasty that had ruled northern China from 1115 to 1234 6 In 1616 Nurhaci formally announced the foundation of the Later Jin dynasty effectively declaring his independence from the Ming 7 Over the next few years he wrested most major cities in Liaodong from Ming control 8 His string of victories ended in February 1626 at the siege of Ningyuan where Ming commander Yuan Chonghuan defeated him with the help of recently acquired Portuguese cannon 9 Probably wounded during the battle Nurhaci died a few months later 10 Nurhaci s son and successor Hong Taiji 1592 1643 continued his father s state building efforts he concentrated power into his own hands modeled the Later Jin s government institutions on Chinese ones and integrated Mongol allies and surrendered Chinese troops into the Eight Banners 11 In 1629 he led an incursion to the outskirts of Beijing during which he captured Chinese craftsmen who knew how to cast Portuguese cannon 12 In 1635 Hong Taiji renamed the Jurchens the Manchus and in 1636 changed the name of his polity from Later Jin to Qing 13 After capturing the last remaining Ming cities in Liaodong by 1643 the Qing were preparing to attack the struggling Ming dynasty which was crumbling under the combined weight of financial bankruptcy devastating epidemics and large scale bandit uprisings fed by widespread starvation 14 Becoming emperor EditWhen Hong Taiji died on 21 September 1643 without having named a successor the fledgling Qing state faced a possibly serious crisis 15 Several contenders namely Nurhaci s second and eldest surviving son Daisan Nurhaci s fourteenth and fifteenth sons Dorgon and Dodo both born to the same mother and Hong Taiji s eldest son Hooge started to vie for the throne 16 With his brothers Dodo and Ajige Dorgon 31 years old controlled the Plain and Bordered White Banners Daisan 60 was in charge of the two Red Banners whereas Hooge 34 had the loyalty of his father s two Yellow Banners 17 The decision about who would become the new Qing emperor fell to the Deliberative Council of Princes and Ministers which was the Manchus main policymaking body until the emergence of the Grand Council in the 1720s 18 Many Manchu princes argued that Dorgon a proven military leader should become the new emperor but Dorgon refused and insisted that one of Hong Taiji s sons should succeed his father 19 To recognize Dorgon s authority while keeping the throne in Hong Taiji s descent line the members of the council named Hong Taiji s ninth son Fulin as the new emperor but decided that Dorgon and Jirgalang a nephew of Nurhaci who controlled the Bordered Blue Banner would act as the five year old child s regents 19 Fulin was officially crowned emperor of the Qing dynasty on 8 October 1643 it was decided that he would reign under the era name Shunzhi 20 Because the Shunzhi reign is not well documented it constitutes a relatively little known period of Qing history 21 Dorgon s regency 1643 1650 Edit nbsp Prince Regent Dorgon in imperial regalia He reigned as a quasi emperor from 1643 to his death in 1650 a period during which the Qing conquered almost all of China A quasi emperor Edit On 17 February 1644 Jirgalang who was a capable military leader but looked uninterested in managing state affairs willingly yielded control of all official matters to Dorgon 22 After an alleged plot by Hooge to undermine the regency was exposed on 6 May of that year Hooge was stripped of his title of Imperial Prince and his co conspirators were executed 23 Dorgon soon replaced Hooge s supporters mostly from the Yellow Banners with his own thus gaining closer control of two more Banners 24 By early June 1644 he was in firm control of the Qing government and its military 25 In early 1644 just as Dorgon and his advisors were pondering how to attack the Ming peasant rebellions were dangerously approaching Beijing On 24 April of that year rebel leader Li Zicheng breached the walls of the Ming capital pushing the Chongzhen Emperor to hang himself on a hill behind the Forbidden City 26 Hearing the news Dorgon s Chinese advisors Hong Chengchou and Fan Wencheng 范文程 1597 1666 urged the Manchu prince to seize this opportunity to present themselves as avengers of the fallen Ming and to claim the Mandate of Heaven for the Qing 27 The last obstacle between Dorgon and Beijing was Ming general Wu Sangui who was garrisoned at Shanhai Pass at the eastern end of the Great Wall 28 Himself caught between the Manchus and Li Zicheng s forces Wu requested Dorgon s help in ousting the bandits and restoring the Ming 29 When Dorgon asked Wu to work for the Qing instead Wu had little choice but to accept 30 Aided by Wu Sangui s elite soldiers who fought the rebel army for hours before Dorgon finally chose to intervene with his cavalry the Qing won a decisive victory against Li Zicheng at the Battle of Shanhai Pass on 27 May 31 Li s defeated troops looted Beijing for several days until Li left the capital on 4 June with all the wealth he could carry 32 Settling in the capital Edit nbsp The circular mound of the Altar of Heaven where the Shunzhi Emperor conducted sacrifices on 30 October 1644 ten days before being officially proclaimed Emperor of China The ceremony marked the moment when the Qing dynasty seized the Mandate of Heaven After six weeks of mistreatment at the hands of rebel troops the Beijing population sent a party of elders and officials to greet their liberators on 5 June 33 They were startled when instead of meeting Wu Sangui and the Ming heir apparent they saw Dorgon a horseriding Manchu with his shaved forehead present himself as the Prince Regent 34 In the midst of this upheaval Dorgon installed himself in the Wuying Palace 武英殿 the only building that remained more or less intact after Li Zicheng had set fire to the palace complex on 3 June 35 Banner troops were ordered not to loot their discipline made the transition to Qing rule remarkably smooth 36 Yet at the same time as he claimed to have come to avenge the Ming Dorgon ordered that all claimants to the Ming throne including descendants of the last Ming emperor should be executed along with their supporters 37 On 7 June just two days after entering the city Dorgon issued special proclamations to officials around the capital assuring them that if the local population accepted to shave their forehead wear a queue and surrender the officials would be allowed to stay at their post 38 He had to repeal this command three weeks later after several peasant rebellions erupted around Beijing threatening Qing control over the capital region 39 Dorgon greeted the Shunzhi Emperor at the gates of Beijing on 19 October 1644 40 On 30 October the six year old monarch performed sacrifices to Heaven and Earth at the Altar of Heaven 41 The southern cadet branch of Confucius descendants who held the title Wujing boshi 五經博士 and the sixty fifth generation descendant of Confucius to hold the title Duke Yansheng in the northern branch both had their titles reconfirmed on 31 October 41 A formal ritual of enthronement for Fulin was held on 8 November during which the young emperor compared Dorgon s achievements to those of the Duke of Zhou a revered regent from antiquity 42 During the ceremony Dorgon s official title was raised from Prince Regent to Uncle Prince Regent Shufu shezheng wang 叔父攝政王 in which the Manchu term for Uncle ecike represented a rank higher than that of imperial prince 43 Three days later Dorgon s co regent Jirgalang was demoted from Prince Regent to Assistant Uncle Prince Regent Fu zheng shuwang 輔政叔王 44 In June 1645 Dorgon eventually decreed that all official documents should refer to him as Imperial Uncle Prince Regent Huang shufu shezheng wang 皇叔父攝政王 which left him one step short of claiming the throne for himself 44 nbsp Examination cells in Beijing In order to enhance their legitimacy among the Chinese elite the Qing reestablished the imperial civil service examinations almost as soon as they seized Beijing in 1644 One of Dorgon s first orders in the new Qing capital was to vacate the entire northern part of Beijing to give it to Bannermen including Han Chinese Bannermen 45 The Yellow Banners were given the place of honor north of the palace followed by the White Banners east the Red Banners west and the Blue Banners south 46 This distribution accorded with the order established in the Manchu homeland before the conquest and under which each of the banners was given a fixed geographical location according to the points of the compass 47 Despite tax remissions and large scale building programs designed to facilitate the transition in 1648 many Chinese civilians still lived among the newly arrived Banner population and there was still animosity between the two groups 48 Agricultural land outside the capital was also marked off quan 圈 and given to Qing troops 49 Former landowners now became tenants who had to pay rent to their absentee Bannermen landlords 49 This transition in land use caused several decades of disruption and hardship 49 In 1646 Dorgon also ordered that the civil examinations for selecting government officials be reestablished From then on they were held regularly every three years as under the Ming In the very first palace examination held under Qing rule in 1646 candidates most of whom were northern Chinese were asked how the Manchus and Han Chinese could be made to work together for a common purpose 50 The 1649 examination inquired about how Manchus and Han Chinese could be unified so that their hearts were the same and they worked together without division 51 Under the Shunzhi Emperor s reign the average number of graduates per session of the metropolitan examination was the highest of the Qing dynasty to win more Chinese support until 1660 when lower quotas were established 52 To promote ethnic harmony in 1648 an imperial decree formulated by Dorgon allowed Han Chinese civilians to marry women from the Manchu Banners with the permission of the Board of Revenue if they were registered daughters of officials or commoners or the permission of their banner company captain if they were unregistered commoners Only later in the dynasty were these policies allowing intermarriage rescinded 45 53 54 Conquest of China proper Edit Main article Qing conquest of the Ming See also Southern Ming nbsp A late Qing woodblock print representing the Yangzhou massacre of May 1645 Dorgon s brother Dodo ordered this massacre to scare other southern Chinese cities into submission By the late nineteenth century the massacre was used by anti Qing revolutionaries to arouse anti Manchu sentiment among the Han Chinese population 55 Under the reign of Dorgon whom historians have variously called the mastermind of the Qing conquest and the principal architect of the great Manchu enterprise the Qing subdued almost all of China and pushed loyalist Southern Ming resistance into the far southwestern reaches of China After repressing anti Qing revolts in Hebei and Shandong in the Summer and Fall of 1644 Dorgon sent armies to root out Li Zicheng from the important city of Xi an Shaanxi province where Li had reestablished his headquarters after fleeing Beijing in early June 1644 56 Under the pressure of Qing armies Li was forced to leave Xi an in February 1645 and he was killed either by his own hand or by a peasant group that had organized for self defense in this time of rampant banditry in September 1645 after fleeing though several provinces 57 From newly captured Xi an in early April 1645 the Qing mounted a campaign against the rich commercial and agricultural region of Jiangnan south of the lower Yangtze River where in June 1644 a Ming imperial prince had established a regime loyal to the Ming a Factional bickering and numerous defections prevented the Southern Ming from mounting an efficient resistance b Several Qing armies swept south taking the key city of Xuzhou north of the Huai River in early May 1645 and soon converging on Yangzhou the main city on the Southern Ming s northern line of defense 62 Bravely defended by Shi Kefa who refused to surrender Yangzhou fell to Manchu artillery on 20 May after a one week siege 63 Dorgon s brother Prince Dodo then ordered the slaughter of Yangzhou s entire population 64 As intended this massacre terrorized other Jiangnan cities into surrendering to the Qing 65 Indeed Nanjing surrendered without a fight on 16 June after its last defenders had made Dodo promise he would not hurt the population 66 The Qing soon captured the Ming emperor who died in Beijing the following year and seized Jiangnan s main cities including Suzhou and Hangzhou by early July 1645 the frontier between the Qing and the Southern Ming had been pushed south to the Qiantang River 67 nbsp A man in San Francisco s Chinatown around 1900 The Chinese habit of wearing a queue came from Dorgon s July 1645 edict ordering all men to shave their forehead and tie their hair into a queue similar to those of the Manchus On 21 July 1645 after Jiangnan had been superficially pacified Dorgon issued a most inopportune edict ordering all Chinese men to shave their forehead and to braid the rest of their hair into a queue identical to those of the Manchus 68 The punishment for non compliance was death 69 This policy of symbolic submission helped the Manchus in telling friend from foe 70 For Han officials and literati however the new hairstyle was shameful and demeaning because it breached a common Confucian directive to preserve one s body intact whereas for common folk cutting their hair was the same as losing their virility 71 Because it united Chinese of all social backgrounds into resistance against Qing rule the hair cutting command greatly hindered the Qing conquest 72 The defiant population of Jiading and Songjiang was massacred by former Ming general Li Chengdong 李成東 d 1649 respectively on 24 August and 22 September 73 Jiangyin also held out against about 10 000 Qing troops for 83 days When the city wall was finally breached on 9 October 1645 the Qing army led by Ming defector Liu Liangzuo 劉良佐 d 1667 massacred the entire population killing between 74 000 and 100 000 people 74 These massacres ended armed resistance against the Qing in the Lower Yangtze 75 A few committed loyalists became hermits hoping that for lack of military success their withdrawal from the world would at least symbolize their continued defiance against foreign rule 75 After the fall of Nanjing two more members of the Ming imperial household created new Southern Ming regimes one centered in coastal Fujian around the Longwu Emperor Zhu Yujian Prince of Tang a ninth generation descendant of Ming founder Zhu Yuanzhang and one in Zhejiang around Regent Zhu Yihai Prince of Lu 76 But the two loyalist groups failed to cooperate making their chances of success even lower than they already were 77 In July 1646 a new Southern Campaign led by Prince Bolo sent Prince Lu s Zhejiang court into disarray and proceeded to attack the Longwu regime in Fujian 78 Zhu Yujian was caught and summarily executed in Tingzhou western Fujian on 6 October 79 His adoptive son Koxinga fled to the island of Taiwan with his fleet 79 Finally in November the remaining centers of Ming resistance in Jiangxi province fell to the Qing 80 nbsp Johan Nieuhof s portrait of Shang Kexi who recaptured Guangzhou from Ming loyalist forces in 1650 He was one of the Han Chinese generals the Qing relied on to conquer and administer southern China Entrenched in the south he eventually took part in the anti Qing rebellion of the Three Feudatories in 1673 In late 1646 two more Southern Ming monarchs emerged in the southern province of Guangzhou reigning under the era names of Shaowu 紹武 and Yongli 80 Short of official costumes the Shaowu court had to purchase robes from local theater troops 80 The two Ming regimes fought each other until 20 January 1647 when a small Qing force led by Li Chengdong captured Guangzhou killed the Shaowu Emperor and sent the Yongli court fleeing to Nanning in Guangxi 81 In May 1648 however Li mutinied against the Qing and the concurrent rebellion of another former Ming general in Jiangxi helped Yongli to retake most of south China 82 This resurgence of loyalist hopes was short lived New Qing armies managed to reconquer the central provinces of Huguang present day Hubei and Hunan Jiangxi and Guangdong in 1649 and 1650 83 The Yongli emperor had to flee again 83 Finally on 24 November 1650 Qing forces led by Shang Kexi captured Guangzhou and massacred the city s population killing as many as 70 000 people 84 Meanwhile in October 1646 Qing armies led by Hooge the son of Hong Taiji who had lost the succession struggle of 1643 reached Sichuan where their mission was to destroy the kingdom of bandit leader Zhang Xianzhong 85 Zhang was killed in a battle against Qing forces near Xichong in central Sichuan on 1 February 1647 86 Also late in 1646 but further north forces assembled by a Muslim leader known in Chinese sources as Milayin 米喇印 revolted against Qing rule in Ganzhou Gansu He was soon joined by another Muslim named Ding Guodong 丁國棟 87 Proclaiming that they wanted to restore the Ming they occupied a number of towns in Gansu including the provincial capital Lanzhou 87 These rebels willingness to collaborate with non Muslim Chinese suggests that they were not only driven by religion 87 Both Milayin and Ding Guodong were captured and killed by Meng Qiaofang 孟喬芳 1595 1654 in 1648 and by 1650 the Muslim rebels had been crushed in campaigns that inflicted heavy casualties 88 Transition and personal rule 1651 1661 EditPurging Dorgon s clique Edit nbsp Portrait of the Shunzhi Emperor in adulthoodDorgon s unexpected death on 31 December 1650 during a hunting trip triggered a period of fierce factional struggles and opened the way for deep political reforms 89 Because Dorgon s supporters were still influential at court Dorgon was given an imperial funeral and was posthumously elevated to imperial status as the Righteous Emperor yi huangdi 義皇帝 90 On the same day of mid January 1651 however several officers of the White Banners led by former Dorgon supporter Ubai arrested Dorgon s brother Ajige for fear he would proclaim himself as the new regent Ubai and his officers then named themselves presidents of several Ministries and prepared to take charge of the government 91 Meanwhile Jirgalang who had been stripped of his title of regent in 1647 gathered support among Banner officers who had been disgruntled during Dorgon s rule 92 In order to consolidate support for the emperor in the two Yellow Banners which had belonged to the Qing monarch since Hong Taiji and to gain followers in Dorgon s Plain White Banner Jirgalang named them the Upper Three Banners shang san qi 上三旗 Manchu dergi ilan gusa which from then on were owned and controlled by the emperor 93 Oboi and Suksaha who would become regents for the Kangxi Emperor in 1661 were among the Banner officers who gave Jirgalang their support and Jirgalang appointed them to the Council of Deliberative Princes to reward them 92 On 1 February Jirgalang announced that the Shunzhi Emperor who was about to turn thirteen would now assume full imperial authority 92 The regency was thus officially abolished Jirgalang then moved to the attack In late February or early March 1651 he accused Dorgon of usurping imperial prerogatives Dorgon was found guilty and all his posthumous honors were removed 92 Jirgalang continued to purge former members of Dorgon s clique and to bestow high ranks and nobility titles upon a growing number of followers in the Three Imperial Banners so that by 1652 all of Dorgon s former supporters had been either killed or effectively removed from government 94 Factional politics and the fight against corruption Edit nbsp Court dress was a controversial topic during the Shunzhi era High official Chen Mingxia was denounced in 1654 because he advocated returning to Ming dynasty court dress an example of which is shown in this 17th century portrait of Ni Yuanlu On 7 April 1651 barely two months after he seized the reins of government the Shunzhi Emperor issued an edict announcing that he would purge corruption from officialdom 95 This edict triggered factional conflicts among literati that would frustrate him until his death 96 One of his first gestures was to dismiss grand academician Feng Quan 馮銓 1595 1672 a northern Chinese who had been impeached in 1645 but was allowed to remain in his post by Prince Regent Dorgon 97 The Shunzhi Emperor replaced Feng with Chen Mingxia ca 1601 1654 an influential southern Chinese with good connections in Jiangnan literary societies 98 Though later in 1651 Chen was also dismissed on charges of influence peddling he was reinstated in his post in 1653 and soon became a close personal advisor to the sovereign 99 He was even allowed to draft imperial edicts just as Ming Grand Secretaries used to 100 Still in 1653 the Shunzhi Emperor decided to recall the disgraced Feng Quan but instead of balancing the influence of northern and southern Chinese officials at court as the emperor had intended Feng Quan s return only intensified factional strife 101 In several controversies at court in 1653 and 1654 the southerners formed one bloc opposed to the northerners and the Manchus 102 In April 1654 when Chen Mingxia spoke to northern official Ning Wanwo 寧完我 d 1665 about restoring the style of dress of the Ming court Ning immediately denounced Chen to the emperor and accused him of various crimes including bribe taking nepotism factionalism and usurping imperial prerogatives 103 Chen was executed by strangulation on 27 April 1654 104 In November 1657 a major cheating scandal erupted during the Shuntian provincial level examinations in Beijing 105 Eight candidates from Jiangnan who were also relatives of Beijing officials had bribed examiners in the hope of being ranked higher in the contest 106 Seven examination supervisors found guilty of receiving bribes were executed and several hundred people were sentenced to punishments ranging from demotion to exile and confiscation of property 107 The scandal which soon spread to Nanjing examination circles uncovered the corruption and influence peddling that was rife in the bureaucracy and that many moralistic officials from the north attributed to the existence of southern literary clubs and to the decline of classical scholarship 108 Chinese style of rule Edit During his short reign the Shunzhi Emperor encouraged Han Chinese to participate in government activities and revived many Chinese style institutions that had been either abolished or marginalized during Dorgon s regency He discussed history classics and politics with grand academicians such as Chen Mingxia see previous section and surrounded himself with new men such as Wang Xi 王熙 1628 1703 a young northern Chinese who was fluent in Manchu 109 The Six Edicts Liu yu 六諭 that the Shunzhi Emperor promulgated in 1652 were the predecessors to the Kangxi Emperor s Sacred Edicts 1670 bare bones of Confucian orthodoxy that instructed the population to behave in a filial and law abiding fashion 110 In another move toward Chinese style government the sovereign reestablished the Hanlin Academy and the Grand Secretariat in 1658 These two institutions based on Ming models further eroded the power of the Manchu elite and threatened to revive the extremes of literati politics that had plagued the late Ming when factions coalesced around rival grand secretaries 111 To counteract the power of the Imperial Household Department and the Manchu nobility in July 1653 the Shunzhi Emperor established the Thirteen Offices 十三衙門 or Thirteen Eunuch Bureaus which were supervised by Manchus but manned by Chinese eunuchs rather than Manchu bondservants 112 Eunuchs had been kept under tight control during Dorgon s regency but the young emperor used them to counter the influence of other power centers such as his mother the Empress Dowager and former regent Jirgalang 113 By the late 1650s eunuch power became formidable again they handled key financial and political matters offered advice on official appointments and even composed edicts 114 Because eunuchs isolated the monarch from the bureaucracy Manchu and Chinese officials feared a return to the abuses of eunuch power that had plagued the late Ming 115 Despite the emperor s attempt to impose strictures on eunuch activities the Shunzhi Emperor s favorite eunuch Wu Liangfu 吳良輔 d 1661 who had helped him defeat the Dorgon faction in the early 1650s was caught in a corruption scandal in 1658 116 The fact that Wu only received a reprimand for his accepting bribes did not reassure the Manchu elite which saw eunuch power as a degradation of Manchu power 117 The Thirteen Offices would be eliminated and Wu Liangfu executed by Oboi and the other regents of the Kangxi Emperor in March 1661 soon after the Shunzhi Emperor s death 118 Frontiers tributaries and foreign relations Edit nbsp Moghul embassy emissaries from a Mughal prince who ruled Turfan in Central Asia as portrayed in 1656 by Dutch visitors to the Shunzhi Emperor s Beijing 119 In 1646 when Qing armies led by Bolo had entered the city of Fuzhou they had found envoys from the Ryukyu Kingdom Annam and the Spanish in Manila 120 These tributary embassies that had come to see the now fallen Longwu Emperor of the Southern Ming were forwarded to Beijing and eventually sent home with instructions about submitting to the Qing 120 The King of the Ryukyu Islands sent his first tribute mission to the Qing in 1649 Siam in 1652 and Annam in 1661 after the last remnants of Ming resistance had been removed from Yunnan which bordered Annam 120 Also in 1646 sultan Abu al Muhammad Haiji Khan a Moghul prince who ruled Turfan had sent an embassy requesting the resumption of trade with China which had been interrupted by the fall of the Ming dynasty 121 The mission was sent without solicitation but the Qing agreed to receive it allowing it to conduct tribute trade in Beijing and Lanzhou Gansu 122 But this agreement was interrupted by a Muslim rebellion that engulfed the northwest in 1646 see the last paragraph of the Conquest of China section above Tribute and trade with Hami and Turfan which had aided the rebels were eventually resumed in 1656 123 In 1655 however the Qing court announced that tributary missions from Turfan would be accepted only once every five years 124 nbsp The bell shaped White Dagoba which can still be seen in Beihai Park in Beijing was commissioned by the Shunzhi Emperor to honor Tibetan Buddhism In 1651 the young emperor invited to Beijing the Fifth Dalai Lama the leader of the Yellow Hat Sect of Tibetan Buddhism who with the military help of Khoshot Mongol Gushri Khan had recently unified religious and secular rule in Tibet 125 Qing emperors had been patrons of Tibetan Buddhism since at least 1621 under the reign of Nurhaci but there were also political reasons behind the invitation 126 Namely Tibet was becoming a powerful polity west of the Qing and the Dalai Lama held influence over Mongol tribes many of which had not submitted to the Qing 127 To prepare for the arrival of this living Buddha the Shunzhi Emperor ordered the building of the White Dagoba baita 白塔 on an island on one of the imperial lakes northwest of the Forbidden City at the former site of Qubilai Khan s palace 128 After more invitations and diplomatic exchanges to decide where the Tibetan leader would meet the Qing emperor the Dalai Lama arrived in Beijing in January 1653 c The Dalai Lama later had a scene of this visit carved in the Potala Palace in Lhasa which he had started building in 1645 129 Meanwhile north of the Manchu homeland adventurers Vassili Poyarkov 1643 1646 and Yerofei Khabarov 1649 1653 had started to explore the Amur River valley for Tzarist Russia In 1653 Khabarov was recalled to Moscow and replaced by Onufriy Stepanov who assumed command of Khabarov s Cossack troops 130 Stepanov went south into the Sungari River along which he exacted yasak fur tribute from native populations such as the Daur and the Duchers but these groups resisted because they were already paying tribute to the Shunzhi Emperor Shamshakan in Russian sources 131 In 1654 Stepanov defeated a small Manchu force that had been despatched from Ningguta to investigate Russian advances 130 In 1655 another Qing commander the Mongol Minggadari d 1669 defeated Stepanov s forces at fort Kumarsk on the Amur but this was not enough to chase the Russians 132 In 1658 however Manchu general Sarhuda 1599 1659 attacked Stepanov with a fleet of 40 or more ships that managed to kill or capture most Russians 130 This Qing victory temporarily cleared the Amur valley of Cossack bands but Sino Russian border conflicts would continue until 1689 when the signature of the Treaty of Nerchinsk fixed the borders between Russia and the Qing 130 Continuous campaigns against the Southern Ming Edit nbsp The flight of the Yongli Emperor the last sovereign of the Southern Ming dynasty from 1647 to 1661 The provincial and national boundaries are those of the People s Republic of China Though the Qing under Dorgon s leadership had successfully pushed the Southern Ming deep into southern China Ming loyalism was not dead yet In early August 1652 Li Dingguo who had served as general in Sichuan under bandit king Zhang Xianzhong d 1647 and was now protecting the Yongli Emperor of the Southern Ming retook Guilin Guangxi province from the Qing 133 Within a month most of the commanders who had been supporting the Qing in Guangxi reverted to the Ming side 134 Despite occasionally successful military campaigns in Huguang and Guangdong in the next two years Li failed to retake important cities 133 In 1653 the Qing court put Hong Chengchou in charge of retaking the southwest 135 Headquartered in Changsha in what is now Hunan province he patiently built up his forces only in late 1658 did well fed and well supplied Qing troops mount a multipronged campaign to take Guizhou and Yunnan 135 In late January 1659 a Qing army led by Manchu prince Doni took the capital of Yunnan sending the Yongli Emperor fleeing into nearby Burma which was then ruled by King Pindale Min of the Toungoo dynasty 135 The last sovereign of the Southern Ming stayed there until 1662 when he was captured and executed by Wu Sangui the former Ming general whose surrender to the Manchus in April 1644 had allowed Dorgon to start the Qing conquest of China 136 Zheng Chenggong Koxinga who had been adopted by the Longwu Emperor in 1646 and ennobled by Yongli in 1655 also continued to defend the cause of the Southern Ming 137 In 1659 just as the Shunzhi Emperor was preparing to hold a special examination to celebrate the glories of his reign and the success of the southwestern campaigns Zheng sailed up the Yangtze River with a well armed fleet took several cities from Qing hands and went so far as to threaten Nanjing 138 When the emperor heard of this sudden attack he is said to have slashed his throne with a sword in anger 138 But the siege of Nanjing was relieved and Zheng Chenggong repelled forcing Zheng to take refuge in the southeastern coastal province of Fujian 139 Pressured by Qing fleets Zheng fled to Taiwan in April 1661 but died that same summer 140 His descendants resisted Qing rule until 1683 when the Kangxi Emperor successfully took the island 141 Personality and relationships Edit nbsp Johann Adam Schall von Bell a Jesuit missionary the Shunzhi Emperor affectionately called mafa grand pa in Manchu After Fulin came to rule on his own in 1651 his mother the Empress Dowager Zhaosheng arranged for him to marry her niece but the young monarch deposed his new Empress in 1653 142 The following year Xiaozhuang arranged another imperial marriage with her Khorchin Mongol clan this time matching her son with her own grand niece 142 Though Fulin also disliked his second empress known posthumously as Empress Xiaohuizhang he was not allowed to demote her She never bore him children 143 Starting in 1656 the Shunzhi Emperor lavished his affection on Consort Donggo who according to Jesuit accounts from the time had first been the wife of another Manchu noble 144 She gave birth to a son the Shunzhi Emperor s fourth in November 1657 The emperor would have made him his heir apparent but he died early in 1658 before he was given a name 145 The Shunzhi Emperor was an open minded emperor and relied on the advice of Johann Adam Schall von Bell a Jesuit missionary from Cologne in the Germanic parts of the Holy Roman Empire for guidance on matters ranging from astronomy and technology to religion and government 146 In late 1644 Dorgon had put Schall in charge of preparing a new calendar because his eclipse predictions had proven more reliable than those of the official astronomer 147 After Dorgon s death Schall developed a personal relationship with the young emperor who called him grandfather mafa in Manchu 148 At the height of his influence in 1656 and 1657 Schall reports that the Shunzhi Emperor often visited his house and talked to him late into the night 146 He was excused from prostrating himself in the presence of the emperor was granted land to build a church in Beijing and was even given imperial permission to adopt a son because Fulin worried that Schall did not have an heir but the Jesuits hope of converting the Qing sovereign to Christianity was crushed when the Shunzhi Emperor became a devout follower of Chan Buddhism in 1657 149 The emperor developed a good command of Chinese that allowed him to manage matters of state and to appreciate Chinese arts such as calligraphy and drama 150 One of his favorite texts was Rhapsody of a Myriad Sorrows Wan chou qu 萬愁曲 by Gui Zhuang 歸莊 1613 1673 who was a close friend of anti Qing intellectuals Gu Yanwu and Wan Shouqi 萬壽祺 1603 1652 151 Quite passionate and attach ing great importance to qing love he could also recite by heart long passages of the popular Romance of the Western Chamber 150 Death and succession Edit nbsp Electron micrograph of the smallpox virus which the Manchus had no immunity against The Shunzhi Emperor died of it and his young successor Xuanye was chosen because he had already survived it Smallpox Edit In September 1660 Consort Donggo the Shunzhi Emperor s favourite consort suddenly died as a result of grief over the loss of a child 138 Overwhelmed with grief the emperor fell into dejection for months until he contracted smallpox on 2 February 1661 138 On 4 February 1661 officials Wang Xi 王熙 1628 1703 the emperor s confidant and Margi a Manchu were called to the emperor s bedside to record his last will 152 On the same day his seven year old third son Xuanye was chosen to be his successor probably because he had already survived smallpox 153 The emperor died on 5 February 1661 in the Forbidden City at the age of twenty two 138 The Manchus feared smallpox more than any other disease because they had no immunity to it and almost always died when they contracted it 154 By 1622 at the latest they had already established an agency to investigate smallpox cases and isolate sufferers to avoid contagion 155 During outbreaks royal family members were routinely sent to smallpox avoidance centers bidousuo 避痘所 to protect themselves from infection 156 The Shunzhi Emperor was particularly fearful of the disease because he was young and lived in a large city near sources of contagion 156 Indeed during his reign at least nine outbreaks of smallpox were recorded in Beijing each time forcing the emperor to move to a protected area such as the Southern Park Nanyuan 南苑 a hunting ground south of Beijing where Dorgon had built a smallpox avoidance center in the 1640s 157 Despite this and other precautions such as rules forcing Chinese residents to move out of the city when they contracted smallpox the young monarch still succumbed to that illness 158 Forged last will Edit nbsp An official court portrait of Oboi who on 5 February 1661 was named as the main regent to the newly enthroned Kangxi Emperor who was only seven years old The emperor s last will which was made public on the evening of 5 February appointed four regents for his young son Oboi Soni Suksaha and Ebilun who had all helped Jirgalang to purge the court of Dorgon s supporters after Dorgon s death on the last day of 1650 159 It is difficult to determine whether the Shunzhi Emperor had really named these four Manchu nobles as regents because they and Empress Dowager Zhaosheng clearly tampered with the emperor s testament before promulgating it d The emperor s will expressed his regret about his Chinese style ruling his reliance on eunuchs and his favoritism toward Chinese officials his neglect of Manchu nobles and traditions and his headstrong devotion to his consort rather than to his mother 160 Though the emperor had often issued self deprecating edicts during his reign the policies his will rejected had been central to his government since he had assumed personal rule in the early 1650s 161 The will as it was formulated gave the mantle of imperial authority to the four regents and served to support their pro Manchu policies during the period known as the Oboi regency which lasted from 1661 to 1669 162 After death Edit Because court statements did not clearly announce the cause of the emperor s death rumors soon started to circulate that he had not died but in fact retired to a Buddhist monastery to live anonymously as a monk either out of grief for the death of his beloved consort or because of a coup by the Manchu nobles his will had named as regents 163 These rumors seemed not so incredible because the emperor had become a fervent follower of Chan Buddhism in the late 1650s even letting monks move into the imperial palace 164 Modern Chinese historians have considered the Shunzhi Emperor s possible retirement as one of the three mysterious cases of the early Qing e But much circumstantial evidence including an account by one of these monks that the emperor s health greatly deteriorated in early February 1661 because of smallpox and the fact that a concubine and an Imperial Bodyguard committed suicide to accompany the emperor in burial suggests that the Shunzhi Emperor s death was not staged 165 After being kept in the Forbidden City for 27 days of mourning on 3 March 1661 the emperor s corpse was transported in a lavish procession to Jingshan 景山 a hillock just north of the Forbidden City after which a large amount of precious goods were burned as funeral offerings 166 Only two years later in 1663 was the body transported to its final resting place 167 Contrary to Manchu customs at the time which usually dictated that a deceased person should be cremated the Shunzhi Emperor was buried 168 He was interred in what later came to be known as the Eastern Qing Tombs 125 kilometers 75 miles northeast of Beijing one of two Qing imperial cemeteries 169 His tomb is part of the Xiao 孝 mausoleum complex known in Manchu as the Hiyoosungga Munggan which was the first mausoleum to be erected on that site 169 Legacy EditSee also Four Regents of the Kangxi Emperor and Kangxi Emperor nbsp The Kangxi Emperor s three southern tours in the Jiangnan region 1684 1689 here depicted and 1699 asserted the prestige and confidence of the newly solidified Qing dynasty a few years after it defeated the Three Feudatories 170 The fake will in which the Shunzhi Emperor had supposedly expressed regret for abandoning Manchu traditions gave authority to the nativist policies of the Kangxi Emperor s four regents 171 Citing the testament Oboi and the other regents quickly abolished the Thirteen Eunuch Bureaus 172 Over the next few years they enhanced the power of the Imperial Household Department which was run by Manchus and their bondservants eliminated the Hanlin Academy and limited membership in the Deliberative Council of Princes and Ministers to Manchus and Mongols 173 The regents also adopted aggressive policies toward the Qing s Chinese subjects they executed dozens of people and punished thousands of others in the wealthy Jiangnan region for literary dissent and tax arrears and forced the coastal population of southeast China to move inland in order to starve the Taiwan based Kingdom of Tungning run by descendants of Koxinga 174 After the Kangxi Emperor managed to imprison Oboi in 1669 he reverted many of the regents policies 175 He restored institutions his father had favored including the Grand Secretariat through which Chinese officials gained an important voice in government 176 He also defeated the rebellion of the Three Feudatories three Chinese military commanders who had played key military roles in the Qing conquest but had now become entrenched rulers of enormous domains in southern China 177 The civil war 1673 1681 tested the loyalty of the new Qing subjects but Qing armies eventually prevailed 178 Once victory had become certain a special examination for eminent scholars of broad learning Boxue hongru 博學鴻儒 was held in 1679 to attract Chinese literati who had refused to serve the new dynasty 179 The successful candidates were assigned to compile the official history of the fallen Ming dynasty 177 The rebellion was defeated in 1681 the same year the Kangxi Emperor initiated the use of variolation to inoculate children of the imperial family against smallpox 180 When the Kingdom of Tungning finally fell in 1683 the military consolidation of the Qing regime was complete 177 The institutional foundation laid by Dorgon and the Shunzhi and Kangxi emperors allowed the Qing to erect an imperial edifice of awesome proportion and to turn it into one of the most successful imperial states the world has known 181 Ironically however the prolonged Pax Manchurica that followed the Kangxi consolidation made the Qing unprepared to face aggressive European powers with modern weaponry in the nineteenth century 182 Family EditAlthough only nineteen empresses and consorts are recorded for the Shunzhi Emperor in the Aisin Gioro genealogy made by the Imperial Clan Court burial records show that he had at least thirty two of them 183 Twelve bore him children There were two empresses in his reign both relatives of his mother the empress dowager After the 1644 conquest imperial consorts and empresses were usually known by their titles and by the name of their patrilineal clan 184 Eleven of the Shunzhi Emperor s 32 spouses bore him a total of fourteen children 185 but only four sons Fuquan Xuanye Changning and Longxi and one daughter Princess Gongque lived to be old enough to marry Unlike later Qing emperors the names of the Shunzhi Emperor s sons did not include a generational character 186 nbsp The Shunzhi Emperor s third son Xuanye after he had become the Kangxi Emperor r 1661 1722 Before the Qing court moved to Beijing in 1644 Manchu women used to have personal names but after 1644 these names disappear from the genealogical and archival records 184 Only after their betrothal were imperial daughters given a title and rank by which they then became known 184 Although five of the Shunzhi Emperor s six daughters died in infancy or childhood they all appear in the Aisin Gioro genealogy 184 Empress Consort Jing of the Khorchin Borjigit clan 靜妃 博爾濟吉特氏 first cousin personal name Erdeni Bumba 額爾德尼布木巴 Empress Xiaohuizhang of the Khorchin Borjigit clan 孝惠章皇后 博爾濟吉特氏 5 November 1641 7 January 1718 personal name Altantsetseg 阿拉坦琪琪格 Empress Xiaoxian of the Donggo clan 孝獻皇后 董鄂氏 1639 23 September 1660 Prince Rong of the First Rank 榮親王 12 November 1657 25 February 1658 fourth sonEmpress Xiaokangzhang of the Tunggiya clan 孝康章皇后 佟佳氏 1638 20 March 1663 Xuanye the Kangxi Emperor 聖祖 玄燁 4 May 1654 20 December 1722 third sonConsort Consort Dao of the Khorchin Borjigit clan 悼妃 博爾濟吉特氏 d 7 April 1658 first cousin Consort Zhen of the Donggo clan 貞妃 董鄂氏 d 5 February 1661 Consort Ke of the Shi clan 恪妃 石氏 d 13 January 1668 Consort Gongjing of the Hotsit Borjigit clan 恭靖妃 博爾濟吉特氏 d 20 May 1689 Consort Shuhui of the Khorchin Borjigit clan 淑惠妃 博爾濟吉特氏 1642 17 December 1713 first cousin once removed Consort Duanshun of the Abaga Borjigit clan 端順妃 博爾濟吉特氏 d 1 August 1709 Consort Ningque of the Donggo clan 寧愨妃 董鄂氏 d 11 August 1694 Fuquan Prince Yuxian of the First Rank 裕憲親王 福全 8 September 1653 10 August 1703 second sonConcubine Mistress of the Ba clan 巴氏 Niuniu 牛鈕 13 December 1651 9 March 1652 first son Third daughter 30 January 1654 April May 1658 Fifth daughter 6 February 1655 January 1661 Mistress of the Chen clan 陳氏 d 1690 First daughter 22 April 1652 November December 1653 Changning Prince Gong of the First Rank 恭親王 常寧 8 December 1657 20 July 1703 fifth sonMistress of the Yang clan 楊氏 Princess Gongque of the Second Rank 和碩恭愨公主 19 January 1654 26 November 1685 second daughter Married Na erdu 訥爾杜 d 1676 of the Manchu Guwalgiya clan in February March 1667 Fourth daughter 9 January 1655 March April 1661 Mistress of the Nara clan 那拉氏 Sixth daughter 11 November 1657 March 1661 Mistress of the Tang clan 唐氏 Qishou 奇授 3 January 1660 12 December 1665 sixth sonMistress of the Niu clan 鈕氏 Longxi Prince Chunjing of the First Rank 純靖親王 隆禧 30 May 1660 20 August 1679 seventh sonMistress of the Muktu clan 穆克圖氏 Yonggan 永幹 23 January 1661 15 January 1668 eighth sonAncestry EditGiocangga 1526 1583 Taksi 1543 1583 Empress YiNurhaci 1559 1626 AguEmpress Xuan d 1569 Hong Taiji 1592 1643 TaitanjuYangginu d 1583 Empress Xiaocigao 1575 1603 Mother in law of YeheShunzhi Emperor 1638 1661 NamusaiManggusiJaisangEmpress Xiaozhuangwen 1613 1688 Boli d 1654 In popular culture EditPortrayed by Jung Yoon seok in the 2013 TV series Blooded Palace The War of Flowers Portrayed by an unknown voice actor in The Mr Peabody amp Sherman Show episode Sherman Exchange Program See also Edit nbsp China portal nbsp History portal nbsp Monarchy portal nbsp Biography portalChinese emperors family tree late Chronology of the Shunzhi reign List of emperors of the Qing dynastyExplanatory notes Edit Dorgon s brother Dodo received the command to lead this southern expedition nan zheng 南征 on 1 April 58 He set out from Xi an on that very day 59 The Ming Prince of Fu had been crowned as emperor on 19 June 1644 60 61 For examples of the factional struggles that weakened the Hongguang court see Wakeman 1985 pp 523 43 Some defections are explained in Wakeman 1985 pp 543 45 Western historians do not seem to agree on the date of the Dalai Lama s visit see Wakeman 1985 p 929 note 81 1651 Crossley 1999 p 239 1651 Naquin 2000 pp 311 and 473 1652 Benard 2004 p 134 note 23 1652 Zarrow 2004b p 187 note 5 between 1652 and 1653 Rawski 1998 p 252 1653 Berger 2003 p 57 The Qing Veritable Records Shilu 實錄 cited on p 476 of Li 2003 however clearly indicate that the Dalai Lama arrived in Beijing on 14 January 1653 on the 15th day of the last month of the 9th year of Shunzhi and left the capital sometime in the second month of the 10th year of Shunzhi March 1653 Historians agree that the Shunzhi Emperor s will was either deeply modified or forged altogether See for instance Oxnam 1975 pp 62 63 and 205 7 Kessler 1976 p 20 Wakeman 1985 p 1015 Dennerline 2002 p 119 and Spence 2002 p 126 See Meng Sen 孟森 1868 1937 The Three Disputed Cases of the Early Qing 清初三大疑案 1935 in Chinese The other two are whether Dorgon secretly married Empress Dowager Zhaosheng and whether the Yongzheng Emperor usurped the succession to his father the Kangxi Emperor References EditCitations Edit Wakeman 1985 p 34 Roth Li 2002 pp 25 26 Roth Li 2002 pp 29 30 campaigns of Jurchen unification and 40 seizing of patents Roth Li 2002 p 34 Roth Li 2002 p 36 Roth Li 2002 p 28 Roth Li 2002 p 37 Roth Li 2002 p 42 Roth Li 2002 p 46 Roth Li 2002 p 51 Elliott 2001 p 63 Roth Li 2002 pp 29 30 Roth Li 2002 p 63 Elliott 2001 p 64 preparing to attack the Ming Spence 1999 pp 21 24 late Ming crises Oxnam 1975 p 38 Wakeman 1985 p 297 and Gong 2010 p 51 all place Hong Taiji s death on 21 September Chongde 崇德 8 8 9 Dennerline 2002 p 74 gives the date as 9 September Rawski 1998 p 98 Rawski 1998 p 99 about the White and Yellow banners Dennerline 2002 p 79 table with age of the imperial princes and the banners they controlled Dennerline 2002 p 77 convening of the Deliberative Council to discuss Hong Taiji s succession Hucker 1985 p 266 Deliberative Council as the most influential shaper of policy in the early Ch ing i e Qing Bartlett 1991 p 1 the Grand Council rose to the overlordship of almost the entire central government of the Chinese empire in the 1720s and 1730s a b Dennerline 2002 p 78 Fang 1943a p 255 Dennerline 2002 p 73 Wakeman 1985 p 299 Wakeman 1985 p 300 note 231 Dennerline 2002 p 79 Roth Li 2002 p 71 Mote 1999 p 809 Wakeman 1985 p 304 Dennerline 2002 p 81 Wakeman 1985 p 290 Wakeman 1985 p 304 Wakeman 1985 p 308 Wakeman 1985 pp 311 12 Wakeman 1985 p 313 Mote 1999 p 817 Wakeman 1985 p 313 Wakeman 1985 p 314 were all expecting Wu and the heir apparent and 315 reaction to seeing Dorgon instead Wakeman 1985 p 315 Naquin 2000 p 289 Mote 1999 p 818 Wakeman 1985 p 416 Mote 1999 p 828 Wakeman 1985 pp 420 22 which explains these matters and claims that the order was repealed by edict on 25 June Gong 2010 p 84 gives the date as 28 June Wakeman 1985 p 857 a b Wakeman 1985 p 858 Wakeman 1985 pp 858 and 860 According to the emperor s speechwriter who was probably Fan Wencheng Dorgon even surpassed guo the revered Duke of Zhou because The Uncle Prince also led the Grand Army through Shanhai Pass to smash two hundred thousand bandit soldiers and then proceeded to take Yanjing pacifying the Central Xia He invited Us to come to the capital and received Us as a great guest Wakeman 1985 pp 860 61 and p 861 note 31 a b Wakeman 1985 p 861 a b Wakeman 1985 pp 478 See maps in Naquin 2000 p 356 and Elliott 2001 p 103 Oxnam 1975 p 170 Wakeman 1985 p 477 and Naquin 2000 pp 289 91 a b c Naquin 2000 p 291 Elman 2002 p 389 Cited in Elman 2002 pp 389 90 Man Cheong 2004 p 7 Table 1 1 number of graduates per session under each Qing reign Wakeman 1985 p 954 reason for the high quotas Elman 2001 p 169 lower quotas in 1660 Wang 2004 pp 215 216 amp 219 221 Walthall Anne 1 January 2008 Servants of the Dynasty Palace Women in World History University of California Press ISBN 978 0 520 25444 2 Zarrow 2004a passim Wakeman 1985 pp 483 Li reestablished headquarters in Xi an and 501 Hebei and Shandong revolts new campaigns against Li Wakeman 1985 pp 501 7 Wakeman 1985 p 521 Struve 1988 p 657 Wakeman 1985 p 346 Struve 1988 p 644 Wakeman 1985 p 522 taking of Xuzhou Struve 1988 p 657 converging on Yangzhou Struve 1988 p 657 Finnane 1993 p 131 Struve 1988 p 657 purpose of the massacre was to terrorize Jiangnan Zarrow 2004a passim late Qing uses of the Yangzhou massacre Struve 1988 p 660 Struve 1988 p 660 capture of Suzhou and Hangzhou by early July 1645 new frontier Wakeman 1985 p 580 capture of the emperor around 17 June and later death in Beijing Wakeman 1985 p 647 Struve 1988 p 662 Dennerline 2002 p 87 which calls this edict the most untimely promulgation of Dorgon s career Kuhn 1990 p 12 Wakeman 1985 p 647 From the Manchus perspective the command to cut one s hair or lose one s head not only brought rulers and subjects together into a single physical resemblance it also provided them with a perfect loyalty test Wakeman 1985 pp 648 49 officials and literati and 650 common men In the Classic of Filial Piety Confucius is cited to say that a person s body and hair being gifts from one s parents are not to be damaged this is the beginning of filial piety 身體髮膚 受之父母 不敢毀傷 孝之始也 Prior to the Qing dynasty adult Han Chinese men customarily did not cut their hair but instead wore it in a topknot Struve 1988 pp 662 63 broke the momentum of the Qing conquest Wakeman 1975 p 56 the hair cutting order more than any other act engendered the Kiangnan Jiangnan resistance of 1645 Wakeman 1985 p 650 the rulers effort to make Manchus and Han one unified body initially had the effect of unifying upper and lower class natives in central and south China against the interlopers Wakeman 1975 p 78 Wakeman 1975 p 83 a b Wakeman 1985 p 674 Struve 1988 pp 665 on the Prince of Tang and 666 on the Prince of Lu Struve 1988 pp 667 69 for their failure to cooperate 669 74 for the deep financial and tactical problems that beset both regimes Struve 1988 p 675 a b Struve 1988 p 676 a b c Wakeman 1985 p 737 Wakeman 1985 p 738 Wakeman 1985 pp 765 66 a b Wakeman 1985 p 767 Wakeman 1985 pp 767 68 Dai 2009 p 17 Dai 2009 pp 17 18 a b c Rossabi 1979 p 191 Larsen amp Numata 1943 p 572 Meng Qiaofang death of rebel leaders Rossabi 1979 p 192 Oxnam 1975 p 47 intense factional rivalry among the fiercest and most complex of the early Ch ing Wakeman 1985 pp 892 93 date and cause of Dorgon s death and 907 second great wave of Qing institutional reform from 1652 to 1655 Oxnam 1975 pp 47 48 Oxnam 1975 p 47 a b c d Oxnam 1975 p 48 Elliott 2001 p 79 Manchu name personal property of the emperor Oxnam 1975 p 48 timing and purpose of Jirgalang s move Oxnam 1975 p 49 Dennerline 2002 p 106 Dennerline 2002 p 107 Dennerline 2002 p 106 dismissal of Feng Quan in 1651 Wakeman 1985 pp 865 72 for the story of the failed purge of Feng Quan in 1645 Dennerline 2002 p 107 coalition of literary societies Wakeman 1985 p 865 Dennerline 2002 pp 108 9 Dennerline 2002 p 109 Wakeman 1985 p 958 Wakeman 1985 pp 959 74 discussion of these cases Wakeman 1985 pp 976 April 1654 Ning Wanwo and 977 81 long discussion of Chen Mingxia s crimes Wakeman 1985 pp 985 86 Gong 2010 p 295 gives the date as 30 November 1657 Wakeman 1985 p 1004 note 38 Ho 1962 pp 191 92 Wakeman 1985 pp 1004 5 Dennerline 2002 pp 109 topics of discussions with Chen Mingxia and 112 on Wang Xi Mair 1985 p 326 bare bones Oxnam 1975 pp 115 16 Dennerline 2002 p 113 Wakeman 1985 p 931 Thirteen Offices Rawski 1998 p 163 Thirteen Eunuch Bureaus supervised by Manchus Dennerline 2002 p 113 Oxnam 1975 pp 52 53 Wakeman 1985 p 931 composed edicts Oxnam 1975 p 52 Oxnam 1975 p 52 isolated emperor from his officials Kessler 1976 p 27 Wakeman 1985 p 1016 Kessler 1976 p 27 Oxnam 1975 p 54 Oxnam 1975 pp 52 53 Kessler 1976 p 27 Rawski 1998 p 163 specific date In 1951 Italian scholar Luciano Petech was the first to hypothesize that these emissaries came from Turfan not from the Moghul India Petech 1951 pp 124 27 cited in Lach amp van Kley 1994 plate 315 Kim 2008 p 109 discusses this Turfan embassy in some detail a b c Wills 1984 p 40 Kim 2008 p 109 Kim 2008 p 109 without solicitation location of trade Rossabi 1979 p 190 within the constraints of the old tributary system Rossabi 1979 p 192 Kim 2008 p 111 Rawski 1998 p 250 unification or religious and secular rule Rawski 1998 p 251 beginning of Qing patronage of Tibetan Buddhism Zarrow 2004b p 187 note 5 political reasons for inviting the Dalai Lama Wakeman 1985 p 929 note 81 site of Qionghua Island and Qubilai s former palace Naquin 2000 p 309 preparation for Lama s visit bell shaped temple Naquin 2000 p 473 Chayet 2004 p 40 date of the beginning of the construction of the Potala a b c d Fang 1943b p 632 Turayev 1995 Kennedy 1943 p 576 Mongol Fang 1943b p 632 victory but yielded no permanent success a b Struve 1988 p 704 Wakeman 1985 p 973 note 194 a b c Dennerline 2002 p 117 Struve 1988 p 710 Spence 2002 p 136 a b c d e Dennerline 2002 p 118 Wakeman 1985 pp 1048 49 Spence 2002 pp 136 37 Spence 2002 p 146 a b Gates amp Fang 1943 p 300 Wu 1979 p 36 Wu 1979 pp 15 16 Wu 1979 p 16 a b Spence 1969 p 19 Oxnam 1975 p 54 Wakeman 1985 p 858 note 24 Spence 1969 p 19 Wakeman 1985 p 929 note 82 Spence 1969 p 19 list of privileges Fang 1943a p 258 date of conversion to Buddhism a b Zhou 2009 pp 12 Wakeman 1984 p 631 note 2 Oxnam 1975 p 205 Spence 2002 p 125 Note that Xuanye was born in May 1654 and was therefore less than seven years old Both Spence 2002 and Oxnam 1975 p 1 nonetheless claim that he was seven years old Dennerline 2002 p 119 and Rawski 1998 p 99 indicate that he was not yet seven years old In Chinese documents concerning the succession Xuanye was said to be eight sui Oxnam 1975 p 62 Perdue 2005 p 47 Seventy to 80 percent of those infected died Chang 2002 p 196 most feared disease among the Manchus Chang 2002 p 180 a b Chang 2002 p 181 Naquin 2000 p 311 Southern Park used as hunting ground Chang 2002 pp 181 number of outbreaks and 192 Dorgon building a bidousuo in the Southern Park Naquin 2000 p 296 on rule forcing Chinese residents to move out Oxnam 1975 pp 48 on the four men helping Jirgalang 50 date of promulgation of the edict of succession and 62 on appointment of the four regents Kessler 1976 p 21 on helping to get rid of Dorgon s faction in the early 1650s Oxnam 1975 p 52 Oxnam 1975 p 51 on proclamations in which the emperor publicly degraded himself and 52 on the centrality of these policies to the Shunzhi Emperor s rule Oxnam 1975 p 63 Spence 2002 p 125 Fang 1943a p 258 emperor became a devout Buddhist in 1657 Dennerline 2002 p 118 emperor had become devoted to Buddhism by 1659 monks living in the palace Oxnam 1975 p 205 for monk s diary citing an older study by Chinese historian Meng Sen 孟森 Spence 2002 p 125 on the two suicides Standaert 2008 pp 73 74 Standaert 2008 p 75 Elliott 2001 p 477 note 122 citing several studies and primary documents By contrast Hong Taiji and the Shunzhi Emperor s two empresses had been cremated Elliott 2001 p 264 a b Fang 1943a p 258 Chang 2007 p 86 Kessler 1976 p 26 Oxnam 1975 p 63 Oxnam 1975 p 65 Oxnam 1975 p 71 details of membership in the Deliberative Council Spence 2002 pp 126 27 other institutions Kessler 1976 pp 31 32 Ming history case 33 36 tax arrears case and 39 46 clearing of the coast Spence 2002 p 133 Kessler 1976 p 30 restored in 1670 a b c Spence 2002 p 122 Spence 2002 pp 140 43 details of the campaigns Li 2010 p 153 Rawski 1998 p 113 use of variolation starting in 1681 Dennerline 2002 p 73 citation Wakeman 1985 p 1125 institutional foundation awesome proportion Wakeman 1985 p 1127 See table in Rawski 1998 p 141 a b c d Rawski 1998 p 129 See table in Rawski 1998 p 142 See table in Rawski 1998 p 112 Works cited Edit Main studiesDennerline Jerry 2002 The Shun chih Reign in Peterson Willard J ed Cambridge History of China Vol 9 Part 1 The Ch ing Dynasty to 1800 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 73 119 ISBN 0 521 24334 3 Fang Chao ying 1943 Fu lin In Hummel Arthur W Sr ed Eminent Chinese of the Ch ing Period United States Government Printing Office pp 255 59 a href Template Cite encyclopedia html title Template Cite encyclopedia cite encyclopedia a CS1 maint date and year link Struve Lynn 1988 The Southern Ming in Mote Frederic W Twitchett Denis Fairbank John King eds Cambridge History of China Volume 7 The Ming Dynasty 1368 1644 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 641 725 ISBN 0 521 24332 7 Wakeman Frederic 1985 The Great Enterprise The Manchu Reconstruction of Imperial Order in Seventeenth Century China Berkeley Los Angeles and London University of California Press ISBN 0 520 04804 0 In two volumes Other worksBartlett Beatrice S 1991 Monarchs and Ministers The Grand Council in Mid Ch ing China 1723 1820 Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California Press ISBN 0 520 08645 7 Benard Elisabeth 2004 The Qianlong emperor and Tibetan Buddhism in Millward James A et al eds New Qing Imperial History The Making of Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde London and New York RoutledgeCurzon pp 123 35 ISBN 0 415 32006 2 Berger Patricia 2003 Empire of Emptiness Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China Honolulu University of Hawai i Press ISBN 0 8248 2563 2 Chang Chia feng 2002 Disease and its Impact on Politics Diplomacy and the Military The Case of Smallpox and the Manchus 1613 1795 Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 57 2 177 97 doi 10 1093 jhmas 57 2 177 PMID 11995595 Chang Michael G 2007 A Court on Horseback Imperial Touring and the Construction of Qing Rule 1680 1785 Cambridge Mass and London Harvard University Asia Center ISBN 978 0 674 02454 0 Chayet Anne 2004 Architectural wonderland an empire of fictions in Millward James A et al eds New Qing Imperial History The making of Inner Asian empire at Qing Chengde London and New York RoutledgeCurzon pp 33 52 ISBN 0 415 32006 2 Crossley Pamela Kyle 1999 A Translucent Mirror History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California Press ISBN 0 520 21566 4 Dai Yingcong 2009 The Sichuan Frontier and Tibet Imperial Strategy in the Early Qing Seattle and London University of Washington Press ISBN 978 0 295 98952 5 Elliott Mark C 2001 The Manchu Way The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China Stanford Stanford University Press ISBN 0 8047 4684 2 Elman Benjamin A 2001 A Cultural History of Civil Examinations in Late Imperial China Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California Press ISBN 0 520 21509 5 Elman Benjamin A 2002 The Social Roles of Literati in Early to Mid Ch ing in Peterson Willard J ed Cambridge History of China Vol 9 Part 1 The Ch ing Dynasty to 1800 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 360 427 ISBN 0 521 24334 3 Fang Chao ying 1943 Sarhuda In Hummel Arthur W Sr ed Eminent Chinese of the Ch ing Period United States Government Printing Office p 632 a href Template Cite encyclopedia html title Template Cite encyclopedia cite encyclopedia a CS1 maint date and year link Finnane Antonia 1993 Yangzhou A Central Place in the Qing Empire in Cooke Johnson Linda ed Cities of Jiangnan in Late Imperial China Albany NY SUNY Press pp 117 50 ISBN 0 7914 1423 X Gates M Jean Fang Chao ying 1943 Hsiao chuang Wen Huang hou In Hummel Arthur W Sr ed Eminent Chinese of the Ch ing Period United States Government Printing Office pp 300 1 a href Template Cite encyclopedia html title Template Cite encyclopedia cite encyclopedia a CS1 maint date and year link Gong Baoli 宫宝利 2010 Shunzhi shidian顺治事典 Events of the Shunzhi reign in Chinese Beijing Zijincheng chubanshe 紫禁城出版社 Forbidden City Press ISBN 978 7 5134 0018 3 Ho Ping ti 1962 The Ladder of Success in Imperial China Aspects of Social Mobility 1368 1911 New York Columbia University Press ISBN 0 231 05161 1 Hucker Charles O 1985 A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China Stanford Stanford University Press ISBN 0 8047 1193 3 Kennedy George A 1943 Minggadari In Hummel Arthur W Sr ed Eminent Chinese of the Ch ing Period United States Government Printing Office p 576 a href Template Cite encyclopedia html title Template Cite encyclopedia cite encyclopedia a CS1 maint date and year link Kessler Lawrence D 1976 K ang hsi and the Consolidation of Ch ing Rule 1661 1684 Chicago and London University of Chicago Press ISBN 0 226 43203 3 Kim Kwangmin 2008 Saintly brokers Uyghur Muslims trade and the making of Central Asia 1696 1814 PhD diss History Department University of 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historical and archaeological research volume 2 in Russian Vladivostok Rossiĭskaia akademiia nauk Dalʹnevostochnoe otd nie ISBN 5 7442 0402 4 Wakeman Frederic 1975 Localism and Loyalism During the Ch ing Conquest of Kiangnan The Tragedy of Chiang yin in Wakeman Frederic Jr Grant Carolyn eds Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China Berkeley Center of Chinese Studies University of California Berkeley pp 43 85 ISBN 0 520 02597 0 Wakeman Frederic 1984 Romantics Stoics and Martyrs in Seventeenth Century China Journal of Asian Studies 43 4 631 65 doi 10 2307 2057148 JSTOR 2057148 S2CID 163314256 Wills John E 1984 Embassies and Illusions Dutch and Portuguese Envoys to K ang hsi 1666 1687 Cambridge Mass and London Harvard University Press ISBN 0 674 24776 0 Wu Silas H L 1979 Passage to Power K ang hsi and His Heir Apparent 1661 1722 Cambridge Massachusetts Harvard University Press ISBN 0 674 65625 3 Zarrow Peter 2004a Historical Trauma Anti Manchuism and Memories of Atrocity in Late Qing China History and Memory 16 2 67 107 doi 10 1353 ham 2004 0013 S2CID 161270740 Zarrow Peter 2004b Qianlong s inscription on the founding of the Temple of the Happiness and Longevity of Mt Sumeru Xumifushou miao in Millward James A et al eds New Qing Imperial History The Making of Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde translated by Zarrow London and New York RoutledgeCurzon pp 185 87 ISBN 0 415 32006 2 Zhao Gang January 2006 Reinventing China Imperial Qing Ideology and the Rise of Modern Chinese National Identity in the Early Twentieth Century Modern China Sage Publications 32 1 3 30 doi 10 1177 0097700405282349 JSTOR 20062627 S2CID 144587815 Zhou Ruchang 周汝昌 2009 Between Noble and Humble Cao Xueqin and the Dream of the Red Chamber edited by Ronald R Gray and Mark S Ferrara translated by Liangmei Bao and Kyongsook Park New York Peter Lang ISBN 978 1 4331 0407 7 External links Edit nbsp Media related to Shunzhi Emperor at Wikimedia CommonsShunzhi EmperorHouse of Aisin GioroBorn 15 March 1638 Died 5 February 1661Regnal titlesPreceded byHong Taiji Emperor of the Qing dynasty1643 1661 Succeeded byKangxi EmperorPreceded byChongzhen Emperor Ming dynasty Emperor of China1644 1661 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Shunzhi Emperor amp oldid 1173980561, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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