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Francisco Franco

Francisco Franco Bahamonde (Spanish: [fɾanˈθisko ˈfɾaŋko βa.aˈmonde]; 4 December 1892 – 20 November 1975) was a Spanish military general who led the Nationalist forces in overthrowing the Second Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War and thereafter ruled over Spain from 1939 to 1975 as a dictator, assuming the title Caudillo. This period in Spanish history, from the Nationalist victory to Franco's death, is commonly known as Francoist Spain or as the Francoist dictatorship.

Francisco Franco
Head of State of Spain[b]
In office
1 October 1936[a] – 20 November 1975
Prime MinisterHimself
Luis Carrero Blanco
Carlos Arias Navarro
Preceded byMiguel Cabanellas[c]
José Miaja[d]
Succeeded byJuan Carlos I
(King of Spain)
Prime Minister of Spain[e]
In office
30 January 1938[a] – 9 June 1973
Deputy
Head of StateHimself
Preceded byFrancisco Gómez-Jordana[f]
José Miaja[d]
Succeeded byLuis Carrero Blanco
National Chief of FET y de las JONS
In office
19 April 1937 – 20 November 1975
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byCarlos Arias Navarro
Personal details
Born(1892-12-04)4 December 1892
Ferrol, Galicia, Kingdom of Spain
Died20 November 1975(1975-11-20) (aged 82)
Madrid, Spanish State
Resting place
Political partyFET y de las JONS
Spouse
(m. 1923)
ChildrenMaría del Carmen
RelativesNicolás Franco (brother)
Ramón Franco (brother)
Francisco Franco [es] (cousin)
Ricardo de la Puente [es] (cousin)
Residence(s)El Pardo, Madrid
EducationInfantry Academy of Toledo
Signature
NicknameCaudillo
Military service
AllegianceKingdom of Spain
(1907–1931)
Spanish Republic
(1931–1936)
Spanish State
(1936–1975)
Branch/serviceSpanish Armed Forces
Years of service1907–1975
RankCaptain general of the Army
Captain general of the Air Force
Captain general of the Navy
CommandsAll (Generalísimo)
Battles/wars2nd Melillan Campaign (WIA)
Rif War
Revolution of 1934
Spanish Civil War
Ifni War

Born in Ferrol, Galicia, into an upper-class military family, Franco served in the Spanish Army as a cadet in the Toledo Infantry Academy from 1907 to 1910. While serving in Morocco, he rose through the ranks to become a brigadier general in 1926 at age 33. Two years later, Franco became the director of the General Military Academy in Zaragoza. As a conservative and monarchist, Franco regretted the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of the Second Republic in 1931, and was devastated by the closing of his academy; nevertheless, he continued his service in the Republican Army.[5] His career was boosted after the right-wing CEDA and PRR won the 1933 election, empowering him to lead the suppression of the 1934 uprising in Asturias. Franco was briefly elevated to Chief of Army Staff before the 1936 election moved the leftist Popular Front into power, relegating him to the Canary Islands. Initially reluctant, he joined the July 1936 military coup, which, after failing to take Spain, sparked the Spanish Civil War.

During the war, he commanded Spain's African colonial army and later, following the deaths of much of the rebel leadership, became his faction's only leader, being appointed Generalissimo and head of state in 1936. He consolidated all nationalist parties into the FET y de las JONS (creating a one-party state) and developed a cult of personality around his rule by founding the Movimiento Nacional. Three years later the Nationalists declared victory, which extended Franco's dictatorship over Spain through a period of repression of political opponents. His dictatorship's use of forced labor, concentration camps and executions led to between 30,000 and 50,000 deaths.[12] Combined with wartime killings, this brings the death toll of the White Terror to between 100,000 and 200,000.[14]

During World War II, he maintained Spanish neutrality, but supported the Axis—whose members Italy and Germany had supported him during the Civil War—damaging the country's international reputation in various ways. During the start of the Cold War, Franco lifted Spain out of its mid-20th century economic depression through technocratic and economically liberal policies, presiding over a period of accelerated growth known as the "Spanish miracle". At the same time, his regime transitioned from a totalitarian state to an authoritarian one with limited pluralism. He became a leader in the anti-communist movement, garnering support from the West, particularly the United States.[15][16] As the dictatorship relaxed its hard-line policies, Luis Carrero Blanco became Franco's éminence grise, whose role expanded after Franco began struggling with Parkinson's disease in the 1960s. In 1973, Franco resigned as prime minister—separated from the office of head of state since 1967—due to his advanced age and illness. Nevertheless, he remained in power as the head of state and as commander-in-chief. Franco died in 1975, aged 82, and was entombed in the Valle de los Caídos. He restored the monarchy in his final years, being succeeded by Juan Carlos, King of Spain, who led the Spanish transition to democracy.

The legacy of Franco in Spanish history remains controversial, as the nature of his dictatorship changed over time. His reign was marked by both brutal repression, with tens of thousands killed, and economic prosperity, which greatly improved the quality of life in Spain. His dictatorial style proved adaptable enough to allow social and economic reform, but still centered on highly centralised government, authoritarianism, nationalism, national Catholicism, anti-freemasonry and anti-communism.

Early life

 
His parents with Francisco in arms, on the day of his baptism on 17 December 1892

Francisco Franco Bahamonde was born on 4 December 1892 in the Calle Frutos Saavedra in Ferrol, Galicia,[17] into a seafaring family.[18] He was baptised thirteen days later at the military church of San Francisco, with the baptismal name Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo.[17]

After relocating to Galicia, the Franco family was involved in the Spanish Navy, and over the span of two centuries produced naval officers for six uninterrupted generations (including several admirals),[18] down to Franco's father Nicolás Franco Salgado-Araújo [es] (22 November 1855 – 22 February 1942).[19]

His mother, María del Pilar Bahamonde y Pardo de Andrade (15 October 1865 – 28 February 1934), was from an upper-middle-class Roman Catholic family. Her father, Ladislao Bahamonde Ortega, was the commissar of naval equipment at the Port of El Ferrol. Franco's parents married in 1890 in the Church of San Francisco in El Ferrol.[20] The young Franco spent much of his childhood with his two brothers, Nicolás and Ramón, and his two sisters, María del Pilar and María de la Paz. His brother Nicolás was a naval officer and diplomat who married María Isabel Pascual del Pobil.[21] Ramón was an internationally known aviator and a Freemason, originally with leftist political leanings. He was also the second sibling to die, killed in an air accident on a military mission in 1938.[22]

Franco's father was a naval officer who reached the rank of vice admiral (intendente general). When Franco was fourteen, his father moved to Madrid following a reassignment and ultimately abandoned his family, marrying another woman. While Franco did not suffer any great abuse by his father's hand, he would never overcome his antipathy for his father and largely ignored him for the rest of his life. Years after becoming dictator, under the pseudonym Jaime de Andrade, Franco wrote a brief novel called Raza, whose protagonist is believed by Stanley Payne to represent the idealised man Franco wished his father had been. Conversely, Franco strongly identified with his mother (who always wore widow's black once she realised her husband had abandoned her) and learned from her moderation, austerity, self-control, family solidarity and respect for Catholicism, though he would also inherit his father's harshness, coldness and implacability.[23]

Military career

Rif War and advancement through the ranks

Francisco followed his father into the Navy, but as a result of the Spanish–American War the country lost much of its navy as well as most of its colonies. Not needing any more officers, the Naval Academy admitted no new entrants from 1906 to 1913. To his father's chagrin, Francisco decided to try the Spanish Army. In 1907, he entered the Infantry Academy in Toledo. At the age of fourteen, Franco was one of the youngest members of his class, with most boys being between sixteen and eighteen. He was short and was bullied for his small size. His grades were average; though his good memory meant he seldom struggled academically, his small stature was a hindrance in physical tests. He graduated in July 1910 as a second lieutenant, standing 251st out of 312 cadets in his class, though this might have had less to do with his grades than with his small size and young age. Stanley Payne observes that by the time civil war began, Franco had already become a major general and would soon be a generalissimo, while none of his higher-ranking fellow cadets had managed to get beyond the rank of lieutenant-colonel.[24][25] Franco was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant in June 1912 at age 19.[26][27] Two years later, he obtained a commission to Morocco. Spanish efforts to occupy the new African protectorate provoked the Second Melillan campaign in 1909 against native Moroccans, the first of several Riffian rebellions. Their tactics resulted in heavy losses among Spanish military officers, and also provided an opportunity to earn promotion through merit on the battlefield. It was said that officers would receive either la caja o la faja (a coffin or a general's sash). Franco quickly gained a reputation as an effective officer.

 
Francisco and his brother Ramón in North Africa, 1925

In 1913, Franco transferred into the newly formed regulares: Moroccan colonial troops with Spanish officers, who acted as elite shock troops.[28] In 1916, aged 23 with the rank of captain, Franco was shot in the abdomen by guerilla gunfire during an assault on Moroccan positions at El Biutz, in the hills near Ceuta; this was the only time he was wounded in ten years of fighting.[29] The wound was serious, and he was not expected to live. His recovery was seen by his Moroccan troops as a spiritual event – they believed Franco to be blessed with baraka, or protected by God. He was recommended for promotion to major and to receive Spain's highest honour for gallantry, the coveted Cruz Laureada de San Fernando. Both proposals were denied, with the 23-year-old Franco's young age being given as the reason for denial. Franco appealed the decision to the king, who reversed it.[29] Franco also received the Cross of Maria Cristina, First Class.[30]

With that he was promoted to major at the end of February 1917 at age 24. This made him the youngest major in the Spanish army. From 1917 to 1920, he served in Spain. In 1920, Lieutenant Colonel José Millán Astray, a histrionic but charismatic officer, founded the Spanish Foreign Legion, along similar lines as the French Foreign Legion. Franco became the Legion's second-in-command and returned to Africa. In the Rif War, the poorly commanded and overextended Spanish Army was defeated by the Republic of the Rif under the leadership of the Abd el-Krim brothers, who crushed a Spanish offensive on 24 July 1921, at Annual. The Legion and supporting units relieved the Spanish city of Melilla after a three-day forced march led by Franco. In 1923, now a lieutenant colonel, he was made commander of the Legion.

On 22 October 1923, Franco married María del Carmen Polo y Martínez-Valdès (11 June 1900 – 6 February 1988).[31] Following his honeymoon Franco was summoned to Madrid to be presented to King Alfonso XIII.[32] This and other occasions of royal attention would mark him during the Republic as a monarchical officer.

Disappointed with the plans for a strategic retreat from the interior to the African coastline by Primo de Rivera, Franco wrote in the April 1924 issue of Revista de Tropas Coloniales (Colonial Troops Magazine) that he would disobey orders of retreat given by a superior. He also held a tense meeting with Primo de Rivera in July 1924. According to fellow africanista, Gonzalo Queipo de Llano, Franco visited him on 21 September 1924 to propose that he lead a coup d'état against Primo.[33] In the end, Franco complied with Primo's orders, taking part in the retreat of Spanish soldiers from Xaouen [es] in late 1924, and thus earning a promotion to colonel.[34]

Franco led the first wave of troops ashore at Al Hoceima (Spanish: Alhucemas) in 1925. This landing in the heartland of Abd el-Krim's tribe, combined with the French invasion from the south, spelled the beginning of the end for the short-lived Republic of the Rif. Franco was eventually recognised for his leadership, and he was promoted to brigadier general on 3 February 1926, making him the youngest general in Europe at age 33, according to Payne and Palacios.[35] On 14 September 1926, Franco and Polo had a daughter, María del Carmen. Franco would have a close relationship with his daughter and was a proud parent, though his traditionalist attitudes and increasing responsibilities meant he left much of the child-rearing to his wife.[36] In 1928 Franco was appointed director of the newly created General Military Academy of Zaragoza, a new college for all Spanish army cadets, replacing the former separate institutions for young men seeking to become officers in infantry, cavalry, artillery, and other branches of the army. Franco was removed as Director of the Zaragoza Military Academy in 1931; when the Civil War began, the colonels, majors, and captains of the Spanish Army who had attended the academy when he was its director displayed unconditional loyalty to him as Caudillo.[37]

During the Second Spanish Republic

The municipal elections of 12 April 1931 were largely seen as a plebiscite on the monarchy.[38] The Republican-Socialist alliance failed to win the majority of the municipalities in Spain, but had a landslide victory in all the large cities and in almost all the provincial capitals.[39] The monarchists and the army deserted Alfonso XIII and consequently the king decided to leave the country and go into exile, giving way to the Second Spanish Republic. Although Franco believed that the majority of the Spanish people still supported the crown, and although he regretted the end of the monarchy, he did not object, nor did he challenge the legitimacy of the republic.[40] The closing of the academy in June by the provisional War Minister Manuel Azaña however was a major setback for Franco and provoked his first clash with the Spanish Republic. Azaña found Franco's farewell speech to the cadets insulting.[41] In his speech Franco stressed the Republic's need for discipline and respect.[42] Azaña entered an official reprimand into Franco's personnel file and for six months Franco was without a post and under surveillance.[41]

In December 1931, a new reformist, liberal, and democratic constitution was declared. It included strong provisions enforcing a broad secularisation of the Catholic country, which included the abolishing of Catholic schools and charities, which many moderate committed Catholics opposed.[43] At this point, once the constituent assembly had fulfilled its mandate of approving a new constitution, it should have arranged for regular parliamentary elections and adjourned, according to historian Carlton J. H. Hayes. Fearing the increasing popular opposition, the Radical and Socialist majority postponed the regular elections, thereby prolonging their stay in power for two more years. This way the republican government of Manuel Azaña initiated numerous reforms to what in their view would "modernize" the country.[44]

Franco was a subscriber to the journal of Acción Española, a monarchist organisation, and a firm believer in a supposed Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik conspiracy, or contubernio (conspiracy). The conspiracy suggested that Jews, Freemasons, Communists, and other leftists alike sought the destruction of Christian Europe, with Spain being the principal target.[45]

 
Franco in 1930

On 5 February 1932, Franco was given a command in A Coruña. Franco avoided involvement in José Sanjurjo's attempted coup that year, and even wrote a hostile letter to Sanjurjo expressing his anger over the attempt. As a result of Azaña's military reform, in January 1933 Franco was relegated from first to 24th in the list of brigadiers. The same year, on 17 February he was given the military command of the Balearic Islands. The post was above his rank, but Franco was still unhappy that he was stuck in a position he disliked. The prime minister wrote in his diary that it was probably more prudent to have Franco away from Madrid.[46][47]

In 1932, the Jesuits, who were in charge of many schools throughout the country, were banned and had all their property confiscated.[48] The army was further reduced and landowners were expropriated. Home rule was granted to Catalonia, with a local parliament and a president of its own.[49] In June 1933 Pope Pius XI issued the encyclical Dilectissima Nobis (Our Dearly Beloved), "On Oppression of the Church of Spain", in which he criticised the anti-clericalism of the Republican government.[48]

The elections held in October 1933 resulted in a centre-right majority. The political party with the most votes was the Confederación Español de Derechas Autónomas ("CEDA"), but president Alcalá-Zamora declined to invite the leader of the CEDA, Gil Robles, to form a government.[50] Instead he invited the Radical Republican Party's Alejandro Lerroux to do so. Despite receiving the most votes, CEDA was denied cabinet positions for nearly a year.[51] After a year of intense pressure, CEDA, the largest party in the congress, was finally successful in forcing the acceptance of three ministries. The entrance of CEDA in the government, despite being normal in a parliamentary democracy, was not well accepted by the left. The Socialists triggered an insurrection that they had been preparing for nine months. The leftist Republican parties did not directly join the insurrection, but their leadership issued statements that they were "breaking all relations" with the Republican government.[52] The Catalan Bloc Obrer i Camperol (BOC) advocated the need to form a broad workers' front, and took the lead in forming a new and more encompassing Alianza Obrera, which included the Catalan UGT and the Catalan sector of the PSOE, with the goal of defeating fascism and advancing the socialist revolution. The Alianza Obrera declared a general strike "against fascism" in Catalonia in 1934.[53] A Catalan state was proclaimed by Catalan nationalist leader Lluis Companys, but it lasted just ten hours. Despite an attempt at a general stoppage in Madrid, other strikes did not endure. This left the striking Asturian miners to fight alone.[54]

In several mining towns in Asturias, local unions gathered small arms and were determined to see the strike through. It began on the evening of 4 October, with the miners occupying several towns, attacking and seizing local Civil and Assault Guard barracks.[55] Thirty four priests, six young seminarists with ages between 18 and 21, and several businessmen and civil guards were summarily executed by the revolutionaries in Mieres and Sama, 58 religious buildings including churches, convents and part of the university at Oviedo were burned and destroyed,[56] and over 100 priests were killed in the diocese.[57] Franco, already General of Division and aide to the war minister, Diego Hidalgo, was put in command of the operations directed to suppress the violent insurgency. Troops of the Spanish Army of Africa carried this out, with General Eduardo López Ochoa as commander in the field. After two weeks of heavy fighting (and a death toll estimated between 1,200 and 2,000), the rebellion was suppressed.

The insurgency in Asturias in October 1934 sparked a new era of violent anti-Christian persecutions with the massacre of 34 priests, initiating the practice of atrocities against the clergy,[58] and sharpened the antagonism between Left and Right. Franco and López Ochoa (who, prior to the campaign in Asturias, had been seen as a left-leaning officer)[59] emerged as officers prepared to use "troops against Spanish civilians as if they were a foreign enemy".[60] Franco described the rebellion to a journalist in Oviedo as, "a frontier war and its fronts are socialism, communism and whatever attacks civilisation to replace it with barbarism." Though the colonial units sent to the north by the government at Franco's recommendation[56] consisted of the Spanish Foreign Legion and the Moroccan Regulares Indigenas,[61] the right-wing press portrayed the Asturian rebels as lackeys of a foreign Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy.[62]

With this rebellion against legitimate established political authority, the socialists also repudiated the representative institutional system as the anarchists had done.[63] The Spanish historian Salvador de Madariaga, an Azaña supporter, and an exiled vocal opponent of Francisco Franco is the author of a sharp critical reflection against the participation of the left in the revolt: "The uprising of 1934 is unforgivable. The argument that Mr Gil Robles tried to destroy the Constitution to establish fascism was, at once, hypocritical and false. With the rebellion of 1934, the Spanish left lost even the shadow of moral authority to condemn the rebellion of 1936."[64]

At the start of the Civil War, López Ochoa was assassinated; his head was severed and paraded around the streets on a pole, with a card reading, 'This is the butcher of Asturias'.[65] Some time after these events, Franco was briefly commander-in-chief of the Army of Africa (from 15 February onwards), and from 19 May 1935, on, Chief of the General Staff.

1936 general election

At the end of 1935, President Alcalá-Zamora manipulated a petty-corruption issue into a major scandal in parliament, and eliminated Alejandro Lerroux, the head of the Radical Republican Party, from the premiership. Subsequently, Alcalá-Zamora vetoed the logical replacement, a majority center-right coalition, led by the CEDA, which would reflect the composition of the parliament. He then arbitrarily appointed an interim prime minister and after a short period announced the dissolution of parliament and new elections.[66]

Two wide coalitions formed: the Popular Front on the left, ranging from Republican Union to Communists, and the Frente Nacional on the right, ranging from the centre radicals to the conservative Carlists. On 16 February 1936 the elections ended in a virtual draw, but in the evening leftist mobs started to interfere in the balloting and in the registration of votes, distorting the results.[67][68] Stanley G. Payne claims that the process was blatant electoral fraud, with widespread violation of the laws and the constitution.[69][70] In line with Payne's point of view, in 2017 two Spanish scholars, Manuel Álvarez Tardío and Roberto Villa García published the result of a major research work in which they concluded that the 1936 elections were rigged,[71][72] a view disputed by Paul Preston,[73] and other scholars such as Iker Itoiz Ciáurriz, who denounces their conclusions as revisionist "classic Francoist anti-republican tropes".[74]

On 19 February, the cabinet presided over by Portela Valladares resigned, with a new cabinet being quickly set up, composed chiefly of members of the Republican Left and the Republican Union and presided over by Manuel Azaña.[75]

José Calvo Sotelo, who made anti-communism the focus of his parliamentary speeches, began spreading violent propaganda—advocating for a military coup d'état; formulating a catastrophist discourse of a dichotomous choice between "communism" or a markedly totalitarian "National" State, and setting the mood of the masses for a military rebellion. The diffusion of the myth about an alleged Communist coup d'état as well a pretended state of "social chaos" became pretexts for a coup. Franco himself along with General Emilio Mola had stirred an anti-Communist campaign in Morocco.[76]

At the same time PSOE's left-wing socialists became more radical. Julio Álvarez del Vayo talked about "Spain's being converted into a socialist Republic in association with the Soviet Union". Francisco Largo Caballero declared that "the organized proletariat will carry everything before it and destroy everything until we reach our goal".[77] The country rapidly descended into anarchy. Even the staunch socialist Indalecio Prieto, at a party rally in Cuenca in May 1936, complained: "We Spaniards have never seen so tragic a panorama or so great a collapse as in Spain at this moment. Abroad, Spain is classified as insolvent. This is not the road to socialism or communism but to desperate anarchism without even the advantage of liberty."[77]

On 23 February, Franco was sent to the Canary Islands to serve as the islands' military commander, an appointment perceived by him as a destierro (banishment).[78] Meanwhile, a conspiracy led by General Mola was taking shape.

Interested in the parliamentary immunity granted by a seat at the Cortes, Franco intended to stand as candidate of the Right Bloc alongside José Antonio Primo de Rivera for the by-election in the province of Cuenca programmed for 3 May 1936, after the results of the February 1936 election were annulled in the constituency. But Primo de Rivera refused to run alongside a military officer (Franco in particular) and Franco himself ultimately desisted on 26 April, one day before the decision of the election authority. By that time, PSOE politician Indalecio Prieto had already deemed Franco as a "possible caudillo for a military uprising".[79]

Disenchantment with Azaña's rule continued to grow and was dramatically voiced by Miguel de Unamuno, a republican and one of Spain's most respected intellectuals, who in June 1936 told a reporter who published his statement in El Adelanto that President Manuel Azaña should "...debiera suicidarse como acto patriótico" ("commit suicide as a patriotic act").[80]

In June 1936, Franco was contacted and a secret meeting was held within La Esperanza forest on Tenerife to discuss starting a military coup.[81] An obelisk (which has subsequently been removed) commemorating this historic meeting was erected at the site in a clearing at Las Raíces in Tenerife.[82]

Outwardly, Franco maintained an ambiguous attitude until nearly July. On 23 June 1936, he wrote to the head of the government, Casares Quiroga, offering to quell the discontent in the Spanish Republican Army, but received no reply. The other rebels were determined to go ahead con Paquito o sin Paquito (with Paquito or without Paquito; Paquito being a diminutive of Paco, which in turn is short for Francisco), as it was put by José Sanjurjo, the honorary leader of the military uprising. After various postponements, 18 July was fixed as the date of the uprising. The situation reached a point of no return and, as presented to Franco by Mola, the coup was unavoidable and he had to choose a side. He decided to join the rebels and was given the task of commanding the Army of Africa. A privately owned DH 89 De Havilland Dragon Rapide, flown by two British pilots, Cecil Bebb and Hugh Pollard,[83] was chartered in England on 11 July to take Franco to Africa.

The coup underway was precipitated by the assassination of the right-wing opposition leader Calvo Sotelo in retaliation for the murder of assault guard José Castillo, which had been committed by a group headed by a civil guard and composed of assault guards and members of the socialist militias.[84] On 17 July, one day earlier than planned, the Army of Africa rebelled, detaining their commanders. On 18 July, Franco published a manifesto[85] and left for Africa, where he arrived the next day to take command.

A week later the rebels, who soon called themselves the Nationalists, controlled a third of Spain; most naval units remained under control of the Republican loyalist forces, which left Franco isolated. The coup had failed in the attempt to bring a swift victory, but the Spanish Civil War had begun.

From the Spanish Civil War to World War II

Franco rose to power during the Spanish Civil War, which began in July 1936 and officially ended with the victory of his Nationalist forces in April 1939. Although it is impossible to calculate precise statistics concerning the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath, Payne writes that if civilian fatalities above the norm are added to the total number of deaths for victims of violence, the number of deaths attributable to the civil war would reach approximately 344,000.[86] During the war, rape, torture, and summary executions committed by soldiers under Franco's command were used as a means of retaliation and to repress political dissent.[87]

The war was marked by foreign intervention on behalf of both sides. Franco's Nationalists were supported by Fascist Italy, which sent the Corpo Truppe Volontarie and by Nazi Germany, which sent the Condor Legion. Italian aircraft stationed on Majorca bombed Barcelona 13 times, dropping 44 tons of bombs aimed at civilians. These attacks were requested by General Franco as retribution against the Catalan population. [88][89] Similarly, both Italian and German planes bombed the Basque town of Guernica at Franco's request. The Republican opposition was supported by communists, socialists, and anarchists within Spain as well as the Soviet Union and volunteers who fought in the International Brigades.[90]

The first months

 
Twenty-six Republicans executed by Francoists at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, buried in a mass grave

Following the pronunciamiento of 18 July 1936, Franco assumed the leadership of the 30,000 soldiers of the Spanish Army of Africa.[91] The first days of the insurgency were marked by an imperative need to secure control over the Spanish Moroccan Protectorate. On one side, Franco had to win the support of the native Moroccan population and their (nominal) authorities, and, on the other, he had to ensure his control over the army. His method was the summary execution of some 200 senior officers loyal to the Republic (one of them his own cousin). His loyal bodyguard was shot by Manuel Blanco. Franco's first problem was how to move his troops to the Iberian Peninsula, since most units of the Navy had remained in control of the Republic and were blocking the Strait of Gibraltar. He requested help from Benito Mussolini, who responded with an offer of arms and planes.[92] In Germany Wilhelm Canaris, the head of the Abwehr military intelligence service, persuaded Hitler to support the Nationalists;[93] Hitler sent twenty Ju 52 transport aircraft and six Heinkel biplane fighters, on the condition that they were not to be used in hostilities unless the Republicans attacked first.[94] Mussolini sent 12 Savoia-Marchetti SM.81 transport/bombers, and a few fighter aircraft. From 20 July onward Franco was able, with this small squadron of aircraft, to initiate an air bridge that carried 1,500 soldiers of the Army of Africa to Seville,[95] where these troops helped to ensure rebel control of the city.[96] Through representatives, he started to negotiate with the United Kingdom, Germany, and Italy for more military support, and above all for more aircraft. Negotiations were successful with the Germany and Italy on 25 July and aircraft began to arrive in Tetouan on 2 August. On 5 August Franco was able to break the blockade with the newly arrived air support, successfully deploying a convoy of fishing boats and merchant ships carrying some 3,000 soldiers; between 29 July and 15 August about 15,000 more men were moved.[95]

On 26 July, just eight days after the revolt had started, foreign allies of the Republican government convened an international communist conference at Prague to arrange plans to help the Popular Front forces in Spain. It decided to raise an international brigade of 5,000 men and a fund of 1 billion francs to be administered by a committee of five in which Largo Caballero and Dolores Ibárruri ("la Pasionaria") had prominent roles.[97] At the same time communist parties throughout the world quickly launched a full scale propaganda campaign in support of the Popular Front. The Communist International (Comintern) immediately reinforced its activity, sending to Spain its Secretary-General, the Bulgarian Georgi Dimitrov, and Palmiro Togliatti the chief of the Communist Party of Italy.[98][99] From August onward, aid from the Soviet Union began; by February 1937 two ships per day arrived at Spain's Mediterranean ports carrying munitions, rifles, machine guns, hand grenades, artillery, and trucks. With the cargo came Soviet agents, technicians, instructors and propagandists.[100]

The Communist International immediately started to organize the International Brigades, volunteer military units which included the Garibaldi Brigade from Italy and the Lincoln Battalion from the United States. The International Brigades were usually deployed as shock troops, and as a result they suffered high casualties.[101]

In early August, the situation in western Andalucia was stable enough to allow Franco to organise a column (some 15,000 men at its height), under the command of then Lieutenant-Colonel Juan Yagüe, which would march through Extremadura towards Madrid. On 11 August Mérida was taken, and on 15 August Badajoz, thus joining both nationalist-controlled areas. Additionally, Mussolini ordered a voluntary army, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie (CTV) of fully motorised units (some 12,000 Italians), to Seville, and Hitler added to them a professional squadron from the Luftwaffe (2JG/88) with about 24 planes. All these planes had the Nationalist Spanish insignia painted on them, but were flown by Italian and German nationals. The backbone of Franco's air force in those days was the Italian SM.79 and SM.81 bombers, the biplane Fiat CR.32 fighter and the German Junkers Ju 52 cargo-bomber and the Heinkel He 51 biplane fighter.[96]

On 21 September, with the head of the column at the town of Maqueda (some 80 km away from Madrid), Franco ordered a detour to free the besieged garrison at the Alcázar of Toledo, which was achieved on 27 September.[102] This controversial decision gave the Popular Front time to strengthen its defenses in Madrid and hold the city that year,[103] but with Soviet support.[104] Kennan alleges that once Stalin had decided to assist the Spanish Republicans, the operation was put in place with remarkable speed and energy. The first load of arms and tanks arrived as early as 26 September and was secretly unloaded at night. Advisers accompanied the armaments. Soviet officers were in effective charge of military operations on the Madrid front. Kennan believes that this operation was originally conducted in good faith with no other purpose than saving the Republic.[105]

Hitler's policy for Spain was shrewd and pragmatic.[106] The minutes of a conference with his foreign minister and army chiefs at the Reich Chancellery in Berlin on 10 November 1937 summarised his views on foreign policy regarding the Spanish Civil War: "On the other hand, a 100 percent victory for Franco was not desirable either, from the German point of view; rather were we interested in a continuance of the war and in the keeping up of the tension in the Mediterranean."[107][108] Hitler distrusted Franco; according to the comments he made at the conference he wanted the war to continue, but he did not want Franco to achieve total victory. He felt that with Franco in undisputed control of Spain, the possibility of Italy intervening further or of its continuing to occupy the Balearic Islands would be prevented.[109]

By February 1937 the Soviet Union's military help started to taper off, to be replaced by limited economic aid.

Rise to power

 
Franco and other rebel commanders during the Civil War, c. 1936–1939

The designated leader of the uprising, General José Sanjurjo, died on 20 July 1936 in a plane crash. In the nationalist zone, "political life ceased".[110] Initially, only military command mattered: this was divided into regional commands (Emilio Mola in the North, Gonzalo Queipo de Llano in Seville commanding Andalucia, Franco with an independent command, and Miguel Cabanellas in Zaragoza commanding Aragon). The Spanish Army of Morocco was itself split into two columns, one commanded by General Juan Yagüe and the other commanded by Colonel José Varela.

From 24 July a coordinating junta, the National Defence Junta, was established, based at Burgos. Nominally led by Cabanellas, as the most senior general, it initially included Mola, three other generals, and two colonels; Franco was later added in early August.[111] On 21 September it was decided that Franco was to be commander-in-chief (this unified command was opposed only by Cabanellas),[112] and, after some discussion, with no more than a lukewarm agreement from Queipo de Llano and from Mola, also head of government.[113] He was, doubtlessly, helped to this primacy by the fact that, in late July, Hitler had decided that all of Germany's aid to the Nationalists would go to Franco.[114]

Mola had been somewhat discredited as the main planner of the attempted coup that had now degenerated into a civil war, and was strongly identified with the Carlist monarchists and not at all with the Falange, a party with Fascist leanings and connections ("phalanx", a far-right Spanish political party founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera), nor did he have good relations with Germany. Queipo de Llano and Cabanellas had both previously rebelled against the dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera and were therefore discredited in some nationalist circles, and Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera was in prison in Alicante (he would be executed a few months later). The desire to keep a place open for him prevented any other Falangist leader from emerging as a possible head of state. Franco's previous aloofness from politics meant that he had few active enemies in any of the factions that needed to be placated, and he had also cooperated in recent months with both Germany and Italy.[115]

On 1 October 1936, in Burgos, Franco was publicly proclaimed as Generalísimo of the National army and Jefe del Estado (Head of State).[116] When Mola was killed in another air accident a year later on 2 June 1937 (which some believe was an assassination), no military leader was left from those who had organised the conspiracy against the Republic between 1933 and 1935.[117]

Military command

Franco personally guided military operations from this time until the end of the war. Franco himself was not a strategic genius, but he was very effective at organisation, administration, logistics and diplomacy.[118] After the failed assault on Madrid in November 1936, Franco settled on a piecemeal approach to winning the war, rather than bold maneuvering. As with his decision to relieve the garrison at Toledo, this approach has been subject of some debate:[119] some of his decisions, such as in June 1938 when he preferred to advance towards Valencia instead of Catalonia,[120] remain particularly controversial from a military strategic viewpoint.[121] Valencia, Castellon and Alicante saw the last Republican troops defeated by Franco.

Although both Germany and Italy provided military support to Franco, the degree of influence of both powers on his direction of the war seems to have been very limited. Nevertheless, the Italian troops, despite not always being effective, were present in most of the large operations in large numbers. Germany sent insignificant numbers of combat personnel to Spain, but aided the Nationalists with technical instructors and modern matériel;[122] including some 200 tanks and 600 aircraft[123] which helped the Nationalist air force dominate the skies for most of the war.[124]

Franco's direction of the German and Italian forces was limited, particularly in the direction of the Condor Legion, but he was by default their supreme commander, and they declined to interfere in the politics of the Nationalist zone.[125] For reasons of prestige it was decided to continue assisting Franco until the end of the war, and Italian and German troops paraded on the day of the final victory in Madrid.[126]

The Nationalist victory could be accounted for by various factors:[127] the Popular Front government had reckless policies in the weeks prior to the war, where it ignored potential dangers and alienated the opposition, encouraging more people to join the rebellion, while the rebels had superior military cohesion, with Franco providing the necessary leadership to consolidate power and unify the various rightist factions.[128] His foreign diplomacy secured military aid from Italy and Germany and, by some accounts, helped keep Britain and France out of the war.[118]

The rebels made effective use of a smaller navy, acquiring the most powerful ships in the Spanish fleet and maintaining a functional officer corps, while Republican sailors had assassinated a large number of their naval officers who sided with the rebels in 1936, as at Cartagena,[129] and El Ferrol.[130] The Nationalists used their ships aggressively to pursue the opposition, in contrast to the largely passive naval strategy of the Republicans.

Not only did the Nationalists receive more foreign aid to sustain their war effort, but there is evidence that they made more efficient use of such aid.[131] They augmented their forces with arms captured from the Republicans,[132] and successfully integrated over half of Republican prisoners of war into the Nationalist army.[133] The rebels were able to build a larger air force and make more effective use of their air force, particularly in supporting ground operations and bombing; and generally enjoyed air superiority from mid-1937 onwards; this air power contributed greatly to the Nationalist victory.[134]

The Republicans were subject to disunity and infighting,[135] and were hampered by the destructive consequences of the revolution in the Republican zone: mobilisation was impeded, the Republican image was harmed abroad in democracies, and the campaign against religion aroused overwhelming and unwavering Catholic support for the Nationalists.[136]

Political command

 
Francoist demonstration in Salamanca (1937) with the paraders carrying banners with the portrait of Franco and the populace giving the Roman salute.

On 19 April 1937, Franco and Serrano Súñer, with the acquiescence of Generals Mola and Quiepo de Llano, forcibly merged the ideologically distinct national-syndicalist Falange and the Carlist monarchist parties into one party under his rule, dubbed Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS),[137] which became the only legal party in 1939.[138]

Unlike some other fascist movements, the Falangists had developed an official program in 1934, the "Twenty-Seven Points".[139] In 1937, Franco assumed as the tentative doctrine of his regime 26 out of the original 27 points.[140] Franco made himself jefe nacional (National Chief) of the new FET (Falange Española Tradicionalista; Traditionalist Spanish Phalanx) with a secretary, Political Junta and National Council to be named subsequently by himself. Five days later on 24 April the raised-arm salute of the Falange was made the official salute of the Nationalist regime.[141] Also in 1937 the Marcha Real ("Royal March") was restored by decree as the national anthem in the Nationalist zone. It was opposed by the Falangists, who associated it with the monarchy and boycotted it when it was played, often singing their own anthem, Cara al Sol (Facing the Sun) instead.[142] By 1939 the fascist style prevailed, with ritual rallying calls of "Franco, Franco, Franco."[143]

Franco's advisor on Falangist party matters, Ramón Serrano Súñer, who was the brother-in-law of his wife Carmen Polo, and a group of Serrano Súñer's followers dominated the FET JONS, and strove to increase the party's power. Serrano Súñer tried to move the party in a more fascist direction by appointing his acolytes to important positions, and the party became the leading political organization in Francoist Spain. The FET JONS failed to establish a fascist party regime, however, and was relegated to subordinate status. Franco placed the Carlist Manuel Fal Condé under house arrest and imprisoned hundreds of old Falangists, the so-called "old shirts" (camisas viejas), including the party leader Manuel Hedilla,[144] to help secure his political future. Franco also appeased the Carlists by exploiting the Republicans' anti-clericalism in his propaganda, in particular concerning the "Martyrs of the war". While the Republican forces presented the war as a struggle to defend the Republic against fascism, Franco depicted himself as the defender of "Catholic Spain" against "atheist communism".[145][146]

The end of the Civil War

By early 1939 only Madrid (see History of Madrid) and a few other areas remained under control of the government forces. On 27 February Chamberlain's Britain and Daladier's France officially recognised the Franco regime. On 28 March 1939, with the help of pro-Franco forces inside the city (the "fifth column" General Mola had mentioned in propaganda broadcasts in 1936), Madrid fell to the Nationalists. The next day, Valencia, which had held out under the guns of the Nationalists for close to two years, also surrendered. Victory was proclaimed on 1 April 1939, when the last of the Republican forces surrendered. On the same day, Franco placed his sword upon the altar of a church and vowed to never take it up again unless Spain itself was threatened with invasion.

Although Germany had recognised the Franco Government, Franco's policy towards Germany was extremely cautious until spectacular German victories at the beginning of the Second World War. An early indication that Franco was going to keep his distance from Germany soon proved true. A rumoured state visit by Franco to Germany did not take place and a further rumour of a visit by Goering to Spain, after he had enjoyed a cruise in the Western Mediterranean, again did not materialise. Instead Goering had to return to Berlin.[147]

During the Civil War and in the aftermath, a period known as the White Terror took place. This saw mass executions of Republican and other Nationalist enemies, standing in contrast to the war-time Red Terror. Historical analysis and investigations estimate the number of executions by the Franco regime during this time to be between 100,000 and 200,000 dead.

Stanley G. Payne says the total number of all kinds of executions in the Republican zone added up to about 56,000, and that those in the Nationalist zone probably amounted to at least 70,000, with an additional 28,000 executions after the war ended.[6][148] Recent searches conducted with parallel excavations of mass graves in Spain by the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica), ARMH) estimate that more than 35,000 people killed by the nationalist side are still missing in mass graves.[149]

Julián Casanova Ruiz, who was nominated in 2008 to join the panel of experts in the first judicial investigation, conducted by judge Baltasar Garzón, of Francoist crimes,[150] as well as historians Josep Fontana and Hugh Thomas, estimate deaths in the White Terror to be around 150,000 in total.[7][151][8] According to Paul Preston, 150,000 wartime civilian executions took place in the Francoist area, as well as 50,000 in the Republican area, in addition to approximately 20,000 civilians executed by the Franco regime after the end of the war.[152][note 1] According to Helen Graham, the Spanish working classes became to the Francoist project what the Jews were to the German Volksgemeinschaft.[154]

According to Gabriel Jackson and Antony Beevor, the number of victims of the "White Terror" (executions and hunger or illness in prisons) between 1939 and 1943 was 200,000.[126] Beevor "reckons Franco's ensuing 'white terror' claimed 200,000 lives. The 'red terror' had already killed 38,000."[155] Julius Ruiz concludes that "although the figures remain disputed, a minimum of 37,843 executions were carried out in the Republican zone with a maximum of 150,000 executions (including 50,000 after the war) in Nationalist Spain."[156]

 
Franco arriving in San Sebastián in 1939, escorted by the Moorish Guard

Despite the end of the war, Spanish guerrillas exiled in France, and known as the Maquis", continued to resist Franco in the Pyrenees, carrying out sabotage and robberies against the Francoist regime. Several exiled Republicans also fought in the French resistance against the German occupation in Vichy France during World War II. In 1944, a group of republican veterans from the French resistance invaded the Val d'Aran in northwest Catalonia, but were quickly defeated. The activities of the Maquis continued well into the 1950s.

The end of the war led to hundreds of thousands of exiles, mostly to France, but also to Mexico, Chile, Cuba, and the United States.[157] On the other side of the Pyrenees, refugees were confined in internment camps in France, such as Camp Gurs or Camp Vernet, where 12,000 Republicans were housed in squalid conditions (mostly soldiers from the Durruti Division[158]). The 17,000 refugees housed in Gurs were divided into four categories: Brigadists, pilots, Gudaris and ordinary "Spaniards". The Gudaris (Basques) and the pilots easily found local backers and jobs, and were allowed to quit the camp, but the farmers and ordinary people, who could not find relations in France, were encouraged by the French government, in agreement with the Francoist government, to return to Spain. The great majority did so and were turned over to the Francoist authorities in Irún. From there they were transferred to the Miranda de Ebro camp for "purification" according to the Law of Political Responsibilities.

After the proclamation by Marshal Philippe Pétain of the Vichy France regime, the refugees became political prisoners, and the French police attempted to round up those who had been liberated from the camp. Along with other "undesirables", they were sent to the Drancy internment camp before being deported to Nazi Germany. 5,000 Spaniards thus died in Mauthausen concentration camp.[159] The Chilean poet Pablo Neruda, who had been named by the Chilean President Pedro Aguirre Cerda special consul for immigration in Paris, was given responsibility for what he called "the noblest mission I have ever undertaken": shipping more than 2,000 Spanish refugees, who had been housed by the French in squalid camps, to Chile on an old cargo ship, the Winnipeg.[160]

World War II

 
Front row in order from left to right: Karl Wolff, Heinrich Himmler, Franco and Spain's Foreign Minister Serrano Súñer in Madrid, October 1940
 
Franco and Adolf Hitler in Meeting at Hendaye, 1940

In September 1939, World War II began. Franco had received important support from Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini during the Spanish Civil War, and he had signed the Anti-Comintern Pact. He made pro-Axis speeches,[161] while offering various kinds of support to Italy and Germany. His spokesman Antonio Tovar commented at a Paris conference entitled 'Bolshevism versus Europe' that "Spain aligned itself definitively on the side of...National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy."[162] However, Franco was reluctant to enter the war due to Spain recovering from its recent civil war and instead pursued a policy of "non-belligerence".

On 23 October 1940, Hitler and Franco met in Hendaye, France to discuss the possibility of Spain's entry on the side of the Axis. Franco's demands, including large supplies of food and fuel, as well as Spanish control of Gibraltar and French North Africa, proved too much for Hitler. At the time Hitler did not want to risk damaging his relations with the new Vichy French government.[163] (An oft-cited remark attributed to Hitler is that the German leader said that he would rather have some of his own teeth pulled out than to have to personally deal further with Franco).[164]

Some historians argue that Franco made demands he knew Hitler would not accede to, in order to stay out of the war. Other historians argue that Franco, as the leader of a destroyed and bankrupt country in chaos following a brutal three-year civil war, simply had little to offer the Axis and that the Spanish armed forces were not ready for a major war. It has also been suggested that Franco decided not to join the war after the resources he requested from Hitler in October 1940 were not forthcoming.[165]

Franco allowed Spanish soldiers to volunteer to fight in the German Army against the Soviet Union (the Blue Division), but forbade Spaniards to fight in the West against the democracies. Franco's common ground with Hitler was particularly weakened by Hitler's attempts to manipulate Christianity, which went against Franco's fervent commitment to defending Catholicism. Contributing to the disagreement was an ongoing dispute over German mining rights in Spain.

According to some scholars, after the Fall of France in June 1940, Spain did adopt a pro-Axis stance (for example, German and Italian ships and U-boats were allowed to use Spanish naval facilities) before returning to a more neutral position in late 1943 when the tide of the war had turned decisively against the Axis Powers, and Italy had changed sides. Franco was initially keen to join the war before the UK could be defeated.[166]

 
Franco in Reus, 1940

In the winter of 1940 and 1941, Franco toyed with the idea of a "Latin Bloc" formed by Spain, Portugal, Vichy France, the Vatican and Italy, without much consequence.[167] Franco had cautiously decided to enter the war on the Axis side in June 1940, and to prepare his people for war, an anti-British and anti-French campaign was launched in the Spanish media that demanded French Morocco, Cameroon and Gibraltar.[168] On 19 June 1940, Franco pressed along a message to Hitler saying he wanted to enter the war, but Hitler was annoyed at Franco's demand for the French colony of Cameroon, which had been German before World War I, and which Hitler was planning on taking back for Plan Z.[169] Franco seriously considered blocking allied access to the Mediterranean Sea by invading British-held Gibraltar, but he abandoned the idea after learning that the plan would have likely failed due to Gibraltar being too heavily defended. In addition, declaring war on the UK and its allies would no doubt give them an opportunity to capture both the Canary Islands and Spanish Morocco, as well as possibly launch an invasion of mainland Spain itself.[170][171] Franco was aware that his air force would be quickly defeated if going into action against the Royal Air Force, and the Royal Navy would easily be able to destroy Spain's small navy and blockade the entire Spanish coast to prevent imports of crucial materials such as oil. Spain depended on oil imports from the United States, which were almost certain to be cut off if Spain formally joined the Axis. Franco and Serrano Suñer held a meeting with Mussolini and Ciano in Bordighera, Italy on 12 February 1941.[172] However, an affected Mussolini did not appear to be interested in Franco's help due to the defeats his forces had suffered in North Africa and the Balkans, and he even told Franco that he wished he could find any way to leave the war. When the invasion of the Soviet Union began on 22 June 1941, Franco's foreign minister Ramón Serrano Suñer immediately suggested the formation of a unit of military volunteers to join the invasion.[citation needed] Volunteer Spanish troops (the División Azul, or "Blue Division") fought on the Eastern Front under German command from 1941 to 1944. Some historians have argued that not all of the Blue Division were true volunteers and that Franco expended relatively small but significant resources to aid the Axis powers' battle against the Soviet Union.

Franco was initially disliked by Cuban President Fulgencio Batista, who, during World War II, suggested a joint U.S.-Latin American declaration of war on Spain to overthrow Franco's regime.[173] Hitler may not have really wanted Spain to join the war, as he needed neutral harbors to import materials from countries in Latin America and elsewhere. He felt Spain would be a burden as it would be dependent on Germany for help. By 1941, Vichy French forces were proving their effectiveness in North Africa, reducing the need for Spanish help, and Hitler was wary about opening up a new front on the western coast of Europe as he struggled to reinforce the Italians in Greece and Yugoslavia. Franco signed a revised Anti-Comintern Pact on 25 November 1941. Spain continued to be able to obtain valuable German goods, including military equipment, as part of payment for Spanish raw materials,[174] and traded wolfram with Germany until August 1944 when the Germans withdrew from the Spanish frontier.[165]

Spanish neutrality during World War II was publicly acknowledged by leading Allied statesmen.[175] In November 1942, US President Roosevelt wrote to General Franco: "...your nation and mine are friends in the best sense of the word." In May 1944, Winston Churchill stated in the House of Commons: "In the dark days of the war the attitude of the Spanish Government in not giving our enemies passage through Spain was extremely helpful to us.... I must say that I shall always consider that a service was rendered...by Spain, not only to the United Kingdom and to the British Empire and Commonwealth, but to the cause of the United Nations."[176] According to the personal recollection of US Ambassador to Spain Carlton Hayes, similar gratitude was also expressed by the Provisional French Government at Algiers in 1943. Franco placed no obstacles to Britain's construction of a large air base extending from Gibraltar into Spanish territorial waters, and welcomed the Anglo-American landings in North Africa. Spain did not intern any of the 1,200 American airmen who were forced to land in the country, but "gave them refuge and permitted them to leave."[177]

After the war, the Spanish government tried to destroy all evidence of its cooperation with the Axis. In 2010, documents were discovered showing that on 13 May 1941, Franco ordered his provincial governors to compile a list of Jews while he negotiated an alliance with the Axis powers.[178] Franco supplied Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler, architect of the Nazis' Final Solution, with a list of 6,000 Jews in Spain.[178]

On 14 June 1940, Spanish forces in Morocco occupied Tangier (a city under international control) and did not leave until the war's end in 1945.

After the war, Franco allowed many former Nazis, such as Otto Skorzeny and Léon Degrelle, and other fascists, to seek political asylum in Spain.[179]

Treatment of Jews

Franco had a controversial association with Jews during the WWII period. He made anti-Semitic remarks in a speech in May 1939, and made similar remarks on at least six occasions during World War II.[180] In 2010, documents were discovered showing that on 13 May 1941, Franco ordered his provincial governors to compile a list of Jews while he negotiated an alliance with the Axis powers.[178] Franco supplied Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler, architect of the Nazis' Final Solution, with a list of 6,000 Jews in Spain.[178]

Contrarily, according to Anti-Semitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution (2005):

Throughout the war, Franco rescued many Jews. ... Just how many Jews were saved by Franco's government during World War II is a matter of historical controversy. Franco has been credited with saving anywhere from approximately 30,000 to 60,000 Jews; most reliable estimates suggest 45,000 is a likely figure.[181]

Preston writes that, in the post-war years, "a myth was carefully constructed to claim that Franco's regime had saved many Jews from extermination" as a means to deflect foreign criticism away from allegations of active collaboration with the Nazi regime.[182] As early as 1943, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs concluded that the Allies were likely to win the war. José Félix de Lequerica y Erquiza became Foreign Minister in 1944 and soon developed an "obsession" with the importance of the "Jewish card" in relations with the former Allied powers.[183]

Spain provided visas for thousands of French Jews to transit Spain en route to Portugal to escape the Nazis. Spanish diplomats protected about 4,000 Jews living in Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and Austria. At least some 20,000 to 30,000 Jews were allowed to pass through Spain in the first half of the War. Jews who were not allowed to enter Spain, however, were sent to the Miranda de Ebro concentration camp or deported to France. In January 1943, after the German embassy in Spain told the Spanish government that it had two months to remove its Jewish citizens from Western Europe, Spain severely limited visas, and only 800 Jews were allowed to enter the country. After the war, Franco exaggerated his contributions to saving Jews in order to improve Spain's image in the world and end its international isolation.[181][184][page needed][185][186]

After the war, Franco did not recognize Israeli statehood and maintained strong relations with the Arab world. Israel expressed disinterest in establishing relations, although there were some informal economic ties between the two countries in the later years of Franco's governance.[187] In the aftermath of the Six-Day War in 1967, Franco's Spain was able to utilise its positive relationship with Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Arab world (due to not having recognised the Israeli state) to allow 800 Egyptian Jews, many of Sephardic ancestry, safe passage out of Egypt on Spanish passports.[188] This was undertaken through Francoist Spain's Ambassador to Egypt, Angel Sagaz, on the understanding that emigrant Jews would not immediately emigrate to Israel and that they would not publicly use the case as political propaganda against Nasser's Egypt.[188] On 16 December 1968, the Spanish government formally revoked the 1492 Edict of Expulsion against Spain's Jewish population.[189][190]

Franco personally and many in the government openly stated that they believed there was an international conspiracy of Freemasons and Communists against Spain, sometimes including Jews or "Judeo-Masonry" as part of this.[191] While under the leadership of Francisco Franco, the Spanish government explicitly endorsed the Catholic Church as the religion of the nation state and did not endorse liberal ideas such as religious pluralism or separation of Church and State found in the Republican Constitution of 1931. Following the Second World War, the government enacted the "Spanish Bill of Rights" (Fuero de los Españoles), which extended the right to private worship of non-Catholic religions, including Judaism, though it did not permit the erection of religious buildings for this practice and did not allow non-Catholic public ceremonies.[192] With the pivot of Spain's foreign policy towards the United States during the Cold War, the situation changed with the 1967 Law on Religious Freedom, which granted full public religious rights to non-Catholics.[193] The overthrow of Catholicism as the explicit state religion of Spain and the establishment of state-sponsored religious pluralism would be realized in Spain in 1978, with the new Constitution of Spain, three years after Franco's death.

Spain under Franco

 
Franco visits Tolosa, 1948.

Franco was recognised as the Spanish head of state by the United Kingdom, France and Argentina in February 1939.[194][195] Already proclaimed Generalísimo of the Nationalists and Jefe del Estado (Head of State) in October 1936,[116] he thereafter assumed the official title of "Su Excelencia el Jefe de Estado" ("His Excellency the Head of State"). He was also referred to in state and official documents as "Caudillo de España" ("the Leader of Spain"), and sometimes called "el Caudillo de la Última Cruzada y de la Hispanidad" ("the Leader of the Last Crusade and of the Hispanic heritage") and "el Caudillo de la Guerra de Liberación contra el Comunismo y sus Cómplices" ("the Leader of the War of Liberation Against Communism and Its Accomplices").

On paper, Franco had more power than any Spanish leader before or since. For the first four years after taking Madrid, he ruled almost exclusively by decree. The "Law of the Head of State," passed in August 1939, "permanently confided" all governing power to Franco; he was not required to even consult the cabinet for most legislation or decrees.[196] According to Payne, Franco possessed far more day-to-day power than Hitler or Stalin possessed at the respective heights of their power. He noted that while Hitler and Stalin maintained rubber-stamp parliaments, this was not the case in Spain in the early years after the war – a situation that nominally made Franco's regime "the most purely arbitrary in the world".[197]

This changed in 1942, when Franco convened a parliament known as the Cortes Españolas. It was elected in accordance with corporatist principles, and had little real power. Notably, it had no control over government spending, and the government was not responsible to it; ministers were appointed and dismissed by Franco alone.

On 26 July 1947, Franco proclaimed Spain a monarchy, but did not designate a monarch. This gesture was largely done to appease the monarchists in the Movimiento Nacional (Carlists and Alfonsists). Franco left the throne vacant, proclaiming himself as a de facto regent for life. At the same time, Franco appropriated many of the privileges of a king. He wore the uniform of a Captain General (a rank traditionally reserved for the King) and resided in El Pardo Palace. In addition he began walking under a canopy, and his portrait appeared on most Spanish coins and postage stamps. He also added "by the grace of God", a phrase usually part of the styles of monarchs, to his style.

Franco initially sought support from various groups. His administration marginalised fascist ideologues in favour of technocrats, many of whom were linked with Opus Dei, who promoted economic modernisation.[198]

Franco adopted Fascist trappings,[199][200][201][202] although Stanley Payne argued that very few scholars consider him to be a "core fascist".[203] Regarding the regime, the Oxford Living Dictionary uses Franco's regime as an example of fascism,[204] and it has also been variously presented as a "fascistized dictatorship",[205] or a "semi-fascist regime".[206] Francisco Cobo Romero writes that, besides neutering left-wing advances by using an essentially antiliberal brand of ultranationalism, "in its attempt to emulate Fascism, Francoism resorted to the sacralization and mystification of the motherland, raising it into an object of cult, and coating it with a liturgic divinization of its leader".[207]

All in all, some authors have pointed at a purported artificialness and failure of FET JONS in order to de-emphasize the Fascist weight within the regime whereas others have embedded those perceived features of "weak party" within the frame of a particular model of "Spanish Fascism".[208] However, new research material has been argued to underpin the "Fascist subject", both on the basis of the existence of a pervasive and fully differentiated Fascist falangist political culture, and on the importance of the Civil War for falangism, which served as an area of experience, of violence, of memory, as well as for the generation of a culture of victory.[208] Under the perspective of a comparative of European fascisms, Javier Rodrigo considers the Francoist regime to be paradigmatic for three reasons: for being the only authoritarian European regime with totalitarian aspirations, for being the regime that deployed the most political violence in times of rhetorical peace, and for being the regime deploying the most effective "memoricidal" apparatus.[209]

With the end of World War II, Spain suffered from the consequences of its isolation from the international economy. Spain was excluded from the Marshall Plan,[210] unlike other neutral countries in Europe. This situation ended in part when, in the light of Cold War tensions and of Spain's strategic location, the United States of America entered into a trade and military alliance with Franco. This historic alliance commenced with the visit of US President Dwight Eisenhower to Spain in 1953, which resulted in the Pact of Madrid. Spain was then admitted to the United Nations in 1955.[211] American military facilities in Spain built since then include Naval Station Rota, Morón Air Base, and Torrejón Air Base.[212]

Political repression

According to Preston's estimates, Franco's forces killed about 420,000 Spaniards in the theatre of war, through extrajudicial killings during the Civil War, and in state executions immediately following its end in 1939.[213] The first decade of Franco's rule following its end saw continued repression and the killing of an undetermined number of political opponents. In 1941 the prison population of Spain was 233,000, mostly political prisoners.[214] According to Antony Beevor, recent research in more than half of Spain's provinces indicates at least 35,000 official executions in the country after the war, suggesting that the generally accepted figure of 35,000 official executions is low. Accounting for unofficial and random killings, and those who died during the war from execution, suicide, starvation and disease in prison, the total number is probably closer to 200,000.[215]

 
Lluís Companys, president of Catalonia under the Republic, who was executed by Franco in 1940

By the start of the 1950s Franco's state had become less violent, but during his entire rule, non-government trade unions and all political opponents across the political spectrum, from communist and anarchist organisations to liberal democrats and Catalan or Basque separatists, were either suppressed or tightly controlled with all means, up to and including violent police repression.[216] The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) trade unions were outlawed, and replaced in 1940 by the corporatist Sindicato Vertical. The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) were banned in 1939, while the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) went underground. The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) went into exile, and in 1959 the ETA armed group was created to wage a low-intensity war against Franco.

Franco's Spanish nationalism promoted a unitary national identity by repressing Spain's cultural diversity. Bullfighting and flamenco[217] were promoted as national traditions while those traditions not considered "Spanish" were suppressed. Franco's view of Spanish tradition was somewhat artificial and arbitrary: while some regional traditions were suppressed, flamenco, an Andalucian tradition, was considered part of a larger, national identity. All cultural activities were subject to censorship, and many, such as the Sardana, the national dance of Catalonia, were plainly forbidden (often in an erratic manner). This cultural policy was relaxed over time, most notably during the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Franco also used language politics in an attempt to establish national homogeneity. He promoted the use of Castilian Spanish and suppressed other languages such as Catalan, Galician, and Basque. The legal usage of languages other than Castilian was forbidden. All government, notarial, legal and commercial documents were to be drawn up exclusively in Castilian and any documents written in other languages were deemed null and void. The usage of any other language was forbidden in schools, in advertising, and on road and shop signs. For unofficial use, citizens continued to speak these languages. This was the situation throughout the 1940s and to a lesser extent during the 1950s, but after 1960 the non-Castilian Spanish languages were freely spoken and written, and they reached bookshops and stages, although they never received official status.

The Catholic Church was upheld as the established church of the Spanish State, and it regained many of the traditional privileges which it had lost under the Republic. Civil servants had to be Catholic, and some official jobs even required a "good behavior" statement by a priest. Civil marriages which had taken place in Republican Spain were declared null and void unless they had been confirmed by the Catholic Church. Divorce was forbidden, along with contraceptives, and abortion.[citation needed]

Most country towns and rural areas were patrolled by pairs of Guardia Civil, a military police force for civilians, which functioned as Franco's chief means of social control. Larger cities and capitals were mostly under the jurisdiction of the Policia Armada, or the grises ("greys", due to the colour of their uniforms) as they were called.

Student revolts at universities in the late 1960s and early 1970s were violently repressed by the heavily armed Policía Armada (Armed Police). Plain-clothed secret police worked inside Spanish universities.[citation needed] The enforcement by public authorities of traditional Catholic values was a stated intent of the regime, mainly by using a law (the Ley de Vagos y Maleantes, Vagrancy Act) enacted by Azaña.[218] The remaining nomads of Spain (Gitanos and Mercheros like El Lute) were especially affected. Through this law, homosexuality and prostitution were made criminal offenses in 1954.[219]

The Spanish colonies and decolonisation

Spain attempted to retain control of its colonies throughout Franco's rule. During the Algerian War (1954–62), Madrid became the base of the Organisation armée secrète (OAS), a right-wing French Army group which sought to preserve French Algeria. Despite this, Franco was forced to make some concessions. When Morocco became independent from France in 1956, he surrendered the territories of the Spanish protectorate to the new-born state, retaining only a few cities (the Plazas de soberanía). The year after, Mohammed V invaded Spanish Sahara during the Ifni War (known as the "Forgotten War" in Spain). Only in 1975, with the Green March, did Morocco take control of all of the former Spanish territories in the Sahara.

In 1968, under pressure from the United Nations,[220] Spain granted Equatorial Guinea its independence, and the following year it ceded Ifni to Morocco. Under Franco, Spain also pursued a campaign to force a negotiation on the British overseas territory of Gibraltar, and closed its border with that territory in 1969. The border would not be fully reopened until 1985.

Economic policy

The Civil War ravaged the Spanish economy.[221] Infrastructure had been damaged, workers killed, and daily business severely hampered. For more than a decade after Franco's victory, the devastated economy recovered very slowly. Franco initially pursued a policy of autarky, cutting off almost all international trade. The policy had devastating effects, and the economy stagnated. Only black marketeers could enjoy an evident affluence.

 
1963 Spanish peseta coin with an image of Franco and lettering reading: "Francisco Franco, Leader of Spain, by the grace of God"

On the brink of bankruptcy, a combination of pressure from the United States and the IMF managed to convince the regime to adopt a free market economy. Many of the old guard in charge of the economy were replaced by technocrats (technocrata), despite some initial opposition from Franco. The regime took its first faltering steps toward abandoning its pretensions of self-sufficiency and towards a transformation of Spain's economic system. Pre-Civil War industrial production levels were regained in the early 1950s, though agricultural output remained below prewar levels until 1958. The years from 1951 to 1956 were marked by substantial economic progress, but the reforms of the period were only sporadically implemented, and they were not well coordinated. From the mid-1950s there was a slow but steady acceleration in economic activity, but the relative lack of growth (compared to the rest of Western Europe) eventually forced the Franco regime to allow the introduction of liberal economic policies in the late 1950s. During the pre-stabilization years of 1957–1959, Spanish economic planners implemented partial measures such as moderate anti-inflationary adjustments and incremental moves to integrate Spain into the global economy, but external developments and a worsening domestic economic crisis forced them to adopt more sweeping changes. A reorganisation of the Council of Ministers in early 1957 had brought a group of younger men, most of whom were educated in economics and had experience, to the key ministries. The process of integrating the country into the world economy was further facilitated by the reforms of the 1959 Stabilization and Liberalization Plan.[222][223]

When Franco replaced his ideological ministers with the apolitical technocrats, the regime implemented several development policies that included deep economic reforms. After a recession, growth took off from 1959, creating an economic boom that lasted until 1974, and became known as the "Spanish miracle".

Concurrent with the absence of social reforms, and the economic power shift, a tide of mass emigration commenced to other European countries, and to a lesser extent, to South America. Emigration helped the regime in two ways. The country got rid of populations it would not have been able to keep in employment, and the emigrants supplied the country with much needed monetary remittances.

During the 1960s, the wealthy classes of Francoist Spain experienced further increases in wealth, particularly those who remained politically faithful, while a burgeoning middle class became visible as the "economic miracle" progressed. International firms established factories in Spain where salaries were low, company taxes very low, strikes forbidden and workers' health or state protections almost unheard of. State-owned firms like the car manufacturer SEAT, truck builder Pegaso, and oil refiner INH, massively expanded production. Furthermore, Spain was virtually a new mass market. Spain became the second-fastest growing economy in the world between 1959 and 1973, just behind Japan. By the time of Franco's death in 1975, Spain still lagged behind most of Western Europe but the gap between its per capita GDP and that of the leading Western European countries had narrowed greatly, and the country had developed a large industrialised economy.

Succession

 
Franco with Prince Juan Carlos in 1969

In the late 1960s, the aging Franco decided to name a monarch to succeed his regency, but the simmering tensions between the Carlists and the Alfonsoists continued. In 1969, Franco formally nominated as his heir-apparent Prince Juan Carlos de Borbón, who had been educated by him in Spain, with the new title of Prince of Spain. This designation came as a surprise to the Carlist pretender to the throne, Prince Xavier of Bourbon-Parma, as well as to Juan Carlos's father, Juan de Borbón, the Count of Barcelona, who had a better claim to the throne, but whom Franco feared to be too liberal.

However, when Juan Carlos asked Franco if he could sit in on cabinet meetings, Franco would not permit him saying that "you would do things differently." Due to the spread of democracy, excluding the Eastern Bloc, in Europe since World War II, Juan Carlos could or would not have been a dictator in the way Franco had been.

By 1973, Franco had surrendered the function of prime minister (Presidente del Gobierno), remaining only as head of state and commander in chief of the military.

As his final years progressed, tensions within the various factions of the Movimiento would consume Spanish political life, as varying groups jockeyed for position in an effort to win control of the country's future. The assassination of prime minister Luis Carrero Blanco in the 20 December 1973 bombing by ETA eventually gave an edge to the liberalizing faction.

Honours

Death and funeral

 
Carlos Arias Navarro and Franco at his residence in October 1975, around one week before he fell into an irreversible coma

On 19 July 1974, the aged Franco fell ill from various health problems, and Juan Carlos took over as acting head of state. Franco recovered and on 2 September he resumed his duties as head of state. A year later he fell ill again, afflicted with further health problems, including a long battle with Parkinson's disease. Franco's last public appearance was on 1 October 1975 when, despite his gaunt and frail appearance, he gave a speech to crowds from the balcony at the Royal Palace of El Pardo in Madrid. On 30 October 1975 he fell into a coma and was put on life support. Franco's family agreed to disconnect the life-support machines. Officially, he died a few minutes after midnight on 20 November 1975 from heart failure, at the age of 82 – on the same date as the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the founder of the Falange, in 1936. Historian Ricardo de la Cierva claimed, however, that he had been told around 6 pm on 19 November that Franco had already died.[224]

As soon as news of Franco's death was made public, the government declared thirty days of official national mourning. On 22 November Juan Carlos was proclaimed King of Spain. There was a public viewing of Franco's body at the funeral chapel opened in the Royal Palace; a mass and a military parade were held on the day of his burial.[225]

Franco's body was interred at the Valley of the Fallen (Valle de los Caídos), a colossal memorial built by the forced labour of political prisoners ostensibly to honour the casualties of both sides of the Spanish Civil War. It was located only 10 kilometres from the palace, monastery, and royal pantheon of El Escorial built by Philip II. On 1 April 1959, Franco had inaugurated its huge underground basilica as his monument and mausoleum, saying in his own words that it was built "in memory of my victory over communism, which was trying to dominate Spain." The project's architect, Diego Méndez, had constructed a lead-lined tomb for Franco underneath the floor of the transept, behind the high altar of the church in 1956, a fact unknown to the Spanish people until almost thirty years later.[225] Franco was the only person interred in the Valley who did not die during the civil war.[226] He was buried a few metres from the grave of the Falange's founder, Jose Antonio.[227]

A mass and a military parade took place on the day of his burial, 23 November 1975. As the cortège with Franco's body arrived at the Valley of the Fallen, some 75,000 rightists wearing the blue shirts of the Falangists greeted it with rebel songs from the civil war and fascist salutes.[228]

The major European governments, who condemned Franco's regime, declined to send high-level representatives to his funeral.[229] Some of the few foreign dignitaries and government representatives who attended were: Nelson Rockefeller, Vice President of the United States,[230] Lord Shepherd, Leader of the House of Lords of the United Kingdom[231] (Harold Wilson caused controversy within the Labour Party by sending him to represent the UK Government),[232] Prince Rainier III of Monaco, King Hussein of Jordan, Imelda Marcos, First Lady of the Philippines and the wife of Ferdinand Marcos, dictator of the Philippines,[233] Hugo Banzer, military dictator of Bolivia,[227] and Augusto Pinochet, the dictator of Chile,[230] for whom the Spanish Caudillo was a role-model. It was made clear to Pinochet that he was not welcome at Juan Carlos's coronation.[234]

Following Franco's funeral, his widow Carmen Polo supervised the moving of crates of jewellery, antiques, artworks, and Franco's papers to the family's various estates in Spain or to safe havens in foreign countries. The family remained extremely rich after his death. Polo had a room in her apartment in which the walls were lined from floor to ceiling with forty columns of twenty drawers, some containing tiaras, necklaces, earrings, garlands, brooches and cameos. Others contained gold, silver, diamonds, emeralds, rubies, topazes, and pearls, but the most valuable jewels were kept in bank vaults.[235]

Exhumation

 
In 2019 Franco's body was removed from the monument of Santa Cruz del Valle de los Caídos, where it had lain since his funeral in 1975.

On 11 May 2017, the Congress of Deputies approved, by 198–1 with 140 abstentions, a motion driven by the Socialist Workers' Party ordering the Government to exhume Franco's remains.[236]

On 24 August 2018, the Government of Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez approved legal amendments to the Historical Memory Law stating that only those who died during the Civil War would be buried at the Valle de los Caídos, resulting in plans to exhume Franco's remains for reburial elsewhere. Deputy Prime Minister Carmen Calvo Poyato stated that having Franco buried at the monument "shows a lack of respect ... for the victims buried there". The government gave Franco's family a 15-day deadline to decide Franco's final resting place, or else a "dignified place" would be chosen by the government.[237]

On 13 September 2018, the Congress of Deputies voted 176–2, with 165 abstentions, to approve the government's plan to remove Franco's body from the monument.[238]

Franco's family opposed the exhumation, and attempted to prevent it by making appeals to the Ombudsman's Office. The family expressed its wish that Franco's remains be reinterred with full military honors at the Almudena Cathedral in the centre of Madrid, the burial place he had requested before his death.[239] The demand was rejected by the Spanish Government, which issued another 15-day deadline to choose another site.[240] Because the family refused to choose another location, the Spanish Government ultimately chose to rebury Franco at the Mingorrubio Cemetery in El Pardo, where his wife Carmen Polo and a number of Francoist officials, most notably prime ministers Luis Carrero Blanco and Carlos Arias Navarro, are buried.[241] His body was to be exhumed from the Valle de los Caídos on 10 June 2019, but the Supreme Court of Spain ruled that the exhumation would be delayed until the family had exhausted all possible appeals.[242]

On 24 September 2019, the Supreme Court ruled that the exhumation could proceed, and the Sánchez government announced that it would move Franco's remains to the Mingorrubio cemetery as soon as possible.[243] On 24 October 2019 his remains were moved to his wife's mausoleum which is located in the Mingorrubio Cemetery, and buried in a private ceremony.[244] Though barred by the Spanish government from being draped in the Spanish flag, Francisco Franco's grandson, also named Francisco Franco, draped his coffin in the nationalist flag.[245] According to a poll by the Spanish newspaper, El Mundo, 43% of Spanish people approved of the exhumation while 32.5% opposed it. Opinions on the exhumation were divided by party line, with the Socialist party strongly in favour of the exhumation as well as the removal of his statue there. There seems to be no consensus on whether the statue should simply be moved or completely destroyed.[246]

Legacy

In Spain and abroad, the legacy of Franco remains controversial. The longevity of Franco's rule, his suppression of political opposition, and his government's effective propaganda sustained through the years have made a detached evaluation difficult. For almost 40 years, Spaniards, and particularly children at school, were told that Divine Providence had sent Franco to save Spain from chaos, atheism, and poverty.[247] Historian Stanley Payne described Franco as being the most significant figure to dominate Spain since Philip II,[248] while Michael Seidman argued that Franco was the most successful counterrevolutionary leader of the 20th century.[249]

A highly controversial figure within Spain, Franco is seen as a divisive leader. Supporters credit him for keeping Spain neutral and uninvaded in World War II. They emphasize his strong anti-communist and nationalist views, economic policies, and opposition to socialism as major factors in Spain's post-war economic success and later international integration.[250] Abroad he had support from Winston Churchill, Charles De Gaulle, Konrad Adenauer and many American Catholics, but was strongly opposed by the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.[251][252]

The American conservative commentator William F. Buckley, Jr was an admirer of Franco, and praised him effusively in his magazine, National Review, where the staff were also ardent admirers of the dictator. In 1957, Buckley called him "an authentic national hero",[253] who "above others", had the qualities needed to wrest Spain from "the hands of the visionaries, ideologues, Marxists and nihilists", i.e., from the democratically elected government of the country.[254]

Conversely, critics on the left have denounced him as a tyrant responsible for thousands of deaths in years-long political repression, and have called him complicit in atrocities committed by Axis forces during World War II due to his support of the Axis governments.

When he died in 1975, the major parties of the left and the right in Spain agreed to follow the Pact of Forgetting. To secure the transition to democracy, they agreed not to have investigations or prosecutions dealing with the civil war or Franco. The agreement effectively lapsed after 2000, the year the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica) was founded and the public debate started.[255] In 2006, a poll indicated that almost two-thirds of Spaniards favoured a "fresh investigation into the war".[256]

Franco served as a role model for several anti-communist dictators in South America. Augusto Pinochet is known to have admired Franco.[257] Similarly, as recently as 2006, Franco supporters in Spain have honoured Pinochet.[258]

In 2006, the BBC reported that Maciej Giertych, an MEP of the clerical-nationalist League of Polish Families, had expressed admiration for Franco, stating that the Spanish leader "guaranteed the maintenance of traditional values in Europe".[259]

 
Group of far-right sympathizers giving the fascist salute before the empty plinth from which the equestrian statue of Franco in Madrid had been recently removed in March 2005

Spaniards who suffered under Franco's rule have sought to remove memorials of his regime. Most government buildings and streets that were named after Franco during his rule have been reverted to their original names. Owing to Franco's human-rights record, the Spanish government in 2007 banned all official public references to the Franco regime and began the removal of all statues, street names and memorials associated with the regime, with the last statue reportedly being removed in 2008 in the city of Santander.[260] Churches that retain plaques commemorating Franco and the victims of his Republican opponents may lose state aid.[261] Since 1978, the national anthem of Spain, the Marcha Real, does not include lyrics introduced by Franco. Attempts to give the national anthem new lyrics have failed due to lack of consensus.

On 11 February 2004, Luis Yáñez-Barnuevo and others presented a motion for the "Need for international condemnation of the Franco regime" to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.[262] In March 2006, the Permanent Commission of the Parliamentary Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution "firmly" condemning the "multiple and serious violations" of human rights committed in Spain under the Francoist regime from 1939 to 1975.[263] The resolution was at the initiative of Leo Brincat and of the historian Luis María de Puig, and was the first international official condemnation of the repression enacted by Franco's regime. The resolution also urged that historians (professional and amateur) be given access to the various archives of the Francoist regime, including those of the private Francisco Franco National Foundation (FNFF) which, along with other Francoist archives, remain inaccessible to the public as of 2006. The FNFF received various archives from the El Pardo Palace, and is alleged to have sold some of them to private individuals.[264] Furthermore, the resolution urged the Spanish authorities to set up an underground exhibit in the Valle de los Caidos monument to explain the "terrible" conditions in which it was built. Finally, it proposed the construction of monuments to commemorate Franco's victims in Madrid and other important cities.[263]

In Spain, a commission to "repair the dignity" and "restore the memory" of the "victims of Francoism" (Comisión para reparar la dignidad y restituir la memoria de las víctimas del franquismo) was approved in 2004, and is directed by the social-democratic deputy Prime Minister María Teresa Fernández de la Vega.[263]

 
Sign in Santa Cruz de Tenerife for a street bearing Franco's name which was renamed in 2008 Rambla de Santa Cruz.

Recently the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (ARHM) initiated a systematic search for mass graves of people executed during Franco's regime, which has been supported since the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party's (PSOE) victory during the 2004 elections by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's government. A Ley de la memoria histórica de España (Law on the Historical Memory of Spain) was approved on 28 July 2006, by the Council of Ministers,[265] but it took until 31 October 2007, for the Congress of Deputies to approve an amended version as "The Bill to recognise and extend rights and to establish measures in favour of those who suffered persecution or violence during the Civil War and the Dictatorship" (in common parlance still known as Law of Historical Memory).[266] The Senate approved the bill on 10 December 2007.[267]

Official endeavors to preserve the historical memory of Spanish life under the Franco regime include exhibitions like the one held at the Museu d'Història de Catalunya (Museum of Catalan History) in 2003–2004, titled "Les presons de Franco". This exposition depicted the experiences of prisoners in Franco's prison system, and described other aspects of the penal system such as women's prisons, trials, the jailers, and prisoners' families.[268] The Museum no longer maintains its online version of the exhibition.

The accumulated wealth of Franco's family (including much real estate inherited from Franco, such as the Pazo de Meirás, the Canto del Pico in Torrelodones and the Casa Cornide [es] in A Coruña) and its provenance have also become matters of public discussion. Estimates of the family's wealth have ranged from 350 million to 600 million euros.[264] While Franco was dying, the Francoist Cortes voted a large public pension for his wife Carmen Polo, which the later democratic governments kept paying. At the time of her death in 1988, Carmen Polo was receiving a pension of over 12.5 million pesetas (four million more than the salary of Felipe González, then head of the government).[264]

In popular media

Cinema and television

  • Raza or Espíritu de una Raza (Spirit of a Race) (1941), based on a script by "Jaime de Andrade" (Franco himself), is the semi-autobiographical story of a military officer played by Alfredo Mayo.
  • Franco, ese hombre (That man, Franco) (1964) is a pro-Franco documentary film directed by José Luis Sáenz de Heredia
  • The movie Dragon Rapide (1986) deals with the events previous to the Spanish Civil War, with the actor Juan Diego playing Franco
  • Argentine actor José "Pepe" Soriano played both Franco and his double in Espérame en el cielo (Wait for Me in Heaven) (1988).
  • Ramon Fontserè played him in ¡Buen Viaje, Excelencia! (Bon Voyage, Your Excellency!) (2003).
  • Manuel Alexandre played Franco in the TV movie 20-N: Los ultimos dias de Franco (20-N: The Last Days of Franco) (2008)
  • Juan Viadas played Franco in Álex de la Iglesia's movie Balada triste de trompeta (The Last Circus) (2010)
  • The first-season episode "Cómo se reescribe el tiempo" of the Spanish television series El Ministerio del Tiempo (2015) sets events around Franco's October 1940 meeting with Adolf Hitler at Hendaye. Franco is portrayed by actor Pep Mirás.
  • At the end of the movie La reina de España (The Queen of Spain), Franco, played by Carlos Areces, is spat on in the face by the fictional Macarena Granada (Penélope Cruz), a Spanish Hollywood star who has returned to Spain to film a movie during Franco's reign.

Music

  • French singer-songwriter and anarchist Léo Ferré wrote "Franco la muerte", a song he recorded for his 1964 album Ferré 64. In this highly confrontational song, he directly shouts at the dictator and lavishes him with contempt. Ferré refused to sing in Spain until Franco was dead.

Literature

  • Franco is a character in CJ Sansom's book Winter in Madrid
  • ...Y al tercer año resucitó (...And On the Third Year He Rose Again) (1980) describes what would happen if Franco rose from the dead.
  • Franco is featured in the novel Triage (1998) by Scott Anderson.
  • Franco is the centrepiece of the satirical work El general Franquisimo o La muerte civil de un militar moribundo by Andalucian political cartoonist and journalist Andrés Vázquez de Sola.[269]
  • Franco features in several novels by Caroline Angus Baker, including Vengeance in the Valencian Water, visiting the aftermath of the 1957 Valencia floods, and Death in the Valencian Dust, about the final executions handed down before his death in 1975.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ The more than 150,000 executions for political reasons was ten times the number of those in Nazi Germany and 1,000 times the number in Fascist Italy. Reig Tapia points out that Franco signed more decrees of execution than any other previous head of state in Spain.[153]
  1. ^ a b In civil war until 1 April 1939.
  2. ^ The rebels appointed him at the end of September 1936 Generalissimo of the Armies and Head of the Government of the Spanish State. Head of State would be one of the titles most used by the regime since his official appointment on 1 October 1936, in addition to the one used in the Organic Law of the State (1967).[1][2][3]
  3. ^ President of the National Defence Junta of the Nationalist side
  4. ^ a b President of the National Defence Council of the Republican side
  5. ^ The post of Prime Minister was attached to that of Head of State until the 1967 Organic Law of the State, with the separation coming into force with Franco's resignation as Prime Minister on 9 June 1973.[4]
  6. ^ President of the Technical State Junta of the Nationalist side

References

Citations

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Further reading

  • Blinkhorn, Martin. (1988) Democracy and Civil war in Spain 1931–1939 Routledge. ISBN 978-0415006996.
  • Carroll, Warren H. (2004) The Last Crusade: Spain 1936 Christendom Press. ISBN 978-0931888670.
  • Cerdá, Néstor. (October 2011) "Political Ascent and Military Commander: General Franco in the Early Months of the Spanish Civil War, July–October 1936". Journal of Military History. 75 (4) pp. 1125–1157.
  • Jerez Mir, Miguel; Luque, Javier. (2014) eds. Costa Pinto, António; Kallis, Aristotle. Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe. "State and Regime in Early Francoism, 1936–45: Power Structures, Main Actors and Repression Policy". ISBN 978-1137384416 Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 176–197.
  • Lines, Lisa. (2017) "Francisco Franco as Warrior: Is It Time for a Reassessment of His Military Leadership?" Journal of Military History 81 (2) pp. 513–534.
  • Tussell, Javier(1995) Franco, España y la II Guerra Mundial: Entre el Eje y la Neutralidad. Spanish. Ediciones Temas de Hoy. ISBN 978-8478805013.
  • Tusell, Javier. (1992) Franco en la guerra civil – Una biografia política Spanish. Editorial Tusquets. ISBN 978-8472236486.
  • Tusell, Javier. (1996) La Dictadura de Franco Spanish. Altaya. ISBN 978-8448706371.

Primary sources

  • Franco, Francisco. (1922) Marruecos : diario de una bandera. Madrid Pueyo. 434161881.
  • Hayes, Carlton J. H. (1945) Wartime mission in Spain, 1942–1945. Macmillan Company. ISBN 978-1121497245.
  • Hoare, Samuel. (1946) Ambassador on Special Mission. UK. Collins. pp. 124–125
  • Hoare, Samuel. (1947) Complacent Dictator A.A. Knopf. ASIN B0007F2ZVU.

External links

Political offices
Preceded byas President of Spain Head of the Spanish State
1 October 1936 – 20 November 1975
Succeeded byas President of the Regency Council
Preceded by Prime Minister of Spain
30 January 1938 – 8 June 1973
Succeeded by

francisco, franco, other, uses, disambiguation, this, spanish, name, first, paternal, surname, franco, second, maternal, family, name, bahamonde, bahamonde, spanish, fɾanˈθisko, ˈfɾaŋko, aˈmonde, december, 1892, november, 1975, spanish, military, general, nati. For other uses see Francisco Franco disambiguation In this Spanish name the first or paternal surname is Franco and the second or maternal family name is Bahamonde Francisco Franco Bahamonde Spanish fɾanˈ8isko ˈfɾaŋko ba aˈmonde 4 December 1892 20 November 1975 was a Spanish military general who led the Nationalist forces in overthrowing the Second Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War and thereafter ruled over Spain from 1939 to 1975 as a dictator assuming the title Caudillo This period in Spanish history from the Nationalist victory to Franco s death is commonly known as Francoist Spain or as the Francoist dictatorship GeneralisimoFrancisco FrancoHead of State of Spain b In office 1 October 1936 a 20 November 1975Prime MinisterHimselfLuis Carrero BlancoCarlos Arias NavarroPreceded byMiguel Cabanellas c Jose Miaja d Succeeded byJuan Carlos I King of Spain Prime Minister of Spain e In office 30 January 1938 a 9 June 1973DeputyFrancisco Gomez JordanaAgustin Munoz GrandesLuis Carrero BlancoHead of StateHimselfPreceded byFrancisco Gomez Jordana f Jose Miaja d Succeeded byLuis Carrero BlancoNational Chief of FET y de las JONSIn office 19 April 1937 20 November 1975Preceded byPosition establishedSucceeded byCarlos Arias NavarroPersonal detailsBorn 1892 12 04 4 December 1892Ferrol Galicia Kingdom of SpainDied20 November 1975 1975 11 20 aged 82 Madrid Spanish StateResting placeValley of the Fallen Madrid 1975 2019 Mingorrubio Cemetery Madrid from 2019 Political partyFET y de las JONSSpouseCarmen Polo m 1923 wbr ChildrenMaria del CarmenRelativesNicolas Franco brother Ramon Franco brother Francisco Franco es cousin Ricardo de la Puente es cousin Residence s El Pardo MadridEducationInfantry Academy of ToledoSignatureNicknameCaudilloMilitary serviceAllegianceKingdom of Spain 1907 1931 Spanish Republic 1931 1936 Spanish State 1936 1975 Branch serviceSpanish Armed ForcesYears of service1907 1975RankCaptain general of the ArmyCaptain general of the Air Force Captain general of the NavyCommandsAll Generalisimo Battles wars2nd Melillan Campaign WIA Rif WarRevolution of 1934Spanish Civil WarIfni WarBorn in Ferrol Galicia into an upper class military family Franco served in the Spanish Army as a cadet in the Toledo Infantry Academy from 1907 to 1910 While serving in Morocco he rose through the ranks to become a brigadier general in 1926 at age 33 Two years later Franco became the director of the General Military Academy in Zaragoza As a conservative and monarchist Franco regretted the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of the Second Republic in 1931 and was devastated by the closing of his academy nevertheless he continued his service in the Republican Army 5 His career was boosted after the right wing CEDA and PRR won the 1933 election empowering him to lead the suppression of the 1934 uprising in Asturias Franco was briefly elevated to Chief of Army Staff before the 1936 election moved the leftist Popular Front into power relegating him to the Canary Islands Initially reluctant he joined the July 1936 military coup which after failing to take Spain sparked the Spanish Civil War During the war he commanded Spain s African colonial army and later following the deaths of much of the rebel leadership became his faction s only leader being appointed Generalissimo and head of state in 1936 He consolidated all nationalist parties into the FET y de las JONS creating a one party state and developed a cult of personality around his rule by founding the Movimiento Nacional Three years later the Nationalists declared victory which extended Franco s dictatorship over Spain through a period of repression of political opponents His dictatorship s use of forced labor concentration camps and executions led to between 30 000 and 50 000 deaths 12 Combined with wartime killings this brings the death toll of the White Terror to between 100 000 and 200 000 14 During World War II he maintained Spanish neutrality but supported the Axis whose members Italy and Germany had supported him during the Civil War damaging the country s international reputation in various ways During the start of the Cold War Franco lifted Spain out of its mid 20th century economic depression through technocratic and economically liberal policies presiding over a period of accelerated growth known as the Spanish miracle At the same time his regime transitioned from a totalitarian state to an authoritarian one with limited pluralism He became a leader in the anti communist movement garnering support from the West particularly the United States 15 16 As the dictatorship relaxed its hard line policies Luis Carrero Blanco became Franco s eminence grise whose role expanded after Franco began struggling with Parkinson s disease in the 1960s In 1973 Franco resigned as prime minister separated from the office of head of state since 1967 due to his advanced age and illness Nevertheless he remained in power as the head of state and as commander in chief Franco died in 1975 aged 82 and was entombed in the Valle de los Caidos He restored the monarchy in his final years being succeeded by Juan Carlos King of Spain who led the Spanish transition to democracy The legacy of Franco in Spanish history remains controversial as the nature of his dictatorship changed over time His reign was marked by both brutal repression with tens of thousands killed and economic prosperity which greatly improved the quality of life in Spain His dictatorial style proved adaptable enough to allow social and economic reform but still centered on highly centralised government authoritarianism nationalism national Catholicism anti freemasonry and anti communism Contents 1 Early life 2 Military career 2 1 Rif War and advancement through the ranks 2 2 During the Second Spanish Republic 2 2 1 1936 general election 3 From the Spanish Civil War to World War II 3 1 The first months 3 2 Rise to power 3 3 Military command 3 4 Political command 3 5 The end of the Civil War 3 6 World War II 3 7 Treatment of Jews 4 Spain under Franco 4 1 Political repression 4 2 The Spanish colonies and decolonisation 4 3 Economic policy 5 Succession 6 Honours 7 Death and funeral 8 Exhumation 9 Legacy 10 In popular media 10 1 Cinema and television 10 2 Music 10 3 Literature 11 See also 12 Notes 13 References 13 1 Citations 13 2 Sources 14 Further reading 14 1 Primary sources 15 External linksEarly life His parents with Francisco in arms on the day of his baptism on 17 December 1892 Francisco Franco Bahamonde was born on 4 December 1892 in the Calle Frutos Saavedra in Ferrol Galicia 17 into a seafaring family 18 He was baptised thirteen days later at the military church of San Francisco with the baptismal name Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teodulo 17 After relocating to Galicia the Franco family was involved in the Spanish Navy and over the span of two centuries produced naval officers for six uninterrupted generations including several admirals 18 down to Franco s father Nicolas Franco Salgado Araujo es 22 November 1855 22 February 1942 19 His mother Maria del Pilar Bahamonde y Pardo de Andrade 15 October 1865 28 February 1934 was from an upper middle class Roman Catholic family Her father Ladislao Bahamonde Ortega was the commissar of naval equipment at the Port of El Ferrol Franco s parents married in 1890 in the Church of San Francisco in El Ferrol 20 The young Franco spent much of his childhood with his two brothers Nicolas and Ramon and his two sisters Maria del Pilar and Maria de la Paz His brother Nicolas was a naval officer and diplomat who married Maria Isabel Pascual del Pobil 21 Ramon was an internationally known aviator and a Freemason originally with leftist political leanings He was also the second sibling to die killed in an air accident on a military mission in 1938 22 Franco s father was a naval officer who reached the rank of vice admiral intendente general When Franco was fourteen his father moved to Madrid following a reassignment and ultimately abandoned his family marrying another woman While Franco did not suffer any great abuse by his father s hand he would never overcome his antipathy for his father and largely ignored him for the rest of his life Years after becoming dictator under the pseudonym Jaime de Andrade Franco wrote a brief novel called Raza whose protagonist is believed by Stanley Payne to represent the idealised man Franco wished his father had been Conversely Franco strongly identified with his mother who always wore widow s black once she realised her husband had abandoned her and learned from her moderation austerity self control family solidarity and respect for Catholicism though he would also inherit his father s harshness coldness and implacability 23 Military careerMain article Military career and honours of Francisco Franco Rif War and advancement through the ranksFrancisco followed his father into the Navy but as a result of the Spanish American War the country lost much of its navy as well as most of its colonies Not needing any more officers the Naval Academy admitted no new entrants from 1906 to 1913 To his father s chagrin Francisco decided to try the Spanish Army In 1907 he entered the Infantry Academy in Toledo At the age of fourteen Franco was one of the youngest members of his class with most boys being between sixteen and eighteen He was short and was bullied for his small size His grades were average though his good memory meant he seldom struggled academically his small stature was a hindrance in physical tests He graduated in July 1910 as a second lieutenant standing 251st out of 312 cadets in his class though this might have had less to do with his grades than with his small size and young age Stanley Payne observes that by the time civil war began Franco had already become a major general and would soon be a generalissimo while none of his higher ranking fellow cadets had managed to get beyond the rank of lieutenant colonel 24 25 Franco was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant in June 1912 at age 19 26 27 Two years later he obtained a commission to Morocco Spanish efforts to occupy the new African protectorate provoked the Second Melillan campaign in 1909 against native Moroccans the first of several Riffian rebellions Their tactics resulted in heavy losses among Spanish military officers and also provided an opportunity to earn promotion through merit on the battlefield It was said that officers would receive either la caja o la faja a coffin or a general s sash Franco quickly gained a reputation as an effective officer Francisco and his brother Ramon in North Africa 1925In 1913 Franco transferred into the newly formed regulares Moroccan colonial troops with Spanish officers who acted as elite shock troops 28 In 1916 aged 23 with the rank of captain Franco was shot in the abdomen by guerilla gunfire during an assault on Moroccan positions at El Biutz in the hills near Ceuta this was the only time he was wounded in ten years of fighting 29 The wound was serious and he was not expected to live His recovery was seen by his Moroccan troops as a spiritual event they believed Franco to be blessed with baraka or protected by God He was recommended for promotion to major and to receive Spain s highest honour for gallantry the coveted Cruz Laureada de San Fernando Both proposals were denied with the 23 year old Franco s young age being given as the reason for denial Franco appealed the decision to the king who reversed it 29 Franco also received the Cross of Maria Cristina First Class 30 With that he was promoted to major at the end of February 1917 at age 24 This made him the youngest major in the Spanish army From 1917 to 1920 he served in Spain In 1920 Lieutenant Colonel Jose Millan Astray a histrionic but charismatic officer founded the Spanish Foreign Legion along similar lines as the French Foreign Legion Franco became the Legion s second in command and returned to Africa In the Rif War the poorly commanded and overextended Spanish Army was defeated by the Republic of the Rif under the leadership of the Abd el Krim brothers who crushed a Spanish offensive on 24 July 1921 at Annual The Legion and supporting units relieved the Spanish city of Melilla after a three day forced march led by Franco In 1923 now a lieutenant colonel he was made commander of the Legion On 22 October 1923 Franco married Maria del Carmen Polo y Martinez Valdes 11 June 1900 6 February 1988 31 Following his honeymoon Franco was summoned to Madrid to be presented to King Alfonso XIII 32 This and other occasions of royal attention would mark him during the Republic as a monarchical officer Disappointed with the plans for a strategic retreat from the interior to the African coastline by Primo de Rivera Franco wrote in the April 1924 issue of Revista de Tropas Coloniales Colonial Troops Magazine that he would disobey orders of retreat given by a superior He also held a tense meeting with Primo de Rivera in July 1924 According to fellow africanista Gonzalo Queipo de Llano Franco visited him on 21 September 1924 to propose that he lead a coup d etat against Primo 33 In the end Franco complied with Primo s orders taking part in the retreat of Spanish soldiers from Xaouen es in late 1924 and thus earning a promotion to colonel 34 Franco led the first wave of troops ashore at Al Hoceima Spanish Alhucemas in 1925 This landing in the heartland of Abd el Krim s tribe combined with the French invasion from the south spelled the beginning of the end for the short lived Republic of the Rif Franco was eventually recognised for his leadership and he was promoted to brigadier general on 3 February 1926 making him the youngest general in Europe at age 33 according to Payne and Palacios 35 On 14 September 1926 Franco and Polo had a daughter Maria del Carmen Franco would have a close relationship with his daughter and was a proud parent though his traditionalist attitudes and increasing responsibilities meant he left much of the child rearing to his wife 36 In 1928 Franco was appointed director of the newly created General Military Academy of Zaragoza a new college for all Spanish army cadets replacing the former separate institutions for young men seeking to become officers in infantry cavalry artillery and other branches of the army Franco was removed as Director of the Zaragoza Military Academy in 1931 when the Civil War began the colonels majors and captains of the Spanish Army who had attended the academy when he was its director displayed unconditional loyalty to him as Caudillo 37 During the Second Spanish Republic The municipal elections of 12 April 1931 were largely seen as a plebiscite on the monarchy 38 The Republican Socialist alliance failed to win the majority of the municipalities in Spain but had a landslide victory in all the large cities and in almost all the provincial capitals 39 The monarchists and the army deserted Alfonso XIII and consequently the king decided to leave the country and go into exile giving way to the Second Spanish Republic Although Franco believed that the majority of the Spanish people still supported the crown and although he regretted the end of the monarchy he did not object nor did he challenge the legitimacy of the republic 40 The closing of the academy in June by the provisional War Minister Manuel Azana however was a major setback for Franco and provoked his first clash with the Spanish Republic Azana found Franco s farewell speech to the cadets insulting 41 In his speech Franco stressed the Republic s need for discipline and respect 42 Azana entered an official reprimand into Franco s personnel file and for six months Franco was without a post and under surveillance 41 In December 1931 a new reformist liberal and democratic constitution was declared It included strong provisions enforcing a broad secularisation of the Catholic country which included the abolishing of Catholic schools and charities which many moderate committed Catholics opposed 43 At this point once the constituent assembly had fulfilled its mandate of approving a new constitution it should have arranged for regular parliamentary elections and adjourned according to historian Carlton J H Hayes Fearing the increasing popular opposition the Radical and Socialist majority postponed the regular elections thereby prolonging their stay in power for two more years This way the republican government of Manuel Azana initiated numerous reforms to what in their view would modernize the country 44 Franco was a subscriber to the journal of Accion Espanola a monarchist organisation and a firm believer in a supposed Jewish Masonic Bolshevik conspiracy or contubernio conspiracy The conspiracy suggested that Jews Freemasons Communists and other leftists alike sought the destruction of Christian Europe with Spain being the principal target 45 Franco in 1930 On 5 February 1932 Franco was given a command in A Coruna Franco avoided involvement in Jose Sanjurjo s attempted coup that year and even wrote a hostile letter to Sanjurjo expressing his anger over the attempt As a result of Azana s military reform in January 1933 Franco was relegated from first to 24th in the list of brigadiers The same year on 17 February he was given the military command of the Balearic Islands The post was above his rank but Franco was still unhappy that he was stuck in a position he disliked The prime minister wrote in his diary that it was probably more prudent to have Franco away from Madrid 46 47 In 1932 the Jesuits who were in charge of many schools throughout the country were banned and had all their property confiscated 48 The army was further reduced and landowners were expropriated Home rule was granted to Catalonia with a local parliament and a president of its own 49 In June 1933 Pope Pius XI issued the encyclical Dilectissima Nobis Our Dearly Beloved On Oppression of the Church of Spain in which he criticised the anti clericalism of the Republican government 48 The elections held in October 1933 resulted in a centre right majority The political party with the most votes was the Confederacion Espanol de Derechas Autonomas CEDA but president Alcala Zamora declined to invite the leader of the CEDA Gil Robles to form a government 50 Instead he invited the Radical Republican Party s Alejandro Lerroux to do so Despite receiving the most votes CEDA was denied cabinet positions for nearly a year 51 After a year of intense pressure CEDA the largest party in the congress was finally successful in forcing the acceptance of three ministries The entrance of CEDA in the government despite being normal in a parliamentary democracy was not well accepted by the left The Socialists triggered an insurrection that they had been preparing for nine months The leftist Republican parties did not directly join the insurrection but their leadership issued statements that they were breaking all relations with the Republican government 52 The Catalan Bloc Obrer i Camperol BOC advocated the need to form a broad workers front and took the lead in forming a new and more encompassing Alianza Obrera which included the Catalan UGT and the Catalan sector of the PSOE with the goal of defeating fascism and advancing the socialist revolution The Alianza Obrera declared a general strike against fascism in Catalonia in 1934 53 A Catalan state was proclaimed by Catalan nationalist leader Lluis Companys but it lasted just ten hours Despite an attempt at a general stoppage in Madrid other strikes did not endure This left the striking Asturian miners to fight alone 54 In several mining towns in Asturias local unions gathered small arms and were determined to see the strike through It began on the evening of 4 October with the miners occupying several towns attacking and seizing local Civil and Assault Guard barracks 55 Thirty four priests six young seminarists with ages between 18 and 21 and several businessmen and civil guards were summarily executed by the revolutionaries in Mieres and Sama 58 religious buildings including churches convents and part of the university at Oviedo were burned and destroyed 56 and over 100 priests were killed in the diocese 57 Franco already General of Division and aide to the war minister Diego Hidalgo was put in command of the operations directed to suppress the violent insurgency Troops of the Spanish Army of Africa carried this out with General Eduardo Lopez Ochoa as commander in the field After two weeks of heavy fighting and a death toll estimated between 1 200 and 2 000 the rebellion was suppressed The insurgency in Asturias in October 1934 sparked a new era of violent anti Christian persecutions with the massacre of 34 priests initiating the practice of atrocities against the clergy 58 and sharpened the antagonism between Left and Right Franco and Lopez Ochoa who prior to the campaign in Asturias had been seen as a left leaning officer 59 emerged as officers prepared to use troops against Spanish civilians as if they were a foreign enemy 60 Franco described the rebellion to a journalist in Oviedo as a frontier war and its fronts are socialism communism and whatever attacks civilisation to replace it with barbarism Though the colonial units sent to the north by the government at Franco s recommendation 56 consisted of the Spanish Foreign Legion and the Moroccan Regulares Indigenas 61 the right wing press portrayed the Asturian rebels as lackeys of a foreign Jewish Bolshevik conspiracy 62 With this rebellion against legitimate established political authority the socialists also repudiated the representative institutional system as the anarchists had done 63 The Spanish historian Salvador de Madariaga an Azana supporter and an exiled vocal opponent of Francisco Franco is the author of a sharp critical reflection against the participation of the left in the revolt The uprising of 1934 is unforgivable The argument that Mr Gil Robles tried to destroy the Constitution to establish fascism was at once hypocritical and false With the rebellion of 1934 the Spanish left lost even the shadow of moral authority to condemn the rebellion of 1936 64 At the start of the Civil War Lopez Ochoa was assassinated his head was severed and paraded around the streets on a pole with a card reading This is the butcher of Asturias 65 Some time after these events Franco was briefly commander in chief of the Army of Africa from 15 February onwards and from 19 May 1935 on Chief of the General Staff 1936 general election Main article 1936 Spanish general election At the end of 1935 President Alcala Zamora manipulated a petty corruption issue into a major scandal in parliament and eliminated Alejandro Lerroux the head of the Radical Republican Party from the premiership Subsequently Alcala Zamora vetoed the logical replacement a majority center right coalition led by the CEDA which would reflect the composition of the parliament He then arbitrarily appointed an interim prime minister and after a short period announced the dissolution of parliament and new elections 66 Two wide coalitions formed the Popular Front on the left ranging from Republican Union to Communists and the Frente Nacional on the right ranging from the centre radicals to the conservative Carlists On 16 February 1936 the elections ended in a virtual draw but in the evening leftist mobs started to interfere in the balloting and in the registration of votes distorting the results 67 68 Stanley G Payne claims that the process was blatant electoral fraud with widespread violation of the laws and the constitution 69 70 In line with Payne s point of view in 2017 two Spanish scholars Manuel Alvarez Tardio and Roberto Villa Garcia published the result of a major research work in which they concluded that the 1936 elections were rigged 71 72 a view disputed by Paul Preston 73 and other scholars such as Iker Itoiz Ciaurriz who denounces their conclusions as revisionist classic Francoist anti republican tropes 74 On 19 February the cabinet presided over by Portela Valladares resigned with a new cabinet being quickly set up composed chiefly of members of the Republican Left and the Republican Union and presided over by Manuel Azana 75 Jose Calvo Sotelo who made anti communism the focus of his parliamentary speeches began spreading violent propaganda advocating for a military coup d etat formulating a catastrophist discourse of a dichotomous choice between communism or a markedly totalitarian National State and setting the mood of the masses for a military rebellion The diffusion of the myth about an alleged Communist coup d etat as well a pretended state of social chaos became pretexts for a coup Franco himself along with General Emilio Mola had stirred an anti Communist campaign in Morocco 76 At the same time PSOE s left wing socialists became more radical Julio Alvarez del Vayo talked about Spain s being converted into a socialist Republic in association with the Soviet Union Francisco Largo Caballero declared that the organized proletariat will carry everything before it and destroy everything until we reach our goal 77 The country rapidly descended into anarchy Even the staunch socialist Indalecio Prieto at a party rally in Cuenca in May 1936 complained We Spaniards have never seen so tragic a panorama or so great a collapse as in Spain at this moment Abroad Spain is classified as insolvent This is not the road to socialism or communism but to desperate anarchism without even the advantage of liberty 77 On 23 February Franco was sent to the Canary Islands to serve as the islands military commander an appointment perceived by him as a destierro banishment 78 Meanwhile a conspiracy led by General Mola was taking shape Interested in the parliamentary immunity granted by a seat at the Cortes Franco intended to stand as candidate of the Right Bloc alongside Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera for the by election in the province of Cuenca programmed for 3 May 1936 after the results of the February 1936 election were annulled in the constituency But Primo de Rivera refused to run alongside a military officer Franco in particular and Franco himself ultimately desisted on 26 April one day before the decision of the election authority By that time PSOE politician Indalecio Prieto had already deemed Franco as a possible caudillo for a military uprising 79 Disenchantment with Azana s rule continued to grow and was dramatically voiced by Miguel de Unamuno a republican and one of Spain s most respected intellectuals who in June 1936 told a reporter who published his statement in El Adelanto that President Manuel Azana should debiera suicidarse como acto patriotico commit suicide as a patriotic act 80 In June 1936 Franco was contacted and a secret meeting was held within La Esperanza forest on Tenerife to discuss starting a military coup 81 An obelisk which has subsequently been removed commemorating this historic meeting was erected at the site in a clearing at Las Raices in Tenerife 82 Outwardly Franco maintained an ambiguous attitude until nearly July On 23 June 1936 he wrote to the head of the government Casares Quiroga offering to quell the discontent in the Spanish Republican Army but received no reply The other rebels were determined to go ahead con Paquito o sin Paquito with Paquito or without Paquito Paquito being a diminutive of Paco which in turn is short for Francisco as it was put by Jose Sanjurjo the honorary leader of the military uprising After various postponements 18 July was fixed as the date of the uprising The situation reached a point of no return and as presented to Franco by Mola the coup was unavoidable and he had to choose a side He decided to join the rebels and was given the task of commanding the Army of Africa A privately owned DH 89 De Havilland Dragon Rapide flown by two British pilots Cecil Bebb and Hugh Pollard 83 was chartered in England on 11 July to take Franco to Africa The coup underway was precipitated by the assassination of the right wing opposition leader Calvo Sotelo in retaliation for the murder of assault guard Jose Castillo which had been committed by a group headed by a civil guard and composed of assault guards and members of the socialist militias 84 On 17 July one day earlier than planned the Army of Africa rebelled detaining their commanders On 18 July Franco published a manifesto 85 and left for Africa where he arrived the next day to take command A week later the rebels who soon called themselves the Nationalists controlled a third of Spain most naval units remained under control of the Republican loyalist forces which left Franco isolated The coup had failed in the attempt to bring a swift victory but the Spanish Civil War had begun From the Spanish Civil War to World War IIFranco rose to power during the Spanish Civil War which began in July 1936 and officially ended with the victory of his Nationalist forces in April 1939 Although it is impossible to calculate precise statistics concerning the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath Payne writes that if civilian fatalities above the norm are added to the total number of deaths for victims of violence the number of deaths attributable to the civil war would reach approximately 344 000 86 During the war rape torture and summary executions committed by soldiers under Franco s command were used as a means of retaliation and to repress political dissent 87 The war was marked by foreign intervention on behalf of both sides Franco s Nationalists were supported by Fascist Italy which sent the Corpo Truppe Volontarie and by Nazi Germany which sent the Condor Legion Italian aircraft stationed on Majorca bombed Barcelona 13 times dropping 44 tons of bombs aimed at civilians These attacks were requested by General Franco as retribution against the Catalan population 88 89 Similarly both Italian and German planes bombed the Basque town of Guernica at Franco s request The Republican opposition was supported by communists socialists and anarchists within Spain as well as the Soviet Union and volunteers who fought in the International Brigades 90 The first months Twenty six Republicans executed by Francoists at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War buried in a mass grave Following the pronunciamiento of 18 July 1936 Franco assumed the leadership of the 30 000 soldiers of the Spanish Army of Africa 91 The first days of the insurgency were marked by an imperative need to secure control over the Spanish Moroccan Protectorate On one side Franco had to win the support of the native Moroccan population and their nominal authorities and on the other he had to ensure his control over the army His method was the summary execution of some 200 senior officers loyal to the Republic one of them his own cousin His loyal bodyguard was shot by Manuel Blanco Franco s first problem was how to move his troops to the Iberian Peninsula since most units of the Navy had remained in control of the Republic and were blocking the Strait of Gibraltar He requested help from Benito Mussolini who responded with an offer of arms and planes 92 In Germany Wilhelm Canaris the head of the Abwehr military intelligence service persuaded Hitler to support the Nationalists 93 Hitler sent twenty Ju 52 transport aircraft and six Heinkel biplane fighters on the condition that they were not to be used in hostilities unless the Republicans attacked first 94 Mussolini sent 12 Savoia Marchetti SM 81 transport bombers and a few fighter aircraft From 20 July onward Franco was able with this small squadron of aircraft to initiate an air bridge that carried 1 500 soldiers of the Army of Africa to Seville 95 where these troops helped to ensure rebel control of the city 96 Through representatives he started to negotiate with the United Kingdom Germany and Italy for more military support and above all for more aircraft Negotiations were successful with the Germany and Italy on 25 July and aircraft began to arrive in Tetouan on 2 August On 5 August Franco was able to break the blockade with the newly arrived air support successfully deploying a convoy of fishing boats and merchant ships carrying some 3 000 soldiers between 29 July and 15 August about 15 000 more men were moved 95 On 26 July just eight days after the revolt had started foreign allies of the Republican government convened an international communist conference at Prague to arrange plans to help the Popular Front forces in Spain It decided to raise an international brigade of 5 000 men and a fund of 1 billion francs to be administered by a committee of five in which Largo Caballero and Dolores Ibarruri la Pasionaria had prominent roles 97 At the same time communist parties throughout the world quickly launched a full scale propaganda campaign in support of the Popular Front The Communist International Comintern immediately reinforced its activity sending to Spain its Secretary General the Bulgarian Georgi Dimitrov and Palmiro Togliatti the chief of the Communist Party of Italy 98 99 From August onward aid from the Soviet Union began by February 1937 two ships per day arrived at Spain s Mediterranean ports carrying munitions rifles machine guns hand grenades artillery and trucks With the cargo came Soviet agents technicians instructors and propagandists 100 The Communist International immediately started to organize the International Brigades volunteer military units which included the Garibaldi Brigade from Italy and the Lincoln Battalion from the United States The International Brigades were usually deployed as shock troops and as a result they suffered high casualties 101 In early August the situation in western Andalucia was stable enough to allow Franco to organise a column some 15 000 men at its height under the command of then Lieutenant Colonel Juan Yague which would march through Extremadura towards Madrid On 11 August Merida was taken and on 15 August Badajoz thus joining both nationalist controlled areas Additionally Mussolini ordered a voluntary army the Corpo Truppe Volontarie CTV of fully motorised units some 12 000 Italians to Seville and Hitler added to them a professional squadron from the Luftwaffe 2JG 88 with about 24 planes All these planes had the Nationalist Spanish insignia painted on them but were flown by Italian and German nationals The backbone of Franco s air force in those days was the Italian SM 79 and SM 81 bombers the biplane Fiat CR 32 fighter and the German Junkers Ju 52 cargo bomber and the Heinkel He 51 biplane fighter 96 On 21 September with the head of the column at the town of Maqueda some 80 km away from Madrid Franco ordered a detour to free the besieged garrison at the Alcazar of Toledo which was achieved on 27 September 102 This controversial decision gave the Popular Front time to strengthen its defenses in Madrid and hold the city that year 103 but with Soviet support 104 Kennan alleges that once Stalin had decided to assist the Spanish Republicans the operation was put in place with remarkable speed and energy The first load of arms and tanks arrived as early as 26 September and was secretly unloaded at night Advisers accompanied the armaments Soviet officers were in effective charge of military operations on the Madrid front Kennan believes that this operation was originally conducted in good faith with no other purpose than saving the Republic 105 Hitler s policy for Spain was shrewd and pragmatic 106 The minutes of a conference with his foreign minister and army chiefs at the Reich Chancellery in Berlin on 10 November 1937 summarised his views on foreign policy regarding the Spanish Civil War On the other hand a 100 percent victory for Franco was not desirable either from the German point of view rather were we interested in a continuance of the war and in the keeping up of the tension in the Mediterranean 107 108 Hitler distrusted Franco according to the comments he made at the conference he wanted the war to continue but he did not want Franco to achieve total victory He felt that with Franco in undisputed control of Spain the possibility of Italy intervening further or of its continuing to occupy the Balearic Islands would be prevented 109 By February 1937 the Soviet Union s military help started to taper off to be replaced by limited economic aid Rise to power Franco and other rebel commanders during the Civil War c 1936 1939 The designated leader of the uprising General Jose Sanjurjo died on 20 July 1936 in a plane crash In the nationalist zone political life ceased 110 Initially only military command mattered this was divided into regional commands Emilio Mola in the North Gonzalo Queipo de Llano in Seville commanding Andalucia Franco with an independent command and Miguel Cabanellas in Zaragoza commanding Aragon The Spanish Army of Morocco was itself split into two columns one commanded by General Juan Yague and the other commanded by Colonel Jose Varela From 24 July a coordinating junta the National Defence Junta was established based at Burgos Nominally led by Cabanellas as the most senior general it initially included Mola three other generals and two colonels Franco was later added in early August 111 On 21 September it was decided that Franco was to be commander in chief this unified command was opposed only by Cabanellas 112 and after some discussion with no more than a lukewarm agreement from Queipo de Llano and from Mola also head of government 113 He was doubtlessly helped to this primacy by the fact that in late July Hitler had decided that all of Germany s aid to the Nationalists would go to Franco 114 Mola had been somewhat discredited as the main planner of the attempted coup that had now degenerated into a civil war and was strongly identified with the Carlist monarchists and not at all with the Falange a party with Fascist leanings and connections phalanx a far right Spanish political party founded by Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera nor did he have good relations with Germany Queipo de Llano and Cabanellas had both previously rebelled against the dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera and were therefore discredited in some nationalist circles and Falangist leader Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera was in prison in Alicante he would be executed a few months later The desire to keep a place open for him prevented any other Falangist leader from emerging as a possible head of state Franco s previous aloofness from politics meant that he had few active enemies in any of the factions that needed to be placated and he had also cooperated in recent months with both Germany and Italy 115 On 1 October 1936 in Burgos Franco was publicly proclaimed as Generalisimo of the National army and Jefe del Estado Head of State 116 When Mola was killed in another air accident a year later on 2 June 1937 which some believe was an assassination no military leader was left from those who had organised the conspiracy against the Republic between 1933 and 1935 117 Military command Franco personally guided military operations from this time until the end of the war Franco himself was not a strategic genius but he was very effective at organisation administration logistics and diplomacy 118 After the failed assault on Madrid in November 1936 Franco settled on a piecemeal approach to winning the war rather than bold maneuvering As with his decision to relieve the garrison at Toledo this approach has been subject of some debate 119 some of his decisions such as in June 1938 when he preferred to advance towards Valencia instead of Catalonia 120 remain particularly controversial from a military strategic viewpoint 121 Valencia Castellon and Alicante saw the last Republican troops defeated by Franco Although both Germany and Italy provided military support to Franco the degree of influence of both powers on his direction of the war seems to have been very limited Nevertheless the Italian troops despite not always being effective were present in most of the large operations in large numbers Germany sent insignificant numbers of combat personnel to Spain but aided the Nationalists with technical instructors and modern materiel 122 including some 200 tanks and 600 aircraft 123 which helped the Nationalist air force dominate the skies for most of the war 124 Franco s direction of the German and Italian forces was limited particularly in the direction of the Condor Legion but he was by default their supreme commander and they declined to interfere in the politics of the Nationalist zone 125 For reasons of prestige it was decided to continue assisting Franco until the end of the war and Italian and German troops paraded on the day of the final victory in Madrid 126 The Nationalist victory could be accounted for by various factors 127 the Popular Front government had reckless policies in the weeks prior to the war where it ignored potential dangers and alienated the opposition encouraging more people to join the rebellion while the rebels had superior military cohesion with Franco providing the necessary leadership to consolidate power and unify the various rightist factions 128 His foreign diplomacy secured military aid from Italy and Germany and by some accounts helped keep Britain and France out of the war 118 The rebels made effective use of a smaller navy acquiring the most powerful ships in the Spanish fleet and maintaining a functional officer corps while Republican sailors had assassinated a large number of their naval officers who sided with the rebels in 1936 as at Cartagena 129 and El Ferrol 130 The Nationalists used their ships aggressively to pursue the opposition in contrast to the largely passive naval strategy of the Republicans Not only did the Nationalists receive more foreign aid to sustain their war effort but there is evidence that they made more efficient use of such aid 131 They augmented their forces with arms captured from the Republicans 132 and successfully integrated over half of Republican prisoners of war into the Nationalist army 133 The rebels were able to build a larger air force and make more effective use of their air force particularly in supporting ground operations and bombing and generally enjoyed air superiority from mid 1937 onwards this air power contributed greatly to the Nationalist victory 134 The Republicans were subject to disunity and infighting 135 and were hampered by the destructive consequences of the revolution in the Republican zone mobilisation was impeded the Republican image was harmed abroad in democracies and the campaign against religion aroused overwhelming and unwavering Catholic support for the Nationalists 136 Political command Francoist demonstration in Salamanca 1937 with the paraders carrying banners with the portrait of Franco and the populace giving the Roman salute On 19 April 1937 Franco and Serrano Suner with the acquiescence of Generals Mola and Quiepo de Llano forcibly merged the ideologically distinct national syndicalist Falange and the Carlist monarchist parties into one party under his rule dubbed Falange Espanola Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista FET y de las JONS 137 which became the only legal party in 1939 138 Unlike some other fascist movements the Falangists had developed an official program in 1934 the Twenty Seven Points 139 In 1937 Franco assumed as the tentative doctrine of his regime 26 out of the original 27 points 140 Franco made himself jefe nacional National Chief of the new FET Falange Espanola Tradicionalista Traditionalist Spanish Phalanx with a secretary Political Junta and National Council to be named subsequently by himself Five days later on 24 April the raised arm salute of the Falange was made the official salute of the Nationalist regime 141 Also in 1937 the Marcha Real Royal March was restored by decree as the national anthem in the Nationalist zone It was opposed by the Falangists who associated it with the monarchy and boycotted it when it was played often singing their own anthem Cara al Sol Facing the Sun instead 142 By 1939 the fascist style prevailed with ritual rallying calls of Franco Franco Franco 143 Franco s advisor on Falangist party matters Ramon Serrano Suner who was the brother in law of his wife Carmen Polo and a group of Serrano Suner s followers dominated the FET JONS and strove to increase the party s power Serrano Suner tried to move the party in a more fascist direction by appointing his acolytes to important positions and the party became the leading political organization in Francoist Spain The FET JONS failed to establish a fascist party regime however and was relegated to subordinate status Franco placed the Carlist Manuel Fal Conde under house arrest and imprisoned hundreds of old Falangists the so called old shirts camisas viejas including the party leader Manuel Hedilla 144 to help secure his political future Franco also appeased the Carlists by exploiting the Republicans anti clericalism in his propaganda in particular concerning the Martyrs of the war While the Republican forces presented the war as a struggle to defend the Republic against fascism Franco depicted himself as the defender of Catholic Spain against atheist communism 145 146 The end of the Civil War By early 1939 only Madrid see History of Madrid and a few other areas remained under control of the government forces On 27 February Chamberlain s Britain and Daladier s France officially recognised the Franco regime On 28 March 1939 with the help of pro Franco forces inside the city the fifth column General Mola had mentioned in propaganda broadcasts in 1936 Madrid fell to the Nationalists The next day Valencia which had held out under the guns of the Nationalists for close to two years also surrendered Victory was proclaimed on 1 April 1939 when the last of the Republican forces surrendered On the same day Franco placed his sword upon the altar of a church and vowed to never take it up again unless Spain itself was threatened with invasion Although Germany had recognised the Franco Government Franco s policy towards Germany was extremely cautious until spectacular German victories at the beginning of the Second World War An early indication that Franco was going to keep his distance from Germany soon proved true A rumoured state visit by Franco to Germany did not take place and a further rumour of a visit by Goering to Spain after he had enjoyed a cruise in the Western Mediterranean again did not materialise Instead Goering had to return to Berlin 147 During the Civil War and in the aftermath a period known as the White Terror took place This saw mass executions of Republican and other Nationalist enemies standing in contrast to the war time Red Terror Historical analysis and investigations estimate the number of executions by the Franco regime during this time to be between 100 000 and 200 000 dead Stanley G Payne says the total number of all kinds of executions in the Republican zone added up to about 56 000 and that those in the Nationalist zone probably amounted to at least 70 000 with an additional 28 000 executions after the war ended 6 148 Recent searches conducted with parallel excavations of mass graves in Spain by the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory Asociacion para la Recuperacion de la Memoria Historica ARMH estimate that more than 35 000 people killed by the nationalist side are still missing in mass graves 149 Julian Casanova Ruiz who was nominated in 2008 to join the panel of experts in the first judicial investigation conducted by judge Baltasar Garzon of Francoist crimes 150 as well as historians Josep Fontana and Hugh Thomas estimate deaths in the White Terror to be around 150 000 in total 7 151 8 According to Paul Preston 150 000 wartime civilian executions took place in the Francoist area as well as 50 000 in the Republican area in addition to approximately 20 000 civilians executed by the Franco regime after the end of the war 152 note 1 According to Helen Graham the Spanish working classes became to the Francoist project what the Jews were to the German Volksgemeinschaft 154 According to Gabriel Jackson and Antony Beevor the number of victims of the White Terror executions and hunger or illness in prisons between 1939 and 1943 was 200 000 126 Beevor reckons Franco s ensuing white terror claimed 200 000 lives The red terror had already killed 38 000 155 Julius Ruiz concludes that although the figures remain disputed a minimum of 37 843 executions were carried out in the Republican zone with a maximum of 150 000 executions including 50 000 after the war in Nationalist Spain 156 Franco arriving in San Sebastian in 1939 escorted by the Moorish Guard Despite the end of the war Spanish guerrillas exiled in France and known as the Maquis continued to resist Franco in the Pyrenees carrying out sabotage and robberies against the Francoist regime Several exiled Republicans also fought in the French resistance against the German occupation in Vichy France during World War II In 1944 a group of republican veterans from the French resistance invaded the Val d Aran in northwest Catalonia but were quickly defeated The activities of the Maquis continued well into the 1950s The end of the war led to hundreds of thousands of exiles mostly to France but also to Mexico Chile Cuba and the United States 157 On the other side of the Pyrenees refugees were confined in internment camps in France such as Camp Gurs or Camp Vernet where 12 000 Republicans were housed in squalid conditions mostly soldiers from the Durruti Division 158 The 17 000 refugees housed in Gurs were divided into four categories Brigadists pilots Gudaris and ordinary Spaniards The Gudaris Basques and the pilots easily found local backers and jobs and were allowed to quit the camp but the farmers and ordinary people who could not find relations in France were encouraged by the French government in agreement with the Francoist government to return to Spain The great majority did so and were turned over to the Francoist authorities in Irun From there they were transferred to the Miranda de Ebro camp for purification according to the Law of Political Responsibilities After the proclamation by Marshal Philippe Petain of the Vichy France regime the refugees became political prisoners and the French police attempted to round up those who had been liberated from the camp Along with other undesirables they were sent to the Drancy internment camp before being deported to Nazi Germany 5 000 Spaniards thus died in Mauthausen concentration camp 159 The Chilean poet Pablo Neruda who had been named by the Chilean President Pedro Aguirre Cerda special consul for immigration in Paris was given responsibility for what he called the noblest mission I have ever undertaken shipping more than 2 000 Spanish refugees who had been housed by the French in squalid camps to Chile on an old cargo ship the Winnipeg 160 World War II Further information Spain during World War II Front row in order from left to right Karl Wolff Heinrich Himmler Franco and Spain s Foreign Minister Serrano Suner in Madrid October 1940 Franco and Adolf Hitler in Meeting at Hendaye 1940 In September 1939 World War II began Franco had received important support from Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini during the Spanish Civil War and he had signed the Anti Comintern Pact He made pro Axis speeches 161 while offering various kinds of support to Italy and Germany His spokesman Antonio Tovar commented at a Paris conference entitled Bolshevism versus Europe that Spain aligned itself definitively on the side of National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy 162 However Franco was reluctant to enter the war due to Spain recovering from its recent civil war and instead pursued a policy of non belligerence On 23 October 1940 Hitler and Franco met in Hendaye France to discuss the possibility of Spain s entry on the side of the Axis Franco s demands including large supplies of food and fuel as well as Spanish control of Gibraltar and French North Africa proved too much for Hitler At the time Hitler did not want to risk damaging his relations with the new Vichy French government 163 An oft cited remark attributed to Hitler is that the German leader said that he would rather have some of his own teeth pulled out than to have to personally deal further with Franco 164 Some historians argue that Franco made demands he knew Hitler would not accede to in order to stay out of the war Other historians argue that Franco as the leader of a destroyed and bankrupt country in chaos following a brutal three year civil war simply had little to offer the Axis and that the Spanish armed forces were not ready for a major war It has also been suggested that Franco decided not to join the war after the resources he requested from Hitler in October 1940 were not forthcoming 165 Franco allowed Spanish soldiers to volunteer to fight in the German Army against the Soviet Union the Blue Division but forbade Spaniards to fight in the West against the democracies Franco s common ground with Hitler was particularly weakened by Hitler s attempts to manipulate Christianity which went against Franco s fervent commitment to defending Catholicism Contributing to the disagreement was an ongoing dispute over German mining rights in Spain According to some scholars after the Fall of France in June 1940 Spain did adopt a pro Axis stance for example German and Italian ships and U boats were allowed to use Spanish naval facilities before returning to a more neutral position in late 1943 when the tide of the war had turned decisively against the Axis Powers and Italy had changed sides Franco was initially keen to join the war before the UK could be defeated 166 Franco in Reus 1940In the winter of 1940 and 1941 Franco toyed with the idea of a Latin Bloc formed by Spain Portugal Vichy France the Vatican and Italy without much consequence 167 Franco had cautiously decided to enter the war on the Axis side in June 1940 and to prepare his people for war an anti British and anti French campaign was launched in the Spanish media that demanded French Morocco Cameroon and Gibraltar 168 On 19 June 1940 Franco pressed along a message to Hitler saying he wanted to enter the war but Hitler was annoyed at Franco s demand for the French colony of Cameroon which had been German before World War I and which Hitler was planning on taking back for Plan Z 169 Franco seriously considered blocking allied access to the Mediterranean Sea by invading British held Gibraltar but he abandoned the idea after learning that the plan would have likely failed due to Gibraltar being too heavily defended In addition declaring war on the UK and its allies would no doubt give them an opportunity to capture both the Canary Islands and Spanish Morocco as well as possibly launch an invasion of mainland Spain itself 170 171 Franco was aware that his air force would be quickly defeated if going into action against the Royal Air Force and the Royal Navy would easily be able to destroy Spain s small navy and blockade the entire Spanish coast to prevent imports of crucial materials such as oil Spain depended on oil imports from the United States which were almost certain to be cut off if Spain formally joined the Axis Franco and Serrano Suner held a meeting with Mussolini and Ciano in Bordighera Italy on 12 February 1941 172 However an affected Mussolini did not appear to be interested in Franco s help due to the defeats his forces had suffered in North Africa and the Balkans and he even told Franco that he wished he could find any way to leave the war When the invasion of the Soviet Union began on 22 June 1941 Franco s foreign minister Ramon Serrano Suner immediately suggested the formation of a unit of military volunteers to join the invasion citation needed Volunteer Spanish troops the Division Azul or Blue Division fought on the Eastern Front under German command from 1941 to 1944 Some historians have argued that not all of the Blue Division were true volunteers and that Franco expended relatively small but significant resources to aid the Axis powers battle against the Soviet Union Franco was initially disliked by Cuban President Fulgencio Batista who during World War II suggested a joint U S Latin American declaration of war on Spain to overthrow Franco s regime 173 Hitler may not have really wanted Spain to join the war as he needed neutral harbors to import materials from countries in Latin America and elsewhere He felt Spain would be a burden as it would be dependent on Germany for help By 1941 Vichy French forces were proving their effectiveness in North Africa reducing the need for Spanish help and Hitler was wary about opening up a new front on the western coast of Europe as he struggled to reinforce the Italians in Greece and Yugoslavia Franco signed a revised Anti Comintern Pact on 25 November 1941 Spain continued to be able to obtain valuable German goods including military equipment as part of payment for Spanish raw materials 174 and traded wolfram with Germany until August 1944 when the Germans withdrew from the Spanish frontier 165 Spanish neutrality during World War II was publicly acknowledged by leading Allied statesmen 175 In November 1942 US President Roosevelt wrote to General Franco your nation and mine are friends in the best sense of the word In May 1944 Winston Churchill stated in the House of Commons In the dark days of the war the attitude of the Spanish Government in not giving our enemies passage through Spain was extremely helpful to us I must say that I shall always consider that a service was rendered by Spain not only to the United Kingdom and to the British Empire and Commonwealth but to the cause of the United Nations 176 According to the personal recollection of US Ambassador to Spain Carlton Hayes similar gratitude was also expressed by the Provisional French Government at Algiers in 1943 Franco placed no obstacles to Britain s construction of a large air base extending from Gibraltar into Spanish territorial waters and welcomed the Anglo American landings in North Africa Spain did not intern any of the 1 200 American airmen who were forced to land in the country but gave them refuge and permitted them to leave 177 After the war the Spanish government tried to destroy all evidence of its cooperation with the Axis In 2010 documents were discovered showing that on 13 May 1941 Franco ordered his provincial governors to compile a list of Jews while he negotiated an alliance with the Axis powers 178 Franco supplied Reichsfuhrer SS Heinrich Himmler architect of the Nazis Final Solution with a list of 6 000 Jews in Spain 178 On 14 June 1940 Spanish forces in Morocco occupied Tangier a city under international control and did not leave until the war s end in 1945 After the war Franco allowed many former Nazis such as Otto Skorzeny and Leon Degrelle and other fascists to seek political asylum in Spain 179 Treatment of Jews Further information Francoist Spain and the Holocaust Franco had a controversial association with Jews during the WWII period He made anti Semitic remarks in a speech in May 1939 and made similar remarks on at least six occasions during World War II 180 In 2010 documents were discovered showing that on 13 May 1941 Franco ordered his provincial governors to compile a list of Jews while he negotiated an alliance with the Axis powers 178 Franco supplied Reichsfuhrer SS Heinrich Himmler architect of the Nazis Final Solution with a list of 6 000 Jews in Spain 178 Contrarily according to Anti Semitism A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution 2005 Throughout the war Franco rescued many Jews Just how many Jews were saved by Franco s government during World War II is a matter of historical controversy Franco has been credited with saving anywhere from approximately 30 000 to 60 000 Jews most reliable estimates suggest 45 000 is a likely figure 181 Preston writes that in the post war years a myth was carefully constructed to claim that Franco s regime had saved many Jews from extermination as a means to deflect foreign criticism away from allegations of active collaboration with the Nazi regime 182 As early as 1943 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs concluded that the Allies were likely to win the war Jose Felix de Lequerica y Erquiza became Foreign Minister in 1944 and soon developed an obsession with the importance of the Jewish card in relations with the former Allied powers 183 Spain provided visas for thousands of French Jews to transit Spain en route to Portugal to escape the Nazis Spanish diplomats protected about 4 000 Jews living in Hungary Romania Bulgaria Czechoslovakia and Austria At least some 20 000 to 30 000 Jews were allowed to pass through Spain in the first half of the War Jews who were not allowed to enter Spain however were sent to the Miranda de Ebro concentration camp or deported to France In January 1943 after the German embassy in Spain told the Spanish government that it had two months to remove its Jewish citizens from Western Europe Spain severely limited visas and only 800 Jews were allowed to enter the country After the war Franco exaggerated his contributions to saving Jews in order to improve Spain s image in the world and end its international isolation 181 184 page needed 185 186 After the war Franco did not recognize Israeli statehood and maintained strong relations with the Arab world Israel expressed disinterest in establishing relations although there were some informal economic ties between the two countries in the later years of Franco s governance 187 In the aftermath of the Six Day War in 1967 Franco s Spain was able to utilise its positive relationship with Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Arab world due to not having recognised the Israeli state to allow 800 Egyptian Jews many of Sephardic ancestry safe passage out of Egypt on Spanish passports 188 This was undertaken through Francoist Spain s Ambassador to Egypt Angel Sagaz on the understanding that emigrant Jews would not immediately emigrate to Israel and that they would not publicly use the case as political propaganda against Nasser s Egypt 188 On 16 December 1968 the Spanish government formally revoked the 1492 Edict of Expulsion against Spain s Jewish population 189 190 Franco personally and many in the government openly stated that they believed there was an international conspiracy of Freemasons and Communists against Spain sometimes including Jews or Judeo Masonry as part of this 191 While under the leadership of Francisco Franco the Spanish government explicitly endorsed the Catholic Church as the religion of the nation state and did not endorse liberal ideas such as religious pluralism or separation of Church and State found in the Republican Constitution of 1931 Following the Second World War the government enacted the Spanish Bill of Rights Fuero de los Espanoles which extended the right to private worship of non Catholic religions including Judaism though it did not permit the erection of religious buildings for this practice and did not allow non Catholic public ceremonies 192 With the pivot of Spain s foreign policy towards the United States during the Cold War the situation changed with the 1967 Law on Religious Freedom which granted full public religious rights to non Catholics 193 The overthrow of Catholicism as the explicit state religion of Spain and the establishment of state sponsored religious pluralism would be realized in Spain in 1978 with the new Constitution of Spain three years after Franco s death Spain under FrancoMain article Francoist Spain Franco visits Tolosa 1948 Franco was recognised as the Spanish head of state by the United Kingdom France and Argentina in February 1939 194 195 Already proclaimed Generalisimo of the Nationalists and Jefe del Estado Head of State in October 1936 116 he thereafter assumed the official title of Su Excelencia el Jefe de Estado His Excellency the Head of State He was also referred to in state and official documents as Caudillo de Espana the Leader of Spain and sometimes called el Caudillo de la Ultima Cruzada y de la Hispanidad the Leader of the Last Crusade and of the Hispanic heritage and el Caudillo de la Guerra de Liberacion contra el Comunismo y sus Complices the Leader of the War of Liberation Against Communism and Its Accomplices On paper Franco had more power than any Spanish leader before or since For the first four years after taking Madrid he ruled almost exclusively by decree The Law of the Head of State passed in August 1939 permanently confided all governing power to Franco he was not required to even consult the cabinet for most legislation or decrees 196 According to Payne Franco possessed far more day to day power than Hitler or Stalin possessed at the respective heights of their power He noted that while Hitler and Stalin maintained rubber stamp parliaments this was not the case in Spain in the early years after the war a situation that nominally made Franco s regime the most purely arbitrary in the world 197 This changed in 1942 when Franco convened a parliament known as the Cortes Espanolas It was elected in accordance with corporatist principles and had little real power Notably it had no control over government spending and the government was not responsible to it ministers were appointed and dismissed by Franco alone On 26 July 1947 Franco proclaimed Spain a monarchy but did not designate a monarch This gesture was largely done to appease the monarchists in the Movimiento Nacional Carlists and Alfonsists Franco left the throne vacant proclaiming himself as a de facto regent for life At the same time Franco appropriated many of the privileges of a king He wore the uniform of a Captain General a rank traditionally reserved for the King and resided in El Pardo Palace In addition he began walking under a canopy and his portrait appeared on most Spanish coins and postage stamps He also added by the grace of God a phrase usually part of the styles of monarchs to his style Franco initially sought support from various groups His administration marginalised fascist ideologues in favour of technocrats many of whom were linked with Opus Dei who promoted economic modernisation 198 Franco adopted Fascist trappings 199 200 201 202 although Stanley Payne argued that very few scholars consider him to be a core fascist 203 Regarding the regime the Oxford Living Dictionary uses Franco s regime as an example of fascism 204 and it has also been variously presented as a fascistized dictatorship 205 or a semi fascist regime 206 Francisco Cobo Romero writes that besides neutering left wing advances by using an essentially antiliberal brand of ultranationalism in its attempt to emulate Fascism Francoism resorted to the sacralization and mystification of the motherland raising it into an object of cult and coating it with a liturgic divinization of its leader 207 All in all some authors have pointed at a purported artificialness and failure of FET JONS in order to de emphasize the Fascist weight within the regime whereas others have embedded those perceived features of weak party within the frame of a particular model of Spanish Fascism 208 However new research material has been argued to underpin the Fascist subject both on the basis of the existence of a pervasive and fully differentiated Fascist falangist political culture and on the importance of the Civil War for falangism which served as an area of experience of violence of memory as well as for the generation of a culture of victory 208 Under the perspective of a comparative of European fascisms Javier Rodrigo considers the Francoist regime to be paradigmatic for three reasons for being the only authoritarian European regime with totalitarian aspirations for being the regime that deployed the most political violence in times of rhetorical peace and for being the regime deploying the most effective memoricidal apparatus 209 With the end of World War II Spain suffered from the consequences of its isolation from the international economy Spain was excluded from the Marshall Plan 210 unlike other neutral countries in Europe This situation ended in part when in the light of Cold War tensions and of Spain s strategic location the United States of America entered into a trade and military alliance with Franco This historic alliance commenced with the visit of US President Dwight Eisenhower to Spain in 1953 which resulted in the Pact of Madrid Spain was then admitted to the United Nations in 1955 211 American military facilities in Spain built since then include Naval Station Rota Moron Air Base and Torrejon Air Base 212 Political repression This section needs additional citations for verification Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section Unsourced material may be challenged and removed Find sources Francisco Franco news newspapers books scholar JSTOR September 2020 Learn how and when to remove this template message According to Preston s estimates Franco s forces killed about 420 000 Spaniards in the theatre of war through extrajudicial killings during the Civil War and in state executions immediately following its end in 1939 213 The first decade of Franco s rule following its end saw continued repression and the killing of an undetermined number of political opponents In 1941 the prison population of Spain was 233 000 mostly political prisoners 214 According to Antony Beevor recent research in more than half of Spain s provinces indicates at least 35 000 official executions in the country after the war suggesting that the generally accepted figure of 35 000 official executions is low Accounting for unofficial and random killings and those who died during the war from execution suicide starvation and disease in prison the total number is probably closer to 200 000 215 Lluis Companys president of Catalonia under the Republic who was executed by Franco in 1940By the start of the 1950s Franco s state had become less violent but during his entire rule non government trade unions and all political opponents across the political spectrum from communist and anarchist organisations to liberal democrats and Catalan or Basque separatists were either suppressed or tightly controlled with all means up to and including violent police repression 216 The Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo CNT and the Union General de Trabajadores UGT trade unions were outlawed and replaced in 1940 by the corporatist Sindicato Vertical The Spanish Socialist Workers Party and the Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya ERC were banned in 1939 while the Communist Party of Spain PCE went underground The Basque Nationalist Party PNV went into exile and in 1959 the ETA armed group was created to wage a low intensity war against Franco Franco s Spanish nationalism promoted a unitary national identity by repressing Spain s cultural diversity Bullfighting and flamenco 217 were promoted as national traditions while those traditions not considered Spanish were suppressed Franco s view of Spanish tradition was somewhat artificial and arbitrary while some regional traditions were suppressed flamenco an Andalucian tradition was considered part of a larger national identity All cultural activities were subject to censorship and many such as the Sardana the national dance of Catalonia were plainly forbidden often in an erratic manner This cultural policy was relaxed over time most notably during the late 1960s and early 1970s Franco also used language politics in an attempt to establish national homogeneity He promoted the use of Castilian Spanish and suppressed other languages such as Catalan Galician and Basque The legal usage of languages other than Castilian was forbidden All government notarial legal and commercial documents were to be drawn up exclusively in Castilian and any documents written in other languages were deemed null and void The usage of any other language was forbidden in schools in advertising and on road and shop signs For unofficial use citizens continued to speak these languages This was the situation throughout the 1940s and to a lesser extent during the 1950s but after 1960 the non Castilian Spanish languages were freely spoken and written and they reached bookshops and stages although they never received official status The Catholic Church was upheld as the established church of the Spanish State and it regained many of the traditional privileges which it had lost under the Republic Civil servants had to be Catholic and some official jobs even required a good behavior statement by a priest Civil marriages which had taken place in Republican Spain were declared null and void unless they had been confirmed by the Catholic Church Divorce was forbidden along with contraceptives and abortion citation needed Most country towns and rural areas were patrolled by pairs of Guardia Civil a military police force for civilians which functioned as Franco s chief means of social control Larger cities and capitals were mostly under the jurisdiction of the Policia Armada or the grises greys due to the colour of their uniforms as they were called Student revolts at universities in the late 1960s and early 1970s were violently repressed by the heavily armed Policia Armada Armed Police Plain clothed secret police worked inside Spanish universities citation needed The enforcement by public authorities of traditional Catholic values was a stated intent of the regime mainly by using a law the Ley de Vagos y Maleantes Vagrancy Act enacted by Azana 218 The remaining nomads of Spain Gitanos and Mercheros like El Lute were especially affected Through this law homosexuality and prostitution were made criminal offenses in 1954 219 The Spanish colonies and decolonisation Further information Spanish Empire Spain attempted to retain control of its colonies throughout Franco s rule During the Algerian War 1954 62 Madrid became the base of the Organisation armee secrete OAS a right wing French Army group which sought to preserve French Algeria Despite this Franco was forced to make some concessions When Morocco became independent from France in 1956 he surrendered the territories of the Spanish protectorate to the new born state retaining only a few cities the Plazas de soberania The year after Mohammed V invaded Spanish Sahara during the Ifni War known as the Forgotten War in Spain Only in 1975 with the Green March did Morocco take control of all of the former Spanish territories in the Sahara In 1968 under pressure from the United Nations 220 Spain granted Equatorial Guinea its independence and the following year it ceded Ifni to Morocco Under Franco Spain also pursued a campaign to force a negotiation on the British overseas territory of Gibraltar and closed its border with that territory in 1969 The border would not be fully reopened until 1985 Economic policy See also Economic history of Spain Economy under Franco and Spanish Miracle The Civil War ravaged the Spanish economy 221 Infrastructure had been damaged workers killed and daily business severely hampered For more than a decade after Franco s victory the devastated economy recovered very slowly Franco initially pursued a policy of autarky cutting off almost all international trade The policy had devastating effects and the economy stagnated Only black marketeers could enjoy an evident affluence 1963 Spanish peseta coin with an image of Franco and lettering reading Francisco Franco Leader of Spain by the grace of God On the brink of bankruptcy a combination of pressure from the United States and the IMF managed to convince the regime to adopt a free market economy Many of the old guard in charge of the economy were replaced by technocrats technocrata despite some initial opposition from Franco The regime took its first faltering steps toward abandoning its pretensions of self sufficiency and towards a transformation of Spain s economic system Pre Civil War industrial production levels were regained in the early 1950s though agricultural output remained below prewar levels until 1958 The years from 1951 to 1956 were marked by substantial economic progress but the reforms of the period were only sporadically implemented and they were not well coordinated From the mid 1950s there was a slow but steady acceleration in economic activity but the relative lack of growth compared to the rest of Western Europe eventually forced the Franco regime to allow the introduction of liberal economic policies in the late 1950s During the pre stabilization years of 1957 1959 Spanish economic planners implemented partial measures such as moderate anti inflationary adjustments and incremental moves to integrate Spain into the global economy but external developments and a worsening domestic economic crisis forced them to adopt more sweeping changes A reorganisation of the Council of Ministers in early 1957 had brought a group of younger men most of whom were educated in economics and had experience to the key ministries The process of integrating the country into the world economy was further facilitated by the reforms of the 1959 Stabilization and Liberalization Plan 222 223 When Franco replaced his ideological ministers with the apolitical technocrats the regime implemented several development policies that included deep economic reforms After a recession growth took off from 1959 creating an economic boom that lasted until 1974 and became known as the Spanish miracle Concurrent with the absence of social reforms and the economic power shift a tide of mass emigration commenced to other European countries and to a lesser extent to South America Emigration helped the regime in two ways The country got rid of populations it would not have been able to keep in employment and the emigrants supplied the country with much needed monetary remittances During the 1960s the wealthy classes of Francoist Spain experienced further increases in wealth particularly those who remained politically faithful while a burgeoning middle class became visible as the economic miracle progressed International firms established factories in Spain where salaries were low company taxes very low strikes forbidden and workers health or state protections almost unheard of State owned firms like the car manufacturer SEAT truck builder Pegaso and oil refiner INH massively expanded production Furthermore Spain was virtually a new mass market Spain became the second fastest growing economy in the world between 1959 and 1973 just behind Japan By the time of Franco s death in 1975 Spain still lagged behind most of Western Europe but the gap between its per capita GDP and that of the leading Western European countries had narrowed greatly and the country had developed a large industrialised economy Succession Franco with Prince Juan Carlos in 1969 In the late 1960s the aging Franco decided to name a monarch to succeed his regency but the simmering tensions between the Carlists and the Alfonsoists continued In 1969 Franco formally nominated as his heir apparent Prince Juan Carlos de Borbon who had been educated by him in Spain with the new title of Prince of Spain This designation came as a surprise to the Carlist pretender to the throne Prince Xavier of Bourbon Parma as well as to Juan Carlos s father Juan de Borbon the Count of Barcelona who had a better claim to the throne but whom Franco feared to be too liberal However when Juan Carlos asked Franco if he could sit in on cabinet meetings Franco would not permit him saying that you would do things differently Due to the spread of democracy excluding the Eastern Bloc in Europe since World War II Juan Carlos could or would not have been a dictator in the way Franco had been By 1973 Franco had surrendered the function of prime minister Presidente del Gobierno remaining only as head of state and commander in chief of the military As his final years progressed tensions within the various factions of the Movimiento would consume Spanish political life as varying groups jockeyed for position in an effort to win control of the country s future The assassination of prime minister Luis Carrero Blanco in the 20 December 1973 bombing by ETA eventually gave an edge to the liberalizing faction HonoursMain article Military career and honours of Francisco Franco AwardsDeath and funeral Carlos Arias Navarro and Franco at his residence in October 1975 around one week before he fell into an irreversible coma On 19 July 1974 the aged Franco fell ill from various health problems and Juan Carlos took over as acting head of state Franco recovered and on 2 September he resumed his duties as head of state A year later he fell ill again afflicted with further health problems including a long battle with Parkinson s disease Franco s last public appearance was on 1 October 1975 when despite his gaunt and frail appearance he gave a speech to crowds from the balcony at the Royal Palace of El Pardo in Madrid On 30 October 1975 he fell into a coma and was put on life support Franco s family agreed to disconnect the life support machines Officially he died a few minutes after midnight on 20 November 1975 from heart failure at the age of 82 on the same date as the death of Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera the founder of the Falange in 1936 Historian Ricardo de la Cierva claimed however that he had been told around 6 pm on 19 November that Franco had already died 224 As soon as news of Franco s death was made public the government declared thirty days of official national mourning On 22 November Juan Carlos was proclaimed King of Spain There was a public viewing of Franco s body at the funeral chapel opened in the Royal Palace a mass and a military parade were held on the day of his burial 225 Franco s body was interred at the Valley of the Fallen Valle de los Caidos a colossal memorial built by the forced labour of political prisoners ostensibly to honour the casualties of both sides of the Spanish Civil War It was located only 10 kilometres from the palace monastery and royal pantheon of El Escorial built by Philip II On 1 April 1959 Franco had inaugurated its huge underground basilica as his monument and mausoleum saying in his own words that it was built in memory of my victory over communism which was trying to dominate Spain The project s architect Diego Mendez had constructed a lead lined tomb for Franco underneath the floor of the transept behind the high altar of the church in 1956 a fact unknown to the Spanish people until almost thirty years later 225 Franco was the only person interred in the Valley who did not die during the civil war 226 He was buried a few metres from the grave of the Falange s founder Jose Antonio 227 A mass and a military parade took place on the day of his burial 23 November 1975 As the cortege with Franco s body arrived at the Valley of the Fallen some 75 000 rightists wearing the blue shirts of the Falangists greeted it with rebel songs from the civil war and fascist salutes 228 The major European governments who condemned Franco s regime declined to send high level representatives to his funeral 229 Some of the few foreign dignitaries and government representatives who attended were Nelson Rockefeller Vice President of the United States 230 Lord Shepherd Leader of the House of Lords of the United Kingdom 231 Harold Wilson caused controversy within the Labour Party by sending him to represent the UK Government 232 Prince Rainier III of Monaco King Hussein of Jordan Imelda Marcos First Lady of the Philippines and the wife of Ferdinand Marcos dictator of the Philippines 233 Hugo Banzer military dictator of Bolivia 227 and Augusto Pinochet the dictator of Chile 230 for whom the Spanish Caudillo was a role model It was made clear to Pinochet that he was not welcome at Juan Carlos s coronation 234 Following Franco s funeral his widow Carmen Polo supervised the moving of crates of jewellery antiques artworks and Franco s papers to the family s various estates in Spain or to safe havens in foreign countries The family remained extremely rich after his death Polo had a room in her apartment in which the walls were lined from floor to ceiling with forty columns of twenty drawers some containing tiaras necklaces earrings garlands brooches and cameos Others contained gold silver diamonds emeralds rubies topazes and pearls but the most valuable jewels were kept in bank vaults 235 Exhumation In 2019 Franco s body was removed from the monument of Santa Cruz del Valle de los Caidos where it had lain since his funeral in 1975 On 11 May 2017 the Congress of Deputies approved by 198 1 with 140 abstentions a motion driven by the Socialist Workers Party ordering the Government to exhume Franco s remains 236 On 24 August 2018 the Government of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez approved legal amendments to the Historical Memory Law stating that only those who died during the Civil War would be buried at the Valle de los Caidos resulting in plans to exhume Franco s remains for reburial elsewhere Deputy Prime Minister Carmen Calvo Poyato stated that having Franco buried at the monument shows a lack of respect for the victims buried there The government gave Franco s family a 15 day deadline to decide Franco s final resting place or else a dignified place would be chosen by the government 237 On 13 September 2018 the Congress of Deputies voted 176 2 with 165 abstentions to approve the government s plan to remove Franco s body from the monument 238 Franco s family opposed the exhumation and attempted to prevent it by making appeals to the Ombudsman s Office The family expressed its wish that Franco s remains be reinterred with full military honors at the Almudena Cathedral in the centre of Madrid the burial place he had requested before his death 239 The demand was rejected by the Spanish Government which issued another 15 day deadline to choose another site 240 Because the family refused to choose another location the Spanish Government ultimately chose to rebury Franco at the Mingorrubio Cemetery in El Pardo where his wife Carmen Polo and a number of Francoist officials most notably prime ministers Luis Carrero Blanco and Carlos Arias Navarro are buried 241 His body was to be exhumed from the Valle de los Caidos on 10 June 2019 but the Supreme Court of Spain ruled that the exhumation would be delayed until the family had exhausted all possible appeals 242 On 24 September 2019 the Supreme Court ruled that the exhumation could proceed and the Sanchez government announced that it would move Franco s remains to the Mingorrubio cemetery as soon as possible 243 On 24 October 2019 his remains were moved to his wife s mausoleum which is located in the Mingorrubio Cemetery and buried in a private ceremony 244 Though barred by the Spanish government from being draped in the Spanish flag Francisco Franco s grandson also named Francisco Franco draped his coffin in the nationalist flag 245 According to a poll by the Spanish newspaper El Mundo 43 of Spanish people approved of the exhumation while 32 5 opposed it Opinions on the exhumation were divided by party line with the Socialist party strongly in favour of the exhumation as well as the removal of his statue there There seems to be no consensus on whether the statue should simply be moved or completely destroyed 246 LegacyFurther information Spanish transition to democracy See also Symbols of Francoism Statues of Franco and Military career and honours of Francisco Franco Honorific eponyms In Spain and abroad the legacy of Franco remains controversial The longevity of Franco s rule his suppression of political opposition and his government s effective propaganda sustained through the years have made a detached evaluation difficult For almost 40 years Spaniards and particularly children at school were told that Divine Providence had sent Franco to save Spain from chaos atheism and poverty 247 Historian Stanley Payne described Franco as being the most significant figure to dominate Spain since Philip II 248 while Michael Seidman argued that Franco was the most successful counterrevolutionary leader of the 20th century 249 A highly controversial figure within Spain Franco is seen as a divisive leader Supporters credit him for keeping Spain neutral and uninvaded in World War II They emphasize his strong anti communist and nationalist views economic policies and opposition to socialism as major factors in Spain s post war economic success and later international integration 250 Abroad he had support from Winston Churchill Charles De Gaulle Konrad Adenauer and many American Catholics but was strongly opposed by the Roosevelt and Truman administrations 251 252 The American conservative commentator William F Buckley Jr was an admirer of Franco and praised him effusively in his magazine National Review where the staff were also ardent admirers of the dictator In 1957 Buckley called him an authentic national hero 253 who above others had the qualities needed to wrest Spain from the hands of the visionaries ideologues Marxists and nihilists i e from the democratically elected government of the country 254 Conversely critics on the left have denounced him as a tyrant responsible for thousands of deaths in years long political repression and have called him complicit in atrocities committed by Axis forces during World War II due to his support of the Axis governments When he died in 1975 the major parties of the left and the right in Spain agreed to follow the Pact of Forgetting To secure the transition to democracy they agreed not to have investigations or prosecutions dealing with the civil war or Franco The agreement effectively lapsed after 2000 the year the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory Asociacion para la Recuperacion de la Memoria Historica was founded and the public debate started 255 In 2006 a poll indicated that almost two thirds of Spaniards favoured a fresh investigation into the war 256 Franco served as a role model for several anti communist dictators in South America Augusto Pinochet is known to have admired Franco 257 Similarly as recently as 2006 Franco supporters in Spain have honoured Pinochet 258 In 2006 the BBC reported that Maciej Giertych an MEP of the clerical nationalist League of Polish Families had expressed admiration for Franco stating that the Spanish leader guaranteed the maintenance of traditional values in Europe 259 Group of far right sympathizers giving the fascist salute before the empty plinth from which the equestrian statue of Franco in Madrid had been recently removed in March 2005 Spaniards who suffered under Franco s rule have sought to remove memorials of his regime Most government buildings and streets that were named after Franco during his rule have been reverted to their original names Owing to Franco s human rights record the Spanish government in 2007 banned all official public references to the Franco regime and began the removal of all statues street names and memorials associated with the regime with the last statue reportedly being removed in 2008 in the city of Santander 260 Churches that retain plaques commemorating Franco and the victims of his Republican opponents may lose state aid 261 Since 1978 the national anthem of Spain the Marcha Real does not include lyrics introduced by Franco Attempts to give the national anthem new lyrics have failed due to lack of consensus On 11 February 2004 Luis Yanez Barnuevo and others presented a motion for the Need for international condemnation of the Franco regime to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 262 In March 2006 the Permanent Commission of the Parliamentary Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution firmly condemning the multiple and serious violations of human rights committed in Spain under the Francoist regime from 1939 to 1975 263 The resolution was at the initiative of Leo Brincat and of the historian Luis Maria de Puig and was the first international official condemnation of the repression enacted by Franco s regime The resolution also urged that historians professional and amateur be given access to the various archives of the Francoist regime including those of the private Francisco Franco National Foundation FNFF which along with other Francoist archives remain inaccessible to the public as of 2006 The FNFF received various archives from the El Pardo Palace and is alleged to have sold some of them to private individuals 264 Furthermore the resolution urged the Spanish authorities to set up an underground exhibit in the Valle de los Caidos monument to explain the terrible conditions in which it was built Finally it proposed the construction of monuments to commemorate Franco s victims in Madrid and other important cities 263 In Spain a commission to repair the dignity and restore the memory of the victims of Francoism Comision para reparar la dignidad y restituir la memoria de las victimas del franquismo was approved in 2004 and is directed by the social democratic deputy Prime Minister Maria Teresa Fernandez de la Vega 263 Sign in Santa Cruz de Tenerife for a street bearing Franco s name which was renamed in 2008 Rambla de Santa Cruz Recently the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory ARHM initiated a systematic search for mass graves of people executed during Franco s regime which has been supported since the Spanish Socialist Workers Party s PSOE victory during the 2004 elections by Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero s government A Ley de la memoria historica de Espana Law on the Historical Memory of Spain was approved on 28 July 2006 by the Council of Ministers 265 but it took until 31 October 2007 for the Congress of Deputies to approve an amended version as The Bill to recognise and extend rights and to establish measures in favour of those who suffered persecution or violence during the Civil War and the Dictatorship in common parlance still known as Law of Historical Memory 266 The Senate approved the bill on 10 December 2007 267 Official endeavors to preserve the historical memory of Spanish life under the Franco regime include exhibitions like the one held at the Museu d Historia de Catalunya Museum of Catalan History in 2003 2004 titled Les presons de Franco This exposition depicted the experiences of prisoners in Franco s prison system and described other aspects of the penal system such as women s prisons trials the jailers and prisoners families 268 The Museum no longer maintains its online version of the exhibition The accumulated wealth of Franco s family including much real estate inherited from Franco such as the Pazo de Meiras the Canto del Pico in Torrelodones and the Casa Cornide es in A Coruna and its provenance have also become matters of public discussion Estimates of the family s wealth have ranged from 350 million to 600 million euros 264 While Franco was dying the Francoist Cortes voted a large public pension for his wife Carmen Polo which the later democratic governments kept paying At the time of her death in 1988 Carmen Polo was receiving a pension of over 12 5 million pesetas four million more than the salary of Felipe Gonzalez then head of the government 264 In popular mediaCinema and television Raza or Espiritu de una Raza Spirit of a Race 1941 based on a script by Jaime de Andrade Franco himself is the semi autobiographical story of a military officer played by Alfredo Mayo Franco ese hombre That man Franco 1964 is a pro Franco documentary film directed by Jose Luis Saenz de Heredia The movie Dragon Rapide 1986 deals with the events previous to the Spanish Civil War with the actor Juan Diego playing Franco Argentine actor Jose Pepe Soriano played both Franco and his double in Esperame en el cielo Wait for Me in Heaven 1988 Ramon Fontsere played him in Buen Viaje Excelencia Bon Voyage Your Excellency 2003 Manuel Alexandre played Franco in the TV movie 20 N Los ultimos dias de Franco 20 N The Last Days of Franco 2008 Juan Viadas played Franco in Alex de la Iglesia s movie Balada triste de trompeta The Last Circus 2010 The first season episode Como se reescribe el tiempo of the Spanish television series El Ministerio del Tiempo 2015 sets events around Franco s October 1940 meeting with Adolf Hitler at Hendaye Franco is portrayed by actor Pep Miras At the end of the movie La reina de Espana The Queen of Spain Franco played by Carlos Areces is spat on in the face by the fictional Macarena Granada Penelope Cruz a Spanish Hollywood star who has returned to Spain to film a movie during Franco s reign Music French singer songwriter and anarchist Leo Ferre wrote Franco la muerte a song he recorded for his 1964 album Ferre 64 In this highly confrontational song he directly shouts at the dictator and lavishes him with contempt Ferre refused to sing in Spain until Franco was dead Literature Franco is a character in CJ Sansom s book Winter in Madrid Y al tercer ano resucito And On the Third Year He Rose Again 1980 describes what would happen if Franco rose from the dead Franco is featured in the novel Triage 1998 by Scott Anderson Franco is the centrepiece of the satirical work El general Franquisimo o La muerte civil de un militar moribundo by Andalucian political cartoonist and journalist Andres Vazquez de Sola 269 Franco features in several novels by Caroline Angus Baker including Vengeance in the Valencian Water visiting the aftermath of the 1957 Valencia floods and Death in the Valencian Dust about the final executions handed down before his death in 1975 See also Biography portal Spain portal Politics portalMilitary career and honours of Francisco Franco Language politics in Francoist Spain List of dictators in modern times Symbols of Francoism Generalissimo Francisco Franco is still dead Notes The more than 150 000 executions for political reasons was ten times the number of those in Nazi Germany and 1 000 times the number in Fascist Italy Reig Tapia points out that Franco signed more decrees of execution than any other previous head of state in Spain 153 a b In civil war until 1 April 1939 The rebels appointed him at the end of September 1936 Generalissimo of the Armies and Head of the Government of the Spanish State Head of State would be one of the titles most used by the regime since his official appointment on 1 October 1936 in addition to the one used in the Organic Law of the State 1967 1 2 3 President of the National Defence Junta of the Nationalist side a b President of the National Defence Council of the Republican side The post of Prime Minister was attached to that of Head of State until the 1967 Organic Law of the State with the separation coming into force with Franco s resignation as Prime Minister on 9 June 1973 4 President of the Technical State Junta of the Nationalist sideReferencesCitations Decreto num 138 Nombrando Jefe del Gobierno del Estado Espanol al Excelentisimo Sr General de Division don Francisco Franco Bahamonde quien asumira todos los poderes del nuevo Estado PDF Boletin Oficial de la Junta de Defensa Nacional de Espana in Spanish Agencia Estatal Boletin Oficial del Estado 32 125 126 30 September 1936 ISSN 0212 033X Ley organizando la Administracion Central del Estado PDF Boletin Oficial del Estado in Spanish Agencia Estatal Boletin Oficial del Estado 467 5514 5515 31 January 1938 ISSN 0212 033X Ley Organica del Estado numero 1 1967 de 10 de enero PDF Boletin Oficial del Estado in Spanish Agencia Estatal Boletin Oficial del Estado 9 466 477 11 January 1967 ISSN 0212 033X Ley 14 1973 de 8 de junio por la que se suspende la vinculacion de la Presidencia del Gobierno a la Jefatura del Estado PDF Boletin Oficial del Estado in Spanish Agencia Estatal Boletin Oficial del Estado 138 11686 9 June 1973 ISSN 0212 033X Preston 1994 p 25 a b c Payne 2012 p 110 a b c Casanova et al 2004 p 8 a b c Fontana 2000 p 22 a b Preston 2006 p 202 a b Beevor 2006 p 94 Richards 1998 p 11 6 7 8 9 10 11 Thomas 2013 pp 900 901 6 7 8 13 9 10 Rubottom amp Murphy 1984 p 12 Payne 2000 p 645 a b Preston 1995 p 1 a b Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 4 Moradiellos 2017 p 22 Preston 1995 p 3 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 157 Payne amp Palacios 2014 pp 8 9 Payne amp Palacios 2014 pp 5 8 Jensen 2005 pp 13 14 Payne amp Palacios 2014 pp 12 15 Jensen 2005 p 28 Hodges 2002 p 34 Payne 2011 p 71 a b Ellwood 2014 p 15 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 30 Romero Salvado 2013 p 259 Preston 1995 pp 42 62 Casals 2006 p 212 Casals 2006 pp 211 212 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 50 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 54 Casanova amp Andres 2014 p 238 Jackson 2012 p 518 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 66 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 68 a b Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 74 Franco Bahamonde 2020 p 42 Preston 2006 p 53 Hayes 1951 p 91 Preston 2010 pp 42 45 Sangster 2018 p 83 Payne amp Palacios 2014 pp 80 81 a b Castillo 2019 p 92 Ben Ami 1981 p 220 Raguer 2007 p 32 Payne amp Palacios 2014 pp 84 85 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 88 Payne 2008 p 2 Vincent 2007 p 133 Jackson 2012 pp 154 155 a b Thomas 2013 p 132 de la Cueva 1998 p 356 de la Cueva 1998 p 365 Preston 1995 p 103 Preston 2010 p 61 Balfour 2002 pp 252 254 Sangster 2018 p 87 Casanova 2010 p 111 Hernandez 2015 p 125 Preston 2012 p 266 Payne amp Palacios 2014 pp 97 98 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 108 Riots Sweep Spain on Left s Victory Jails Are Stormed The New York Times 18 February 1936 Payne 1993 p 319 Siaroff 2013 p 119 Garcia amp Tardio 2017 p Redondo Javier 12 March 2017 El pucherazo del 36 in Spanish El Mundo Preston 2020 p 252 Ciaurriz 2020 p 103 Aviles Farre 2006 pp 397 398 Gonzalez Calleja 2016 p 5 a b Hayes 1951 p 100 Preston 1995 p 120 Villaverde 1999 p 16 Evans 2013 p 125 Las raices insulares de Franco The island roots of Franco El Pais in Spanish Archived from the original on 23 May 2013 Retrieved 15 April 2013 El monumento a Franco en Las Raices sera retirado Monument to Franco s meeting to be removed in Spanish Laopinion 29 September 2008 Retrieved 15 April 2013 Mathieson David 18 July 2006 article in the Guardian about Cecil Bebb The Guardian UK Retrieved 2 March 2010 Cortada James W 2011 Modern Warfare in Spain Potomac Books Inc p 43 ISBN 978 1612341019 Manifesto de las palmas in Spanish 18 July 1936 Retrieved 21 July 2006 Payne 2012 pp 244 245 Patterson 2007 p 9 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 194 Alpert 2019 p 174 MCCannon John 1995 Soviet Intervention in the Spanish Civil War 1936 39 A Reexamination Russian History 22 2 161 doi 10 1163 187633195X00070 ISSN 0094 288X JSTOR 24657802 Keene Judith 2007 Fighting For Franco International Volunteers in Nationalist Spain During the Spanish Civil War A amp C Black p 27 ISBN 978 1 85285 593 2 Radosh Ronald Habeck Mary R Sevostʹi anov G N eds 2001 Historical Background Spain Betrayed The Soviet Union in the Spanish Civil War Yale University Press p 29 ISBN 978 0 300 08981 3 Bassett Richard 2012 Hitler s Spy Chief The Wilhelm Canaris Mystery Open Road Media p 92 ISBN 978 1 4532 4929 1 Mueller Michael 2017 Nazi Spymaster The Life and Death of Admiral Wilhelm Canaris Skyhorse p iii17 ISBN 978 1 5107 1777 0 a b Candil Anthony J 2021 Tank Combat in Spain Armored Warfare During the Spanish Civil War 1936 1939 Casemate p 2 ISBN 978 1 61200 971 1 a b MacDougall Philip 2017 Air Wars 1920 1939 The Development and Evolution of Fighter Tactics Fonthill Media pp 133 135 Hayes 1951 pp 114 115 Hayes 1951 p 117 Richardson 2014 p 12 Hayes 1951 p 116 Payne 2012 p 154 Tucker Spencer C 2021 Great Sieges in World History From Ancient Times to the 21st Century ABC CLIO p 218 ISBN 978 1 4408 6803 0 Seidman Michael 2002 Republic of Egos A Social History of the Spanish Civil War Univ of Wisconsin Press pp 50 51 ISBN 978 0 299 17863 5 Cazorla Sanchez Antonio 2013 Franco The Biography of the Myth Routledge p 61 ISBN 978 1 134 44949 1 Kennan George Russia and the West under Lenin and Stalin p 309 Whealey Robert H 2021 Hitler And Spain The Nazi Role in the Spanish Civil War 1936 1939 University Press of Kentucky p 135 ISBN 978 0 8131 8275 9 Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918 1945 From the Archives of the German Foreign Ministry Vol 12 U S Government Printing Office 1949 Tucker Spencer C 2016 World War II The Definitive Encyclopedia and Document Collection 5 volumes The Definitive Encyclopedia and Document Collection ABC CLIO p 1982 ISBN 978 1 85109 969 6 Hayes 1951 pp 127 128 Thomas 2013 p 258 Thomas 2013 p 282 Thomas 2013 p 421 Thomas 2013 pp 423 424 Thomas 2013 p 356 Thomas 2013 pp 420 422 a b Thomas 2013 p 424 Thomas 2013 pp 689 690 a b Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 193 Payne amp Palacios 2014 p 142 Graham 2002 p 365 Meneses Filipe Ribeiro De 2003 Franco and the Spanish Civil War Routledge p 54 ISBN 978 1 134 55408 9 Turnbull Patrick 2013 The Spanish Civil War 1936 39 Bloomsbury Publishing p 80 ISBN 978 1 4728 0446 4 Sangster 2018 p 52 Cortada James W 2014 Modern Warfare in Spain American Military Observations on the Spanish Civil War 1936 1939 Potomac Books Inc p 144 ISBN 978 1 61234 101 9 Coverdale John F 2015 Italian Intervention in the Spanish Civil War Princeton University Press pp 117 120 ISBN 978 1 4008 6790 5 a b Jackson 2012 p 539 Payne amp Palacios 2014 pp 193 195 Payne amp Palacios 2014 pp 147 148 Alpert 2013 p 296 Thomas 2013 p 242 Radcliff 2017 p 203 Payne 2008 pp 33 35 40 Matthews 2010 p 354 Hooton 2019 p 136 Graham 1988 pp 106 107 Payne 2012 pp 115 116 Raguer 2007 p 206 Clifford 2020 p 53 Payne 1961 pp 68 69 Payne1999 p 269 Payne 1987 p 172 Moreno Luzon amp Seixas 2017 pp 47 48 Payne 1987 p 234 Riley 2019 p 114 Casla 2021 p 138 Morcillo 2010 p 39 Survey of International Affairs 1939 On the Eve of War Vol 1 p 358 Tremlett 2003 Fosas Comunes Los desaparecidos de Franco La Guerra Civil no ha terminado El Mundo 7 July 2002 in Spanish Aportaremos trozos de verdad a un puzzle que resolvera Garzon El Pais 23 de octubre de 2008 Julia amp Casanova 1999 pp 411 412 Preston 2012 p 9 Romero Salvado 2005 p 277 Graham 2002 p 123 Men of La Mancha Rev of Antony Beevor The Battle for Spain The Economist 22 June 2006 Ruiz 2007 p 97 Caistor Nick 28 February 2003 Spanish Civil War fighters look back BBC News Retrieved 2 March 2010 Camp Vernet Website Cheminsdememoire gouv fr in French Archived from the original on 16 April 2009 Retrieved 2 March 2010 Film documentary on the website of the Cite nationale de l histoire de l immigration in French Pablo Neruda The Poet s Calling Redpoppy net Retrieved 2 March 2010 Bowen 2017 pp 59 60 Pike 2008 p 74 Goda 1993 pp 305 308 Payne 1999 p 334 a b Rockoff Hugh Caruana Leonard 2000 A Wolfram in Sheep s Clothing Economic Warfare in Spain and Portugal 1940 1944 PDF Econstor Working Paper No 2000 08 Archived PDF from the original on 14 December 2019 Preston Paul 1992 Franco and Hitler The Myth of Hendaye 1940 PDF Contemporary European History 1 1 1 16 5 doi 10 1017 s0960777300005038 JSTOR 20081423 S2CID 143528356 Archived PDF from the original on 17 May 2013 Lukacs John 2001 The Last European War September 1939 December 1941 Yale University Press p 364 ISBN 0300089155 Weinberg 2005 p 133 Weinberg 2005 p 177 Lochner 1948 p 253 25 October 1940 Sager Murray July 2009 Franco Hitler amp the play for Gibraltar how the Spanish held firm on the Rock Esprit de Corps Archived from the original on 8 July 2012 Pike 2008 p 48 Batista s Boost Time 18 January 1943 Archived from the original on 25 August 2008 Retrieved 2 March 2010 Golson Eric 15 June 2011 The Economics of Neutrality Spain Sweden and Switzerland in the Second World War phd London School of Economics and Political Science p 145 This chapter demonstrates that although nominal trade increased consistently from 1939 to 1943 Germany suffered from increasingly poor terms of trade after 1939 as Spain paid less for its German imports and charged more for its exports As part of Germany s payment for Spanish resources Spain was able to exact particularly valuable goods from Germany including military equipment needed for the German war effort Hayes 1951 p 151 Hayes 1951 pp 152 153 Hayes 1951 pp 150 151 a b c d WWII document reveals General Franco handed Nazis list of Spanish Jews Haaretz 22 June 2010 Messenger David A 2020 Nazis Real and Imagined in Post Second World War Spain In Brenneis Sara J Herrmann Gina eds Spain the Second World War and the Holocaust History and Representation University of Toronto Press p 494 ISBN 978 1 4875 3251 2 Robert Philpot 23 November 2015 Was Franco the good fascist The Jewish Chronicle a b Levy 2005 p 675 Preston 2020 p 342 Payne 2008 p 232 Avni 1982 Alpert 2009 Spain PDF yadvashem org Archived PDF from the original on 8 March 2021 Setton Guy Spanish Israeli Relations and Systemic Pressures 1956 1986 The Cases of OF GATT NATO and the EEC Historia y Politica 37 334 5 a b Boxer Jeffrey 19 June 2017 The Angel Of Cairo How A Spaniard Saved Egypt s Jews The Forward Retrieved 15 May 2019 Ederspecial Richard 17 December 1968 1492 Ban on Jews Is Voided by Spain The New York Times Retrieved 15 May 2019 Green David 6 December 2015 This Day in Jewish History 1968 Spain Revokes the Expulsion of the Jews Haaretz Although technically the Inquisition had been dismantled with the passage into law of Spain s constitution of 1869 which abolished religious discrimination it was not until this 1968 legislation that the regime under Francisco Franco explicitly invited Jews to come and openly practice their faith in Spain Bautista Delgado 2009 pp 303 321 322 Rein 2013 pp 17 18 Rodgers 2002 p 337 Julia Santos 3 November 2015 El ultimo Azana El Pais in Spanish Prisa Retrieved 3 June 2019 Perez Puche Francisco October 2016 Cronologia general de la Guerra Civil Espanola 1936 1939 PDF Oficina de Publicacinoes in Spanish Ajuntament de Valencia 53 Retrieved 3 June 2019 Payne 1987 pp 231 234 Payne 1987 p 323 The 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Sanz Hoya Julian 2013 Falangismo y dictadura Una revision de la historiografia sobre el fascismo espanol In Ruiz Carnicer Miguel Angel ed Falange Las culturas politicas del fascismo en la Espana de Franco 1936 1975 PDF Institucion Fernando el Catolico p 58 ISBN 978 84 9911 216 9 Archived PDF from the original on 1 December 2017 Rodrigo Javier 2009 La naturaleza del franquismo un acercamiento desde la perspectiva comparada de los fascismos europeos PDF Universo de micromundos VI Congreso de Historia Local de Aragon Zaragoza Institucion Fernando el Catolico p 62 ISBN 978 84 9911 005 9 Archived PDF from the original on 19 December 2009 Carrasco Gallego Jose A 2012 The Marshall Plan and the Spanish postwar economy a welfare loss analysis The Economic History Review 65 1 91 119 doi 10 1111 j 1468 0289 2010 00576 x JSTOR 41475546 S2CID 152384801 Calvo Gonzalez O 2006 Neither a Carrot nor a Stick American Foreign Aid and Economic Policymaking in Spain during the 1950s Diplomatic History 30 3 409 doi 10 1111 j 1467 7709 2006 00561 x Rubottom amp Murphy 1984 p 87 Brenneis Sara J 2018 Spaniards in Mauthausen Representations of a Nazi Concentration Camp 1940 2015 University of Toronto Press p 19 ISBN 978 1 4875 2131 8 Wilsford David 1995 Political Leaders of Contemporary Western Europe A Biographical Dictionary Greenwood Publishing Group pp 152 153 ISBN 978 0 313 28623 0 Beevor 2006 p 405 Guell Casilda Ampuero Casilda Guell 2006 The Failure of Catalanist Opposition to Franco 1939 1950 Editorial CSIC CSIC Press pp 51 53 ISBN 978 84 00 08473 8 Roman Mar 27 October 2007 Spain frets over future of flamenco Associated Press Gazeta historica Referencia Paginas TIFF Boletin Oficial del Estado Archived from the original on 12 October 2007 4862 17 julio 1954 B O del E Num 198 Boletin Oficial del Estado Archived from the original on 26 June 2008 Campos Alicia 2003 The Decolonization of Equatorial Guinea The Relevance of the International Factor The Journal of African History 44 1 95 116 doi 10 1017 s0021853702008319 hdl 10486 690991 S2CID 143108720 Collier Paul 1999 On the economic consequences of civil war Oxford Economic Papers 51 168 183 doi 10 1093 oep 51 1 168 S2CID 18408517 Prados de la Escosura 2017 pp 6 7 20 Martin 1990 pp 140 141 de la Cierva Ricardo 1996 Agonia y Muerte de Franco Agony and Death of Franco in Spanish Eudema Universidad ISBN 978 8477542179 a b Ellwood 2014 pp 181 183 217 219 Seixas Xose M Nunez 2021 Sites of the Dictators Memories of Authoritarian Europe 1945 2020 Routledge p 107 ISBN 978 1 000 39702 4 a b Cazorla Sanchez Antonio 2013 Franco The Biography of the Myth Routledge p 223 ISBN 978 1 134 44949 1 Keefe Eugene K 1976 Area Handbook for Spain U S Government Printing Office p vi ISBN 978 0 16 001567 0 Powell Charles 2001 International Aspects of Democratization The Case of Spain In Whitehead Laurence ed The International Dimensions of Democratization Europe and the Americas PDF p 295 Archived PDF from the original on 18 May 2019 a b Munoz Heraldo 2008 The Dictator s Shadow Life Under Augusto Pinochet Basic Books p 98 ISBN 978 0 7867 2604 2 Salmon Patrick Hamilton Keith eds 2006 Political Change in Portugal and Spain 1975 1976 The Southern Flank in Crisis Documents on British Policy Overseas III Vol V Psychology Press p 518 ISBN 978 0 7146 5114 9 Political Staff 5 December 1975 MPs censure courtesy to Franco The Times No 59570 London The Parliamentary Labour Party last night condemned almost unanimously the Government s decision to send a Cabinet minister to represent Britain at the funeral of General Franco Only one of about 100 Labour MPs voted against the critical resolution After the meeting 20 back bench MPs signed a letter to the Prime Minister in which they said that Mr Callaghan had criticized members of the party for condemning the attendance of Lord Shepherd the Lord Privy Seal at the funeral without having put forward their views beforehand Wheeler Duncan 2020 Following Franco Spanish culture and politics in transition Manchester University Press ISBN 978 1 5261 0520 2 Powell Charles 2016 Juan Carlos of Spain Self Made Monarch Springer p 84 ISBN 978 1 349 24423 2 Preston 2020 p 406 El Congreso aprueba pedir al Gobierno la exhumacion de los restos de Franco del Valle de los Caidos ELMUNDO in Spanish 11 May 2017 Retrieved 15 March 2019 Spain to dig up Franco s body after government passes decree The Independent 24 August 2018 Retrieved 26 August 2018 Spanish parliament votes to exhume remains of dictator Franco Reuters 13 September 2018 Retrieved 13 September 2018 Junquera Natalia 3 October 2018 Franco s family demands dictator be buried with military honors El Pais ISSN 1134 6582 Retrieved 15 March 2019 Rob Picheta 17 February 2019 Spanish government gives Franco family ultimatum in effort to exhume dictator s remains CNN Retrieved 15 March 2019 Plaza Analia 15 March 2019 Mingorrubio la antigua colonia franquista donde se enterraria a Franco No queremos ser el Valle de los Caidos eldiario 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Roosevelt and Franco during the Second World War From the Spanish Civil War to Pearl Harbor The World of the Roosevelts Palgrave Macmillan pp 35 218 ISBN 978 0230604506 Wayne H Bowen 2017 Truman Franco s Spain and the Cold War University of Missouri Press pp 60 70 ISBN 978 0 8262 7384 0 Buckley Jr William F 1963 Rumbles Left and Right A Book about Troublesome People and Ideas Putnam p 49 Krugman Paul 2009 The Conscience of a Liberal W W Norton amp Company pp 103 108 ISBN 978 0 393 06711 8 Palmer Alex W July 2006 The Battle Over the Memory of the Spanish Civil War Smithsonian Magazine 49 4 12 Retrieved 20 August 2018 Hundley Tom 3 August 2006 Spain handles with care memories of its civil war Chicago Tribune Retrieved 20 August 2018 Cedeo Alvarado Ernesto 4 February 2008 Rey Juan Carlos abochorno a Pinochet Panama America Retrieved 4 April 2016 Staff 18 October 2013 Viudos de Franco homenajearon a Pinochet en Espana Widows of Franco Honour Pinochet in Spain La Cuarta in Spanish Chile Archived from the original on 5 February 2015 Retrieved 20 August 2018 Europe diary Franco and Finland BBC News 6 July 2006 Santander retira la estatua de Franco El Pais 18 December 2008 Hamilos Paul 19 October 2007 Rallies banned at Franco s mausoleum The Guardian UK Retrieved 3 January 2010 Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly 2005 Documents Working Papers 2004 Ordinary Session Second Part 26 30 April 2004 Vol 3 Council of Europe p 135 ISBN 978 92 871 5508 5 a b c Primera condena al regimen de Franco en un recinto internacional EFE El Mundo 17 March 2006 in Spanish a b c Galaz amp Gomez 2007 Spain OKs Reparations to Civil War Victims Associated Press 28 July 2006 Politics As Usual The Trials and Tribulations of The Law of Historical Memory in Spain Archived 5 February 2009 at the Wayback Machine Georgina Blakeley The Open University 7 September 2008 Proyecto de Ley por la que se reconocen y amplian derechos y se establecen medidas en favor de quienes padecieron persecucion o 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Cold War University of Missouri Press pp 59 60 ISBN 978 0 8262 7384 0 Saz Campos Ismael 2004 Fascismo y franquismo in Spanish University of Valencia ISBN 84 370 5910 0 Casals Xavier 2006 Franco El Africano Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 7 3 207 224 doi 10 1080 14636200601083990 S2CID 216092331 Casanova Julian Espinosa Francisco Mir Conxita Gomez Francisco Moreno 2004 Morir matar sobrevivir la violencia en la dictadura de Franco in Spanish Grupo Planeta GBS ISBN 978 84 8432 506 2 Casanova Julian 2010 The Spanish Republic and Civil War Cambridge University ISBN 978 0 521 73780 7 Casanova Julian Andres Carlos Gil 2014 Twentieth Century Spain A History Cambridge University Press p 238 ISBN 978 1 139 99200 8 Casla Koldo 2021 Spain and Its Achilles Heels The Strong Foundations of a Country s Weaknesses Rowman amp Littlefield ISBN 978 1 5381 6459 4 Castillo Dennis 2019 Papal Diplomacy from 1914 to 1989 The Seventy Five Years War Rowman amp Littlefield p 92 ISBN 978 1 4985 4649 2 Ciaurriz Iker Itoiz 2020 Valencia Garcia Louie Dean ed Far Right Revisionism and the End of History Alt Histories Routledge ISBN 978 1 000 05407 1 Clifford Alexander 2020 The People s Army in the Spanish Civil War A Military History of the Republic and International Brigades 1936 1939 Pen and Sword Military p 53 ISBN 978 1 5267 6095 1 de la Cueva Julio 1998 Religious Persecution Anticlerical Tradition and Revolution On Atrocities against the Clergy during the Spanish Civil War Journal of Contemporary History 33 3 355 369 ISSN 0022 0094 JSTOR 261121 Ellwood Sheelagh M 2014 Franco Routledge ISBN 978 1 317 87467 6 Evans Jan E 2013 Miguel de Unamuno s Quest for Faith A Kierkegaardian Understanding of Unamuno s Struggle to Believe Wipf and Stock Publishers ISBN 978 1 62032 106 5 Fontana Josep 2000 1986 Reflexiones sobre la naturaleza y las consecuencias del franquismo In Fontana Josep ed Espana bajo el franquismo in Spanish Grupo Planeta GBS p 22 ISBN 978 84 8432 057 9 Franco Bahamonde Francisco 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Francoist Body Politic Bucknell University Press p 39 ISBN 978 0 8387 5753 6 Moreno Luzon Javier Seixas Xose M Nunez 2017 The Flag and the Anthem In Moreno Luzon Javier Seixas Xose M Nunez eds Metaphors of Spain Representations of Spanish National Identity in the Twentieth Century Berghahn Books pp 47 48 ISBN 978 1 78533 467 2 Patterson Ian 2007 Guernica and Total War Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 02484 7 Payne Stanley G 1961 Falange A History of Spanish Fascism Stanford University Press pp 68 69 ISBN 978 0804700580 Payne Stanley G 1987 The Franco Regime Madison University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0299110703 Payne Stanley G 1993 Spain s First Democracy The Second Republic 1931 1936 Univ of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0 299 13674 1 Payne Stanley G 1999 Fascism in Spain 1923 1977 Madison University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0 299 16560 4 Payne Stanley G 2000 The Franco regime 1936 1975 Phoenix Press ISBN 978 1 84212 046 0 Payne Stanley G 2008 Franco and Hitler Spain Germany and World War II New Haven Yale University Press pp 33 35 40 ISBN 978 0300122824 Payne Stanley G 2011 The Franco Regime 1936 1975 University of Wisconsin Pres p 71 ISBN 978 0 299 11073 4 Payne Stanley 2012 The Spanish Civil War New York Cambridge University Press p 110 ISBN 978 0521174701 Payne Stanley G Palacios Jesus 2014 Franco A Personal and Political Biography 4th ed University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0299302146 Pike David Wingeate 2008 Franco and the Axis Stigma Springer p 74 ISBN 978 0 230 20544 4 Prados de la Escosura Leandro 2017 Spanish Economic Growth 1850 2015 Springer ISBN 978 3 319 58042 5 Preston Paul 1994 General Franco as Military Leader Transactions of the Royal Historical Society Cambridge University Press 4 21 41 doi 10 2307 3679213 ISSN 1474 0648 JSTOR 3679213 S2CID 153836234 Retrieved 8 January 2020 Preston Paul 1995 Franco A Biography Basic Books ISBN 978 0 465 02515 2 Preston Paul 2006 The Spanish Civil War Reaction Revolution and Revenge 3rd ed London HarperCollins ISBN 978 0 00 723207 9 Preston Paul 2010 The Theorists of Extermination In Farran Carlos Jerez Amago Samuel eds Unearthing Franco s Legacy Mass Graves and the Recovery of Historical Memory in Spain University of Notre Dame Press ISBN 978 0 268 03268 5 Preston Paul 2012 The Spanish Holocaust Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth Century Spain W W Norton amp Company p 266 ISBN 978 0 393 23966 9 Preston Paul 2020 A People Betrayed A History of Corruption Political Incompetence and Social Division in Modern Spain Liveright Publishing ISBN 978 0 87140 870 9 Radcliff Pamela Beth 2017 Modern Spain 1808 to the Present John Wiley amp Sons ISBN 978 1 4051 8680 3 Raguer Hilari 2007 Gunpowder and Incense The Catholic Church and the Spanish Civil War Routledge p 32 ISBN 978 1 134 36593 7 Rein Raanan 2013 In the Shadow of the Holocaust and the Inquisition Israel s Relations with Francoist Spain Routledge pp 17 18 ISBN 978 1 135 22190 4 Richards Michael 1998 A Time of Silence Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco s Spain 1936 1945 Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 59401 1 Richardson R Dan 2014 Comintern Army The International Brigades and the Spanish Civil War University Press of Kentucky p 12 ISBN 978 0 8131 6437 3 Riley Dylan 2019 The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe Verso Books ISBN 978 1 78663 524 2 Rodgers Eamonn 2002 Encyclopedia of Contemporary Spanish Culture Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 78859 0 Romero Salvado Francisco J 2005 The Spanish Civil War Origins Course and Outcomes Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978 1137258922 permanent dead link Romero Salvado Francisco J 2013 Historical Dictionary of the Spanish Civil War Scarecrow Press ISBN 978 0 8108 8009 2 Rubottom R Richard Murphy J Carter 1984 Spain and the United States Since World War II Praeger ISBN 978 0 275 91259 8 Ruiz Julius January 2007 Defending the Republic The Garcia Atadell Brigade in Madrid 1936 Journal of Contemporary History 42 1 97 doi 10 1177 0022009407071625 S2CID 159559553 Sangster Andrew 2018 Probing the Enigma of Franco Cambridge Scholars Publishing ISBN 978 1 5275 2014 1 Seidman Michael 2011 The Victorious Counterrevolution The Nationalist Effort in the Spanish Civil War Univ of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0 299 24963 2 Siaroff Alan 2013 Comparing Political Regimes A Thematic Introduction to Comparative Politics Third Edition University of Toronto Press ISBN 978 1 4426 0702 6 Taylor A J P 1996 Origin Of The Second World War Simon and Schuster p 124 ISBN 978 0 684 82947 0 Thomas Hugh 2013 The Spanish Civil War Revised ed ISBN 978 0060142780 Tremlett Giles 1 December 2003 Spain torn on tribute to victims of Franco The Guardian UK Retrieved 2 March 2010 Villaverde Angel Luis Lopez 1999 Indalecio Prieto en Cuenca comentarios al discurso pronunciado el 1º de mayo de 1936 PDF Anil in Spanish 19 16 ISSN 1133 2263 Vincent Mary 2007 Spain 1833 2002 People and State Oxford University Press p 133 ISBN 978 0 19 873159 7 Weinberg Gerhard L 2005 A World at Arms A Global History of World War II Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 61826 7 Further readingBlinkhorn Martin 1988 Democracy and Civil war in Spain 1931 1939 Routledge ISBN 978 0415006996 Carroll Warren H 2004 The Last Crusade Spain 1936 Christendom Press ISBN 978 0931888670 Cerda Nestor October 2011 Political Ascent and Military Commander General Franco in the Early Months of the Spanish Civil War July October 1936 Journal of Military History 75 4 pp 1125 1157 Jerez Mir Miguel Luque Javier 2014 eds Costa Pinto Antonio Kallis Aristotle Rethinking Fascism and Dictatorship in Europe State and Regime in Early Francoism 1936 45 Power Structures Main Actors and Repression Policy ISBN 978 1137384416 Palgrave Macmillan pp 176 197 Lines Lisa 2017 Francisco Franco as Warrior Is It Time for a Reassessment of His Military Leadership Journal of Military History 81 2 pp 513 534 Tussell Javier 1995 Franco Espana y la II Guerra Mundial Entre el Eje y la Neutralidad Spanish Ediciones Temas de Hoy ISBN 978 8478805013 Tusell Javier 1992 Franco en la guerra civil Una biografia politica Spanish Editorial Tusquets ISBN 978 8472236486 Tusell Javier 1996 La Dictadura de Franco Spanish Altaya ISBN 978 8448706371 Primary sources Franco Francisco 1922 Marruecos diario de una bandera Madrid Pueyo 434161881 Hayes Carlton J H 1945 Wartime mission in Spain 1942 1945 Macmillan Company ISBN 978 1121497245 Hoare Samuel 1946 Ambassador on Special Mission UK Collins pp 124 125 Hoare Samuel 1947 Complacent Dictator A A Knopf ASIN B0007F2ZVU External linksFrancisco Franco at Wikipedia s sister projects Media from Commons News from Wikinews Quotations from Wikiquote Textbooks from Wikibooks Wikisource has original text related to this article Adolf Hitler s Letter to General Franco 6 February 1941 Newspaper clippings about Francisco Franco in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW Political officesPreceded byManuel Azanaas President of Spain Head of the Spanish State1 October 1936 20 November 1975 Succeeded byAlejandro Rodriguez de Valcarcelas President of the Regency CouncilPreceded byJuan Negrin Prime Minister of Spain30 January 1938 8 June 1973 Succeeded byLuis Carrero Blanco Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Francisco Franco amp oldid 1152597442, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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