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Vichy France

Coordinates: 46°10′N 3°24′E / 46.167°N 3.400°E / 46.167; 3.400

Vichy France (French: Régime de Vichy; 10 July 1940 – 9 August 1944), officially the French State (État français), was the French state headed by Marshal Philippe Pétain during World War II. Officially independent, but with half of its territory occupied under harsh terms of the armistice, it adopted a policy of collaboration with Nazi Germany, which occupied the northern and western portions before occupying the remainder of Metropolitan France in November 1942. Though Paris was ostensibly its capital, the collaborationist Vichy government established itself in the resort town of Vichy in the unoccupied "Free Zone" (zone libre), where it remained responsible for the civil administration of France as well as its colonies.[3]

French State
État français (French)
1940–1944[1]
Motto: "Travail, Famille, Patrie"
("Work, Family, Fatherland")
Anthem: 
"La Marseillaise" (official)

"Maréchal, nous voilà!" (unofficial)[2]
("Marshal, here we are!")
The French State in 1942:
  •   Unoccupied zone
  •   German military occupation zone
  •   French protectorates
The gradual loss of all Vichy territory to Free France and the Allied powers
Status
Capital
Capital-in-exileSigmaringen
Common languagesFrench
GovernmentCollaborationist regime under a unitary authoritarian dictatorship
Chief of State 
• 1940–1944
Philippe Pétain
Prime Minister 
• 1940–1942
Philippe Pétain
• 1940 (acting)
Pierre Laval
• 1940–1941 (acting)
P.É. Flandin
• 1941–1942 (acting)
François Darlan
• 1942–1944
Pierre Laval
LegislatureNational Assembly
Historical eraWorld War II
22 June 1940
• Pétain given full powers
10 July 1940
8 November 1942
11 November 1942
Summer 1944
• Disestablished
9 August 1944[1]
• Capture of the Sigmaringen enclave
22 April 1945
CurrencyFrench franc
  1. Paris remained the de jure capital of the French State, although the Vichy government never operated from there.
  2. Although the French Republic's institutions were officially maintained, the word "Republic" never occurred in any official document of the Vichy government.

The Third French Republic had begun the war in September 1939 on the side of the Allies. On 10 May 1940, it was invaded by Nazi Germany. The German Army rapidly broke through the Allied lines by bypassing the highly fortified Maginot Line and invading through Belgium, Luxembourg, and as an extension, the Ardennes. By mid-June, the military situation of the French was dire, and it was apparent that the battle for Metropolitan France could not be won. The French government began to discuss the possibility of an armistice. Paul Reynaud resigned as prime minister, rather than sign an armistice, and was replaced by Marshal Philippe Pétain, a hero of World War I. Shortly thereafter, Pétain signed the Armistice of 22 June 1940.

At Vichy, Pétain established an authoritarian government that reversed many liberal policies and began tight supervision of the economy. Conservative Catholics became prominent, and Paris lost its avant-garde status in European art and culture. The media were tightly controlled and promoted anti-Semitism and, after Operation Barbarossa started in June 1941, anti-Bolshevism. The terms of the armistice presented certain advantages, such as keeping the French Navy and French colonial empire under French control and avoiding full occupation of the country by Germany, which maintained a degree of French independence and neutrality. Despite heavy pressure, the French government at Vichy never joined the Axis powers and even remained formally at war with Germany. Conversely, Vichy France became a collaborationist regime.

Germany kept two million French prisoners-of-war and imposed forced labour (service du travail obligatoire) on young French men. French soldiers were kept hostage to ensure that Vichy would reduce its military forces and pay a heavy tribute in gold, food and supplies to Germany. French police were ordered to round up Jews and other "undesirables" such as communists and political refugees, and at least 72,500 Jews were killed as a result.[4]

Most of the French public initially supported the regime, but opinion gradually turned against the French government and the occupying German forces when it became clear that Germany was losing the war, and living conditions in France were becoming increasingly difficult. The French Resistance, working largely in concert with Charles de Gaulle's movement outside the country, increased in strength over the course of the occupation. After the Allied invasion of Normandy in June 1944 and the liberation of France later that year, the Free French Provisional Government of the French Republic (GPRF) was installed as the new national government, led by de Gaulle.

The last of the Vichy exiles were captured in the Sigmaringen enclave in April 1945. Pétain was put on trial for treason by the new Provisional Government, and sentenced to death, but that was commuted to life imprisonment by de Gaulle. Only four senior Vichy officials were tried for crimes against humanity although many others had participated in the deportation of Jews for internment in Nazi concentration camps, abuses of prisoners and severe acts against members of the Resistance.

Overview

In 1940, Marshal Pétain was known as a World War I hero, who was the victor of the Battle of Verdun. As the last French prime minister of the Third Republic, he was a reactionary by inclination and blamed the Third Republic's democracy for France's sudden defeat by Germany. He set up a paternalistic authoritarian regime that actively collaborated with Germany, despite Vichy's official neutrality. The Vichy government co-operated with the Germans' Nazi racial policies.

Terminology

 
Metropolitan/continental France under German occupation (Germans occupied the southern zone starting in November 1942—Operation Case Anton). The yellow zone was under Italian administration.
 
Personal flag of Philippe Pétain, Chief of State of Vichy France (Chef de l'État Français)

After the National Assembly under the Third Republic voted to give full powers to Philippe Pétain on 10 July 1940, the name République française (French Republic) disappeared from all official documents. From then on, the regime was referred to officially as the État Français (French State). Because of its unique situation in the history of France, its contested legitimacy[1] and the generic nature of its official name, the "French State" is most often represented in English by the synonyms "Vichy France"; "Vichy regime"; "government of Vichy"; or, in context, simply "Vichy".

The territory under the control of the Vichy government was the unoccupied southern portion of Metropolitan France south of the Line of Demarcation, as established by the Armistice of 22 June 1940, and the overseas French territories, such as French North Africa, which was "an integral part of Vichy" and where all antisemitic Vichy's laws were also implemented. This was called the Unbesetztes Gebiet (Unoccupied Zone) by the Germans, and known as the Zone libre (Free Zone) in France, or less formally as the "Southern Zone" (zone du sud) especially after Operation Anton, the invasion of the Zone libre by German forces in November 1942. Other contemporary colloquial terms for the Zone libre were based on abbreviation and wordplay, such as the "zone nono", for the non-occupied Zone.[5]

Jurisdiction

In theory, the civil jurisdiction of the Vichy government extended over most of Metropolitan France, French Algeria, the French protectorate in Morocco, the French protectorate of Tunisia and the rest of the French colonial empire that accepted the authority of Vichy; only the disputed border territory of Alsace-Lorraine was placed under direct German administration.[6] Alsace-Lorraine was officially still part of France, as the Reich never annexed the region.[7] The Reich government at the time was not interested in attempting to enforce piecemeal annexations in the West although it later annexed Luxembourg; it operated under the assumption that Germany's new western border would be determined in peace negotiations, which would be attended by all of the Western Allies and thus producing a frontier that would be recognised by all of the major powers. Since Hitler's overall territorial ambitions were not limited to recovering Alsace-Lorraine, and Britain was never brought to terms, those peace negotiations never took place.

The Nazis had some intention of annexing a large swath of northeastern France, replacing that region's inhabitants with German settlers, and initially forbade French refugees from returning to the region, but the restrictions were never thoroughly enforced and were basically abandoned following the invasion of the Soviet Union, which had the effect of turning German territorial ambitions almost exclusively to the East. German troops guarding the boundary line of the northeastern Zone interdite were withdrawn on the night of 17–18 December 1941, but the line remained in place on paper for the remainder of the occupation.[8]

Nevertheless, effectively Alsace-Lorraine was annexed: German law applied to the region, its inhabitants were conscripted into the Wehrmacht[citation needed][9] and pointedly the customs posts separating France from Germany were placed back where they had been between 1871 and 1918. Similarly, a sliver of French territory in the Alps was under direct Italian administration from June 1940 to September 1943. Throughout the rest of the country, civil servants were under the formal authority of French ministers in Vichy.[citation needed] René Bousquet, the head of French police nominated by Vichy, exercised his power in Paris through his second-in-command, Jean Leguay, who coordinated raids with the Nazis. German laws took precedence over French laws in the occupied territories, and the Germans often rode roughshod over the sensibilities of Vichy administrators.

On 11 November 1942, following the landing of the Allies in North Africa (Operation Torch), the Axis launched Operation Anton, occupying southern France and disbanding the strictly limited "Armistice Army" that Vichy had been allowed by the armistice.

Legitimacy

Vichy's claim to be the legitimate French government was denied by Free France and by all subsequent French governments[1] after the war. They maintain that Vichy was an illegal government run by traitors, having come to power through an unconstitutional coup d'état. Pétain was constitutionally appointed prime minister by President Lebrun on 16 June 1940 and he was legally within his rights to sign the armistice with Germany; however, his decision to ask the National Assembly to dissolve itself while granting him dictatorial powers has been more controversial. Historians have particularly debated the circumstances of the vote by the National Assembly of the Third Republic granting full powers to Pétain on 10 July 1940. The main arguments advanced against Vichy's right to incarnate the continuity of the French state were based on the pressure exerted by Pierre Laval, a former prime minister in the Third Republic, on the deputies in Vichy and on the absence of 27 deputies and senators who had fled on the ship Massilia and so could not take part in the vote. However, during the war, the Vichy government was internationally recognised,[10] notably by the United States[11] and several other major Allied powers.[12][13][14] Diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom had been severed since 8 July 1940 after the attack on Mers-el-Kébir.

Julian T. Jackson wrote, "There seems little doubt... that at the beginning Vichy was both legal and legitimate". He stated that if legitimacy comes from popular support, Pétain's massive popularity in France until 1942 made his government legitimate, and if legitimacy comes from diplomatic recognition, over 40 countries, including the United States, Canada, and China, recognised the Vichy government. According to Jackson, de Gaulle's Free French acknowledged the weakness of its case against Vichy's legality by citing multiple dates (16 June, 23 June and 10 July) for the start of Vichy's illegitimate rule implying that at least for some time, Vichy was still legitimate.[15] Countries recognised the Vichy government despite de Gaulle's attempts in London to dissuade them; only the German occupation of all of France in November 1942 ended diplomatic recognition. Supporters of Vichy point out that the grant of governmental powers was voted by a joint session of both chambers of the Third Republic Parliament (the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies) in keeping with the constitutional law.

Ideology

The Vichy regime sought an anti-modern counter-revolution. The traditionalist right in France, with strength in the aristocracy and among Roman Catholics, had never accepted the republican traditions of the French Revolution but demanded a return to traditional lines of culture and religion. It embraced authoritarianism while dismissing democracy.[16][17] The Vichy regime also framed itself as decisively nationalist.[17] French communists, strongest in labour unions, turned against Vichy in June 1941, when Germany invaded the Soviet Union.[18] Vichy was intensely anti-communist and generally pro-German; American historian Stanley G. Payne found that it was "distinctly rightist and authoritarian but never fascist".[19] Political scientist Robert Paxton analysed the entire range of Vichy supporters, from reactionaries to moderate liberal modernizers, and concluded that genuinely fascist elements had only minor roles in most sectors.[20] French historian Olivier Wieviorka rejects the idea that Vichy France was fascist, noting that "Pétain refused to create a single party state, avoided getting France involved in a new war, hated modernization, and supported the Church".[21]

 
Propaganda poster for the Vichy Regime's Révolution nationale program, 1942

The Vichy government tried to assert its legitimacy by symbolically connecting itself with the Gallo-Roman period of France's history, and celebrated the Gaulish chieftain Vercingetorix as the "founder" of the French nation.[22] It was asserted that just as the defeat of the Gauls in the Battle of Alesia (52 BCE) had been the moment in French history when a sense of common nationhood was born, the defeat of 1940 would again unify the nation.[22] The Vichy government's "francisque" insignia featured two symbols from the Gallic period: the baton and the double-headed hatchet (labrys) arranged so as to resemble the fasces, the symbol of the Italian Fascists.[22]

To advance his message, Pétain frequently spoke on French radio. In his radio speeches, Pétain always used the personal pronoun je[clarification needed], portrayed himself as a Christ-like figure sacrificing himself for France and assuming a God-like tone of a semi-omniscient narrator who knew truths about the world that the rest of the French did not.[23] To justify the Vichy ideology of the Révolution nationale ("national revolution"), Pétain needed a radical break with the French Third Republic. During his radio speeches, the entire French Third Republic era was always painted in the blackest of colours as a time of décadence ("decadence") when the French people were alleged to have suffered moral degeneration and decline.[24]

Summarising Pétain's speeches, the British historian Christopher Flood wrote that Pétain blamed la décadence on "political and economic liberalism, with its divisive, individualistic and hedonistic values—locked in sterile rivalry with its antithetical outgrowths, Socialism and Communism".[25] Pétain argued that rescuing the French people from décadence required a period of authoritarian government that would restore national unity and the traditionalist morality, which Pétain claimed the French had forgotten.[25] Despite his highly-negative view of the Third Republic, Pétain argued that la France profonde ("deep France", denoting profoundly French aspects of French culture) still existed, and that the French people needed to return to what Pétain insisted was their true identity.[26] Alongside this claim for a moral revolution was Pétain's call for France to turn inwards and to withdraw from the world, which Pétain always portrayed as a hostile and threatening place full of endless dangers for the French.[25]

Joan of Arc replaced Marianne as the national symbol of France under Vichy, as her status as one of France's best-loved heroines gave her widespread appeal, and the image of Joan as a devout Catholic and patriot also fit well with Vichy's traditionalist message. Vichy literature portrayed Joan as an archetypal virgin and Marianne as an archetypal whore.[27] Under the Vichy regime, the school textbook Miracle de Jeanne by René Jeanneret was required reading, and the anniversary of Joan's death became an occasion for school speeches commemorating her martyrdom.[28] Joan's encounter with angelic voices, according to Catholic tradition, were presented as literal history.[29] The textbook Miracle de Jeanne declared "the Voices did speak!" in contrast with republican school texts, which had strongly implied Joan was mentally ill.[29] Vichy instructors sometimes struggled to square Joan's military heroism with the classical virtues of womanhood, with one school textbook insisting that girls ought not follow Joan's example literally, saying: "Some of the most notable heroes in our history have been women. But nevertheless, girls should preferably exercise the virtues of patience, persistence and resignation. They are destined to tend to the running of the household ... It is in love that our future mothers will find the strength to practise those virtues which best befit their sex and their condition".[30] Exemplifying Vichy propaganda's synthesis of Joan the warrior and Joan the dutiful woman, Anne-Marie Hussenot, speaking at the school at Uriage, stated: "a woman should remember that, in the case of Joan of Arc, or other illustrious women throughout the exceptional mission that was confided to them, they first of all performed humbly and simply their woman's role".[31]

The key component of Vichy's ideology was Anglophobia.[32] In part, Vichy's virulent Anglophobia was due to its leaders' personal dislike of the British, as Marshal Pétain, Pierre Laval and Admiral François Darlan were all Anglophobes.[33] As early as February 1936, Pétain had told the Italian Ambassador to France that "England has always been France's most implacable enemy" and went on to say that France had "two hereditary enemies", namely Germany and Britain, with the latter being easily the more dangerous of the two; and he wanted a Franco-German-Italian alliance that would partition the British Empire, an event that Pétain claimed would solve all of the economic problems caused by the Great Depression.[34] Beyond that, to justify both the armistice with Germany and the Révolution nationale, Vichy needed to portray the French declaration of war on Germany as a hideous mistake and the French society under the Third Republic as degenerate and rotten.[35] The Révolution nationale together with Pétain's policy of la France seule ("France alone") were meant to "regenerate" France from la décadence, which was said to have destroyed French society and to have brought about the defeat of 1940. Such a harsh critique of French society could generate only so much support, and as such Vichy blamed French problems on various "enemies" of France, the chief of which was Britain, the "eternal enemy" that had supposedly conspired via Masonic lodges to weaken France and then to pressure France into declaring war on Germany in 1939.[35]

No other nation was attacked as frequently and violently as Britain was in Vichy propaganda.[36] In Pétain's radio speeches, Britain was always portrayed as the "Other", a nation that was the complete antithesis of everything good in France, the blood-soaked "Perfidious Albion" and the relentless "eternal enemy" of France whose ruthlessness knew no bounds.[37] Joan of Arc, who had fought against England, was made into the symbol of France partly for that reason.[37] The chief themes of Vichy Anglophobia were British "selfishness" in using and then abandoning France after instigating wars, British "treachery" and British plans to take over French colonies.[38] The three examples that were used to illustrate these themes were the Dunkirk evacuation in May 1940, the Royal Navy attack at Mers-el-Kébir on the French Mediterranean fleet that killed over 1,300 French sailors in July 1940 and the failed Anglo-Free French attempt to seize Dakar in September 1940.[39] Typical of Vichy anti-British propaganda was the widely distributed pamphlet published in August 1940 and written by self-proclaimed "professional Anglophobe" Henri Béraud entitled, Faut-il réduire l'Angleterre en esclavage? ("Should England Be Reduced to Slavery?"); the question in the title was merely rhetorical.[40] Additionally, Vichy mixed Anglophobia with racism and anti-Semitism to portray the British as a racially degenerate "mixed race" working for Jewish capitalists, in contrast to the "racially pure" peoples on the continent of Europe who were building a "New Order".[41] In an interview conducted by Béraud with Admiral Darlan published in Gringoire newspaper in 1941, Darlan was quoted as saying that if the "New Order" failed in Europe, it would mean "here in France, the return to power of the Jews and Freemasons subservient to Anglo-Saxon policy".[42]

Fall of France and establishment of the Vichy government

 
French prisoners of war are marched off under German guard, 1940

France declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939 after the German invasion of Poland on 1 September. After the eight-month Phoney War, the Germans launched their offensive in the West on 10 May 1940. Within days, it became clear that French military forces were overwhelmed and that military collapse was imminent.[43] Government and military leaders, deeply shocked by the débâcle, debated how to proceed. Many officials, including Prime Minister Paul Reynaud, wanted to move the government to French territories in North Africa and to continue the war with the French Navy and colonial resources. Others, particularly Vice-Premier Philippe Pétain and Commander-in-Chief General Maxime Weygand, insisted that the responsibility of the government was to remain in France and share the misfortune of its people; they called for an immediate cessation of hostilities.[44]

While the debate continued, the government was forced to relocate several times to avoid capture by advancing German forces and finally reached Bordeaux. Communications were poor and thousands of civilian refugees clogged the roads. In those chaotic conditions, advocates of an armistice gained the upper hand. The Cabinet agreed on a proposal to seek armistice terms from Germany with the understanding that if Germany set forth dishonourable or excessively-harsh terms, France would retain the option to continue to fight. General Charles Huntziger, who headed the French armistice delegation, was told to break off negotiations if the Germans demanded the occupation of all of Metropolitan France, the French fleet, or any of the French overseas territories. The Germans did not, however, make any of those demands.[45]

 
Philippe Pétain meeting Hitler in October 1940

Prime Minister Reynaud favoured continuing the war but was soon outvoted by those who advocated an armistice. Facing an untenable situation, Reynaud resigned and, on his recommendation, President Albert Lebrun appointed the 84-year-old Pétain as the new prime minister on 16 June 1940. The armistice with Germany was signed on 22 June 1940. A separate French agreement was reached with Italy, which had entered the war against France on 10 June, well after the outcome of the battle had been decided.

Adolf Hitler had a number of reasons for agreeing to an armistice. He wanted to ensure that France did not continue to fight from North Africa and that the French Navy was taken out of the war. In addition, leaving a French government in place would relieve Germany of the considerable burden of administering French territory, particularly as Hitler turned his attention toward Britain, which did not surrender and fought on against Germany. Finally, as Germany lacked a navy sufficient to occupy France's overseas territories, Hitler's only practical recourse to deny the British the use of those territories was to maintain France's status as a de jure independent and neutral nation and to send a message to Britain that it was alone, with France appearing to switch sides and the United States remaining neutral. However, German espionage against France after its defeat intensified greatly, particularly in southern France.[46]

Conditions of armistice

 
The map clearly shows the division of France as per all the historical realities of the era: Nazi Germany annexed Alsace Lorraine, and occupied northern metropolitan France and all the Atlantic coastline down to the border with Spain. That left the rest of France, including the remaining two-fifths of southern and eastern metropolitan France and Overseas France North Africa, unoccupied, and under the control of a collaborationist French government based at the city of Vichy, and headed by Marshal Philippe Pétain.

As per the terms of the Franco-German armistice of June 22, 1940, Nazi Germany annexed the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, and the German army occupied northern metropolitan France and all the Atlantic coastline down to the border with Spain.[47] That left the rest of France, including the remaining two-fifths of southern and eastern metropolitan France and Overseas France North Africa, unoccupied, and under the control of a collaborationist French government based at the city of Vichy, and headed by Marshal Philippe Pétain. Ostensibly, the Vichy French government administered the whole of France, including Overseas Vichy France-North Africa.

Prisoners

Germany took two million French soldiers as prisoners-of-war and sent them to camps in Germany. About a third had been released on various terms by 1944. Of the remainder, the officers and NCOs (corporals and sergeants) were kept in camps but were exempt from forced labour. The privates were first sent to "Stalag" camps for processing and were then put to work. About half of them worked in German agriculture, where food rations were adequate and controls were lenient. The others worked in factories or mines, where conditions were much harsher.[48]

Armistice Army

 
French colonial prisoner in German captivity, 1940[49][failed verification]

The Germans occupied northern France directly. The French had to pay costs for the 300,000-strong German occupation army, amounting to 20 million Reichsmarks per day, at the artificial rate of twenty Francs to the Reichsmark. That was 50 times the actual costs of the occupation garrison. The French government also had responsibility for preventing French citizens from escaping into exile.

Article IV of the Armistice allowed for a small French army—the Armistice Army (Armée de l'Armistice)—stationed in the unoccupied zone, and for the military provision of the French colonial empire overseas. The function of those forces was to keep internal order and to defend French territories from Allied assault. The French forces were to remain under the overall direction of the German armed forces.

The exact strength of the Vichy French Metropolitan Army was set at 3,768 officers, 15,072 non-commissioned officers, and 75,360 men. All members had to be volunteers. In addition to the army, the size of the Gendarmerie was fixed at 60,000 men plus an anti-aircraft force of 10,000 men. Despite the influx of trained soldiers from the colonial forces (reduced in size in accordance with the armistice), there was a shortage of volunteers. As a result, 30,000 men of the class of 1939 were retained to fill the quota. In early 1942 those conscripts were released, but there were still not enough men. That shortage remained until the regime's dissolution, despite Vichy appeals to the Germans for a regular form of conscription.

The Vichy French Metropolitan Army was deprived of tanks and other armoured vehicles and was desperately short of motorised transport, a particular problem for cavalry units. Surviving recruiting posters stress the opportunities for athletic activities, including horsemanship, reflecting both the general emphasis placed by the Vichy government on rural virtues and outdoor activities and the realities of service in a small and technologically backward military force. Traditional features characteristic of the pre-1940 French Army, such as kepis and heavy capotes (buttoned-back greatcoats) were replaced by berets and simplified uniforms.

The Vichy authorities did not deploy the Army of the Armistice against resistance groups active in the south of France, reserving that role to the Vichy Milice (militia), a paramilitary force created on 30 January 1943 by the Vichy government to combat the Resistance.[50] Members of the regular army could thus defect to the Maquis after the German occupation of southern France and the disbandment of the Army of the Armistice in November 1942. By contrast, the Milice continued to collaborate, and its members were subject to reprisals after the Liberation.

Vichy French colonial forces were reduced in accordance with the terms of the armistice, but in the Mediterranean area alone, Vichy still had nearly 150,000 men under arms. There were about 55,000 in French Morocco, 50,000 in Algeria, and almost 40,000 in the Army of the Levant (Armée du Levant), in Lebanon and Syria. Colonial forces were allowed to keep some armoured vehicles, though these were mostly "vintage" World War I tanks (Renault FT).

German custody

The Armistice required France to turn over any German citizens within the country upon German demand. The French regarded this as a "dishonorable" term since it would require France to hand over persons who had entered France seeking refuge from Germany. Attempts to negotiate the point with Germany proved unsuccessful, and the French decided not to press the issue to the point of refusing the Armistice.

10 July 1940 vote of full powers

 
Pierre Laval with the head of German police units in France, SS-Gruppenführer Carl Oberg
 
Pierre Laval and Philippe Pétain in the Frank Capra documentary film Divide and Conquer (1943)

On 10 July 1940, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate gathered in joint session in the quiet spa town of Vichy, their provisional capital in central France. Lyon, France's second-largest city, would have been a more logical choice but Mayor Édouard Herriot was too associated with the Third Republic. Marseilles had a reputation as an organized crime hub. Toulouse was too remote and had a left-wing reputation. Vichy was centrally located and had many hotels for ministers to use.[51]

Pierre Laval and Raphaël Alibert began their campaign to convince the assembled senators and deputies to vote full powers to Pétain. They used every means available, such as promising ministerial posts to some and threatening and intimidating others. They were aided by the absence of popular, charismatic figures who might have opposed them, such as Georges Mandel and Édouard Daladier, who were then aboard the ship Massilia on their way to North Africa and exile. On 10 July the National Assembly, comprising both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, voted by 569 votes to 80, with 20 voluntary abstentions, to grant full and extraordinary powers to Marshal Pétain. By the same vote, they also granted him the power to write a new constitution.[52][note 1] By Act No. 2 on the following day, Pétain defined his own powers and abrogated any Third Republic laws that were in conflict with them.[54] (These acts would later be annulled in August 1944.[1])

Most legislators believed that democracy would continue, albeit with a new constitution. Although Laval said on 6 July that "parliamentary democracy has lost the war; it must disappear, ceding its place to an authoritarian, hierarchical, national and social regime", the majority trusted Pétain. Léon Blum, who voted no, wrote three months later that Laval's "obvious objective was to cut all the roots that bound France to its republican and revolutionary past. His 'national revolution' was to be a counter-revolution eliminating all the progress and human rights won in the last one hundred and fifty years".[55] The minority of mostly Radicals and Socialists who opposed Laval became known as the Vichy 80. The deputies and senators who voted to grant full powers to Pétain were condemned on an individual basis after the Liberation.

The majority of French historians and all postwar French governments have contended that this vote by the National Assembly was illegal. Three main arguments are put forward:

  • Abrogation of legal procedure
  • The impossibility for Parliament to delegate its constitutional powers without controlling their use a posteriori.
  • The 1884 constitutional amendment making it unconstitutional to put into question the "republican form" of the government.

Out of a total of 544 Deputies, only 414 voted; and out of a total of 302 senators, only 235 voted. Of these, 357 deputies voted in favour of Pétain and 57 against, while 212 senators voted for Pétain, and 23 against. Thus, Pétain was approved by 65% of all deputies and 70% of all senators. Although Pétain could claim legality for himself, particularly in comparison with the essentially self-appointed leadership of Charles de Gaulle, the dubious circumstances of the vote explain why most French historians do not consider Vichy a complete continuity of the French state.[56]

The text voted by the Congress stated:

The National Assembly gives full powers to the government of the Republic, under the authority and the signature of Marshal Pétain, to the effect of promulgating by one or several acts a new constitution of the French state. This constitution must guarantee the rights of labour, of family and of the homeland. It will be ratified by the nation and applied by the assemblies which it has created.[57]

 
1943 1 Franc coin. Front: "French State". Back: "Work Family Homeland".

The Constitutional Acts of 11 and 12 July 1940[58] granted to Pétain all powers (legislative, judicial, administrative, executive and diplomatic) and the title of "head of the French state" (chef de l'État français), as well as the right to nominate his successor. On 12 July, Pétain designated Laval as vice-president and his designated successor and appointed Fernand de Brinon as representative to the German High Command in Paris. Pétain remained the head of the Vichy regime until 20 August 1944. The French national motto, Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité (Freedom, Equality, Brotherhood[59]) was replaced by Travail, Famille, Patrie (Work, Family, Homeland). It was noted at the time that TFP also stood for the criminal punishment of travaux forcés à perpetuité ("forced labor in perpetuity").[60] Reynaud was arrested in September 1940 by the Vichy government and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1941, before the opening of the Riom Trial.

Pétain was reactionary by nature, despite his status as a hero of the Third Republic during World War I. Almost as soon as he was granted full powers, Pétain began blaming the Third Republic's democracy and endemic corruption for France's humiliating defeat by Germany. Accordingly, his government soon began taking on authoritarian characteristics. Democratic liberties and guarantees were immediately suspended.[55] The crime of "crime of opinion" (délit d'opinion) was reestablished, effectively repealing freedom of thought and expression, and critics were frequently arrested. Elective bodies were replaced by nominated ones. The "municipalities" and the departmental commissions were thus placed under the authority of the administration and of the prefects (nominated by and dependent on the executive power). In January 1941, the National Council (Conseil National), composed of notables from the countryside and the provinces, was instituted under the same conditions. Despite the clear authoritarian cast of Pétain's government, he did not formally institute a one-party state, maintained the Tricolor and other symbols of republican France and, unlike many on the far right, was not an anti-Dreyfusard. Pétain excluded fascists from office in his government, and by and large, his cabinet comprised "February 6 men" (members of the "National Union government" formed after the 6 February 1934 crisis after the Stavisky Affair) and mainstream politicians whose career prospects had been blocked by the triumph of the Popular Front in 1936.[61]

Governments

There were five governments during the tenure of the Vichy regime, starting with the continuation of Pétain's position from the Third Republic, which dissolved itself and handed him full powers, leaving Pétain in absolute control of the new, "French State" as Pétain named it. Pierre Laval formed the first government in 1940. The second government was formed by Pierre-Étienne Flandin, and lasted just two months until February 1941. François Darlan was then head of government until April 1942, followed by Pierre Laval again until August 1944. The Vichy government fled into exile in Sigmaringen in September 1944.

Foreign relations

 
A propaganda poster in Hanoi.

Vichy France in 1940-1942 was recognised by most Axis and neutral powers, as well as the United States and the Soviet Union. During the war, Vichy France conducted military actions against armed incursions from Axis and Allied belligerents and was an example of armed neutrality. The most important such action was the scuttling of the French fleet in Toulon on 27 November 1942 to prevent its capture by the Axis. Washington at first granted Vichy full diplomatic recognition, sending Admiral William D. Leahy as American ambassador. US President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull hoped to use American influence to encourage elements in the Vichy government opposed to military collaboration with Germany. Washington also hoped to encourage Vichy to resist German war demands, such as for air bases in French-mandated Syria or moving war supplies through French territories in North Africa. The US position was essentially that unless explicitly required by the armistice terms, France should take no action that could adversely affect Allied efforts in the war.[62][page needed]

The US position towards Vichy France and de Gaulle was especially hesitant and inconsistent. Roosevelt disliked de Gaulle and regarded him as an "apprentice dictator".[63] The Americans first tried to support General Maxime Weygand, general delegate of Vichy for Africa until December 1941. After the first choice had failed, they turned to Henri Giraud shortly before the landing in North Africa on 8 November 1942. Finally, after Admiral François Darlan's turn towards the Free Forces (he had been prime minister from February 1941 to April 1942) they played him against de Gaulle.[63]

US General Mark W. Clark of the combined Allied command made Darlan sign on 22 November 1942 a treaty putting "North Africa at the disposition of the Americans" and making France "a vassal country".[63] Washington then imagined, between 1941 and 1942, a protectorate status for France, which would be submitted after the Liberation to an Allied Military Government of Occupied Territories (AMGOT) like Germany. After the assassination of Darlan on 24 December 1942, the Americans turned again towards Giraud to whom had rallied Maurice Couve de Murville, who had financial responsibilities in Vichy, and Lemaigre-Dubreuil, a former member of La Cagoule and entrepreneur, as well as Alfred Pose [fr], general director of the Banque nationale pour le commerce et l'industrie (National Bank for Trade and Industry).[63]

Moscow maintained full diplomatic relations with the Vichy government until 30 June 1941, when they were broken by Vichy expressing support for Operation Barbarossa, the German invasion of the Soviet Union. In response to British requests and sensitivities of the French-Canadian population, Canada, despite being at war with the Axis since 1939, maintained full diplomatic relations with the Vichy regime until early November 1942, when Case Anton led to the complete occupation of Vichy France by the Germans.[64]

 
Memorial to the 1,297 French seamen who died during the British bombardment of their ships at Mers El Kebir

The British feared that the French naval fleet could end up in German hands and be used against its own naval forces, which were so vital to maintaining North Atlantic shipping and communications. Under the armistice, France had been allowed to retain the French Navy, the Marine Nationale, under strict conditions. Vichy pledged that the fleet would never fall into German hands but refused to send the fleet beyond Germany's reach by sending it to Britain or to far-away French colonies such as in the West Indies. That did not satisfy Winston Churchill, who ordered French ships in British ports to be seized by the Royal Navy. Shortly after the armistice (22 June 1940), Britain conducted the destruction of the French Fleet at Mers-el-Kebir, killing 1,297 French military personnel. Vichy severed diplomatic relations with Britain. The French squadron at Alexandria, under Admiral René-Emile Godfroy, was effectively interned until 1943, when an agreement was reached with Admiral Andrew Browne Cunningham, commander of the British Mediterranean Fleet.[65] After the Mers-el-Kebir incident, the British recognised Free France as the legitimate French government.

Switzerland and other neutral states maintained diplomatic relations with the Vichy regime until the liberation of France in 1944, when Pétain resigned and was deported to Germany for the creation of a forced government-in-exile.[66]

French Indochina, Japan and Franco-Thai War

 
Japanese troops entering Saigon in 1941

In June 1940, the Fall of France made the French hold on Indochina tenuous. The isolated colonial administration was cut off from outside help and from outside supplies. After negotiations with Japan, the French allowed the Japanese to set up military bases in Indochina.[67] That seemingly-subservient behaviour convinced Major-General Plaek Pibulsonggram, the prime minister of the Kingdom of Thailand, that Vichy France would not seriously resist a campaign by the Thai military to recover parts of Cambodia and Laos that had been taken from Thailand by France in the early 20th century. In October 1940, the military forces of Thailand attacked across the border with Indochina and launched the Franco-Thai War. Although the French won an important naval victory over the Thais, Japan forced the French to accept Japanese mediation of a peace treaty, which returned the disputed territory to Thai control. The French were left in place to administer the rump colony of Indochina until 9 March 1945, when the Japanese staged a coup d'état in French Indochina and took control, establishing their own colony, the Empire of Vietnam, as a puppet state controlled by Tokyo.

Colonial struggle with Free France

To counter the Vichy government, General Charles de Gaulle created the Free French Forces (FFL) after his Appeal of 18 June 1940 radio address. Initially, Churchill was ambivalent about de Gaulle and severed diplomatic ties with the Vichy government only when it became clear that Vichy would not join the Allies.[citation needed]

India and Oceania

Until 1962, France possessed four colonies across India, the largest being Pondicherry. The colonies were small and non-contiguous but politically united. Immediately after the fall of France, the Governor General of French India, Louis Alexis Étienne Bonvin, declared that the French colonies in India would continue to fight with the British allies. Free French forces from that area and others participated in the Western Desert campaign, although news of the death of French-Indian soldiers caused some disturbances in Pondicherry.[citation needed] The French possessions in Oceania joined the Free French in 1940 or in one case in 1942. They later served as bases for the Allied effort in the Pacific and contributed troops to the Free French Forces.[68]

Following the Appeal of 18 June, debate arose among the population of French Polynesia. A referendum was organised on 2 September 1940 in Tahiti and Moorea, with outlying islands reporting agreement in the following days. The vote was 5564 to 18 in favour of joining the Free French.[69] After the attack on Pearl Harbor, American forces identified French Polynesia as an ideal refuelling point between Hawaii and Australia and, with de Gaulle's agreement, organised "Operation Bobcat" to send nine ships with 5000 American soldiers to build a naval refuelling base and airstrip and set up coastal defence guns on Bora Bora.[70] That first experience was valuable in later Seabee (phonetic pronunciation of the naval acronym, CB, or Construction Battalion) efforts in the Pacific, and the Bora Bora base supplied the Allied ships and planes that fought the battle of the Coral Sea. Troops from French Polynesia and New Caledonia formed a Bataillon du Pacifique in 1940; became part of the 1st Free French Division in 1942, distinguishing themselves during the Battle of Bir Hakeim and subsequently combining with another unit to form the Bataillon d'infanterie de marine et du Pacifique; fought in the Italian Campaign, distinguishing themselves at the Garigliano during the Battle of Monte Cassino and on to Tuscany; and participated in the Provence landings and onwards to the Liberation of France.[71][72]

In the New Hebrides, Henri Sautot promptly declared allegiance to the Free French on 20 July, the first colonial head to do so.[73] The outcome was decided by a combination of patriotism and economic opportunism in the expectation that independence would result.[74][75] Sautot subsequently sailed to New Caledonia, where he took control on 19 September.[73] Its location on the edge of the Coral Sea and on the flank of Australia made New Caledonia become strategically critical in the effort to combat the Japanese advance in the Pacific in 1941–1942 and to protect the sea lanes between North America and Australia. Nouméa served as a headquarters of the United States Navy (Naval Base New Caledonia, South Pacific Area) and Army in the South Pacific,[76] and as a repair base for Allied vessels. New Caledonia contributed personnel both to the Bataillon du Pacifique and to the Free French Naval Forces that saw action in the Pacific and Indian Ocean.

In Wallis and Futuna, the local administrator and bishop sided with Vichy but faced opposition from some of the population and clergy; their attempts at naming a local king in 1941 to buffer the territory from their opponents backfired as the newly elected king refused to declare allegiance to Pétain. The situation stagnated for a long while due to the remoteness of the islands and because no overseas ship visited the islands for 17 months after January 1941. An aviso sent from Nouméa took over Wallis on behalf of the Free French on 27 May 1942 and Futuna on 29 May 1942. That allowed American forces to build an airbase and seaplane base on Wallis (Navy 207) that served the Allied Pacific operations.[77]

Americas

A Vichy France plan to have Western Union build powerful transmitters on Saint Pierre and Miquelon in 1941 to enable private trans-Atlantic communications was blocked after pressure by Roosevelt. On 24 December 1941 Free French forces on three corvettes, supported by a submarine landed and seized control of Saint Pierre and Miquelon on orders from Charles de Gaulle without reference to any of the Allied commanders.[78]

French Guiana, on the northern coast of South America, removed its Vichy-supporting government on 22 March 1943,[79] shortly after eight allied ships had been sunk by a German submarine off the coast of Guiana,[80] and the arrival of American troops by air on 20 March.[79]

Martinique became home to the bulk of the Gold reserve of the Bank of France, with 286 tons of gold transported there on the French cruiser Émile Bertin in June 1940. The island was blockaded by the British navy until an agreement was reached to immobilise French ships in port. The British used the gold as collateral for Lend-Lease facilities from the Americans on the basis that it could be "acquired" at any time if needed.[78] In July 1943, Free French sympathisers on the island took control of the gold and the fleet once Admiral Georges Robert departed following a threat by America to launch a full-scale invasion.[79]

Guadeloupe, in the French West Indies, also changed allegiance in 1943 after Admiral Georges Robert ordered police to fire on protestors,[81] before he fled back to Europe.

Equatorial and West Africa

In Central Africa, three of the four colonies in French Equatorial Africa went over to the Free French almost immediately: French Chad on 26 August 1940, French Congo on 29 August 1940, and Ubangi-Shari on 30 August 1940. They were joined by the French League of Nations mandate of Cameroun on 27 August 1940.

On 23 September 1940, the Royal Navy and Free French forces under Gaulle launched Operation Menace, an attempt to seize the strategic Vichy-held port of Dakar in French West Africa (modern Senegal). After attempts to encourage them to join the Allies were rebuffed by the defenders, fierce fighting erupted between Vichy and Allied forces. HMS Resolution was heavily damaged by torpedoes, and Free French troops landing at a beach south of the port were driven off by heavy fire. Even worse from a strategic point of view, bombers of the Vichy French Air Force based in North Africa began bombing the British base at Gibraltar in response to the attack on Dakar. Shaken by the resolute Vichy defence and not wanting to further escalate the conflict, British and Free French forces withdrew on 25 September, bringing the battle to an end.

One colony in French Equatorial Africa, Gabon, had to be occupied by military force between 27 October and 12 November 1940.[82] On 8 November 1940, Free French forces under the command of de Gaulle and Pierre Koenig, along with the assistance of the Royal Navy, invaded Vichy-held Gabon. The capital, Libreville, was bombed and captured. The final Vichy troops in Gabon surrendered without any military confrontation with the Allies at Port-Gentil.

French Somaliland

 
Map of French Somaliland, 1922

The governor of French Somaliland (now Djibouti), Brigadier-General Paul Legentilhomme, had a garrison of seven battalions of Senegalese and Somali infantry, three batteries of field guns, four batteries of anti-aircraft guns, a company of light tanks, four companies of militia and irregulars, two platoons of the camel corps and an assortment of aircraft. After visiting from 8–13 January 1940, British General Archibald Wavell decided that Legentilhomme would command the military forces in both Somalilands in case of war against Italy.[83] In June, an Italian force was assembled to capture the port city of Djibouti, the main military base.[84] After the Fall of France in June, the neutralisation of Vichy French colonies allowed the Italians to concentrate on the more lightly defended British Somaliland.[85] On 23 July, Legentilhomme was ousted by the pro-Vichy naval officer Pierre Nouailhetas and left on 5 August for Aden, to join the Free French.

In March 1941, the British enforcement of a strict contraband regime to prevent supplies being passed on to the Italians, lost its point after the conquest of the AOI. The British changed policy, with encouragement from the Free French, to "rally French Somaliland to the Allied cause without bloodshed". The Free French were to arrange a "voluntary ralliement" by propaganda (Operation Marie), and the British were to blockade the colony.[86]

Wavell considered that if British pressure was applied, a rally would appear to have been coerced. Wavell preferred to let the propaganda continue and provided a small amount of supplies under strict control. When the policy had no effect, Wavell suggested negotiations with Vichy governor Louis Nouailhetas to use the port and railway. The suggestion was accepted by the British government but because of the concessions granted to the Vichy regime in Syria, proposals were made to invade the colony instead. In June, Nouailhetas was given an ultimatum, the blockade was tightened and the Italian garrison at Assab was defeated by an operation from Aden. For six months, Nouailhetas remained willing to grant concessions over the port and railway but would not tolerate Free French interference. In October, the blockade was reviewed, but the beginning of the war against Japan in December led to all but two blockade ships being withdrawn. On 2 January 1942, the Vichy government offered the use of the port and railway, subject to the lifting of the blockade but the British refused and ended the blockade unilaterally in March.[87]

Syria and Madagascar

The next flashpoint between Britain and Vichy France came when a revolt in Iraq was put down by British forces in June 1941. The Luftwaffe and Italian Air Force aircraft, staging through the French possession of Syria, intervened in the fighting in small numbers. That highlighted Syria as a threat to British interests in the Middle East. Consequently, on 8 June, British and Commonwealth forces invaded Syria and Lebanon; this was known as the Syria-Lebanon campaign, or Operation Exporter. The Syrian capital, Damascus, was captured on 17 June and the five-week campaign ended with the fall of Beirut and the Convention of Acre (Armistice of Saint Jean d'Acre) on 14 July 1941.

The additional participation of Free French forces in the Syrian operation was controversial within Allied circles. It raised the prospect of Frenchmen shooting at Frenchmen, raising fears of a civil war. Additionally it was believed that the Free French were widely reviled within Vichy military circles and that Vichy forces in Syria were less likely to resist the British if they were not accompanied by elements of the Free French. Nevertheless, de Gaulle convinced Churchill to allow his forces to participate, although de Gaulle was forced to agree to a joint British and Free French proclamation promising that Syria and Lebanon would become fully independent at the end of the war.

From 5 May to 6 November 1942, British and Commonwealth forces conducted Operation Ironclad, known as the Battle of Madagascar, the seizure of the large, Vichy French-controlled island of Madagascar, which the British feared Japanese forces might use as a base to disrupt trade and communications in the Indian Ocean. The initial landing at Diégo-Suarez was relatively quick, though it took British forces a further six months to gain control of the entire island.[citation needed]

French North Africa

Operation Torch was the American and British invasion of French North Africa (Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia), started on 8 November 1942, with landings in Morocco and Algeria. The long-term goal was to clear German and Italian forces from North Africa, enhance naval control of the Mediterranean and prepare for an invasion of Italy in 1943. The Vichy forces initially resisted, killing 479 Allied forces and wounding 720. Admiral François Darlan initiated co-operation with the Allies, who recognised Darlan's self-nomination as High Commissioner of France (head of civil government) for North and West Africa. He ordered Vichy forces there to cease resisting and to co-operate with the Allies, and they did so. When the Tunisia Campaign was fought, the French forces in North Africa had gone over to the Allied side and joined the Free French.[88][89]

 
Henri Giraud and de Gaulle during the Casablanca Conference in January 1943

In North Africa, after the 8 November 1942 putsch by the French Resistance, most Vichy figures were arrested, including General Alphonse Juin, chief commander in North Africa, and Admiral François Darlan. Darlan was released, and US General Dwight D. Eisenhower finally accepted his self-nomination as High Commissioner of North Africa and French West Africa (Afrique occidentale française, AOF), a move that enraged de Gaulle, who refused to recognise Darlan's status. After Darlan signed an armistice with the Allies and took power in North Africa, Germany violated the 1940 armistice with France and invaded Vichy France on 10 November 1942 in the operation code-named Case Anton, triggering the scuttling of the French fleet in Toulon.

Henri Giraud arrived in Algiers on 10 November 1942 and agreed to subordinate himself to Admiral Darlan as the French Africa army commander. Even though Darlan was now in the Allied camp, he maintained the repressive Vichy system in North Africa, including concentration camps in southern Algeria and racist laws. Detainees were also forced to work on the Trans-Saharan Railway. Jewish goods were "aryanized" (stolen), and a special Jewish Affairs service was created, directed by Pierre Gazagne. Numerous Jewish children were prohibited from going to school, which even Vichy had not implemented in Metropolitan France.[90] Darlan was assassinated on 24 December 1942 in Algiers by the young monarchist Bonnier de La Chapelle. Although de La Chapelle had been a member of the resistance group led by Henri d'Astier de La Vigerie, he is believed to have acted as an individual.

After Darlan's assassination, Henri Giraud became his de facto successor in French Africa with Allied support. That occurred through a series of consultations between Giraud and de Gaulle. The latter wanted to pursue a political position in France and agreed to have Giraud as commander-in-chief, who was more qualified militarily. Later, the Americans sent Jean Monnet to counsel Giraud and to press him to repeal the Vichy laws. After difficult negotiations, Giraud agreed to suppress the racist laws and to liberate Vichy prisoners from the southern Algerian concentration camps. The Cremieux decree, which granted French citizenship to Jews in Algeria and had been repealed by Vichy, was immediately restored by Gaulle.

Giraud took part in the Casablanca Conference, with Roosevelt, Churchill, and de Gaulle in January 1943. The Allies discussed their general strategy for the war and recognised joint leadership of North Africa by Giraud and de Gaulle. Giraud and de Gaulle then became co-presidents of the French Committee of National Liberation, which unified the Free French Forces and territories controlled by them and had been founded in late 1943. Democratic rule for the European population was restored in French Algeria, and the Communists and Jews liberated from the concentration camps.[90]

In late April 1945 Pierre Gazagne [fr], secretary of the general government headed by Yves Chataigneau, took advantage of his absence to exile anti-imperialist leader Messali Hadj and arrest the leaders of his Algerian People's Party (PPA).[90] On the day of the Liberation of France, the GPRF would harshly repress a rebellion in Algeria during the Sétif massacre of 8 May 1945, which has been characterized by some historians as the "real beginning of the Algerian War".[90]

Collaboration with Nazi Germany

 
23 January 1943: German-Vichy French meeting in Marseilles. SS-Sturmbannführer Bernhard Griese, Marcel Lemoine (regional préfet), Rolf Mühler [de] (Commander of Marseilles Sicherheitspolizei); laughing: René Bousquet (General Secretary of the French National Police created in 1941), creator of the GMRs; behind: Louis Darquier de Pellepoix (Commissioner for Jewish Affairs).

Vichy is often described as a German puppet state, although it has also been argued it had an agenda of its own.[91][92]

Historians distinguish between state collaboration followed by the Vichy regime, and "collaborationists", who were private French citizens eager to collaborate with Germany and who pushed towards a radicalisation of the regime. Pétainistes, on the other hand, were direct supporters of Marshal Pétain rather than of Germany (although they accepted Pétain's state collaboration). State collaboration was sealed by the Montoire (Loir-et-Cher) interview in Hitler's train on 24 October 1940, during which Pétain and Hitler shook hands and agreed on co-operation between the two states. Organized by Pierre Laval, a strong proponent of collaboration, the interview and the handshake were photographed and exploited by Nazi propaganda to gain the support of the civilian population. On 30 October 1940, Pétain made state collaboration official, declaring on the radio: "I enter today on the path of collaboration."[note 2] On 22 June 1942, Laval declared that he was "hoping for the victory of Germany". The sincere desire to collaborate did not stop the Vichy government from organising the arrest and even sometimes the execution of German spies entering the Vichy zone.[93]

The composition and policies of the Vichy cabinet were mixed. Many Vichy officials, such as Pétain, were reactionaries who felt that France's unfortunate fate was a result of its republican character and the actions of its left-wing governments of the 1930s, in particular of the Popular Front (1936–1938) led by Léon Blum. Charles Maurras, a monarchist writer and founder of the Action Française movement, judged that Pétain's accession to power was, in that respect, a "divine surprise", and many people of his persuasion believed it preferable to have an authoritarian government similar to that of Francisco Franco's Spain, even if under Germany's yoke, than to have a republican government. Others, like Joseph Darnand, were strong anti-Semites and overt Nazi sympathizers. A number of these joined the units of the Légion des Volontaires Français contre le Bolchévisme (Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism) fighting on the Eastern Front, later becoming the SS Charlemagne Division.[94]

On the other hand, technocrats such as Jean Bichelonne and engineers from the Groupe X-Crise used their position to push various state, administrative, and economic reforms. These reforms have been cited as evidence of a continuity of the French administration before and after the war. Many of these civil servants and the reforms they advocated were retained after the war. Just as the necessities of a war economy during the First World War had pushed forward state measures to reorganise the economy of France against the prevailing classical liberal theories – structures retained after the 1919 Treaty of Versailles – reforms adopted during World War II were kept and extended. Along with the 15 March 1944 Charter of the Conseil National de la Résistance (CNR), which gathered all Resistance movements under one unified political body, these reforms were a primary instrument in the establishment of post-war dirigisme, a kind of semi-planned economy which led to France becoming a modern social democracy. An example of such continuities is the creation of the French Foundation for the Study of Human Problems by Alexis Carrel, a renowned physician who also supported eugenics. This institution was renamed as the National Institute of Demographic Studies (INED) after the war and exists to this day. Another example is the creation of the national statistics institute, renamed INSEE after the Liberation.

The reorganisation and unification of the French police by René Bousquet, who created the groupes mobiles de réserve (GMR, Reserve Mobile Groups), is another example of Vichy policy reform and restructuring maintained by subsequent governments. A national paramilitary police force, the GMR was occasionally used in actions against the French Resistance, but its main purpose was to enforce Vichy authority through intimidation and repression of the civilian population. After Liberation, some of its units were merged with the Free French Army to form the Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité (CRS, Republican Security Companies), France's main anti-riot force.

Racial policies and collaboration

 
French Police registering new inmates at the Pithiviers camp
 
French Milice guarding detainees

Germany interfered little in internal French affairs for the first two years after the armistice, as long as public order was maintained.[95] As soon as it was established, Pétain's government voluntarily took measures against "undesirables": Jews, métèques (immigrants from Mediterranean countries), Freemasons, Communists, Romani, homosexuals,[96] and left-wing activists. Inspired by Charles Maurras's conception of the "Anti-France" (which he defined as the "four confederate states of Protestants, Jews, Freemasons, and foreigners"), Vichy persecuted these supposed enemies.

In July 1940, Vichy set up a special commission charged with reviewing naturalisations granted since the 1927 reform of the nationality law.[97] Between June 1940 and August 1944, 15,000 persons, mostly Jews, were denaturalised.[98][99] This bureaucratic decision was instrumental in their subsequent internment in the green ticket roundup.[citation needed]

The Internment camps in France inaugurated by the Third Republic were immediately put to new use, ultimately becoming transit camps for the implementation of the Holocaust and the extermination of all undesirables, including the Romani people (who refer to the extermination of the Romani as Porrajmos). A Vichy law of 4 October 1940 authorised internments of foreign Jews on the sole basis of a prefectoral order,[100] and the first raids took place in May 1941. Vichy imposed no restrictions on black people in the Unoccupied Zone; the regime even had a mixed-race cabinet minister, the Martinique-born lawyer Henry Lémery.[101]

The Third Republic had first opened concentration camps during World War I for the internment of enemy aliens and later used them for other purposes. Camp Gurs, for example, had been set up in southwestern France after the fall of Catalonia, in the first months of 1939, during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), to receive the Republican refugees, including Brigadists from all nations, fleeing the Francoists. After Édouard Daladier's government (April 1938 – March 1940) took the decision to outlaw the French Communist Party (PCF) following the signing of the German–Soviet non-aggression pact (the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact) in August 1939, these camps were also used to intern French communists. Drancy internment camp was founded in 1939 for this use; it later became the central transit camp through which all deportees passed on their way to concentration and extermination camps in the Third Reich and Eastern Europe. When the Phoney War started with France's declaration of war against Germany on 3 September 1939, these camps were used to intern enemy aliens. These included German Jews and anti-fascists, but any German citizen (or other Axis national) could also be interned in Camp Gurs and others. As the Wehrmacht advanced into Northern France, common prisoners evacuated from prisons were also interned in these camps. Camp Gurs received its first contingent of political prisoners in June 1940. It included left-wing activists (communists, anarchists, trade-unionists, anti-militarists) and pacifists, as well as French fascists who supported Italy and Germany. Finally, after Pétain's proclamation of the "French State" and the beginning of the implementation of the "Révolution nationale" (National Revolution), the French administration opened up many concentration camps, to the point that, as historian Maurice Rajsfus writes, "The quick opening of new camps created employment, and the Gendarmerie never ceased to hire during this period."[102]

Besides the political prisoners already detained there, Gurs was then used to intern foreign Jews, stateless persons, Romani, homosexuals, and prostitutes. Vichy opened its first internment camp in the northern zone on 5 October 1940, in Aincourt, in the Seine-et-Oise department, which it quickly filled with PCF members.[103] The Royal Saltworks at Arc-et-Senans, in the Doubs, was used to intern Romani.[104] The Camp des Milles, near Aix-en-Provence, was the largest internment camp in the Southeast of France; twenty-five hundred Jews were deported from there following the August 1942 raids.[105] Exiled Republican, antifascist Spaniards who had sought refuge in France after the Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War were then deported, and 5,000 of them died in Mauthausen concentration camp.[106] In contrast, French colonial soldiers were interned by the Germans in French territory instead of being deported.[106]

Besides the concentration camps opened by Vichy, the Germans also opened some Ilags (Internierungslager) for the detention of enemy aliens on French territory; in Alsace, which was under the direct administration of the Reich, they opened the Natzweiler camp, the only concentration camp created by the Nazis on French territory. Natzweiler included a gas chamber, which was used to exterminate at least 86 detainees (mostly Jewish) with the aim of obtaining a collection of undamaged skeletons for the use of Nazi professor August Hirt.

The Vichy government took a number of racially motivated measures. In August 1940, laws against antisemitism in the media (the Marchandeau Act) were repealed, while decree n°1775 of 5 September 1943 denaturalised a number of French citizens, in particular Jews from Eastern Europe.[106] Foreigners were rounded-up in "Foreign Workers' Groups" (groupements de travailleurs étrangers) and as with the colonial troops, used by the Germans as manpower.[106] The October law on the status of Jews excluded them from the civil administration and numerous other professions.

Vichy also enacted racial laws in its territories in North Africa. "The history of the Holocaust in France's three North African colonies (Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia) is intrinsically tied to France's fate during this period."[107][108][109][110][111]

With regard to economic contribution to the German economy, it is estimated that France provided 42% of the total foreign aid.[112]

Eugenics policies

In 1941, Nobel Prize winner Alexis Carrel, an early proponent of eugenics and euthanasia, and a member of Jacques Doriot's French Popular Party (PPF),[citation needed] advocated for the creation of the French Foundation for the Study of Human Problems (Fondation Française pour l'Étude des Problèmes Humains), using connections to the Pétain cabinet. Charged with the "study, in all of its aspects, of measures aimed at safeguarding, improving and developing the French population in all of its activities", the Foundation was created by decree of the collaborationist Vichy regime in 1941, and Carrel was appointed as "regent".[113] The Foundation also had for some time as general secretary François Perroux.[citation needed]

The Foundation was behind the 16 December 1942 Act mandating the "prenuptial certificate", which required all couples seeking marriage to submit to a biological examination, to ensure the "good health" of the spouses, in particular with regard to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and "life hygiene".[citation needed] Carrel's institute also conceived the "scholar booklet" ("livret scolaire"), which could be used to record students' grades in French secondary schools and thus classify and select them according to scholastic performance.[citation needed] Besides these eugenic activities aimed at classifying the population and improving its health, the Foundation also supported an 11 October 1946 law instituting occupational medicine, enacted by the Provisional Government of the French Republic (GPRF) after the Liberation.[114]

The Foundation initiated studies on demographics (Robert Gessain, Paul Vincent, Jean Bourgeois), nutrition (Jean Sutter), and housing (Jean Merlet), as well as the first polls (Jean Stoetzel). The foundation, which after the war became the INED demographics institute, employed 300 researchers from the summer of 1942 to the end of the autumn[when?] of 1944.[115] "The foundation was chartered as a public institution under the joint supervision of the ministries of finance and public health. It was given financial autonomy and a budget of forty million francs, roughly one franc per inhabitant: a true luxury considering the burdens imposed by the German Occupation on the nation's resources. By way of comparison, the whole Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) was given a budget of fifty million francs."[113]

Alexis Carrel had previously published in 1935 the best-selling book L'Homme, cet inconnu ("Man, This Unknown"). Since the early 1930s, Carrel had advocated the use of gas chambers to rid humanity of its "inferior stock"[citation needed], endorsing the scientific racism discourse.[citation needed] One of the founders of these pseudoscientifical theories had been Arthur de Gobineau in his 1853–1855 essay titled "An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races".[114] In the 1936 preface to the German edition of his book, Alexis Carrel had added a praise to the eugenics policies of the Third Reich, writing the following:

The German government has taken energetic measures against the propagation of the defective, the mentally diseased, and the criminal. The ideal solution would be the suppression of each of these individuals as soon as he has proven himself to be dangerous.[116]

Carrel also wrote this in his book:

The conditioning of petty criminals with the whip, or some more scientific procedure, followed by a short stay in hospital, would probably suffice to ensure order. Those who have murdered, robbed while armed with automatic pistol or machine gun, kidnapped children, despoiled the poor of their savings, misled the public in important matters, should be humanely and economically disposed of in small euthanasic institutions supplied with proper gasses. A similar treatment could be advantageously applied to the insane, guilty of criminal acts.[117]

Alexis Carrel had also taken an active part to a symposium in Pontigny organised by Jean Coutrot, the "Entretiens de Pontigny".[citation needed] Scholars such as Lucien Bonnafé, Patrick Tort, and Max Lafont have accused Carrel of responsibility for the execution of thousands of mentally ill or impaired patients under Vichy.[114]

Antisemitic laws

 
Poster above the entrance of an anti-semitic exhibition called "The Jew and France"

A Nazi ordinance dated 21 September 1940 forced Jews of the occupied zone to declare themselves as such at a police station or sub-prefectures (sous-préfectures). Under the responsibility of André Tulard, head of the Service on Foreign Persons and Jewish Questions at the Prefecture of Police of Paris, a filing system registering Jewish people was created. Tulard had previously created such a filing system under the Third Republic, registering members of the Communist Party (PCF). In the department of the Seine, encompassing Paris and its immediate suburbs, nearly 150,000 persons, unaware of the upcoming danger and assisted by the police, presented themselves at police stations in accordance with the military order. The registered information was then centralised by the French police, who constructed, under the direction of inspector Tulard, a central filing system. According to the Dannecker report, "this filing system is subdivided into files alphabetically classed, Jewish with French nationality and foreign Jewish having files of different colours, and the files were also classed, according to profession, nationality and street [of residency]".[118] These files were then handed over to Theodor Dannecker, head of the Gestapo in France, under the orders of Adolf Eichmann, head of the RSHA IV-D. They were used by the Gestapo on various raids, among them the August 1941 raid in the 11th arrondissement of Paris, which resulted in 3,200 foreign and 1,000 French Jews being interned in various camps, including Drancy.

On 3 October 1940, the Vichy government promulgated the Law on the status of Jews, which created a special underclass of French Jewish citizens.[119] The law excluded Jews from the administration, the armed forces, entertainment, arts, media, and certain professions, such as teaching, law, and medicine. The next day, a law regarding foreign Jews was signed authorising their detention.[120] A Commissariat-General for Jewish Affairs (CGQJ, Commissariat Général aux Questions Juives) was created on 29 March 1941. It was directed by Xavier Vallat until May 1942 and then by Darquier de Pellepoix until February 1944. Mirroring the Reich Association of Jews, the Union générale des israélites de France was founded.

The police oversaw the confiscation of telephones and radios from Jewish homes and enforced a curfew on Jews starting in February 1942. They also enforced requirements that Jews not appear in public places and ride only on the last car of the Parisian metro.

Along with many French police officials, André Tulard was present on the day of the inauguration of Drancy internment camp in 1941[citation needed], which was used largely by French police as the central transit camp for detainees captured in France. All Jews and others "undesirables" passed through Drancy before heading to Auschwitz and other camps.[121]

July 1942 Vel' d'Hiv Roundup

 
Two Jewish women in occupied Paris wearing yellow badges before the mass arrests

In July 1942, under German orders, the French police organised the Vel' d'Hiv Roundup (Rafle du Vel' d'Hiv) under orders by René Bousquet and his second in Paris, Jean Leguay, with co-operation from authorities of the SNCF, the state railway company. The police arrested 13,152 Jews, including 4,051 children—which the Gestapo had not asked for—and 5,082 women, on 16 and 17 July and imprisoned them in the Vélodrome d'Hiver (Winter Velodrome) in unhygienic conditions. They were led to Drancy internment camp (run by Nazi Alois Brunner and French constabulary police) and crammed into box cars and shipped by rail to Auschwitz. Most of the victims died en route due to lack of food or water. The remaining survivors were sent to the gas chambers. This action alone represented more than a quarter of the 42,000 French Jews sent to concentration camps in 1942, of whom only 811 would return after the end of the war. Although the Nazi VT (Verfügungstruppe) had directed the action, French police authorities vigorously participated. "There was no effective police resistance until the end of Spring of 1944", wrote historians Jean-Luc Einaudi and Maurice Rajsfus.[122]

August 1942 and January 1943 raids

The French police, headed by Bousquet, arrested 7,000 Jews in the southern zone in August 1942. 2,500 of them transited through the Camp des Milles near Aix-en-Provence before joining Drancy. Then, on 22, 23, and 24 January 1943, assisted by Bousquet's police force, the Germans organised a raid in Marseilles. During the Battle of Marseilles, the French police checked the identity documents of 40,000 people, and the operation sent 2,000 Marseillese people in the death trains, leading to the extermination camps. The operation also encompassed the expulsion of an entire neighbourhood (30,000 persons) in the Old Port before its destruction. For this occasion, SS-Gruppenführer Karl Oberg, in charge of the German Police in France, made the trip from Paris and transmitted to Bousquet orders directly received from Heinrich Himmler. It is another notable case of the French police's willful collaboration with the Nazis.[123]

Jewish death toll

In 1940, approximately 350,000 Jews lived in metropolitan France, less than half of them with French citizenship (the others being foreign, mostly exiles from Germany during the 1930s).[124] About 200,000 of them, and the large majority of foreign Jews, resided in Paris and its outskirts. Among the 150,000 French Jews, about 30,000, generally native from Central Europe, had been naturalised French during the 1930s. Of the total, approximately 25,000 French Jews and 50,000 foreign Jews were deported.[125] According to historian Robert Paxton, 76,000 Jews were deported and died in concentration and extermination camps. Including the Jews who died in concentration camps in France, this would have made for a total figure of 90,000 Jewish deaths (a quarter of the total Jewish population before the war, by his estimate).[126][better source needed] Paxton's numbers imply that 14,000 Jews died in French concentration camps, but the systematic census of Jewish deportees from France (citizens or not) drawn under Serge Klarsfeld concluded that 3,000 had died in French concentration camps and 1,000 more had been shot. Of the approximately 76,000 deported, 2,566 survived. The total thus reported is slightly below 77,500 dead (somewhat less than a quarter of the Jewish population in France in 1940).[127]

Proportionally, either number makes for a lower death toll than in some other countries (in the Netherlands, 75% of the Jewish population was murdered).[126] This fact has been used as arguments by supporters of Vichy; according to Paxton, the figure would have been greatly lower if the "French state" had not willfully collaborated with Germany, which lacked staff for police activities. During the Vel' d'Hiv Roundup of July 1942, Laval ordered the deportation of children, against explicit German orders. Paxton pointed out that if the total number of victims had not been higher, it was due to the shortage in wagons, the resistance of the civilian population, and deportation in other countries (notably in Italy).[126]

Government responsibility

 
Commemorative plaque to the victims held in the Vel' d'Hiv after the 16–17 July 1942 roundup of Jews in Paris

For decades, the French government argued that the French Republic had been dismantled when Philippe Pétain instituted a new French State during the war and that the Republic had been reestablished when the war was over. It was not for the Republic, therefore, to apologise for events that happened while it had not existed and that had been carried out by a State it did not recognise. For example, former President François Mitterrand had maintained that the Vichy Government, not France's Republic, was responsible. This position was more recently reiterated by Marine Le Pen, leader of the National Front Party, during the 2017 election campaign.[128][129]

The first official admission that the French State had been complicit in the deportation of 76,000 Jews during WW II was made in 1995 by then President Jacques Chirac, at the site of the Vélodrome d'Hiver, where 13,000 Jews had been rounded up for deportation to death camps in July 1942. "France, on that day [16 July 1942], committed the irreparable. Breaking its word, it handed those who were under its protection over to their executioners," he said. Those responsible for the roundup were "450 policemen and gendarmes, French, under the authority of their leaders [who] obeyed the demands of the Nazis..... the criminal folly of the occupiers was seconded by the French, by the French state".[130][131][132]

On 16 July 2017, also at a ceremony at the Vel' d'Hiv site, President Emmanuel Macron denounced the country's role in the Holocaust in France and the historical revisionism that denied France's responsibility for the 1942 roundup and subsequent deportation of 13,000 Jews. "It was indeed France that organised this", Macron insisted, French police collaborating with the Nazis. "Not a single German" was directly involved," he added. Macron was even more specific than Chirac had been in stating that the Government during the War was certainly that of France. "It is convenient to see the Vichy regime as born of nothingness, returned to nothingness. Yes, it's convenient, but it is false. We cannot build pride upon a lie."[133][134]

Macron made a subtle reference to Chirac's remark when he added, "I say it again here. It was indeed France that organized the roundup, the deportation, and thus, for almost all, death."[135][136]

Collaborationnistes

 
Légion des Volontaires fighting with the Axis on the Eastern Front

Stanley Hoffmann in 1974[137] and then other historians such as Robert Paxton and Jean-Pierre Azéma have used the term collaborationnistes to refer to fascists and Nazi sympathisers who, for ideological reasons, wished a reinforced collaboration with Hitler's Germany. Examples are the Parti Populaire Français (PPF) leader Jacques Doriot, the writer Robert Brasillach or Marcel Déat. A principal motivation and ideological foundation among collaborationnistes was anticommunism.[137]

Collaborationnisme (English: collaborationism) should be distinguished from collaboration. Collaborationism refers to those, primarily from the fascist right, who embraced the goal of a German victory as their own,[138][139] whereas collaboration refers to those of the French who for whatever reason collaborated with the Germans. Organizations such as La Cagoule opposed the Third Republic, particularly while the left-wing Popular Front was in power.[citation needed]

Collaborationists may have influenced the Vichy government's policies, but ultra-collaborationists never comprised the majority of the government before 1944.[140]

To enforce the régime's will, some paramilitary organisations were created. One example was the Légion Française des Combattants (LFC) (French Legion of Fighters), including at first only former combatants but quickly adding Amis de la Légion and cadets of the Légion, who had never seen battle but supported Pétain's régime. The name was then quickly changed to Légion Française des Combattants et des volontaires de la Révolution Nationale (French Legion of Fighters and Volunteers of the National Revolution). Joseph Darnand created a Service d'Ordre Légionnaire (SOL), which consisted mostly of French supporters of the Nazis and was fully approved by Pétain.[citation needed]

Social and economic history

 
Vichy French zinc and aluminium coins made during the war circulated in both the German–occupied zone and Vichy's unoccupied zone.

Vichy authorities strongly opposed "modern" social trends and tried "national regeneration" to restore behaviour more in line with traditional Catholicism. Philip Manow argued that, "Vichy represents the authoritarian, antidemocratic solution that the French political right, in coalition with the national Church hierarchy, had sought repeatedly during the interwar period and almost put in place in 1934".[141] Calling for "National Regeneration", Vichy reversed many liberal policies and began tight supervision of the economy, with central planning as a key feature.[18]

Labour unions came under tight government control. There were no elections. The independence of women was reversed, with an emphasis put on motherhood. Government agencies had to fire married women employees.[citation needed] Conservative Catholics became prominent. Paris lost its avant-garde status in European art and culture.[142] The media were tightly controlled and stressed virulent anti-Semitism and, after June 1941, anti-Bolshevism.[18] Hans Petter Graver wrote that Vichy "is notorious for its enactment of anti-Semitic laws and decrees, and these were all loyally enforced by the judiciary".[143]

Economy

 
Vichy-era poster calling for volunteers to work in Germany in exchange for French prisoners of war.

Vichy rhetoric exalted the skilled labourer and small businessman. In practice, the needs of artisans for raw materials were neglected in favour of big businesses.[144] The General Committee for the Organization of Commerce (CGOC) was a national program to modernise and professionalise small business.[145]

In 1940, the government took direct control of all production, which was synchronised with German demands. It replaced free trade unions with compulsory state unions that dictated labour policy without regard to the voice or needs of the workers. The centralised bureaucratic control of the French economy was not a success, as German demands grew heavier and more unrealistic, passive resistance and inefficiencies multiplied and Allied bombers hit the rail yards. Vichy made the first comprehensive long-range plans for the French economy, but the government had never attempted a comprehensive overview. De Gaulle's provisional government in 1944–45 quietly used the Vichy plans as a base for its own reconstruction program. The Monnet Plan of 1946 reaped the heritage of previous efforts at planning in the 1930s, Vichy, the Resistance, and the Provisional Government.[146] Monnet's plan to modernize the economy was designed to improve the country's competitive position so as to prepare it for participation in an open multilateral system and, thereby, to reduce the need for trade protection.[147]

Forced labour

Nazi Germany kept French prisoners-of-war as forced labourers throughout the war. They added compulsory and volunteer workers from occupied nations, especially in metal factories. The shortage of volunteers led the Vichy government to pass a law in September 1942 that effectively deported workers to Germany, where they were 15% of the labour force by August 1944. The largest number worked in the giant Krupp steel works in Essen. Low pay, long hours, frequent bombings and crowded air raid shelters added to the unpleasant conditions of poor housing, inadequate heating, limited food, and poor medical care, all compounded by harsh Nazi discipline. The workers finally returned home in the summer of 1945.[148] The forced labour draft encouraged the French Resistance and undermined the Vichy government.[149]

Food shortages

Civilians suffered shortages of all varieties of consumer goods.[150] The rationing system was stringent and badly mismanaged, leading to malnourishment, black markets and hostility to state management of the food supply. The Germans seized about 20% of the French food production, causing severe disruption to the French household economy.[151] French farm production fell by half because of lack of fuel, fertiliser and workers. Even so, the Germans seized half the meat, 20% of the produce and 2% of the champagne.[152] Supply problems quickly affected French stores, which lacked most items. The government answered by rationing, but German officials set the policies, and hunger prevailed, especially affecting youth in urban areas. The queues lengthened in front of shops.

Some people, including German soldiers, benefited from the black market, where food was sold without tickets at very high prices. Farmers especially diverted meat to the black market and so there was much less for the open market. Counterfeit food tickets were also in circulation. Direct buying from farmers in the countryside and barter against cigarettes became common although those activities were strictly forbidden and thus carried the risk of confiscation and fines.

Food shortages were most acute in the large cities. In the more remote country villages, clandestine slaughtering, vegetable gardens and the availability of milk products permitted better survival. The official ration provided starvation level diets of 1013 or fewer calories a day, supplemented by home gardens and especially black market purchases.[153]

Women

The two million French soldiers held as prisoners-of-war and forced labourers in Germany throughout the war were not at risk of death in combat, but the anxieties of separation for their 800,000 wives were high. The government provided a modest allowance, but one in ten became prostitutes to support their families.[154]

Meanwhile, the Vichy regime promoted a highly-traditional model of female roles.[155] The National Revolution's official ideology fostered the patriarchal family, headed by a man with a subservient wife, who was devoted to her many children. It gave women a key symbolic role to carry out the national regeneration and used propaganda, women's organisations and legislation to promote maternity; patriotic duty and female submission to marriage, home and children's education.[150] The falling birth rate appeared to be a grave problem to Vichy, which introduced family allowances and opposed birth control and abortion. Conditions were very difficult for housewives, as food was short as well as most necessities.[156] Mother's Day became a major date in the Vichy calendar, with festivities in the towns and schools featuring the award of medals to mothers of numerous children. Divorce laws were made much more stringent, and restrictions were placed on the employment of married women. Family allowances, which had begun in the 1930s, were continued and became a vital lifeline for many families as a monthly cash bonus for having more children. In 1942, the birth rate started to rise, and by 1945, it was higher than it had been for a century.[157]

On the other side, women of the Resistance, many of whom were associated with combat groups linked to the French Communist Party, broke the gender barrier by fighting side by side with men. After the war, their services were ignored, but France did give women the vote in 1944.[158]

German invasion, November 1942

 
Progressive end of the Vichy regime

Hitler ordered Case Anton to occupy Corsica and then the rest of the unoccupied southern zone in immediate reaction to the landing of the Allies in North Africa (Operation Torch) on 8 November 1942. Following the conclusion of the operation on 12 November, Vichy's remaining military forces were disbanded. Vichy continued to exercise its remaining jurisdiction over almost all of metropolitan France, with the residual power devolved into the hands of Laval, until the gradual collapse of the regime following the Allied invasion in June 1944. On 7 September 1944, following the Allied invasion of France, the remainders of the Vichy government cabinet fled to Germany and established a puppet government in exile in the so-called Sigmaringen enclave. That rump government finally fell when the city was taken by the Allied French army in April 1945.

Part of the residual legitimacy of the Vichy regime resulted from the continued ambivalence of U.S. and other leaders. President Roosevelt continued to cultivate Vichy, and promoted General Henri Giraud as a preferable alternative to de Gaulle, despite the poor performance of Vichy forces in North Africa—Admiral François Darlan had landed in Algiers the day before Operation Torch. Algiers was headquarters of the Vichy French 19th Army Corps, which controlled Vichy military units in North Africa. Darlan was neutralised within 15 hours by a 400-strong French resistance force. Roosevelt and Churchill accepted Darlan, rather than de Gaulle, as the French leader in North Africa. De Gaulle had not even been informed of the landing in North Africa.[90] The United States also resented the Free French taking control of St Pierre and Miquelon on 24 December 1941, because, Secretary of State Cordell Hull believed, it interfered with a U.S.-Vichy agreement to maintain the status quo with respect to French territorial possessions in the western hemisphere.

Following the invasion of France via Normandy and Provence (Operation Overlord and Operation Dragoon) and the departure of the Vichy leaders, the U.S., Britain and the Soviet Union finally recognised the Provisional Government of the French Republic (GPRF) headed by de Gaulle as the legitimate government of France on 23 October 1944. Before that, the first return of democracy to Metropolitan France since 1940 had occurred with the declaration of the Free Republic of Vercors on 3 July 1944, at the behest of the Free French government—but that act of resistance was quashed by an overwhelming German attack by the end of July.

Decline of the regime

Independence of the SOL

 
A recruitment poster for the Milice. The text says "Against Communism / French Militia / Secretary-General Joseph Darnand".

In 1943 the Service d'ordre légionnaire (SOL) collaborationist militia, headed by Joseph Darnand, became independent and was transformed into the "Milice française" (French Militia). Officially directed by Pierre Laval himself, the SOL was led by Darnand, who held an SS rank and pledged an oath of loyalty to Adolf Hitler. Under Darnand and his sub-commanders, such as Paul Touvier and Jacques de Bernonville, the Milice was responsible for helping the German forces and police in the repression of the French Resistance and Maquis.

Sigmaringen commission

 
The Sigmaringen operation was based in the city's ancient castle.
 
Liberation of France, 1944

Following the liberation of Paris on 25 August 1944, Pétain and his ministers were taken to Sigmaringen by the German forces. After both Pétain and Laval refused to cooperate, Fernand de Brinon was selected by the Germans to establish a pseudo-government in exile at Sigmaringen. Pétain refused to participate further and the Sigmaringen operation had little to no authority. The offices used the official title "French Government Commission for the Defense of National Interests" (French: Commission gouvernementale française pour la défense des intérêts nationaux) and informally was known as the "French Delegation" (French: Délégation française). The enclave had its own radio station (Radio-patrie, Ici la France) and official press (La France, Le Petit Parisien), and hosted the embassies of Axis powers Germany and Japan, as well as an Italian consulate. The population of the enclave was about 6,000, including known collaborationist journalists, the writers Louis-Ferdinand Céline and Lucien Rebatet, the actor Robert Le Vigan, and their families, as well as 500 soldiers, 700 French SS, prisoners of war and French civilian forced labourers.[159]

The Commission lasted for seven months, surviving Allied bombing runs, poor nutrition and housing, and a bitterly cold winter where temperatures plunged to −30 °C (−22 °F), while residents nervously watched the advancing Allied troops drawing closer and discussed rumors.[160]

On 21 April 1945 General de Lattre ordered his forces to take Sigmaringen. The end came within days, and by the 26th, Pétain was in the hands of French authorities in Switzerland while Laval had fled to Spain.[161][162] Brinon,[163] Luchaire, and Darnand were captured, tried, and executed by 1947. Other members escaped to Italy or Spain.

Aftermath

Provisional government

The Free French, concerned that the Allies might decide to put France under administration of the Allied Military Government for Occupied Territories, strove to establish the Provisional Government of the French Republic quickly. The first action of the Provisional Government was to reestablish republican legality throughout Metropolitan France.

The provisional government considered the Vichy government to have been unconstitutional and all of its actions therefore without legitimate authority. All "constitutional acts, legislative or regulatory" taken by the Vichy government, as well as decrees taken to implement them, were declared null and void by the Ordinance of 9 August 1944. Inasmuch as blanket rescission of all acts taken by Vichy, including measures that might have been taken by a legitimate republican government, was deemed impractical, the order provided that acts not expressly noted as nullified in the order were to continue to receive "provisional application". Many acts were explicitly repealed, including all acts that Vichy had called "constitutional acts", all acts that discriminated against Jews, all acts related to so-called "secret societies" (such as Freemasons), and all acts that established special tribunals.[164]

Collaborationist paramilitary and political organisations, such as the Milice and the Service d'ordre légionnaire, were also dissolved.[164]

The Provisional Government also took steps to replace local governments, including governments that had been suppressed by the Vichy regime through new elections or by extending the terms of those who had been elected not later than 1939.[165]

Purges

After the liberation, France was swept for a short period with a wave of executions of collaborationists. Some were brought to the Vélodrome d'hiver, Fresnes prison or the Drancy internment camp. Women who were suspected of having romantic liaisons with Germans or more often[citation needed] of being prostitutes who had entertained German customers were publicly humiliated by having their heads shaved. Those who had engaged in the black market were also stigmatised as "war profiteers" (profiteurs de guerre), and popularly called "BOF" (Beurre Oeuf Fromage, or Butter Eggs Cheese, because of the products sold at outrageous prices during the Occupation). The Provisional Government of the French Republic (GPRF, 1944–46) quickly reestablished order, and brought collaborationists before the courts. Many convicted collaborationists were then given amnesty under the Fourth Republic (1946–54).

Four different periods are distinguished by historians:

  • the first phase of popular convictions (épuration sauvage – wild purge): extrajudicial executions and shaving of women's heads. Estimations by police prefects made in 1948 and 1952 counted as many as 6,000 executions before the Liberation and 4,000 afterward.
  • the second phase (épuration légale or legal purge), which began with Charles de Gaulle's 26 and 27 June 1944 purge ordonnances (de Gaulle's first ordonnance instituting purge Commissions was enacted on 18 August 1943): judgments of collaborationists by the Commissions d'épuration, who condemned approximately 120,000 persons (e.g. Charles Maurras, the leader of the royalist Action Française, was thus condemned to a life sentence on 25 January 1945), including 1,500 death sentences (Joseph Darnand, head of the Milice, and Pierre Laval, head of the French government, were executed after trial on 4 October 1945, Robert Brasillach, executed on 6 February 1945, etc.), but many of those who survived that phase were later given amnesty.
  • the third phase, more lenient towards collaborationists (the trial of Philippe Pétain or of writer Louis-Ferdinand Céline).
  • finally came the period for amnesty and graces (such as Jean-Pierre Esteva, Xavier Vallat, creator of the General Commission for Jewish Affairs, René Bousquet, head of French police)

Other historians have distinguished the purges against intellectuals (Brasillach, Céline, etc.), industrialists, fighters (LVF etc.) and civil servants (Papon etc.).

 
Paris 1944: Women accused of collaboration with Nazis are paraded through the streets; they often had their hair cut off as a form of humiliation.

Philippe Pétain was charged with treason in July 1945. He was convicted and sentenced to death by firing squad, but Charles de Gaulle commuted the sentence to life imprisonment. In the police, some collaborators soon resumed official responsibilities. This continuity of the administration was pointed out,[citation needed] in particular concerning the events of the Paris massacre of 1961, executed under the orders of Paris Police Chief Maurice Papon while Charles de Gaulle was head of state. Papon was tried and convicted for crimes against humanity in 1998.

The French members of the Waffen-SS Charlemagne Division who survived the war were regarded as traitors. Some of the more prominent officers were executed, while the rank-and-file were given prison terms. Some of them were given the option of doing time in Indochina (1946–54) with the Foreign Legion instead of prison.[citation needed]

Among artists, singer Tino Rossi was detained in Fresnes Prison; according to the newspaper Combat, prison guards asked him for autographs. Pierre Benoit and Arletty were also detained.

Executions without trials and other forms of "popular justice" were harshly criticised immediately after the war, with circles close to Pétainists advancing the figures of 100,000 and denouncing the "Red Terror", "anarchy", or "blind vengeance". The writer and Jewish internee Robert Aron estimated the popular executions to a number of 40,000 in 1960. This surprised de Gaulle, who estimated the number to be around 10,000, which is also the figure accepted today by mainstream historians. Approximately 9,000 of these 10,000 refer to summary executions in the whole of the country, which occurred during battle.[citation needed]

Some imply that France did too little to deal with collaborators at this stage by selectively pointing out that in absolute value (numbers), there were fewer legal executions in France than in its smaller neighbour Belgium, and fewer internments than in Norway or the Netherlands[citation needed], but the situation in Belgium was not comparable as it mixed collaboration with elements of a war of secession. The 1940 invasion prompted the Flemish population to generally side with the Germans in the hope of gaining national recognition, and relative to national population, a much higher proportion of Belgians than French thus ended up collaborating with the Germans or volunteering to fight alongside them.[166][167] The Walloon population, in turn, led massive anti-Flemish retribution after the war, some of which, such as the execution of Irma Swertvaeger Laplasse, were controversial.[168]

The proportion of collaborators was also higher in Norway, and collaboration occurred on a larger scale in the Netherlands (as in Flanders), based partly on linguistic and cultural commonality with Germany. The internments in Norway and the Netherlands, meanwhile, were highly temporary and rather indiscriminate: there was a brief internment peak in these countries since internment was used partly for the purpose of separating collaborationists from others.[169] Norway ended up executing only 37 collaborationists.

1980s trials

Some accused war criminals were judged, some for a second time, from the 1980s onwards: Paul Touvier, Klaus Barbie, Maurice Papon, René Bousquet (the head of the French police during the war) and his deputy Jean Leguay. Bousquet and Leguay were both convicted for their responsibilities in the Vel' d'Hiv Roundup of July 1942. Among others, Nazi hunters Serge and Beate Klarsfeld spent part of their postwar effort trying to bring them before the courts. Some collaborationists then joined the OAS terrorist movement during the Algerian War (1954–62). Jacques de Bernonville escaped to Quebec, then Brazil. Jacques Ploncard d'Assac became counsellor to the Portuguese dictator António de Oliveira Salazar.[170]

In 1993, former Vichy official René Bousquet was assassinated while he awaited prosecution in Paris following a 1991 inculpation for crimes against humanity. He had been prosecuted but partially acquitted and immediately amnestied in 1949.[171] In 1994, former Vichy official Paul Touvier (1915–1996) was convicted of crimes against humanity. Maurice Papon was likewise convicted in 1998 but was released three years later due to ill health and died in 2007.[172]

Historiographical debates and "Vichy Syndrome"

Until Jacques Chirac's presidency, the official point of view of the French government was that the Vichy regime was an illegal government distinct from the French Republic, established by traitors under foreign influence.[173] Indeed, Vichy France eschewed the formal name of France ("French Republic") and styled itself the "French State", replacing the Republican motto of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité (liberty, equality, fraternity) inherited from the 1789 French Revolution, with the motto Travail, Famille, Patrie (work, family, homeland).

While the criminal behaviour of Vichy France was consistently acknowledged, this point of view denied any responsibility of the state of France by alleging that acts committed between 1940 and 1944 were unconstitutional acts devoid of legitimacy.[174] The main proponent of this view was Charles de Gaulle himself, who insisted, as did other historians afterwards, on the unclear conditions of the June 1940 vote granting full powers to Pétain, which was refused by the minority of Vichy 80.[175] In particular, coercive measures used by Pierre Laval have been denounced by those historians who hold that the vote did not, therefore, have constitutional legality (See subsection: Conditions of armistice and 10 July 1940 vote of full powers). In later years, de Gaulle's position was reiterated by President Francois Mitterrand.[134] "I will not apologize in the name of France. The Republic had nothing to do with this. I do not believe France is responsible", he said in September 1994.[128]

The first president to accept responsibility for the arrest and deportation of Jews from France was Chirac. In a 16 July 1995 speech, he recognised the responsibility of "the French State"[130][134] for seconding the "criminal folly of the occupying country", in particular the French police, headed by René Bousquet (charged in 1990 with crimes against humanity),[176] which assisted the Nazis in the enactment of the so-called "Final Solution". The July 1942 Vel' d'Hiv Roundup is a tragic example of how the French police did the Germans' work and even went further than was demanded by military orders by sending children to Drancy internment camp, the last stop before the extermination camps.[177]

President Emmanuel Macron's statement on 16 July 2017 was even more specific, stating clearly that the Vichy regime was certainly the French State during the war and played a role in the Holocaust. (Earlier that year, speeches made by Marine Le Pen had made headlines by claiming that the Vichy government was "not France".)[178] Macron made this remark in discussing the Vel' d'Hiver roundup of Jews: "It is convenient to see the Vichy regime as born of nothingness, returned to nothingness. Yes, it is convenient, but it is false".[133][134]

As the historian Henry Rousso has put it in The Vichy Syndrome (1987), Vichy and the state collaboration of France remains a "past that doesn't pass away".[179]

Historiographical debates are still passionate and oppose different views on the nature and legitimacy of Vichy's collaborationism with Germany in the implementation of the Holocaust. Three main periods have been distinguished in the historiography of Vichy. Firstly, the Gaullist period aimed at national reconciliation and unity under the figure of Charles de Gaulle, who conceived himself above political parties and divisions. Then, the 1960s had Marcel Ophüls's film The Sorrow and the Pity (1971). Finally, in the 1990s, the trial of Maurice Papon, a civil servant in Bordeaux who had been in charge of the "Jewish Questions" during the war and was convicted after a very long trial (1981–1998) for crimes against humanity. Papon's trial concerned more than individual itinerary but also the French administration's collective responsibility in the deportation of the Jews. Furthermore, his career after the war led him to be the prefect of the Paris police during the Algerian War (1954–1962), the treasurer of the Gaullist Union des Démocrates pour la République from 1968 to 1971 and finally the budget minister under President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and Prime Minister Raymond Barre from 1978 to 1981, which was symptomatic of the quick rehabilitation of former collaborationists after the war. Critics contend that his itinerary was shared by others although few had such public roles and demonstrates France's collective amnesia, but others point out that the perception of the war and of the state collaboration has evolved during those years. Papon's career was considered more scandalous as he had been responsible, during his function as prefect of police of Paris, for the 1961 Paris massacre of Algerians during the war and was forced to resign from this position after the 1965 "disappearance" in Paris of the Moroccan anticolonialist leader Mehdi Ben Barka.[180] Papon was convicted in 1998 for complicity with the Nazis in crimes against humanity.[181]

It is certain that the Vichy government and many of its top administration collaborated in the implementation of the Holocaust, the exact level of such co-operation is still debated. Compared with the Jewish communities established in other countries invaded by Germany, French Jews suffered proportionately lighter losses (see Jewish death toll section above), but in 1942, repression and deportations started to strike French Jews, not just foreign Jews.[106] Former Vichy officials later claimed that they did as much as they could to minimise the impact of the Nazi policies, but mainstream French historians contend that the Vichy regime went beyond the Nazis' expectations.

The regional newspaper Nice Matin revealed on 28 February 2007 that in more than 1,000 condominium properties on the Côte d'Azur, rules dating to Vichy were still "in force" or at least existed on paper. One of the rules, for example, stated:

The contractors shall make the following statements: they are of French nationality, are not Jewish, nor married to Jewish in the sense of the laws and ordinances in force [under Vichy, ed. note]

The president of the Conseil Représentatif des Institutions juives de France-Côte d'Azur, a Jewish association group, issued a strong condemnation labelling it "the utmost horror" when one of the inhabitants of such a condominium qualified that as an "anachronism" with "no consequences".[182] Jewish inhabitants were able and willing to live in the buildings, and to explain that, the Nice Matin reporter surmised that some tenants may have not read the condominium contracts in detail, and others have deemed the rules obsolete.[183] A reason for the latter is that any racially discriminatory condominium or other local rule that may have existed "on paper", Vichy-era or otherwise, was abrogated [fr] by the French Constitution of 27 October 1946, which established the French Fourth Republic and was upheld by French Fifth Republic (1958), and was inapplicable under French antidiscrimination law. Thus, even if the tenants or co-owners had signed or otherwise agreed to these rules after 1946, any such agreement would be null and void (caduque) under French law, as well as the rules. Rewriting or eliminating the obsolete rules would have had to be done at the occupants' expense, including notary fees of €900-7000 per building.[183]

"Sword and shield" argument

There was an illusory belief from the end of the war and through the 1960s that almost everybody was in the Resistance, or at least supported it, and collaborators were a minority. Two additional popular beliefs went along with this, that of the "sword and shield", as well as the idea that to whatever extent there were harsh measures implemented by Vichy, it was because it was under the boot of the Germans and not by choice.[184]

During the war, the theory of the "sword and shield" (thèse du bouclier et de l'épée) was raised as a defense of Vichy, whereby Pétain was seen as the "shield" protecting France and the French people within the country, while de Gaulle was seen as the "sword", engaging in combat from abroad. By this theory, Pétain was merely containing the German enemy to prevent an even worse outcome for France, while awaiting liberation through military action from without led by de Gaulle.[184] This theory that Petain and de Gaulle were tacitly working together, first developed by Robert Aron in his 1954 Histoire de Vichy, was later deconstructed by historian Henry Rousso in his 1987 Syndrome de Vichy.[185]

A lot of French people believed at the time of the occupation that this tacit agreement existed, according to Aron. Resistance member Gilbert Renault, alias Colonel Rémy, who founded the first resistance network in occupied France had great respect for Pétain, and felt that France could fight on two fronts, either with Pétain internally, or with de Gaulle from abroad, and he was not alone among resistance members who supported de Gaulle and sincerely admired Pétain.[186]

Today, the few remaining Vichy supporters continue to maintain the official argument advanced by Pétain and Laval: state collaboration was supposed to protect the French civilian population from the Occupation's hardships. At his trial, Pétain proclaimed that Charles de Gaulle had represented the "sword" of France, and Pétain had been the "shield" protecting France.[187]

Purification

Munholland reports a widespread consensus among historians regarding the authoritarian character of the Vichy regime and its

broadly stated desire to regenerate a "decadent" state and society that had become corrupted by an ambient lassitude, secularism, and hedonism under the Third Republic by returning to earlier and purer values and imposing a greater discipline and dynamism upon the industrial order.[188]

Foreign Jews

Although that claim is rejected by the rest of the French population and by the state itself, another myth remains more widespread, the alleged "protection" by Vichy of French Jews by "accepting" to collaborate in the deportation and ultimately in the extermination of foreign Jews.

That argument has been rejected by several historians who specialised in the subject, such as the widely recognised American historian Robert Paxton and the historian of the French police Maurice Rajsfus. Both were called on as experts during the Papon trial in the 1990s.

Paxton declared before the court on 31 October 1997, "Vichy took initiatives.... The armistice allowed it a breathing space".[189] Vichy then decided on its own within the homeland, to implement the "National Revolution" ("Révolution nationale"). After naming the alleged causes of the defeat ("democracy, parliamentarism, cosmopolitanism, the left wing, foreigners, Jews,..."), Vichy had put in place by 3 October 1940 the first anti-Jewish legislation. From then on, Jewish people were considered "second-zone citizens."[189]

Internationally, France "believed the war to be finished". Thus, by July 1940, Vichy eagerly negotiated with the German authorities in an attempt to gain a place for France in the Third Reich's "New Order", but "Hitler never forgot the 1918 defeat. He always said no." Vichy's ambition was doomed from the start.[189]

"Antisemitism was a constant theme", recalled Paxton. At first, it even opposed German plans. "At this time the Nazis had not yet decided to exterminate the Jews, but to expel them. Their idea was not to make of France an antisemitic country. On the contrary, they wanted to send there the Jews that they expelled" from the Reich.[189]

The historic change came in 1941–1942, with the pending German defeat on the Eastern Front. The war then became "total", and in August 1941, Hitler decided on the "global extermination of all European Jews". The new policy was officially formulated during the January 1942 Wannsee Conference and had been implemented in all occupied countries in Europe by spring 1942. France, praising itself for having remained an independent state, as opposed to other occupied countries, "decided to cooperate. This is the second Vichy".[189] The first train of deportees left Drancy on 27 March 1942, for Poland, the first in a long series.

Paxton recalled "The Nazis needed the French administration.... They always complained about the lack of staff",[189] something which Maurice Rajsfus has also underlined. Although the Paxton recognised during the trial that the "civil behavior of certain individuals" had permitted many Jews to escape deportation, he stated:

The French state, itself, participated in the policy of extermination of the Jews.... How can one claim the reverse when such technical and administrative resources were made available to them?[189]

Pointing to the French police's registering of Jews and to Laval's decision, which had been taken completely autonomously in August 1942, to deport children along with their parents, Paxton added:

Contrary to preconceived ideas, Vichy did not sacrifice foreign Jews in the hope of protecting French Jews. At the hierarchy summit, it knew, from the start, that the deportation of French Jews was unavoidable.[189]

Paxton then referred to the case of Italy, where deportation of Jewish people had started only after the German occupation. Italy surrendered to the Allies in mid-1943 but then was invaded by Germany. Fighting continued there until 1944. In particular, in Nice, "Italians had protected the Jews. And the French authorities complained about it to the Germans".[189]

More recent work by the historian Susan Zuccotti finds that in general, the Vichy government facilitated the deportation of foreign Jews, rather than French Jews, until at least 1943:

Vichy officials [had] hoped to deport foreign Jews throughout France in order to ease pressure on native Jews. Pierre Laval himself expressed the official Vichy position.... In the early months of 1943, the terror [Adam] Munz and [Alfred] Feldman described in German-occupied France was still experienced by foreign Jews like themselves. It is difficult to know exactly how many French Jews were arrested, usually for specific or alleged offences, but on 21 January 1943, Helmut Knochen informed Eichmann in Berlin that there were 2,159 French citizens among the 3,811 prisoners at Drancy. Many had been at Drancy for several months. They had not been deported because, until January 1943, there had usually been enough foreigners and their children to fill the forty-three trains that had carried about 41,591 people to the east.... By January 1943, foreign Jews were increasingly aware of the danger and difficult to find. Nazi pressure for the arrest of French Jews and the deportation of those already at Drancy increased accordingly. Thus, when Knochen reported that there were 2,159 French citizens among the 3,811 prisoners at Drancy on 21 January 1943, he also asked Eichmann for permission to deport them. There had been no convoy from Drancy in December and January, and [SS Lieutenant Heinz] Röthke was pressuring Knochen to resume them. Röthke also wanted to empty Drancy in order to refill it. Despite Vichy officials' past disapproval and Eichmann's own prior discouragement of such a step, permission for the deportation of the French Jews at Drancy, except for those in mixed marriages, was granted from Berlin on 25 January.[190]

Deportations from France did not start until summer 1942, several months after mass deportation from other countries had started.[citation needed]

Whatever the Vichy government's initial or subsequent intent, the death rate was 15% for French Jews, slightly over half of that of non-citizen Jews residing in France. More Jews lived in France at the end of the Vichy regime than approximately ten years earlier.[191]

Notable figures

 
Pierre Pucheu in 1941, who was executed in 1944

Non-Vichy collaborationists

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Given full constituent powers in the law of 10 July 1940, Pétain never promulgated a new constitution. A draft was written in 1941 and signed by Pétain in 1944 but was never submitted or ratified.[53]
  2. ^ French: Pétain: "J'entre aujourd'hui dans la voie de la collaboration."

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    Article 2: The following are therefore null and void: all legislative or regulatory acts as well as all actions of any description whatsoever taken to execute them, promulgated in Metropolitan France after 16 June 1940 and until the restoration of the Provisional Government of the French Republic. This nullification is hereby expressly declared and must be noted.
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  • Sémelin, Jacques (2013). Persécutions et entraides dans la France occupée : comment 75 % des juifs de France ont échappé à la mort (in French). Paris: Seuil Arènes. ISBN 978-2-35204-235-8.

German

  • Eberhard Jäckel: Frankreich in Hitlers Europa: die deutsche Frankreichpolitik im 2. Weltkrieg, Stuttgart 1966.
  • Martin Jungius: Der verwaltete Raub. Die "Arisierung" der Wirtschaft in Frankreich 1940–1944. Thorbecke, Ostfildern 2008, Beiheft der Francia Nr. 67, hrsg. von Deutschen Historischen Institut Paris.
  • Michael Mayer [de]: Staaten als Täter. Ministerialbürokratie und 'Judenpolitik' in NS-Deutschland und Vichy-Frankreich. Ein Vergleich. Preface by Horst Möller and Georges-Henri Soutou München, Oldenbourg, 2010 (Studien zur Zeitgeschichte; 80). ISBN 978-3-486-58945-0. (Comparative study of anti-Jewish policy implemented by the government in Nazi-Germany, by German occupational forces in France and by the semi-autonomic French government in Vichy)
  • Rousso, Henry (2009) [1st pub. 2007 Le Régime de Vichy]. Vichy: Frankreich unter deutscher Besatzung ; 1940 – 1944 [Vichy: France under the Occupation: 1940–1944]. Beck'sche Reihe (in German). Munich: C.H. Beck. ISBN 978-3-406-58454-1. OCLC 316118163.

Films

External links

  • Simon Kitson's
  • Original "Establishment of the Vichy government" constitutional act
  • Map of the "free" and "occupied" French zones 13 April 2005 at the Wayback Machine
  • National Geographic coverage of the armistice 27 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine (in French)
  • , Time, 22 July 1940
  • Vica Nazi Propaganda Comics – Duke University Libraries Digital Collections—Pro-Nazi comics produced in Vichy France
  • NAZI diplomacy: Vichy, 1940
  • The Holocaust in France 22 February 2019 at the Wayback Machine, at Yad Vashem website
  • Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, But Not for All: France and the "Alien" Jews, 1933–1942

vichy, france, other, uses, vichy, disambiguation, fascist, france, redirects, here, history, fascism, france, history, right, movements, france, coordinates, french, régime, vichy, july, 1940, august, 1944, officially, french, state, État, français, french, s. For other uses see Vichy disambiguation Fascist France redirects here For the history of Fascism in France see History of far right movements in France Coordinates 46 10 N 3 24 E 46 167 N 3 400 E 46 167 3 400 Vichy France French Regime de Vichy 10 July 1940 9 August 1944 officially the French State Etat francais was the French state headed by Marshal Philippe Petain during World War II Officially independent but with half of its territory occupied under harsh terms of the armistice it adopted a policy of collaboration with Nazi Germany which occupied the northern and western portions before occupying the remainder of Metropolitan France in November 1942 Though Paris was ostensibly its capital the collaborationist Vichy government established itself in the resort town of Vichy in the unoccupied Free Zone zone libre where it remained responsible for the civil administration of France as well as its colonies 3 French StateEtat francais French 1940 1944 1 Flag EmblemMotto Travail Famille Patrie Work Family Fatherland Anthem La Marseillaise official source source track track Marechal nous voila unofficial 2 Marshal here we are source source The French State in 1942 Unoccupied zone German military occupation zone French protectoratesThe gradual loss of all Vichy territory to Free France and the Allied powersStatusClient state of Germany 1940 1942 Puppet state of Germany 1942 1944 Government in exile 1944 1945 CapitalVichy de facto administrative Paris constitutional Capital in exileSigmaringenCommon languagesFrenchGovernmentCollaborationist regime under a unitary authoritarian dictatorshipChief of State 1940 1944Philippe PetainPrime Minister 1940 1942Philippe Petain 1940 acting Pierre Laval 1940 1941 acting P E Flandin 1941 1942 acting Francois Darlan 1942 1944Pierre LavalLegislatureNational AssemblyHistorical eraWorld War II Second Compiegne22 June 1940 Petain given full powers10 July 1940 Operation Torch8 November 1942 Case Anton11 November 1942 German retreatSummer 1944 Disestablished9 August 1944 1 Capture of the Sigmaringen enclave22 April 1945CurrencyFrench francPreceded by Succeeded byFrench Third Republic French Government Commission for the Defense of National InterestsProvisional Government of the French RepublicParis remained the de jure capital of the French State although the Vichy government never operated from there Although the French Republic s institutions were officially maintained the word Republic never occurred in any official document of the Vichy government The Third French Republic had begun the war in September 1939 on the side of the Allies On 10 May 1940 it was invaded by Nazi Germany The German Army rapidly broke through the Allied lines by bypassing the highly fortified Maginot Line and invading through Belgium Luxembourg and as an extension the Ardennes By mid June the military situation of the French was dire and it was apparent that the battle for Metropolitan France could not be won The French government began to discuss the possibility of an armistice Paul Reynaud resigned as prime minister rather than sign an armistice and was replaced by Marshal Philippe Petain a hero of World War I Shortly thereafter Petain signed the Armistice of 22 June 1940 At Vichy Petain established an authoritarian government that reversed many liberal policies and began tight supervision of the economy Conservative Catholics became prominent and Paris lost its avant garde status in European art and culture The media were tightly controlled and promoted anti Semitism and after Operation Barbarossa started in June 1941 anti Bolshevism The terms of the armistice presented certain advantages such as keeping the French Navy and French colonial empire under French control and avoiding full occupation of the country by Germany which maintained a degree of French independence and neutrality Despite heavy pressure the French government at Vichy never joined the Axis powers and even remained formally at war with Germany Conversely Vichy France became a collaborationist regime Germany kept two million French prisoners of war and imposed forced labour service du travail obligatoire on young French men French soldiers were kept hostage to ensure that Vichy would reduce its military forces and pay a heavy tribute in gold food and supplies to Germany French police were ordered to round up Jews and other undesirables such as communists and political refugees and at least 72 500 Jews were killed as a result 4 Most of the French public initially supported the regime but opinion gradually turned against the French government and the occupying German forces when it became clear that Germany was losing the war and living conditions in France were becoming increasingly difficult The French Resistance working largely in concert with Charles de Gaulle s movement outside the country increased in strength over the course of the occupation After the Allied invasion of Normandy in June 1944 and the liberation of France later that year the Free French Provisional Government of the French Republic GPRF was installed as the new national government led by de Gaulle The last of the Vichy exiles were captured in the Sigmaringen enclave in April 1945 Petain was put on trial for treason by the new Provisional Government and sentenced to death but that was commuted to life imprisonment by de Gaulle Only four senior Vichy officials were tried for crimes against humanity although many others had participated in the deportation of Jews for internment in Nazi concentration camps abuses of prisoners and severe acts against members of the Resistance Contents 1 Overview 1 1 Terminology 1 2 Jurisdiction 1 3 Legitimacy 2 Ideology 3 Fall of France and establishment of the Vichy government 3 1 Conditions of armistice 3 1 1 Prisoners 3 1 2 Armistice Army 3 1 3 German custody 3 2 10 July 1940 vote of full powers 4 Governments 5 Foreign relations 5 1 French Indochina Japan and Franco Thai War 6 Colonial struggle with Free France 6 1 India and Oceania 6 2 Americas 6 3 Equatorial and West Africa 6 4 French Somaliland 6 5 Syria and Madagascar 6 6 French North Africa 7 Collaboration with Nazi Germany 7 1 Racial policies and collaboration 7 1 1 Eugenics policies 7 1 2 Antisemitic laws 7 2 July 1942 Vel d Hiv Roundup 7 3 August 1942 and January 1943 raids 7 4 Jewish death toll 7 5 Government responsibility 8 Collaborationnistes 9 Social and economic history 9 1 Economy 9 1 1 Forced labour 9 1 2 Food shortages 9 2 Women 10 German invasion November 1942 11 Decline of the regime 11 1 Independence of the SOL 11 2 Sigmaringen commission 12 Aftermath 12 1 Provisional government 12 2 Purges 12 3 1980s trials 13 Historiographical debates and Vichy Syndrome 13 1 Sword and shield argument 13 2 Purification 13 3 Foreign Jews 14 Notable figures 15 Non Vichy collaborationists 16 See also 17 Notes 18 References 19 Bibliography 19 1 English 19 2 Historiography 19 3 French 19 4 German 19 5 Films 20 External linksOverview EditFurther information World War II Events preceding World War II in Europe and Causes of World War II This section needs additional citations for verification Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources Unsourced material may be challenged and removed April 2013 Learn how and when to remove this template message In 1940 Marshal Petain was known as a World War I hero who was the victor of the Battle of Verdun As the last French prime minister of the Third Republic he was a reactionary by inclination and blamed the Third Republic s democracy for France s sudden defeat by Germany He set up a paternalistic authoritarian regime that actively collaborated with Germany despite Vichy s official neutrality The Vichy government co operated with the Germans Nazi racial policies Terminology Edit Metropolitan continental France under German occupation Germans occupied the southern zone starting in November 1942 Operation Case Anton The yellow zone was under Italian administration Personal flag of Philippe Petain Chief of State of Vichy France Chef de l Etat Francais Further information Zone libre Other names After the National Assembly under the Third Republic voted to give full powers to Philippe Petain on 10 July 1940 the name Republique francaise French Republic disappeared from all official documents From then on the regime was referred to officially as the Etat Francais French State Because of its unique situation in the history of France its contested legitimacy 1 and the generic nature of its official name the French State is most often represented in English by the synonyms Vichy France Vichy regime government of Vichy or in context simply Vichy The territory under the control of the Vichy government was the unoccupied southern portion of Metropolitan France south of the Line of Demarcation as established by the Armistice of 22 June 1940 and the overseas French territories such as French North Africa which was an integral part of Vichy and where all antisemitic Vichy s laws were also implemented This was called the Unbesetztes Gebiet Unoccupied Zone by the Germans and known as the Zone libre Free Zone in France or less formally as the Southern Zone zone du sud especially after Operation Anton the invasion of the Zone libre by German forces in November 1942 Other contemporary colloquial terms for the Zone libre were based on abbreviation and wordplay such as the zone nono for the non occupied Zone 5 Jurisdiction Edit In theory the civil jurisdiction of the Vichy government extended over most of Metropolitan France French Algeria the French protectorate in Morocco the French protectorate of Tunisia and the rest of the French colonial empire that accepted the authority of Vichy only the disputed border territory of Alsace Lorraine was placed under direct German administration 6 Alsace Lorraine was officially still part of France as the Reich never annexed the region 7 The Reich government at the time was not interested in attempting to enforce piecemeal annexations in the West although it later annexed Luxembourg it operated under the assumption that Germany s new western border would be determined in peace negotiations which would be attended by all of the Western Allies and thus producing a frontier that would be recognised by all of the major powers Since Hitler s overall territorial ambitions were not limited to recovering Alsace Lorraine and Britain was never brought to terms those peace negotiations never took place The Nazis had some intention of annexing a large swath of northeastern France replacing that region s inhabitants with German settlers and initially forbade French refugees from returning to the region but the restrictions were never thoroughly enforced and were basically abandoned following the invasion of the Soviet Union which had the effect of turning German territorial ambitions almost exclusively to the East German troops guarding the boundary line of the northeastern Zone interdite were withdrawn on the night of 17 18 December 1941 but the line remained in place on paper for the remainder of the occupation 8 Nevertheless effectively Alsace Lorraine was annexed German law applied to the region its inhabitants were conscripted into the Wehrmacht citation needed 9 and pointedly the customs posts separating France from Germany were placed back where they had been between 1871 and 1918 Similarly a sliver of French territory in the Alps was under direct Italian administration from June 1940 to September 1943 Throughout the rest of the country civil servants were under the formal authority of French ministers in Vichy citation needed Rene Bousquet the head of French police nominated by Vichy exercised his power in Paris through his second in command Jean Leguay who coordinated raids with the Nazis German laws took precedence over French laws in the occupied territories and the Germans often rode roughshod over the sensibilities of Vichy administrators On 11 November 1942 following the landing of the Allies in North Africa Operation Torch the Axis launched Operation Anton occupying southern France and disbanding the strictly limited Armistice Army that Vichy had been allowed by the armistice Legitimacy Edit Vichy s claim to be the legitimate French government was denied by Free France and by all subsequent French governments 1 after the war They maintain that Vichy was an illegal government run by traitors having come to power through an unconstitutional coup d etat Petain was constitutionally appointed prime minister by President Lebrun on 16 June 1940 and he was legally within his rights to sign the armistice with Germany however his decision to ask the National Assembly to dissolve itself while granting him dictatorial powers has been more controversial Historians have particularly debated the circumstances of the vote by the National Assembly of the Third Republic granting full powers to Petain on 10 July 1940 The main arguments advanced against Vichy s right to incarnate the continuity of the French state were based on the pressure exerted by Pierre Laval a former prime minister in the Third Republic on the deputies in Vichy and on the absence of 27 deputies and senators who had fled on the ship Massilia and so could not take part in the vote However during the war the Vichy government was internationally recognised 10 notably by the United States 11 and several other major Allied powers 12 13 14 Diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom had been severed since 8 July 1940 after the attack on Mers el Kebir Julian T Jackson wrote There seems little doubt that at the beginning Vichy was both legal and legitimate He stated that if legitimacy comes from popular support Petain s massive popularity in France until 1942 made his government legitimate and if legitimacy comes from diplomatic recognition over 40 countries including the United States Canada and China recognised the Vichy government According to Jackson de Gaulle s Free French acknowledged the weakness of its case against Vichy s legality by citing multiple dates 16 June 23 June and 10 July for the start of Vichy s illegitimate rule implying that at least for some time Vichy was still legitimate 15 Countries recognised the Vichy government despite de Gaulle s attempts in London to dissuade them only the German occupation of all of France in November 1942 ended diplomatic recognition Supporters of Vichy point out that the grant of governmental powers was voted by a joint session of both chambers of the Third Republic Parliament the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies in keeping with the constitutional law Ideology EditFurther information Revolution nationale The Vichy regime sought an anti modern counter revolution The traditionalist right in France with strength in the aristocracy and among Roman Catholics had never accepted the republican traditions of the French Revolution but demanded a return to traditional lines of culture and religion It embraced authoritarianism while dismissing democracy 16 17 The Vichy regime also framed itself as decisively nationalist 17 French communists strongest in labour unions turned against Vichy in June 1941 when Germany invaded the Soviet Union 18 Vichy was intensely anti communist and generally pro German American historian Stanley G Payne found that it was distinctly rightist and authoritarian but never fascist 19 Political scientist Robert Paxton analysed the entire range of Vichy supporters from reactionaries to moderate liberal modernizers and concluded that genuinely fascist elements had only minor roles in most sectors 20 French historian Olivier Wieviorka rejects the idea that Vichy France was fascist noting that Petain refused to create a single party state avoided getting France involved in a new war hated modernization and supported the Church 21 Propaganda poster for the Vichy Regime s Revolution nationale program 1942 The Vichy government tried to assert its legitimacy by symbolically connecting itself with the Gallo Roman period of France s history and celebrated the Gaulish chieftain Vercingetorix as the founder of the French nation 22 It was asserted that just as the defeat of the Gauls in the Battle of Alesia 52 BCE had been the moment in French history when a sense of common nationhood was born the defeat of 1940 would again unify the nation 22 The Vichy government s francisque insignia featured two symbols from the Gallic period the baton and the double headed hatchet labrys arranged so as to resemble the fasces the symbol of the Italian Fascists 22 To advance his message Petain frequently spoke on French radio In his radio speeches Petain always used the personal pronoun je clarification needed portrayed himself as a Christ like figure sacrificing himself for France and assuming a God like tone of a semi omniscient narrator who knew truths about the world that the rest of the French did not 23 To justify the Vichy ideology of the Revolution nationale national revolution Petain needed a radical break with the French Third Republic During his radio speeches the entire French Third Republic era was always painted in the blackest of colours as a time of decadence decadence when the French people were alleged to have suffered moral degeneration and decline 24 Summarising Petain s speeches the British historian Christopher Flood wrote that Petain blamed la decadence on political and economic liberalism with its divisive individualistic and hedonistic values locked in sterile rivalry with its antithetical outgrowths Socialism and Communism 25 Petain argued that rescuing the French people from decadence required a period of authoritarian government that would restore national unity and the traditionalist morality which Petain claimed the French had forgotten 25 Despite his highly negative view of the Third Republic Petain argued that la France profonde deep France denoting profoundly French aspects of French culture still existed and that the French people needed to return to what Petain insisted was their true identity 26 Alongside this claim for a moral revolution was Petain s call for France to turn inwards and to withdraw from the world which Petain always portrayed as a hostile and threatening place full of endless dangers for the French 25 Joan of Arc replaced Marianne as the national symbol of France under Vichy as her status as one of France s best loved heroines gave her widespread appeal and the image of Joan as a devout Catholic and patriot also fit well with Vichy s traditionalist message Vichy literature portrayed Joan as an archetypal virgin and Marianne as an archetypal whore 27 Under the Vichy regime the school textbook Miracle de Jeanne by Rene Jeanneret was required reading and the anniversary of Joan s death became an occasion for school speeches commemorating her martyrdom 28 Joan s encounter with angelic voices according to Catholic tradition were presented as literal history 29 The textbook Miracle de Jeanne declared the Voices did speak in contrast with republican school texts which had strongly implied Joan was mentally ill 29 Vichy instructors sometimes struggled to square Joan s military heroism with the classical virtues of womanhood with one school textbook insisting that girls ought not follow Joan s example literally saying Some of the most notable heroes in our history have been women But nevertheless girls should preferably exercise the virtues of patience persistence and resignation They are destined to tend to the running of the household It is in love that our future mothers will find the strength to practise those virtues which best befit their sex and their condition 30 Exemplifying Vichy propaganda s synthesis of Joan the warrior and Joan the dutiful woman Anne Marie Hussenot speaking at the school at Uriage stated a woman should remember that in the case of Joan of Arc or other illustrious women throughout the exceptional mission that was confided to them they first of all performed humbly and simply their woman s role 31 The key component of Vichy s ideology was Anglophobia 32 In part Vichy s virulent Anglophobia was due to its leaders personal dislike of the British as Marshal Petain Pierre Laval and Admiral Francois Darlan were all Anglophobes 33 As early as February 1936 Petain had told the Italian Ambassador to France that England has always been France s most implacable enemy and went on to say that France had two hereditary enemies namely Germany and Britain with the latter being easily the more dangerous of the two and he wanted a Franco German Italian alliance that would partition the British Empire an event that Petain claimed would solve all of the economic problems caused by the Great Depression 34 Beyond that to justify both the armistice with Germany and the Revolution nationale Vichy needed to portray the French declaration of war on Germany as a hideous mistake and the French society under the Third Republic as degenerate and rotten 35 The Revolution nationale together with Petain s policy of la France seule France alone were meant to regenerate France from la decadence which was said to have destroyed French society and to have brought about the defeat of 1940 Such a harsh critique of French society could generate only so much support and as such Vichy blamed French problems on various enemies of France the chief of which was Britain the eternal enemy that had supposedly conspired via Masonic lodges to weaken France and then to pressure France into declaring war on Germany in 1939 35 No other nation was attacked as frequently and violently as Britain was in Vichy propaganda 36 In Petain s radio speeches Britain was always portrayed as the Other a nation that was the complete antithesis of everything good in France the blood soaked Perfidious Albion and the relentless eternal enemy of France whose ruthlessness knew no bounds 37 Joan of Arc who had fought against England was made into the symbol of France partly for that reason 37 The chief themes of Vichy Anglophobia were British selfishness in using and then abandoning France after instigating wars British treachery and British plans to take over French colonies 38 The three examples that were used to illustrate these themes were the Dunkirk evacuation in May 1940 the Royal Navy attack at Mers el Kebir on the French Mediterranean fleet that killed over 1 300 French sailors in July 1940 and the failed Anglo Free French attempt to seize Dakar in September 1940 39 Typical of Vichy anti British propaganda was the widely distributed pamphlet published in August 1940 and written by self proclaimed professional Anglophobe Henri Beraud entitled Faut il reduire l Angleterre en esclavage Should England Be Reduced to Slavery the question in the title was merely rhetorical 40 Additionally Vichy mixed Anglophobia with racism and anti Semitism to portray the British as a racially degenerate mixed race working for Jewish capitalists in contrast to the racially pure peoples on the continent of Europe who were building a New Order 41 In an interview conducted by Beraud with Admiral Darlan published in Gringoire newspaper in 1941 Darlan was quoted as saying that if the New Order failed in Europe it would mean here in France the return to power of the Jews and Freemasons subservient to Anglo Saxon policy 42 Fall of France and establishment of the Vichy government Edit French prisoners of war are marched off under German guard 1940 France declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939 after the German invasion of Poland on 1 September After the eight month Phoney War the Germans launched their offensive in the West on 10 May 1940 Within days it became clear that French military forces were overwhelmed and that military collapse was imminent 43 Government and military leaders deeply shocked by the debacle debated how to proceed Many officials including Prime Minister Paul Reynaud wanted to move the government to French territories in North Africa and to continue the war with the French Navy and colonial resources Others particularly Vice Premier Philippe Petain and Commander in Chief General Maxime Weygand insisted that the responsibility of the government was to remain in France and share the misfortune of its people they called for an immediate cessation of hostilities 44 While the debate continued the government was forced to relocate several times to avoid capture by advancing German forces and finally reached Bordeaux Communications were poor and thousands of civilian refugees clogged the roads In those chaotic conditions advocates of an armistice gained the upper hand The Cabinet agreed on a proposal to seek armistice terms from Germany with the understanding that if Germany set forth dishonourable or excessively harsh terms France would retain the option to continue to fight General Charles Huntziger who headed the French armistice delegation was told to break off negotiations if the Germans demanded the occupation of all of Metropolitan France the French fleet or any of the French overseas territories The Germans did not however make any of those demands 45 Philippe Petain meeting Hitler in October 1940 Prime Minister Reynaud favoured continuing the war but was soon outvoted by those who advocated an armistice Facing an untenable situation Reynaud resigned and on his recommendation President Albert Lebrun appointed the 84 year old Petain as the new prime minister on 16 June 1940 The armistice with Germany was signed on 22 June 1940 A separate French agreement was reached with Italy which had entered the war against France on 10 June well after the outcome of the battle had been decided Adolf Hitler had a number of reasons for agreeing to an armistice He wanted to ensure that France did not continue to fight from North Africa and that the French Navy was taken out of the war In addition leaving a French government in place would relieve Germany of the considerable burden of administering French territory particularly as Hitler turned his attention toward Britain which did not surrender and fought on against Germany Finally as Germany lacked a navy sufficient to occupy France s overseas territories Hitler s only practical recourse to deny the British the use of those territories was to maintain France s status as a de jure independent and neutral nation and to send a message to Britain that it was alone with France appearing to switch sides and the United States remaining neutral However German espionage against France after its defeat intensified greatly particularly in southern France 46 Conditions of armistice Edit The map clearly shows the division of France as per all the historical realities of the era Nazi Germany annexed Alsace Lorraine and occupied northern metropolitan France and all the Atlantic coastline down to the border with Spain That left the rest of France including the remaining two fifths of southern and eastern metropolitan France and Overseas France North Africa unoccupied and under the control of a collaborationist French government based at the city of Vichy and headed by Marshal Philippe Petain Further information Armistice of 22 June 1940 As per the terms of the Franco German armistice of June 22 1940 Nazi Germany annexed the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine and the German army occupied northern metropolitan France and all the Atlantic coastline down to the border with Spain 47 That left the rest of France including the remaining two fifths of southern and eastern metropolitan France and Overseas France North Africa unoccupied and under the control of a collaborationist French government based at the city of Vichy and headed by Marshal Philippe Petain Ostensibly the Vichy French government administered the whole of France including Overseas Vichy France North Africa Prisoners Edit Main article French prisoners of war in World War II Germany took two million French soldiers as prisoners of war and sent them to camps in Germany About a third had been released on various terms by 1944 Of the remainder the officers and NCOs corporals and sergeants were kept in camps but were exempt from forced labour The privates were first sent to Stalag camps for processing and were then put to work About half of them worked in German agriculture where food rations were adequate and controls were lenient The others worked in factories or mines where conditions were much harsher 48 Armistice Army Edit Main article Armistice Army See also Vichy French Air Force French colonial prisoner in German captivity 1940 49 failed verification The Germans occupied northern France directly The French had to pay costs for the 300 000 strong German occupation army amounting to 20 million Reichsmarks per day at the artificial rate of twenty Francs to the Reichsmark That was 50 times the actual costs of the occupation garrison The French government also had responsibility for preventing French citizens from escaping into exile Article IV of the Armistice allowed for a small French army the Armistice Army Armee de l Armistice stationed in the unoccupied zone and for the military provision of the French colonial empire overseas The function of those forces was to keep internal order and to defend French territories from Allied assault The French forces were to remain under the overall direction of the German armed forces The exact strength of the Vichy French Metropolitan Army was set at 3 768 officers 15 072 non commissioned officers and 75 360 men All members had to be volunteers In addition to the army the size of the Gendarmerie was fixed at 60 000 men plus an anti aircraft force of 10 000 men Despite the influx of trained soldiers from the colonial forces reduced in size in accordance with the armistice there was a shortage of volunteers As a result 30 000 men of the class of 1939 were retained to fill the quota In early 1942 those conscripts were released but there were still not enough men That shortage remained until the regime s dissolution despite Vichy appeals to the Germans for a regular form of conscription The Vichy French Metropolitan Army was deprived of tanks and other armoured vehicles and was desperately short of motorised transport a particular problem for cavalry units Surviving recruiting posters stress the opportunities for athletic activities including horsemanship reflecting both the general emphasis placed by the Vichy government on rural virtues and outdoor activities and the realities of service in a small and technologically backward military force Traditional features characteristic of the pre 1940 French Army such as kepis and heavy capotes buttoned back greatcoats were replaced by berets and simplified uniforms The Vichy authorities did not deploy the Army of the Armistice against resistance groups active in the south of France reserving that role to the Vichy Milice militia a paramilitary force created on 30 January 1943 by the Vichy government to combat the Resistance 50 Members of the regular army could thus defect to the Maquis after the German occupation of southern France and the disbandment of the Army of the Armistice in November 1942 By contrast the Milice continued to collaborate and its members were subject to reprisals after the Liberation Vichy French colonial forces were reduced in accordance with the terms of the armistice but in the Mediterranean area alone Vichy still had nearly 150 000 men under arms There were about 55 000 in French Morocco 50 000 in Algeria and almost 40 000 in the Army of the Levant Armee du Levant in Lebanon and Syria Colonial forces were allowed to keep some armoured vehicles though these were mostly vintage World War I tanks Renault FT German custody Edit The Armistice required France to turn over any German citizens within the country upon German demand The French regarded this as a dishonorable term since it would require France to hand over persons who had entered France seeking refuge from Germany Attempts to negotiate the point with Germany proved unsuccessful and the French decided not to press the issue to the point of refusing the Armistice 10 July 1940 vote of full powers Edit Further information French Constitutional Law of 1940 and Vote of full constituent powers to Philippe Petain Pierre Laval with the head of German police units in France SS Gruppenfuhrer Carl Oberg Pierre Laval and Philippe Petain in the Frank Capra documentary film Divide and Conquer 1943 On 10 July 1940 the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate gathered in joint session in the quiet spa town of Vichy their provisional capital in central France Lyon France s second largest city would have been a more logical choice but Mayor Edouard Herriot was too associated with the Third Republic Marseilles had a reputation as an organized crime hub Toulouse was too remote and had a left wing reputation Vichy was centrally located and had many hotels for ministers to use 51 Pierre Laval and Raphael Alibert began their campaign to convince the assembled senators and deputies to vote full powers to Petain They used every means available such as promising ministerial posts to some and threatening and intimidating others They were aided by the absence of popular charismatic figures who might have opposed them such as Georges Mandel and Edouard Daladier who were then aboard the ship Massilia on their way to North Africa and exile On 10 July the National Assembly comprising both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies voted by 569 votes to 80 with 20 voluntary abstentions to grant full and extraordinary powers to Marshal Petain By the same vote they also granted him the power to write a new constitution 52 note 1 By Act No 2 on the following day Petain defined his own powers and abrogated any Third Republic laws that were in conflict with them 54 These acts would later be annulled in August 1944 1 Most legislators believed that democracy would continue albeit with a new constitution Although Laval said on 6 July that parliamentary democracy has lost the war it must disappear ceding its place to an authoritarian hierarchical national and social regime the majority trusted Petain Leon Blum who voted no wrote three months later that Laval s obvious objective was to cut all the roots that bound France to its republican and revolutionary past His national revolution was to be a counter revolution eliminating all the progress and human rights won in the last one hundred and fifty years 55 The minority of mostly Radicals and Socialists who opposed Laval became known as the Vichy 80 The deputies and senators who voted to grant full powers to Petain were condemned on an individual basis after the Liberation The majority of French historians and all postwar French governments have contended that this vote by the National Assembly was illegal Three main arguments are put forward Abrogation of legal procedure The impossibility for Parliament to delegate its constitutional powers without controlling their use a posteriori The 1884 constitutional amendment making it unconstitutional to put into question the republican form of the government Out of a total of 544 Deputies only 414 voted and out of a total of 302 senators only 235 voted Of these 357 deputies voted in favour of Petain and 57 against while 212 senators voted for Petain and 23 against Thus Petain was approved by 65 of all deputies and 70 of all senators Although Petain could claim legality for himself particularly in comparison with the essentially self appointed leadership of Charles de Gaulle the dubious circumstances of the vote explain why most French historians do not consider Vichy a complete continuity of the French state 56 The text voted by the Congress stated The National Assembly gives full powers to the government of the Republic under the authority and the signature of Marshal Petain to the effect of promulgating by one or several acts a new constitution of the French state This constitution must guarantee the rights of labour of family and of the homeland It will be ratified by the nation and applied by the assemblies which it has created 57 1943 1 Franc coin Front French State Back Work Family Homeland The Constitutional Acts of 11 and 12 July 1940 58 granted to Petain all powers legislative judicial administrative executive and diplomatic and the title of head of the French state chef de l Etat francais as well as the right to nominate his successor On 12 July Petain designated Laval as vice president and his designated successor and appointed Fernand de Brinon as representative to the German High Command in Paris Petain remained the head of the Vichy regime until 20 August 1944 The French national motto Liberte Egalite Fraternite Freedom Equality Brotherhood 59 was replaced by Travail Famille Patrie Work Family Homeland It was noted at the time that TFP also stood for the criminal punishment of travaux forces a perpetuite forced labor in perpetuity 60 Reynaud was arrested in September 1940 by the Vichy government and sentenced to life imprisonment in 1941 before the opening of the Riom Trial Petain was reactionary by nature despite his status as a hero of the Third Republic during World War I Almost as soon as he was granted full powers Petain began blaming the Third Republic s democracy and endemic corruption for France s humiliating defeat by Germany Accordingly his government soon began taking on authoritarian characteristics Democratic liberties and guarantees were immediately suspended 55 The crime of crime of opinion delit d opinion was reestablished effectively repealing freedom of thought and expression and critics were frequently arrested Elective bodies were replaced by nominated ones The municipalities and the departmental commissions were thus placed under the authority of the administration and of the prefects nominated by and dependent on the executive power In January 1941 the National Council Conseil National composed of notables from the countryside and the provinces was instituted under the same conditions Despite the clear authoritarian cast of Petain s government he did not formally institute a one party state maintained the Tricolor and other symbols of republican France and unlike many on the far right was not an anti Dreyfusard Petain excluded fascists from office in his government and by and large his cabinet comprised February 6 men members of the National Union government formed after the 6 February 1934 crisis after the Stavisky Affair and mainstream politicians whose career prospects had been blocked by the triumph of the Popular Front in 1936 61 Governments EditMain article Governments of Vichy France There were five governments during the tenure of the Vichy regime starting with the continuation of Petain s position from the Third Republic which dissolved itself and handed him full powers leaving Petain in absolute control of the new French State as Petain named it Pierre Laval formed the first government in 1940 The second government was formed by Pierre Etienne Flandin and lasted just two months until February 1941 Francois Darlan was then head of government until April 1942 followed by Pierre Laval again until August 1944 The Vichy government fled into exile in Sigmaringen in September 1944 Foreign relations EditFurther information Foreign relations of Vichy France A propaganda poster in Hanoi Vichy France in 1940 1942 was recognised by most Axis and neutral powers as well as the United States and the Soviet Union During the war Vichy France conducted military actions against armed incursions from Axis and Allied belligerents and was an example of armed neutrality The most important such action was the scuttling of the French fleet in Toulon on 27 November 1942 to prevent its capture by the Axis Washington at first granted Vichy full diplomatic recognition sending Admiral William D Leahy as American ambassador US President Franklin D Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull hoped to use American influence to encourage elements in the Vichy government opposed to military collaboration with Germany Washington also hoped to encourage Vichy to resist German war demands such as for air bases in French mandated Syria or moving war supplies through French territories in North Africa The US position was essentially that unless explicitly required by the armistice terms France should take no action that could adversely affect Allied efforts in the war 62 page needed The US position towards Vichy France and de Gaulle was especially hesitant and inconsistent Roosevelt disliked de Gaulle and regarded him as an apprentice dictator 63 The Americans first tried to support General Maxime Weygand general delegate of Vichy for Africa until December 1941 After the first choice had failed they turned to Henri Giraud shortly before the landing in North Africa on 8 November 1942 Finally after Admiral Francois Darlan s turn towards the Free Forces he had been prime minister from February 1941 to April 1942 they played him against de Gaulle 63 US General Mark W Clark of the combined Allied command made Darlan sign on 22 November 1942 a treaty putting North Africa at the disposition of the Americans and making France a vassal country 63 Washington then imagined between 1941 and 1942 a protectorate status for France which would be submitted after the Liberation to an Allied Military Government of Occupied Territories AMGOT like Germany After the assassination of Darlan on 24 December 1942 the Americans turned again towards Giraud to whom had rallied Maurice Couve de Murville who had financial responsibilities in Vichy and Lemaigre Dubreuil a former member of La Cagoule and entrepreneur as well as Alfred Pose fr general director of the Banque nationale pour le commerce et l industrie National Bank for Trade and Industry 63 Moscow maintained full diplomatic relations with the Vichy government until 30 June 1941 when they were broken by Vichy expressing support for Operation Barbarossa the German invasion of the Soviet Union In response to British requests and sensitivities of the French Canadian population Canada despite being at war with the Axis since 1939 maintained full diplomatic relations with the Vichy regime until early November 1942 when Case Anton led to the complete occupation of Vichy France by the Germans 64 Memorial to the 1 297 French seamen who died during the British bombardment of their ships at Mers El Kebir The British feared that the French naval fleet could end up in German hands and be used against its own naval forces which were so vital to maintaining North Atlantic shipping and communications Under the armistice France had been allowed to retain the French Navy the Marine Nationale under strict conditions Vichy pledged that the fleet would never fall into German hands but refused to send the fleet beyond Germany s reach by sending it to Britain or to far away French colonies such as in the West Indies That did not satisfy Winston Churchill who ordered French ships in British ports to be seized by the Royal Navy Shortly after the armistice 22 June 1940 Britain conducted the destruction of the French Fleet at Mers el Kebir killing 1 297 French military personnel Vichy severed diplomatic relations with Britain The French squadron at Alexandria under Admiral Rene Emile Godfroy was effectively interned until 1943 when an agreement was reached with Admiral Andrew Browne Cunningham commander of the British Mediterranean Fleet 65 After the Mers el Kebir incident the British recognised Free France as the legitimate French government Switzerland and other neutral states maintained diplomatic relations with the Vichy regime until the liberation of France in 1944 when Petain resigned and was deported to Germany for the creation of a forced government in exile 66 French Indochina Japan and Franco Thai War Edit Main articles Invasion of French Indochina French Thai War Japanese coup de main in French Indochina and French Indochina in World War II Japanese troops entering Saigon in 1941 In June 1940 the Fall of France made the French hold on Indochina tenuous The isolated colonial administration was cut off from outside help and from outside supplies After negotiations with Japan the French allowed the Japanese to set up military bases in Indochina 67 That seemingly subservient behaviour convinced Major General Plaek Pibulsonggram the prime minister of the Kingdom of Thailand that Vichy France would not seriously resist a campaign by the Thai military to recover parts of Cambodia and Laos that had been taken from Thailand by France in the early 20th century In October 1940 the military forces of Thailand attacked across the border with Indochina and launched the Franco Thai War Although the French won an important naval victory over the Thais Japan forced the French to accept Japanese mediation of a peace treaty which returned the disputed territory to Thai control The French were left in place to administer the rump colony of Indochina until 9 March 1945 when the Japanese staged a coup d etat in French Indochina and took control establishing their own colony the Empire of Vietnam as a puppet state controlled by Tokyo Colonial struggle with Free France EditMain article Free France To counter the Vichy government General Charles de Gaulle created the Free French Forces FFL after his Appeal of 18 June 1940 radio address Initially Churchill was ambivalent about de Gaulle and severed diplomatic ties with the Vichy government only when it became clear that Vichy would not join the Allies citation needed India and Oceania Edit Until 1962 France possessed four colonies across India the largest being Pondicherry The colonies were small and non contiguous but politically united Immediately after the fall of France the Governor General of French India Louis Alexis Etienne Bonvin declared that the French colonies in India would continue to fight with the British allies Free French forces from that area and others participated in the Western Desert campaign although news of the death of French Indian soldiers caused some disturbances in Pondicherry citation needed The French possessions in Oceania joined the Free French in 1940 or in one case in 1942 They later served as bases for the Allied effort in the Pacific and contributed troops to the Free French Forces 68 Following the Appeal of 18 June debate arose among the population of French Polynesia A referendum was organised on 2 September 1940 in Tahiti and Moorea with outlying islands reporting agreement in the following days The vote was 5564 to 18 in favour of joining the Free French 69 After the attack on Pearl Harbor American forces identified French Polynesia as an ideal refuelling point between Hawaii and Australia and with de Gaulle s agreement organised Operation Bobcat to send nine ships with 5000 American soldiers to build a naval refuelling base and airstrip and set up coastal defence guns on Bora Bora 70 That first experience was valuable in later Seabee phonetic pronunciation of the naval acronym CB or Construction Battalion efforts in the Pacific and the Bora Bora base supplied the Allied ships and planes that fought the battle of the Coral Sea Troops from French Polynesia and New Caledonia formed a Bataillon du Pacifique in 1940 became part of the 1st Free French Division in 1942 distinguishing themselves during the Battle of Bir Hakeim and subsequently combining with another unit to form the Bataillon d infanterie de marine et du Pacifique fought in the Italian Campaign distinguishing themselves at the Garigliano during the Battle of Monte Cassino and on to Tuscany and participated in the Provence landings and onwards to the Liberation of France 71 72 In the New Hebrides Henri Sautot promptly declared allegiance to the Free French on 20 July the first colonial head to do so 73 The outcome was decided by a combination of patriotism and economic opportunism in the expectation that independence would result 74 75 Sautot subsequently sailed to New Caledonia where he took control on 19 September 73 Its location on the edge of the Coral Sea and on the flank of Australia made New Caledonia become strategically critical in the effort to combat the Japanese advance in the Pacific in 1941 1942 and to protect the sea lanes between North America and Australia Noumea served as a headquarters of the United States Navy Naval Base New Caledonia South Pacific Area and Army in the South Pacific 76 and as a repair base for Allied vessels New Caledonia contributed personnel both to the Bataillon du Pacifique and to the Free French Naval Forces that saw action in the Pacific and Indian Ocean In Wallis and Futuna the local administrator and bishop sided with Vichy but faced opposition from some of the population and clergy their attempts at naming a local king in 1941 to buffer the territory from their opponents backfired as the newly elected king refused to declare allegiance to Petain The situation stagnated for a long while due to the remoteness of the islands and because no overseas ship visited the islands for 17 months after January 1941 An aviso sent from Noumea took over Wallis on behalf of the Free French on 27 May 1942 and Futuna on 29 May 1942 That allowed American forces to build an airbase and seaplane base on Wallis Navy 207 that served the Allied Pacific operations 77 Americas Edit Main articles History of Martinique World War II and History of French Guiana 20th century A Vichy France plan to have Western Union build powerful transmitters on Saint Pierre and Miquelon in 1941 to enable private trans Atlantic communications was blocked after pressure by Roosevelt On 24 December 1941 Free French forces on three corvettes supported by a submarine landed and seized control of Saint Pierre and Miquelon on orders from Charles de Gaulle without reference to any of the Allied commanders 78 French Guiana on the northern coast of South America removed its Vichy supporting government on 22 March 1943 79 shortly after eight allied ships had been sunk by a German submarine off the coast of Guiana 80 and the arrival of American troops by air on 20 March 79 Martinique became home to the bulk of the Gold reserve of the Bank of France with 286 tons of gold transported there on the French cruiser Emile Bertin in June 1940 The island was blockaded by the British navy until an agreement was reached to immobilise French ships in port The British used the gold as collateral for Lend Lease facilities from the Americans on the basis that it could be acquired at any time if needed 78 In July 1943 Free French sympathisers on the island took control of the gold and the fleet once Admiral Georges Robert departed following a threat by America to launch a full scale invasion 79 Guadeloupe in the French West Indies also changed allegiance in 1943 after Admiral Georges Robert ordered police to fire on protestors 81 before he fled back to Europe Equatorial and West Africa Edit In Central Africa three of the four colonies in French Equatorial Africa went over to the Free French almost immediately French Chad on 26 August 1940 French Congo on 29 August 1940 and Ubangi Shari on 30 August 1940 They were joined by the French League of Nations mandate of Cameroun on 27 August 1940 On 23 September 1940 the Royal Navy and Free French forces under Gaulle launched Operation Menace an attempt to seize the strategic Vichy held port of Dakar in French West Africa modern Senegal After attempts to encourage them to join the Allies were rebuffed by the defenders fierce fighting erupted between Vichy and Allied forces HMS Resolution was heavily damaged by torpedoes and Free French troops landing at a beach south of the port were driven off by heavy fire Even worse from a strategic point of view bombers of the Vichy French Air Force based in North Africa began bombing the British base at Gibraltar in response to the attack on Dakar Shaken by the resolute Vichy defence and not wanting to further escalate the conflict British and Free French forces withdrew on 25 September bringing the battle to an end One colony in French Equatorial Africa Gabon had to be occupied by military force between 27 October and 12 November 1940 82 On 8 November 1940 Free French forces under the command of de Gaulle and Pierre Koenig along with the assistance of the Royal Navy invaded Vichy held Gabon The capital Libreville was bombed and captured The final Vichy troops in Gabon surrendered without any military confrontation with the Allies at Port Gentil French Somaliland Edit Main article French Somaliland in World War II Map of French Somaliland 1922 The governor of French Somaliland now Djibouti Brigadier General Paul Legentilhomme had a garrison of seven battalions of Senegalese and Somali infantry three batteries of field guns four batteries of anti aircraft guns a company of light tanks four companies of militia and irregulars two platoons of the camel corps and an assortment of aircraft After visiting from 8 13 January 1940 British General Archibald Wavell decided that Legentilhomme would command the military forces in both Somalilands in case of war against Italy 83 In June an Italian force was assembled to capture the port city of Djibouti the main military base 84 After the Fall of France in June the neutralisation of Vichy French colonies allowed the Italians to concentrate on the more lightly defended British Somaliland 85 On 23 July Legentilhomme was ousted by the pro Vichy naval officer Pierre Nouailhetas and left on 5 August for Aden to join the Free French In March 1941 the British enforcement of a strict contraband regime to prevent supplies being passed on to the Italians lost its point after the conquest of the AOI The British changed policy with encouragement from the Free French to rally French Somaliland to the Allied cause without bloodshed The Free French were to arrange a voluntary ralliement by propaganda Operation Marie and the British were to blockade the colony 86 Wavell considered that if British pressure was applied a rally would appear to have been coerced Wavell preferred to let the propaganda continue and provided a small amount of supplies under strict control When the policy had no effect Wavell suggested negotiations with Vichy governor Louis Nouailhetas to use the port and railway The suggestion was accepted by the British government but because of the concessions granted to the Vichy regime in Syria proposals were made to invade the colony instead In June Nouailhetas was given an ultimatum the blockade was tightened and the Italian garrison at Assab was defeated by an operation from Aden For six months Nouailhetas remained willing to grant concessions over the port and railway but would not tolerate Free French interference In October the blockade was reviewed but the beginning of the war against Japan in December led to all but two blockade ships being withdrawn On 2 January 1942 the Vichy government offered the use of the port and railway subject to the lifting of the blockade but the British refused and ended the blockade unilaterally in March 87 Syria and Madagascar Edit The next flashpoint between Britain and Vichy France came when a revolt in Iraq was put down by British forces in June 1941 The Luftwaffe and Italian Air Force aircraft staging through the French possession of Syria intervened in the fighting in small numbers That highlighted Syria as a threat to British interests in the Middle East Consequently on 8 June British and Commonwealth forces invaded Syria and Lebanon this was known as the Syria Lebanon campaign or Operation Exporter The Syrian capital Damascus was captured on 17 June and the five week campaign ended with the fall of Beirut and the Convention of Acre Armistice of Saint Jean d Acre on 14 July 1941 The additional participation of Free French forces in the Syrian operation was controversial within Allied circles It raised the prospect of Frenchmen shooting at Frenchmen raising fears of a civil war Additionally it was believed that the Free French were widely reviled within Vichy military circles and that Vichy forces in Syria were less likely to resist the British if they were not accompanied by elements of the Free French Nevertheless de Gaulle convinced Churchill to allow his forces to participate although de Gaulle was forced to agree to a joint British and Free French proclamation promising that Syria and Lebanon would become fully independent at the end of the war From 5 May to 6 November 1942 British and Commonwealth forces conducted Operation Ironclad known as the Battle of Madagascar the seizure of the large Vichy French controlled island of Madagascar which the British feared Japanese forces might use as a base to disrupt trade and communications in the Indian Ocean The initial landing at Diego Suarez was relatively quick though it took British forces a further six months to gain control of the entire island citation needed French North Africa Edit Main articles Operation Torch and French Committee of National Liberation Operation Torch was the American and British invasion of French North Africa Morocco Algeria and Tunisia started on 8 November 1942 with landings in Morocco and Algeria The long term goal was to clear German and Italian forces from North Africa enhance naval control of the Mediterranean and prepare for an invasion of Italy in 1943 The Vichy forces initially resisted killing 479 Allied forces and wounding 720 Admiral Francois Darlan initiated co operation with the Allies who recognised Darlan s self nomination as High Commissioner of France head of civil government for North and West Africa He ordered Vichy forces there to cease resisting and to co operate with the Allies and they did so When the Tunisia Campaign was fought the French forces in North Africa had gone over to the Allied side and joined the Free French 88 89 Henri Giraud and de Gaulle during the Casablanca Conference in January 1943 In North Africa after the 8 November 1942 putsch by the French Resistance most Vichy figures were arrested including General Alphonse Juin chief commander in North Africa and Admiral Francois Darlan Darlan was released and US General Dwight D Eisenhower finally accepted his self nomination as High Commissioner of North Africa and French West Africa Afrique occidentale francaise AOF a move that enraged de Gaulle who refused to recognise Darlan s status After Darlan signed an armistice with the Allies and took power in North Africa Germany violated the 1940 armistice with France and invaded Vichy France on 10 November 1942 in the operation code named Case Anton triggering the scuttling of the French fleet in Toulon Henri Giraud arrived in Algiers on 10 November 1942 and agreed to subordinate himself to Admiral Darlan as the French Africa army commander Even though Darlan was now in the Allied camp he maintained the repressive Vichy system in North Africa including concentration camps in southern Algeria and racist laws Detainees were also forced to work on the Trans Saharan Railway Jewish goods were aryanized stolen and a special Jewish Affairs service was created directed by Pierre Gazagne Numerous Jewish children were prohibited from going to school which even Vichy had not implemented in Metropolitan France 90 Darlan was assassinated on 24 December 1942 in Algiers by the young monarchist Bonnier de La Chapelle Although de La Chapelle had been a member of the resistance group led by Henri d Astier de La Vigerie he is believed to have acted as an individual After Darlan s assassination Henri Giraud became his de facto successor in French Africa with Allied support That occurred through a series of consultations between Giraud and de Gaulle The latter wanted to pursue a political position in France and agreed to have Giraud as commander in chief who was more qualified militarily Later the Americans sent Jean Monnet to counsel Giraud and to press him to repeal the Vichy laws After difficult negotiations Giraud agreed to suppress the racist laws and to liberate Vichy prisoners from the southern Algerian concentration camps The Cremieux decree which granted French citizenship to Jews in Algeria and had been repealed by Vichy was immediately restored by Gaulle Giraud took part in the Casablanca Conference with Roosevelt Churchill and de Gaulle in January 1943 The Allies discussed their general strategy for the war and recognised joint leadership of North Africa by Giraud and de Gaulle Giraud and de Gaulle then became co presidents of the French Committee of National Liberation which unified the Free French Forces and territories controlled by them and had been founded in late 1943 Democratic rule for the European population was restored in French Algeria and the Communists and Jews liberated from the concentration camps 90 In late April 1945 Pierre Gazagne fr secretary of the general government headed by Yves Chataigneau took advantage of his absence to exile anti imperialist leader Messali Hadj and arrest the leaders of his Algerian People s Party PPA 90 On the day of the Liberation of France the GPRF would harshly repress a rebellion in Algeria during the Setif massacre of 8 May 1945 which has been characterized by some historians as the real beginning of the Algerian War 90 Collaboration with Nazi Germany EditFurther information Collaboration with the Axis powers 23 January 1943 German Vichy French meeting in Marseilles SS Sturmbannfuhrer Bernhard Griese Marcel Lemoine regional prefet Rolf Muhler de Commander of Marseilles Sicherheitspolizei laughing Rene Bousquet General Secretary of the French National Police created in 1941 creator of the GMRs behind Louis Darquier de Pellepoix Commissioner for Jewish Affairs Vichy is often described as a German puppet state although it has also been argued it had an agenda of its own 91 92 Historians distinguish between state collaboration followed by the Vichy regime and collaborationists who were private French citizens eager to collaborate with Germany and who pushed towards a radicalisation of the regime Petainistes on the other hand were direct supporters of Marshal Petain rather than of Germany although they accepted Petain s state collaboration State collaboration was sealed by the Montoire Loir et Cher interview in Hitler s train on 24 October 1940 during which Petain and Hitler shook hands and agreed on co operation between the two states Organized by Pierre Laval a strong proponent of collaboration the interview and the handshake were photographed and exploited by Nazi propaganda to gain the support of the civilian population On 30 October 1940 Petain made state collaboration official declaring on the radio I enter today on the path of collaboration note 2 On 22 June 1942 Laval declared that he was hoping for the victory of Germany The sincere desire to collaborate did not stop the Vichy government from organising the arrest and even sometimes the execution of German spies entering the Vichy zone 93 The composition and policies of the Vichy cabinet were mixed Many Vichy officials such as Petain were reactionaries who felt that France s unfortunate fate was a result of its republican character and the actions of its left wing governments of the 1930s in particular of the Popular Front 1936 1938 led by Leon Blum Charles Maurras a monarchist writer and founder of the Action Francaise movement judged that Petain s accession to power was in that respect a divine surprise and many people of his persuasion believed it preferable to have an authoritarian government similar to that of Francisco Franco s Spain even if under Germany s yoke than to have a republican government Others like Joseph Darnand were strong anti Semites and overt Nazi sympathizers A number of these joined the units of the Legion des Volontaires Francais contre le Bolchevisme Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism fighting on the Eastern Front later becoming the SS Charlemagne Division 94 On the other hand technocrats such as Jean Bichelonne and engineers from the Groupe X Crise used their position to push various state administrative and economic reforms These reforms have been cited as evidence of a continuity of the French administration before and after the war Many of these civil servants and the reforms they advocated were retained after the war Just as the necessities of a war economy during the First World War had pushed forward state measures to reorganise the economy of France against the prevailing classical liberal theories structures retained after the 1919 Treaty of Versailles reforms adopted during World War II were kept and extended Along with the 15 March 1944 Charter of the Conseil National de la Resistance CNR which gathered all Resistance movements under one unified political body these reforms were a primary instrument in the establishment of post war dirigisme a kind of semi planned economy which led to France becoming a modern social democracy An example of such continuities is the creation of the French Foundation for the Study of Human Problems by Alexis Carrel a renowned physician who also supported eugenics This institution was renamed as the National Institute of Demographic Studies INED after the war and exists to this day Another example is the creation of the national statistics institute renamed INSEE after the Liberation The reorganisation and unification of the French police by Rene Bousquet who created the groupes mobiles de reserve GMR Reserve Mobile Groups is another example of Vichy policy reform and restructuring maintained by subsequent governments A national paramilitary police force the GMR was occasionally used in actions against the French Resistance but its main purpose was to enforce Vichy authority through intimidation and repression of the civilian population After Liberation some of its units were merged with the Free French Army to form the Compagnies Republicaines de Securite CRS Republican Security Companies France s main anti riot force Racial policies and collaboration Edit Further information Revolution nationale French Police registering new inmates at the Pithiviers camp French Milice guarding detainees Germany interfered little in internal French affairs for the first two years after the armistice as long as public order was maintained 95 As soon as it was established Petain s government voluntarily took measures against undesirables Jews meteques immigrants from Mediterranean countries Freemasons Communists Romani homosexuals 96 and left wing activists Inspired by Charles Maurras s conception of the Anti France which he defined as the four confederate states of Protestants Jews Freemasons and foreigners Vichy persecuted these supposed enemies In July 1940 Vichy set up a special commission charged with reviewing naturalisations granted since the 1927 reform of the nationality law 97 Between June 1940 and August 1944 15 000 persons mostly Jews were denaturalised 98 99 This bureaucratic decision was instrumental in their subsequent internment in the green ticket roundup citation needed The Internment camps in France inaugurated by the Third Republic were immediately put to new use ultimately becoming transit camps for the implementation of the Holocaust and the extermination of all undesirables including the Romani people who refer to the extermination of the Romani as Porrajmos A Vichy law of 4 October 1940 authorised internments of foreign Jews on the sole basis of a prefectoral order 100 and the first raids took place in May 1941 Vichy imposed no restrictions on black people in the Unoccupied Zone the regime even had a mixed race cabinet minister the Martinique born lawyer Henry Lemery 101 The Third Republic had first opened concentration camps during World War I for the internment of enemy aliens and later used them for other purposes Camp Gurs for example had been set up in southwestern France after the fall of Catalonia in the first months of 1939 during the Spanish Civil War 1936 1939 to receive the Republican refugees including Brigadists from all nations fleeing the Francoists After Edouard Daladier s government April 1938 March 1940 took the decision to outlaw the French Communist Party PCF following the signing of the German Soviet non aggression pact the Molotov Ribbentrop Pact in August 1939 these camps were also used to intern French communists Drancy internment camp was founded in 1939 for this use it later became the central transit camp through which all deportees passed on their way to concentration and extermination camps in the Third Reich and Eastern Europe When the Phoney War started with France s declaration of war against Germany on 3 September 1939 these camps were used to intern enemy aliens These included German Jews and anti fascists but any German citizen or other Axis national could also be interned in Camp Gurs and others As the Wehrmacht advanced into Northern France common prisoners evacuated from prisons were also interned in these camps Camp Gurs received its first contingent of political prisoners in June 1940 It included left wing activists communists anarchists trade unionists anti militarists and pacifists as well as French fascists who supported Italy and Germany Finally after Petain s proclamation of the French State and the beginning of the implementation of the Revolution nationale National Revolution the French administration opened up many concentration camps to the point that as historian Maurice Rajsfus writes The quick opening of new camps created employment and the Gendarmerie never ceased to hire during this period 102 Besides the political prisoners already detained there Gurs was then used to intern foreign Jews stateless persons Romani homosexuals and prostitutes Vichy opened its first internment camp in the northern zone on 5 October 1940 in Aincourt in the Seine et Oise department which it quickly filled with PCF members 103 The Royal Saltworks at Arc et Senans in the Doubs was used to intern Romani 104 The Camp des Milles near Aix en Provence was the largest internment camp in the Southeast of France twenty five hundred Jews were deported from there following the August 1942 raids 105 Exiled Republican antifascist Spaniards who had sought refuge in France after the Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War were then deported and 5 000 of them died in Mauthausen concentration camp 106 In contrast French colonial soldiers were interned by the Germans in French territory instead of being deported 106 Besides the concentration camps opened by Vichy the Germans also opened some Ilags Internierungslager for the detention of enemy aliens on French territory in Alsace which was under the direct administration of the Reich they opened the Natzweiler camp the only concentration camp created by the Nazis on French territory Natzweiler included a gas chamber which was used to exterminate at least 86 detainees mostly Jewish with the aim of obtaining a collection of undamaged skeletons for the use of Nazi professor August Hirt The Vichy government took a number of racially motivated measures In August 1940 laws against antisemitism in the media the Marchandeau Act were repealed while decree n 1775 of 5 September 1943 denaturalised a number of French citizens in particular Jews from Eastern Europe 106 Foreigners were rounded up in Foreign Workers Groups groupements de travailleurs etrangers and as with the colonial troops used by the Germans as manpower 106 The October law on the status of Jews excluded them from the civil administration and numerous other professions Vichy also enacted racial laws in its territories in North Africa The history of the Holocaust in France s three North African colonies Algeria Morocco and Tunisia is intrinsically tied to France s fate during this period 107 108 109 110 111 With regard to economic contribution to the German economy it is estimated that France provided 42 of the total foreign aid 112 Eugenics policies Edit This section needs additional citations for verification Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources Unsourced material may be challenged and removed February 2012 Learn how and when to remove this template message In 1941 Nobel Prize winner Alexis Carrel an early proponent of eugenics and euthanasia and a member of Jacques Doriot s French Popular Party PPF citation needed advocated for the creation of the French Foundation for the Study of Human Problems Fondation Francaise pour l Etude des Problemes Humains using connections to the Petain cabinet Charged with the study in all of its aspects of measures aimed at safeguarding improving and developing the French population in all of its activities the Foundation was created by decree of the collaborationist Vichy regime in 1941 and Carrel was appointed as regent 113 The Foundation also had for some time as general secretary Francois Perroux citation needed The Foundation was behind the 16 December 1942 Act mandating the prenuptial certificate which required all couples seeking marriage to submit to a biological examination to ensure the good health of the spouses in particular with regard to sexually transmitted diseases STDs and life hygiene citation needed Carrel s institute also conceived the scholar booklet livret scolaire which could be used to record students grades in French secondary schools and thus classify and select them according to scholastic performance citation needed Besides these eugenic activities aimed at classifying the population and improving its health the Foundation also supported an 11 October 1946 law instituting occupational medicine enacted by the Provisional Government of the French Republic GPRF after the Liberation 114 The Foundation initiated studies on demographics Robert Gessain Paul Vincent Jean Bourgeois nutrition Jean Sutter and housing Jean Merlet as well as the first polls Jean Stoetzel The foundation which after the war became the INED demographics institute employed 300 researchers from the summer of 1942 to the end of the autumn when of 1944 115 The foundation was chartered as a public institution under the joint supervision of the ministries of finance and public health It was given financial autonomy and a budget of forty million francs roughly one franc per inhabitant a true luxury considering the burdens imposed by the German Occupation on the nation s resources By way of comparison the whole Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique CNRS was given a budget of fifty million francs 113 Alexis Carrel had previously published in 1935 the best selling book L Homme cet inconnu Man This Unknown Since the early 1930s Carrel had advocated the use of gas chambers to rid humanity of its inferior stock citation needed endorsing the scientific racism discourse citation needed One of the founders of these pseudoscientifical theories had been Arthur de Gobineau in his 1853 1855 essay titled An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races 114 In the 1936 preface to the German edition of his book Alexis Carrel had added a praise to the eugenics policies of the Third Reich writing the following The German government has taken energetic measures against the propagation of the defective the mentally diseased and the criminal The ideal solution would be the suppression of each of these individuals as soon as he has proven himself to be dangerous 116 Carrel also wrote this in his book The conditioning of petty criminals with the whip or some more scientific procedure followed by a short stay in hospital would probably suffice to ensure order Those who have murdered robbed while armed with automatic pistol or machine gun kidnapped children despoiled the poor of their savings misled the public in important matters should be humanely and economically disposed of in small euthanasic institutions supplied with proper gasses A similar treatment could be advantageously applied to the insane guilty of criminal acts 117 Alexis Carrel had also taken an active part to a symposium in Pontigny organised by Jean Coutrot the Entretiens de Pontigny citation needed Scholars such as Lucien Bonnafe Patrick Tort and Max Lafont have accused Carrel of responsibility for the execution of thousands of mentally ill or impaired patients under Vichy 114 Antisemitic laws Edit Poster above the entrance of an anti semitic exhibition called The Jew and France Main article Vichy anti Jewish legislation This section needs additional citations for verification Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources Unsourced material may be challenged and removed Find sources Vichy antisemitic legislation news newspapers books scholar JSTOR May 2021 Learn how and when to remove this template message A Nazi ordinance dated 21 September 1940 forced Jews of the occupied zone to declare themselves as such at a police station or sub prefectures sous prefectures Under the responsibility of Andre Tulard head of the Service on Foreign Persons and Jewish Questions at the Prefecture of Police of Paris a filing system registering Jewish people was created Tulard had previously created such a filing system under the Third Republic registering members of the Communist Party PCF In the department of the Seine encompassing Paris and its immediate suburbs nearly 150 000 persons unaware of the upcoming danger and assisted by the police presented themselves at police stations in accordance with the military order The registered information was then centralised by the French police who constructed under the direction of inspector Tulard a central filing system According to the Dannecker report this filing system is subdivided into files alphabetically classed Jewish with French nationality and foreign Jewish having files of different colours and the files were also classed according to profession nationality and street of residency 118 These files were then handed over to Theodor Dannecker head of the Gestapo in France under the orders of Adolf Eichmann head of the RSHA IV D They were used by the Gestapo on various raids among them the August 1941 raid in the 11th arrondissement of Paris which resulted in 3 200 foreign and 1 000 French Jews being interned in various camps including Drancy On 3 October 1940 the Vichy government promulgated the Law on the status of Jews which created a special underclass of French Jewish citizens 119 The law excluded Jews from the administration the armed forces entertainment arts media and certain professions such as teaching law and medicine The next day a law regarding foreign Jews was signed authorising their detention 120 A Commissariat General for Jewish Affairs CGQJ Commissariat General aux Questions Juives was created on 29 March 1941 It was directed by Xavier Vallat until May 1942 and then by Darquier de Pellepoix until February 1944 Mirroring the Reich Association of Jews the Union generale des israelites de France was founded The police oversaw the confiscation of telephones and radios from Jewish homes and enforced a curfew on Jews starting in February 1942 They also enforced requirements that Jews not appear in public places and ride only on the last car of the Parisian metro Along with many French police officials Andre Tulard was present on the day of the inauguration of Drancy internment camp in 1941 citation needed which was used largely by French police as the central transit camp for detainees captured in France All Jews and others undesirables passed through Drancy before heading to Auschwitz and other camps 121 July 1942 Vel d Hiv Roundup Edit Main article Vel d Hiv Roundup Two Jewish women in occupied Paris wearing yellow badges before the mass arrests In July 1942 under German orders the French police organised the Vel d Hiv Roundup Rafle du Vel d Hiv under orders by Rene Bousquet and his second in Paris Jean Leguay with co operation from authorities of the SNCF the state railway company The police arrested 13 152 Jews including 4 051 children which the Gestapo had not asked for and 5 082 women on 16 and 17 July and imprisoned them in the Velodrome d Hiver Winter Velodrome in unhygienic conditions They were led to Drancy internment camp run by Nazi Alois Brunner and French constabulary police and crammed into box cars and shipped by rail to Auschwitz Most of the victims died en route due to lack of food or water The remaining survivors were sent to the gas chambers This action alone represented more than a quarter of the 42 000 French Jews sent to concentration camps in 1942 of whom only 811 would return after the end of the war Although the Nazi VT Verfugungstruppe had directed the action French police authorities vigorously participated There was no effective police resistance until the end of Spring of 1944 wrote historians Jean Luc Einaudi and Maurice Rajsfus 122 August 1942 and January 1943 raids Edit Further information Round up of Marseille The French police headed by Bousquet arrested 7 000 Jews in the southern zone in August 1942 2 500 of them transited through the Camp des Milles near Aix en Provence before joining Drancy Then on 22 23 and 24 January 1943 assisted by Bousquet s police force the Germans organised a raid in Marseilles During the Battle of Marseilles the French police checked the identity documents of 40 000 people and the operation sent 2 000 Marseillese people in the death trains leading to the extermination camps The operation also encompassed the expulsion of an entire neighbourhood 30 000 persons in the Old Port before its destruction For this occasion SS Gruppenfuhrer Karl Oberg in charge of the German Police in France made the trip from Paris and transmitted to Bousquet orders directly received from Heinrich Himmler It is another notable case of the French police s willful collaboration with the Nazis 123 Jewish death toll Edit In 1940 approximately 350 000 Jews lived in metropolitan France less than half of them with French citizenship the others being foreign mostly exiles from Germany during the 1930s 124 About 200 000 of them and the large majority of foreign Jews resided in Paris and its outskirts Among the 150 000 French Jews about 30 000 generally native from Central Europe had been naturalised French during the 1930s Of the total approximately 25 000 French Jews and 50 000 foreign Jews were deported 125 According to historian Robert Paxton 76 000 Jews were deported and died in concentration and extermination camps Including the Jews who died in concentration camps in France this would have made for a total figure of 90 000 Jewish deaths a quarter of the total Jewish population before the war by his estimate 126 better source needed Paxton s numbers imply that 14 000 Jews died in French concentration camps but the systematic census of Jewish deportees from France citizens or not drawn under Serge Klarsfeld concluded that 3 000 had died in French concentration camps and 1 000 more had been shot Of the approximately 76 000 deported 2 566 survived The total thus reported is slightly below 77 500 dead somewhat less than a quarter of the Jewish population in France in 1940 127 Proportionally either number makes for a lower death toll than in some other countries in the Netherlands 75 of the Jewish population was murdered 126 This fact has been used as arguments by supporters of Vichy according to Paxton the figure would have been greatly lower if the French state had not willfully collaborated with Germany which lacked staff for police activities During the Vel d Hiv Roundup of July 1942 Laval ordered the deportation of children against explicit German orders Paxton pointed out that if the total number of victims had not been higher it was due to the shortage in wagons the resistance of the civilian population and deportation in other countries notably in Italy 126 Government responsibility Edit Commemorative plaque to the victims held in the Vel d Hiv after the 16 17 July 1942 roundup of Jews in Paris For decades the French government argued that the French Republic had been dismantled when Philippe Petain instituted a new French State during the war and that the Republic had been reestablished when the war was over It was not for the Republic therefore to apologise for events that happened while it had not existed and that had been carried out by a State it did not recognise For example former President Francois Mitterrand had maintained that the Vichy Government not France s Republic was responsible This position was more recently reiterated by Marine Le Pen leader of the National Front Party during the 2017 election campaign 128 129 The first official admission that the French State had been complicit in the deportation of 76 000 Jews during WW II was made in 1995 by then President Jacques Chirac at the site of the Velodrome d Hiver where 13 000 Jews had been rounded up for deportation to death camps in July 1942 France on that day 16 July 1942 committed the irreparable Breaking its word it handed those who were under its protection over to their executioners he said Those responsible for the roundup were 450 policemen and gendarmes French under the authority of their leaders who obeyed the demands of the Nazis the criminal folly of the occupiers was seconded by the French by the French state 130 131 132 On 16 July 2017 also at a ceremony at the Vel d Hiv site President Emmanuel Macron denounced the country s role in the Holocaust in France and the historical revisionism that denied France s responsibility for the 1942 roundup and subsequent deportation of 13 000 Jews It was indeed France that organised this Macron insisted French police collaborating with the Nazis Not a single German was directly involved he added Macron was even more specific than Chirac had been in stating that the Government during the War was certainly that of France It is convenient to see the Vichy regime as born of nothingness returned to nothingness Yes it s convenient but it is false We cannot build pride upon a lie 133 134 Macron made a subtle reference to Chirac s remark when he added I say it again here It was indeed France that organized the roundup the deportation and thus for almost all death 135 136 Collaborationnistes EditMain articles Milice Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism Legion imperiale 33rd Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS Charlemagne 1st French Special Brigades Carlingue and Groupe mobile de reserve Legion des Volontaires fighting with the Axis on the Eastern Front Stanley Hoffmann in 1974 137 and then other historians such as Robert Paxton and Jean Pierre Azema have used the term collaborationnistes to refer to fascists and Nazi sympathisers who for ideological reasons wished a reinforced collaboration with Hitler s Germany Examples are the Parti Populaire Francais PPF leader Jacques Doriot the writer Robert Brasillach or Marcel Deat A principal motivation and ideological foundation among collaborationnistes was anticommunism 137 Collaborationnisme English collaborationism should be distinguished from collaboration Collaborationism refers to those primarily from the fascist right who embraced the goal of a German victory as their own 138 139 whereas collaboration refers to those of the French who for whatever reason collaborated with the Germans Organizations such as La Cagoule opposed the Third Republic particularly while the left wing Popular Front was in power citation needed Collaborationists may have influenced the Vichy government s policies but ultra collaborationists never comprised the majority of the government before 1944 140 To enforce the regime s will some paramilitary organisations were created One example was the Legion Francaise des Combattants LFC French Legion of Fighters including at first only former combatants but quickly adding Amis de la Legion and cadets of the Legion who had never seen battle but supported Petain s regime The name was then quickly changed to Legion Francaise des Combattants et des volontaires de la Revolution Nationale French Legion of Fighters and Volunteers of the National Revolution Joseph Darnand created a Service d Ordre Legionnaire SOL which consisted mostly of French supporters of the Nazis and was fully approved by Petain citation needed Social and economic history Edit Vichy French zinc and aluminium coins made during the war circulated in both the German occupied zone and Vichy s unoccupied zone Vichy authorities strongly opposed modern social trends and tried national regeneration to restore behaviour more in line with traditional Catholicism Philip Manow argued that Vichy represents the authoritarian antidemocratic solution that the French political right in coalition with the national Church hierarchy had sought repeatedly during the interwar period and almost put in place in 1934 141 Calling for National Regeneration Vichy reversed many liberal policies and began tight supervision of the economy with central planning as a key feature 18 Labour unions came under tight government control There were no elections The independence of women was reversed with an emphasis put on motherhood Government agencies had to fire married women employees citation needed Conservative Catholics became prominent Paris lost its avant garde status in European art and culture 142 The media were tightly controlled and stressed virulent anti Semitism and after June 1941 anti Bolshevism 18 Hans Petter Graver wrote that Vichy is notorious for its enactment of anti Semitic laws and decrees and these were all loyally enforced by the judiciary 143 Economy Edit Vichy era poster calling for volunteers to work in Germany in exchange for French prisoners of war Vichy rhetoric exalted the skilled labourer and small businessman In practice the needs of artisans for raw materials were neglected in favour of big businesses 144 The General Committee for the Organization of Commerce CGOC was a national program to modernise and professionalise small business 145 In 1940 the government took direct control of all production which was synchronised with German demands It replaced free trade unions with compulsory state unions that dictated labour policy without regard to the voice or needs of the workers The centralised bureaucratic control of the French economy was not a success as German demands grew heavier and more unrealistic passive resistance and inefficiencies multiplied and Allied bombers hit the rail yards Vichy made the first comprehensive long range plans for the French economy but the government had never attempted a comprehensive overview De Gaulle s provisional government in 1944 45 quietly used the Vichy plans as a base for its own reconstruction program The Monnet Plan of 1946 reaped the heritage of previous efforts at planning in the 1930s Vichy the Resistance and the Provisional Government 146 Monnet s plan to modernize the economy was designed to improve the country s competitive position so as to prepare it for participation in an open multilateral system and thereby to reduce the need for trade protection 147 Forced labour Edit Nazi Germany kept French prisoners of war as forced labourers throughout the war They added compulsory and volunteer workers from occupied nations especially in metal factories The shortage of volunteers led the Vichy government to pass a law in September 1942 that effectively deported workers to Germany where they were 15 of the labour force by August 1944 The largest number worked in the giant Krupp steel works in Essen Low pay long hours frequent bombings and crowded air raid shelters added to the unpleasant conditions of poor housing inadequate heating limited food and poor medical care all compounded by harsh Nazi discipline The workers finally returned home in the summer of 1945 148 The forced labour draft encouraged the French Resistance and undermined the Vichy government 149 Food shortages Edit Civilians suffered shortages of all varieties of consumer goods 150 The rationing system was stringent and badly mismanaged leading to malnourishment black markets and hostility to state management of the food supply The Germans seized about 20 of the French food production causing severe disruption to the French household economy 151 French farm production fell by half because of lack of fuel fertiliser and workers Even so the Germans seized half the meat 20 of the produce and 2 of the champagne 152 Supply problems quickly affected French stores which lacked most items The government answered by rationing but German officials set the policies and hunger prevailed especially affecting youth in urban areas The queues lengthened in front of shops Some people including German soldiers benefited from the black market where food was sold without tickets at very high prices Farmers especially diverted meat to the black market and so there was much less for the open market Counterfeit food tickets were also in circulation Direct buying from farmers in the countryside and barter against cigarettes became common although those activities were strictly forbidden and thus carried the risk of confiscation and fines Food shortages were most acute in the large cities In the more remote country villages clandestine slaughtering vegetable gardens and the availability of milk products permitted better survival The official ration provided starvation level diets of 1013 or fewer calories a day supplemented by home gardens and especially black market purchases 153 Women Edit The two million French soldiers held as prisoners of war and forced labourers in Germany throughout the war were not at risk of death in combat but the anxieties of separation for their 800 000 wives were high The government provided a modest allowance but one in ten became prostitutes to support their families 154 Meanwhile the Vichy regime promoted a highly traditional model of female roles 155 The National Revolution s official ideology fostered the patriarchal family headed by a man with a subservient wife who was devoted to her many children It gave women a key symbolic role to carry out the national regeneration and used propaganda women s organisations and legislation to promote maternity patriotic duty and female submission to marriage home and children s education 150 The falling birth rate appeared to be a grave problem to Vichy which introduced family allowances and opposed birth control and abortion Conditions were very difficult for housewives as food was short as well as most necessities 156 Mother s Day became a major date in the Vichy calendar with festivities in the towns and schools featuring the award of medals to mothers of numerous children Divorce laws were made much more stringent and restrictions were placed on the employment of married women Family allowances which had begun in the 1930s were continued and became a vital lifeline for many families as a monthly cash bonus for having more children In 1942 the birth rate started to rise and by 1945 it was higher than it had been for a century 157 On the other side women of the Resistance many of whom were associated with combat groups linked to the French Communist Party broke the gender barrier by fighting side by side with men After the war their services were ignored but France did give women the vote in 1944 158 German invasion November 1942 EditSee also Case Anton and Operation Attila World War II Progressive end of the Vichy regime Hitler ordered Case Anton to occupy Corsica and then the rest of the unoccupied southern zone in immediate reaction to the landing of the Allies in North Africa Operation Torch on 8 November 1942 Following the conclusion of the operation on 12 November Vichy s remaining military forces were disbanded Vichy continued to exercise its remaining jurisdiction over almost all of metropolitan France with the residual power devolved into the hands of Laval until the gradual collapse of the regime following the Allied invasion in June 1944 On 7 September 1944 following the Allied invasion of France the remainders of the Vichy government cabinet fled to Germany and established a puppet government in exile in the so called Sigmaringen enclave That rump government finally fell when the city was taken by the Allied French army in April 1945 Part of the residual legitimacy of the Vichy regime resulted from the continued ambivalence of U S and other leaders President Roosevelt continued to cultivate Vichy and promoted General Henri Giraud as a preferable alternative to de Gaulle despite the poor performance of Vichy forces in North Africa Admiral Francois Darlan had landed in Algiers the day before Operation Torch Algiers was headquarters of the Vichy French 19th Army Corps which controlled Vichy military units in North Africa Darlan was neutralised within 15 hours by a 400 strong French resistance force Roosevelt and Churchill accepted Darlan rather than de Gaulle as the French leader in North Africa De Gaulle had not even been informed of the landing in North Africa 90 The United States also resented the Free French taking control of St Pierre and Miquelon on 24 December 1941 because Secretary of State Cordell Hull believed it interfered with a U S Vichy agreement to maintain the status quo with respect to French territorial possessions in the western hemisphere Following the invasion of France via Normandy and Provence Operation Overlord and Operation Dragoon and the departure of the Vichy leaders the U S Britain and the Soviet Union finally recognised the Provisional Government of the French Republic GPRF headed by de Gaulle as the legitimate government of France on 23 October 1944 Before that the first return of democracy to Metropolitan France since 1940 had occurred with the declaration of the Free Republic of Vercors on 3 July 1944 at the behest of the Free French government but that act of resistance was quashed by an overwhelming German attack by the end of July Decline of the regime EditIndependence of the SOL Edit A recruitment poster for the Milice The text says Against Communism French Militia Secretary General Joseph Darnand In 1943 the Service d ordre legionnaire SOL collaborationist militia headed by Joseph Darnand became independent and was transformed into the Milice francaise French Militia Officially directed by Pierre Laval himself the SOL was led by Darnand who held an SS rank and pledged an oath of loyalty to Adolf Hitler Under Darnand and his sub commanders such as Paul Touvier and Jacques de Bernonville the Milice was responsible for helping the German forces and police in the repression of the French Resistance and Maquis Sigmaringen commission Edit Main article Sigmaringen enclave The Sigmaringen operation was based in the city s ancient castle Liberation of France 1944 Following the liberation of Paris on 25 August 1944 Petain and his ministers were taken to Sigmaringen by the German forces After both Petain and Laval refused to cooperate Fernand de Brinon was selected by the Germans to establish a pseudo government in exile at Sigmaringen Petain refused to participate further and the Sigmaringen operation had little to no authority The offices used the official title French Government Commission for the Defense of National Interests French Commission gouvernementale francaise pour la defense des interets nationaux and informally was known as the French Delegation French Delegation francaise The enclave had its own radio station Radio patrie Ici la France and official press La France Le Petit Parisien and hosted the embassies of Axis powers Germany and Japan as well as an Italian consulate The population of the enclave was about 6 000 including known collaborationist journalists the writers Louis Ferdinand Celine and Lucien Rebatet the actor Robert Le Vigan and their families as well as 500 soldiers 700 French SS prisoners of war and French civilian forced labourers 159 The Commission lasted for seven months surviving Allied bombing runs poor nutrition and housing and a bitterly cold winter where temperatures plunged to 30 C 22 F while residents nervously watched the advancing Allied troops drawing closer and discussed rumors 160 On 21 April 1945 General de Lattre ordered his forces to take Sigmaringen The end came within days and by the 26th Petain was in the hands of French authorities in Switzerland while Laval had fled to Spain 161 162 Brinon 163 Luchaire and Darnand were captured tried and executed by 1947 Other members escaped to Italy or Spain Aftermath EditProvisional government Edit Main article Provisional Government of the French Republic The Free French concerned that the Allies might decide to put France under administration of the Allied Military Government for Occupied Territories strove to establish the Provisional Government of the French Republic quickly The first action of the Provisional Government was to reestablish republican legality throughout Metropolitan France The provisional government considered the Vichy government to have been unconstitutional and all of its actions therefore without legitimate authority All constitutional acts legislative or regulatory taken by the Vichy government as well as decrees taken to implement them were declared null and void by the Ordinance of 9 August 1944 Inasmuch as blanket rescission of all acts taken by Vichy including measures that might have been taken by a legitimate republican government was deemed impractical the order provided that acts not expressly noted as nullified in the order were to continue to receive provisional application Many acts were explicitly repealed including all acts that Vichy had called constitutional acts all acts that discriminated against Jews all acts related to so called secret societies such as Freemasons and all acts that established special tribunals 164 Collaborationist paramilitary and political organisations such as the Milice and the Service d ordre legionnaire were also dissolved 164 The Provisional Government also took steps to replace local governments including governments that had been suppressed by the Vichy regime through new elections or by extending the terms of those who had been elected not later than 1939 165 Purges Edit Further information Pursuit of Nazi collaborators and Epuration legale This section needs additional citations for verification Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources Unsourced material may be challenged and removed December 2016 Learn how and when to remove this template message After the liberation France was swept for a short period with a wave of executions of collaborationists Some were brought to the Velodrome d hiver Fresnes prison or the Drancy internment camp Women who were suspected of having romantic liaisons with Germans or more often citation needed of being prostitutes who had entertained German customers were publicly humiliated by having their heads shaved Those who had engaged in the black market were also stigmatised as war profiteers profiteurs de guerre and popularly called BOF Beurre Oeuf Fromage or Butter Eggs Cheese because of the products sold at outrageous prices during the Occupation The Provisional Government of the French Republic GPRF 1944 46 quickly reestablished order and brought collaborationists before the courts Many convicted collaborationists were then given amnesty under the Fourth Republic 1946 54 Four different periods are distinguished by historians the first phase of popular convictions epuration sauvage wild purge extrajudicial executions and shaving of women s heads Estimations by police prefects made in 1948 and 1952 counted as many as 6 000 executions before the Liberation and 4 000 afterward the second phase epuration legale or legal purge which began with Charles de Gaulle s 26 and 27 June 1944 purge ordonnances de Gaulle s first ordonnance instituting purge Commissions was enacted on 18 August 1943 judgments of collaborationists by the Commissions d epuration who condemned approximately 120 000 persons e g Charles Maurras the leader of the royalist Action Francaise was thus condemned to a life sentence on 25 January 1945 including 1 500 death sentences Joseph Darnand head of the Milice and Pierre Laval head of the French government were executed after trial on 4 October 1945 Robert Brasillach executed on 6 February 1945 etc but many of those who survived that phase were later given amnesty the third phase more lenient towards collaborationists the trial of Philippe Petain or of writer Louis Ferdinand Celine finally came the period for amnesty and graces such as Jean Pierre Esteva Xavier Vallat creator of the General Commission for Jewish Affairs Rene Bousquet head of French police Other historians have distinguished the purges against intellectuals Brasillach Celine etc industrialists fighters LVF etc and civil servants Papon etc Paris 1944 Women accused of collaboration with Nazis are paraded through the streets they often had their hair cut off as a form of humiliation Philippe Petain was charged with treason in July 1945 He was convicted and sentenced to death by firing squad but Charles de Gaulle commuted the sentence to life imprisonment In the police some collaborators soon resumed official responsibilities This continuity of the administration was pointed out citation needed in particular concerning the events of the Paris massacre of 1961 executed under the orders of Paris Police Chief Maurice Papon while Charles de Gaulle was head of state Papon was tried and convicted for crimes against humanity in 1998 The French members of the Waffen SS Charlemagne Division who survived the war were regarded as traitors Some of the more prominent officers were executed while the rank and file were given prison terms Some of them were given the option of doing time in Indochina 1946 54 with the Foreign Legion instead of prison citation needed Among artists singer Tino Rossi was detained in Fresnes Prison according to the newspaper Combat prison guards asked him for autographs Pierre Benoit and Arletty were also detained Executions without trials and other forms of popular justice were harshly criticised immediately after the war with circles close to Petainists advancing the figures of 100 000 and denouncing the Red Terror anarchy or blind vengeance The writer and Jewish internee Robert Aron estimated the popular executions to a number of 40 000 in 1960 This surprised de Gaulle who estimated the number to be around 10 000 which is also the figure accepted today by mainstream historians Approximately 9 000 of these 10 000 refer to summary executions in the whole of the country which occurred during battle citation needed Some imply that France did too little to deal with collaborators at this stage by selectively pointing out that in absolute value numbers there were fewer legal executions in France than in its smaller neighbour Belgium and fewer internments than in Norway or the Netherlands citation needed but the situation in Belgium was not comparable as it mixed collaboration with elements of a war of secession The 1940 invasion prompted the Flemish population to generally side with the Germans in the hope of gaining national recognition and relative to national population a much higher proportion of Belgians than French thus ended up collaborating with the Germans or volunteering to fight alongside them 166 167 The Walloon population in turn led massive anti Flemish retribution after the war some of which such as the execution of Irma Swertvaeger Laplasse were controversial 168 The proportion of collaborators was also higher in Norway and collaboration occurred on a larger scale in the Netherlands as in Flanders based partly on linguistic and cultural commonality with Germany The internments in Norway and the Netherlands meanwhile were highly temporary and rather indiscriminate there was a brief internment peak in these countries since internment was used partly for the purpose of separating collaborationists from others 169 Norway ended up executing only 37 collaborationists 1980s trials Edit Some accused war criminals were judged some for a second time from the 1980s onwards Paul Touvier Klaus Barbie Maurice Papon Rene Bousquet the head of the French police during the war and his deputy Jean Leguay Bousquet and Leguay were both convicted for their responsibilities in the Vel d Hiv Roundup of July 1942 Among others Nazi hunters Serge and Beate Klarsfeld spent part of their postwar effort trying to bring them before the courts Some collaborationists then joined the OAS terrorist movement during the Algerian War 1954 62 Jacques de Bernonville escaped to Quebec then Brazil Jacques Ploncard d Assac became counsellor to the Portuguese dictator Antonio de Oliveira Salazar 170 In 1993 former Vichy official Rene Bousquet was assassinated while he awaited prosecution in Paris following a 1991 inculpation for crimes against humanity He had been prosecuted but partially acquitted and immediately amnestied in 1949 171 In 1994 former Vichy official Paul Touvier 1915 1996 was convicted of crimes against humanity Maurice Papon was likewise convicted in 1998 but was released three years later due to ill health and died in 2007 172 Historiographical debates and Vichy Syndrome EditUntil Jacques Chirac s presidency the official point of view of the French government was that the Vichy regime was an illegal government distinct from the French Republic established by traitors under foreign influence 173 Indeed Vichy France eschewed the formal name of France French Republic and styled itself the French State replacing the Republican motto of Liberte Egalite Fraternite liberty equality fraternity inherited from the 1789 French Revolution with the motto Travail Famille Patrie work family homeland While the criminal behaviour of Vichy France was consistently acknowledged this point of view denied any responsibility of the state of France by alleging that acts committed between 1940 and 1944 were unconstitutional acts devoid of legitimacy 174 The main proponent of this view was Charles de Gaulle himself who insisted as did other historians afterwards on the unclear conditions of the June 1940 vote granting full powers to Petain which was refused by the minority of Vichy 80 175 In particular coercive measures used by Pierre Laval have been denounced by those historians who hold that the vote did not therefore have constitutional legality See subsection Conditions of armistice and 10 July 1940 vote of full powers In later years de Gaulle s position was reiterated by President Francois Mitterrand 134 I will not apologize in the name of France The Republic had nothing to do with this I do not believe France is responsible he said in September 1994 128 The first president to accept responsibility for the arrest and deportation of Jews from France was Chirac In a 16 July 1995 speech he recognised the responsibility of the French State 130 134 for seconding the criminal folly of the occupying country in particular the French police headed by Rene Bousquet charged in 1990 with crimes against humanity 176 which assisted the Nazis in the enactment of the so called Final Solution The July 1942 Vel d Hiv Roundup is a tragic example of how the French police did the Germans work and even went further than was demanded by military orders by sending children to Drancy internment camp the last stop before the extermination camps 177 President Emmanuel Macron s statement on 16 July 2017 was even more specific stating clearly that the Vichy regime was certainly the French State during the war and played a role in the Holocaust Earlier that year speeches made by Marine Le Pen had made headlines by claiming that the Vichy government was not France 178 Macron made this remark in discussing the Vel d Hiver roundup of Jews It is convenient to see the Vichy regime as born of nothingness returned to nothingness Yes it is convenient but it is false 133 134 As the historian Henry Rousso has put it in The Vichy Syndrome 1987 Vichy and the state collaboration of France remains a past that doesn t pass away 179 Historiographical debates are still passionate and oppose different views on the nature and legitimacy of Vichy s collaborationism with Germany in the implementation of the Holocaust Three main periods have been distinguished in the historiography of Vichy Firstly the Gaullist period aimed at national reconciliation and unity under the figure of Charles de Gaulle who conceived himself above political parties and divisions Then the 1960s had Marcel Ophuls s film The Sorrow and the Pity 1971 Finally in the 1990s the trial of Maurice Papon a civil servant in Bordeaux who had been in charge of the Jewish Questions during the war and was convicted after a very long trial 1981 1998 for crimes against humanity Papon s trial concerned more than individual itinerary but also the French administration s collective responsibility in the deportation of the Jews Furthermore his career after the war led him to be the prefect of the Paris police during the Algerian War 1954 1962 the treasurer of the Gaullist Union des Democrates pour la Republique from 1968 to 1971 and finally the budget minister under President Valery Giscard d Estaing and Prime Minister Raymond Barre from 1978 to 1981 which was symptomatic of the quick rehabilitation of former collaborationists after the war Critics contend that his itinerary was shared by others although few had such public roles and demonstrates France s collective amnesia but others point out that the perception of the war and of the state collaboration has evolved during those years Papon s career was considered more scandalous as he had been responsible during his function as prefect of police of Paris for the 1961 Paris massacre of Algerians during the war and was forced to resign from this position after the 1965 disappearance in Paris of the Moroccan anticolonialist leader Mehdi Ben Barka 180 Papon was convicted in 1998 for complicity with the Nazis in crimes against humanity 181 It is certain that the Vichy government and many of its top administration collaborated in the implementation of the Holocaust the exact level of such co operation is still debated Compared with the Jewish communities established in other countries invaded by Germany French Jews suffered proportionately lighter losses see Jewish death toll section above but in 1942 repression and deportations started to strike French Jews not just foreign Jews 106 Former Vichy officials later claimed that they did as much as they could to minimise the impact of the Nazi policies but mainstream French historians contend that the Vichy regime went beyond the Nazis expectations The regional newspaper Nice Matin revealed on 28 February 2007 that in more than 1 000 condominium properties on the Cote d Azur rules dating to Vichy were still in force or at least existed on paper One of the rules for example stated The contractors shall make the following statements they are of French nationality are not Jewish nor married to Jewish in the sense of the laws and ordinances in force under Vichy ed note The president of the Conseil Representatif des Institutions juives de France Cote d Azur a Jewish association group issued a strong condemnation labelling it the utmost horror when one of the inhabitants of such a condominium qualified that as an anachronism with no consequences 182 Jewish inhabitants were able and willing to live in the buildings and to explain that the Nice Matin reporter surmised that some tenants may have not read the condominium contracts in detail and others have deemed the rules obsolete 183 A reason for the latter is that any racially discriminatory condominium or other local rule that may have existed on paper Vichy era or otherwise was abrogated fr by the French Constitution of 27 October 1946 which established the French Fourth Republic and was upheld by French Fifth Republic 1958 and was inapplicable under French antidiscrimination law Thus even if the tenants or co owners had signed or otherwise agreed to these rules after 1946 any such agreement would be null and void caduque under French law as well as the rules Rewriting or eliminating the obsolete rules would have had to be done at the occupants expense including notary fees of 900 7000 per building 183 Sword and shield argument Edit There was an illusory belief from the end of the war and through the 1960s that almost everybody was in the Resistance or at least supported it and collaborators were a minority Two additional popular beliefs went along with this that of the sword and shield as well as the idea that to whatever extent there were harsh measures implemented by Vichy it was because it was under the boot of the Germans and not by choice 184 During the war the theory of the sword and shield these du bouclier et de l epee was raised as a defense of Vichy whereby Petain was seen as the shield protecting France and the French people within the country while de Gaulle was seen as the sword engaging in combat from abroad By this theory Petain was merely containing the German enemy to prevent an even worse outcome for France while awaiting liberation through military action from without led by de Gaulle 184 This theory that Petain and de Gaulle were tacitly working together first developed by Robert Aron in his 1954 Histoire de Vichy was later deconstructed by historian Henry Rousso in his 1987 Syndrome de Vichy 185 A lot of French people believed at the time of the occupation that this tacit agreement existed according to Aron Resistance member Gilbert Renault alias Colonel Remy who founded the first resistance network in occupied France had great respect for Petain and felt that France could fight on two fronts either with Petain internally or with de Gaulle from abroad and he was not alone among resistance members who supported de Gaulle and sincerely admired Petain 186 Today the few remaining Vichy supporters continue to maintain the official argument advanced by Petain and Laval state collaboration was supposed to protect the French civilian population from the Occupation s hardships At his trial Petain proclaimed that Charles de Gaulle had represented the sword of France and Petain had been the shield protecting France 187 Purification Edit Munholland reports a widespread consensus among historians regarding the authoritarian character of the Vichy regime and its broadly stated desire to regenerate a decadent state and society that had become corrupted by an ambient lassitude secularism and hedonism under the Third Republic by returning to earlier and purer values and imposing a greater discipline and dynamism upon the industrial order 188 Foreign Jews Edit Although that claim is rejected by the rest of the French population and by the state itself another myth remains more widespread the alleged protection by Vichy of French Jews by accepting to collaborate in the deportation and ultimately in the extermination of foreign Jews That argument has been rejected by several historians who specialised in the subject such as the widely recognised American historian Robert Paxton and the historian of the French police Maurice Rajsfus Both were called on as experts during the Papon trial in the 1990s Paxton declared before the court on 31 October 1997 Vichy took initiatives The armistice allowed it a breathing space 189 Vichy then decided on its own within the homeland to implement the National Revolution Revolution nationale After naming the alleged causes of the defeat democracy parliamentarism cosmopolitanism the left wing foreigners Jews Vichy had put in place by 3 October 1940 the first anti Jewish legislation From then on Jewish people were considered second zone citizens 189 Internationally France believed the war to be finished Thus by July 1940 Vichy eagerly negotiated with the German authorities in an attempt to gain a place for France in the Third Reich s New Order but Hitler never forgot the 1918 defeat He always said no Vichy s ambition was doomed from the start 189 Antisemitism was a constant theme recalled Paxton At first it even opposed German plans At this time the Nazis had not yet decided to exterminate the Jews but to expel them Their idea was not to make of France an antisemitic country On the contrary they wanted to send there the Jews that they expelled from the Reich 189 The historic change came in 1941 1942 with the pending German defeat on the Eastern Front The war then became total and in August 1941 Hitler decided on the global extermination of all European Jews The new policy was officially formulated during the January 1942 Wannsee Conference and had been implemented in all occupied countries in Europe by spring 1942 France praising itself for having remained an independent state as opposed to other occupied countries decided to cooperate This is the second Vichy 189 The first train of deportees left Drancy on 27 March 1942 for Poland the first in a long series Paxton recalled The Nazis needed the French administration They always complained about the lack of staff 189 something which Maurice Rajsfus has also underlined Although the Paxton recognised during the trial that the civil behavior of certain individuals had permitted many Jews to escape deportation he stated The French state itself participated in the policy of extermination of the Jews How can one claim the reverse when such technical and administrative resources were made available to them 189 Pointing to the French police s registering of Jews and to Laval s decision which had been taken completely autonomously in August 1942 to deport children along with their parents Paxton added Contrary to preconceived ideas Vichy did not sacrifice foreign Jews in the hope of protecting French Jews At the hierarchy summit it knew from the start that the deportation of French Jews was unavoidable 189 Paxton then referred to the case of Italy where deportation of Jewish people had started only after the German occupation Italy surrendered to the Allies in mid 1943 but then was invaded by Germany Fighting continued there until 1944 In particular in Nice Italians had protected the Jews And the French authorities complained about it to the Germans 189 More recent work by the historian Susan Zuccotti finds that in general the Vichy government facilitated the deportation of foreign Jews rather than French Jews until at least 1943 Vichy officials had hoped to deport foreign Jews throughout France in order to ease pressure on native Jews Pierre Laval himself expressed the official Vichy position In the early months of 1943 the terror Adam Munz and Alfred Feldman described in German occupied France was still experienced by foreign Jews like themselves It is difficult to know exactly how many French Jews were arrested usually for specific or alleged offences but on 21 January 1943 Helmut Knochen informed Eichmann in Berlin that there were 2 159 French citizens among the 3 811 prisoners at Drancy Many had been at Drancy for several months They had not been deported because until January 1943 there had usually been enough foreigners and their children to fill the forty three trains that had carried about 41 591 people to the east By January 1943 foreign Jews were increasingly aware of the danger and difficult to find Nazi pressure for the arrest of French Jews and the deportation of those already at Drancy increased accordingly Thus when Knochen reported that there were 2 159 French citizens among the 3 811 prisoners at Drancy on 21 January 1943 he also asked Eichmann for permission to deport them There had been no convoy from Drancy in December and January and SS Lieutenant Heinz Rothke was pressuring Knochen to resume them Rothke also wanted to empty Drancy in order to refill it Despite Vichy officials past disapproval and Eichmann s own prior discouragement of such a step permission for the deportation of the French Jews at Drancy except for those in mixed marriages was granted from Berlin on 25 January 190 Deportations from France did not start until summer 1942 several months after mass deportation from other countries had started citation needed Whatever the Vichy government s initial or subsequent intent the death rate was 15 for French Jews slightly over half of that of non citizen Jews residing in France More Jews lived in France at the end of the Vichy regime than approximately ten years earlier 191 Notable figures EditSee also Category French collaborators with Nazi Germany Pierre Pucheu in 1941 who was executed in 1944 Xavier Vallat Rene Bousquet head of the French police Francois Darlan Prime Minister 1941 1942 Louis Darquier de Pellepoix Commissioner for Jewish Affairs Marcel Deat founder of the Rassemblement national populaire RNP in 1941 Joined the government in the last months of the Occupation Pierre Etienne Flandin Prime Minister 1940 1941 Philippe Henriot State Secretary of Information and Propaganda Gaston Henry Haye Vichy ambassador to the United States of America Charles Huntziger general and Minister of Defense Pierre Laval Prime Minister 1940 1942 1944 Jean Leguay delegate of Bousquet in the free zone charged with crimes against humanity for his role in the July 1942 Vel d Hiv Roundup Francois Mitterrand later President of the French Republic 1981 1995 Maurice Papon head of the Jewish Questions Service in the prefecture of Bordeaux Condemned for crimes against humanity in 1998 192 Philippe Petain Head of State Pierre Pucheu Minister of the Interior Simon Sabiani head of the Parti Populaire Francais in Marseille Paul Touvier condemned in 1995 for crimes against humanity for his role as head of the Milice in Lyon Xavier Vallat Commissioner General for Jewish Questions Maxime Weygand Commander in Chief of the armed forces and Minister of Defense Non Vichy collaborationists EditPierre Bonny also known as Pierre Bony Robert Brasillach writer executed for collaboration after the war Marcel Bucard founder of the far right Mouvement franciste and Legion des volontaires francais contre le bolchevisme LVF Louis Ferdinand Celine writer Eugene Deloncle co founder of the right wing terrorist group La Cagoule in 1935 and fascist Mouvement social revolutionnaire in 1940 Jacques Doriot founder of the Parti Populaire Francais PPF and member of the LVF Pierre Drieu La Rochelle writer Henri Lafont Etienne Leandri wore the Gestapo uniform during the war and participated in the creation of the Gaullist Service d Action Civique SAC in the 1960s Robert Le Vigan actor Charles Maurras writer and founder of royalist movement Action Francaise Lucien Rebatet writer Pierre Taittinger chairman of the municipal council of Paris 1943 1944 See also EditCamp of Septfonds Cadix Allied intelligence center in Uzes Collaboration with the Axis Powers during World War II German occupation of France during World War II Government of Vichy France Italian occupation of France during World War II List of French possessions and colonies Military history of France during World War II Oradour sur Glane Ordre Nouveau Organisation Todt Amy Elizabeth Thorpe Western Front Frankreich Area Luftflotte 3 France World War II in the Basque CountryNotes Edit Given full constituent powers in the law of 10 July 1940 Petain never promulgated a new constitution A draft was written in 1941 and signed by Petain in 1944 but was never submitted or ratified 53 French Petain J entre aujourd hui dans la voie de la collaboration References Edit a b c d Ordonnance du 9 aout 1944 relative au retablissement de la legalite republicaine sur le territoire continental Version consolidee 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Matin 28 February 2007 subscription only The news is taken up by L Humanite on 1 March 2007 Des immeubles nicois a l heure de Vichy in French a b Le Figaro 15 October 2007 A vendre appartement pour Francais non juif Archived 28 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine in French a b Michel 2014 Delporte amp Moine 2018 Bentegeat 2014 Curtis Michale 2013 Verdict On Vichy Power and Prejudice in the Vichy France Regime Skyhorse p 108 ISBN 978 1 62872 063 1 Archived from the original on 26 January 2016 Retrieved 25 October 2015 Kim Munholland Wartime France Remembering Vichy French Historical Studies 1994 18 3 pp 801 820 quoting p 809 a b c d e f g h i L Humanite 1 November 1997 Robert Paxton donne une accablante lecon d histoire permanent dead link Robert Paxton gives a damning lesson of history in French and Robert Paxton History Lesson Retrieved 29 August 2016 Archived 11 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine Susan Zuccotti The Holocaust the French and the Jews University of Nebraska Press 1999 pp 168 169 ISBN 0 8032 9914 1 Francois Delpech Historiens et Geographes no 273 mai juin 1979 ISSN 0046 757X Whitney Craig R 3 April 1998 Ex Vichy Aide Is Convicted And Reaction Ranges Wide The New York Times ISSN 0362 4331 Archived from the original on 2 February 2018 Retrieved 2 February 2018 Bibliography EditEnglish Edit Atkin Nicholas Petain Longman 1997 Azema Jean Pierre From Munich to Liberation 1938 1944 The Cambridge History of Modern France 1985 Azema Jean Pierre ed Collaboration and Resistance Images of Life in Vichy France 1940 1944 2000 220pp photographs Boyd Douglas Voices from the Dark Years The Truth About Occupied France 1940 1945 The History Press 2015 Burrin Philippe France Under the Germans Collaboration and Compromise 1998 Carmen Callil Bad Faith A Forgotten History of Family Fatherland and Vichy France New York Knopf 2006 ISBN 0 375 41131 3 Biography of Louis Darquier de Pellepoix the Commissioner for Jewish Affairs Campbell Caroline Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France Contemporary European History 27 3 2018 482 499 online Christofferson Thomas R and Michael S Christofferson France during World War II From Defeat to Liberation 2nd ed 2006 206pp brief introduction online edition Davies Peter France and the Second World War Resistance Occupation and Liberation Introduction to History 2000 128pp excerpt and text search Diamond Hanna Women and the Second World War in France 1939 1948 Choices and Constraints 1999 Diamond Hanna and Simon Kitson eds Vichy Resistance Liberation New Perspectives on Wartime France 2005 online edition online review Fogg Shannon Lee The Politics of Everyday Life in Vichy France Foreigners Undesirables and Strangers 2009 226pp excerpt and text search Gildea Robert Marianne in Chains Daily Life in the Heart of France During the German Occupation 2004 excerpt and text search Glass Charles Americans in Paris Life and Death Under Nazi Occupation 2009 excerpt and text search Gordon B Historical Dictionary of World War Two France The Occupation Vichy and the Resistance 1938 1946 Westport Conn 1998 Halls W D Politics Society and Christianity in Vichy France 1995 online edition Holman Valerie Kelly Debra January 2000 France at War in the Twentieth Century Propaganda Myth and Metaphor Contemporary France Providence R I New York Berghahn Books ISBN 978 1 57181 701 3 OCLC 41497185 Jackson Julian T 2001 France The Dark Years 1940 1944 Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 820706 1 Retrieved 15 August 2020 Jennings Eric 1994 Reinventing Jeanne The Iconology of Joan of Arc in Vichy Schoolbooks 1940 44 The Journal of Contemporary History 29 4 711 734 doi 10 1177 002200949402900406 S2CID 159656095 Kedward H R Occupied France Collaboration and Resistance Oxford 1985 short survey Kitson Simon The Hunt for Nazi Spies Fighting Espionage in Vichy France University of Chicago Press 2008 ISBN 978 0 226 43893 1 Kocher Adam Adria K Lawrence and Nuno P Monteiro 2018 Nationalism Collaboration and Resistance France under Nazi Occupation International Security 43 2 117 150 Kooreman Megan The Expectation of Justice France 1944 1946 Duke University Press 1999 Kroener Bernhard R Muller Rolf Dieter Umbreit Hans 3 August 2000 Germany and the Second World War Volume 5 Organization and Mobilization of the German Sphere of Power Part I Wartime Administration Economy and Manpower Resources 1939 1941 Germany amp Second World War OUP Oxford p iii ISBN 978 0 19 160683 0 OCLC 1058510505 Retrieved 28 July 2021 Lackerstein Debbie National Regeneration in Vichy France Ideas and Policies 1930 1944 2013 excerpt and text search Langer William Our Vichy gamble 1947 U S policy 1940 42 Larkin Maurice France since the Popular Front Government and People 1936 1996 Oxford U P 1997 ISBN 0 19 873151 5 Lemmes Fabian Collaboration in wartime France 1940 1944 European Review of History 2008 15 2 pp 157 177 Levieux Eleanor 1999 Insiders French beyond the dictionary Chicago University of Chicago Press ISBN 978 0 226 47502 8 Manow Philip Workers farmers and Catholicism A history of political class coalitions and the south European welfare state regime Journal of European Social Policy 2015 25 1 pp 32 49 Marrus Michael R and Robert Paxton Vichy France and the Jews Stanford University Press 1995 online 1981 edition Martin Mauthner Otto Abetz and His Paris Acolytes French Writers Who Flirted with Fascism 1930 1945 Sussex Academic Press 2016 ISBN 978 1 84519 784 1 Melton George E Darlan Admiral and Statesman of France 1881 1942 Praeger 1998 ISBN 0 275 95973 2 Mockler Anthony 1984 Haile Selassie s War The Italian Ethiopian Campaign 1935 1941 New York Random House ISBN 978 0 394 54222 5 Nord Philip France s New Deal From the Thirties to the Postwar Era Princeton U P 2010 Michel Alain 2014 1st pub 2011 10 Collaboration and collaborators in Vichy France An unfinished debate In Stauber Roni ed Collaboration with the Nazis Public Discourse after the Holocaust Routledge Jewish Studies series London Routledge ISBN 9781138788770 OCLC 876293139 Paxton Robert O Vichy France Old Guard and New Order 1940 1944 2nd ed 2001 excerpt and text search influential survey Playfair Major General I S O with Stitt Commander G M S Molony Brigadier C J C amp Toomer Air Vice Marshal S E 1954 Butler J R M ed The Mediterranean and Middle East The Early Successes Against Italy to May 1941 History of the Second World War United Kingdom Military Series Vol I HMSO OCLC 494123451 Retrieved 3 September 2015 Pollard Miranda Reign of virtue mobilising gender in Vichy France University of Chicago Press 2012 Raugh H E 1993 Wavell in the Middle East 1939 1941 A Study in Generalship London Brassey s ISBN 978 0 08 040983 2 Smith Colin England s Last War Against France Fighting Vichy 1940 1942 London Weidenfeld 2009 ISBN 978 0 297 85218 6 Sutherland Jonathan and Diane Canwell Vichy Air Force at War The French Air Force that Fought the Allies in World War II Pen amp Sword Aviation 2011 Sweets John F Choices in Vichy France The French Under Nazi Occupation New York 1986 excerpt and text search focus on city of Clermont Ferrand Thomas Martin The French Empire at War 1940 45 Manchester University Press 1998 paperback 2007 Vinen Richard The Unfree French Life Under the Occupation 2007 Weisberg Richard H Vichy Law and the Holocaust in France New York University Press 1998 ISBN 0 8147 9336 3 Historiography Edit Conan Eric and Henry Rousso Vichy An ever present past UP of New England 1998 Fishman Sarah et al France at War Vichy and the Historians 2000 online edition Golsan Richard J Vichy s Afterlife History amp Counterhistory in Postwar France 2000 Gordon Bertram M The Vichy Syndrome problem in history French Historical Studies 1995 19 2 pp 495 518 on the denial of the realities of Vichy in JSTOR Munholland Kim Wartime France Remembering Vichy French Historical Studies 1994 18 3 pp 801 820 in JSTOR Poznanski Renee Rescue of the Jews and the Resistance in France From History to Historiography French Politics Culture and Society 2012 30 2 pp 8 32 Rousso Henry The Vichy Syndrome History and Memory in France since 1944 2nd ed 2006 ISBN 0 674 93539 X Singer Barnett The Changing Image of Vichy in France Contemporary Review Summer 2009 online edition French Edit Henri Amouroux La grande histoire des Francais sous l Occupation 8 volumes Laffont 1976 Aron Robert 1962 Petain sa carriere son proces Petain his career his trial Grands dossiers de l histoire contemporaine Major issues in contemporary history in French Paris Librairie Academique Perrin OCLC 1356008 Jean Pierre Azema amp Francois Bedarida Vichy et les Francais Paris Fayard 1996 Le regime de Vichy et les Francais dir Jean Pierre Azema amp Francois Bedarida Institut d histoire du temps present Fayard 1992 ISBN 2 213 02683 1 Begle Jerome 20 January 2014 Rentree litteraire Avec Pierre Assouline Sigmaringen c est la vie de chateau Autumn publishing season launch With Pierre Assouline Sigmaringen That s life in the castle Le Point in French Le Point Communications Bentegeat Herve 2014 Et surtout pas un mot a la Marechale Petain et ses femmes And above all not a word to the Marechale Petain and his women in French Paris Albin Michel ISBN 9782226256911 OCLC 1015992303 Michele Cointet Dictionnaire historique de la France sous l Occupation 2nd ed 2000 732pp Michele Cointet L Eglise sous Vichy 1940 1945 La repentance en question Perrin Paris 1998 ISBN 2 262 01231 8 Cointet Jean Paul 2014 Sigmaringen Tempus in French Paris Perrin ISBN 978 2 262 03300 2 Eric Conan et Henry Rousso Vichy un passe qui ne passe pas Fayard Paris 1994 ISBN 2 213 59237 3 Yves Maxime Danan La vie politique a Alger de 1940 a 1944 L G D J Paris 1963 Jean Luc Einaudi 2001 Les silences de la police 16 juillet 1942 17 octobre 1961 in French Paris L Esprit frappeur ISBN 978 2 84405 173 8 Delporte Christian Moine Caroline 2018 Culture medias pouvoirs aux Etats Unis et en Europe occidentale France Italie RFA Royaume Uni 1945 1991 Culture Media Power in the United States and Western Europe 1945 1991 in French Malakoff Armand Colin ISBN 9782200624187 OCLC 1191067431 Andre Kaspi Les Juifs pendant l Occupation Seuil Paris 1991 ISBN 2 02 013509 4 Serge Klarsfeld Vichy Auschwitz Le role de Vichy dans la solution finale de la question juive en France 1943 1944 Fayard Paris 1985 ISBN 2 213 01573 2 Launay Jacques de Le Dossier de Vichy in series Collection Archives Editions Julliard Paris 1967 N B A documentary history Herbert R Lottman Petain Seuil 1984 ISBN 2 02 006763 3 Rousso Henry 2007 Le regime de Vichy The Vichy Regime Que sais je n 1720 in French Paris Presses Universitaires de France ISBN 978 2 13 054077 9 OCLC 777999316 Jacques Sabille Les Juifs de Tunisie sous Vichy et l Occupation Paris Edition du Centre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine 1954 Semelin Jacques 2013 Persecutions et entraides dans la France occupee comment 75 des juifs de France ont echappe a la mort in French Paris Seuil Arenes ISBN 978 2 35204 235 8 German Edit Eberhard Jackel Frankreich in Hitlers Europa die deutsche Frankreichpolitik im 2 Weltkrieg Stuttgart 1966 Martin Jungius Der verwaltete Raub Die Arisierung der Wirtschaft in Frankreich 1940 1944 Thorbecke Ostfildern 2008 Beiheft der Francia Nr 67 hrsg von Deutschen Historischen Institut Paris Michael Mayer de Staaten als Tater Ministerialburokratie und Judenpolitik in NS Deutschland und Vichy Frankreich Ein Vergleich Preface by Horst Moller and Georges Henri Soutou Munchen Oldenbourg 2010 Studien zur Zeitgeschichte 80 ISBN 978 3 486 58945 0 Comparative study of anti Jewish policy implemented by the government in Nazi Germany by German occupational forces in France and by the semi autonomic French government in Vichy Rousso Henry 2009 1st pub 2007 Le Regime de Vichy Vichy Frankreich unter deutscher Besatzung 1940 1944 Vichy France under the Occupation 1940 1944 Beck sche Reihe in German Munich C H Beck ISBN 978 3 406 58454 1 OCLC 316118163 Films Edit Marcel Ophuls The Sorrow and the Pity 1969 Claude Chabrol The Eye of Vichy 1993 External links Edit Wikimedia Commons has media related to Vichy government 1940 1944 French Wikisource has original text related to this article Constitutional law of 10 July 1940 giving full powers to Marshall Petain in French French Wikisource has original text related to this article Constitutional Acts of the Vichy Regime in French Wikisource has original text related to this article Adolf Hitler s Appeal to the French People on the Entry of German Troops into Unoccupied France Wikisource has original text related to this article Adolf Hitler s Letter to Marshal Petain Announcing Complete German Occupation of France Wikisource has original text related to this article Adolf Hitler s Letter to Marshal Petain Announcing Decision to Occupy Toulon Simon Kitson s Vichy web page Original Establishment of the Vichy government constitutional act Map of the free and occupied French zones Archived 13 April 2005 at the Wayback Machine National Geographic coverage of the armistice Archived 27 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine in French Obituary of a Republic Time 22 July 1940 Vica Nazi Propaganda Comics Duke University Libraries Digital Collections Pro Nazi comics produced in Vichy France NAZI diplomacy Vichy 1940 The Holocaust in France Archived 22 February 2019 at the Wayback Machine at Yad Vashem website Liberty Equality Fraternity But Not for All France and the Alien Jews 1933 1942 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Vichy France amp oldid 1135410647, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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