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Cordyline fruticosa

Cordyline fruticosa is an evergreen flowering plant in the family Asparagaceae. The plant is of great cultural importance to the traditional animistic religions of Austronesian and Papuan peoples of the Pacific Islands, New Zealand, Island Southeast Asia, and Papua New Guinea. It is also cultivated for food, traditional medicine, and as an ornamental for its variously colored leaves. It is identified by a wide variety of common names, including ti plant, palm lily, cabbage palm.

Cordyline fruticosa
Foliage and fruit
Green C. fruticosa in Makawao Forest Reserve, Maui
Scientific classification
Kingdom: Plantae
Clade: Tracheophytes
Clade: Angiosperms
Clade: Monocots
Order: Asparagales
Family: Asparagaceae
Subfamily: Lomandroideae
Genus: Cordyline
Species:
C. fruticosa
Binomial name
Cordyline fruticosa
Synonyms[1]

Convallaria fruticosa L.
Asparagus terminalis L.
Cordyline terminalis Kunth
Dracaena terminalis Lam.
Dracaena formosa W.Bull Terminalis fruticosa (L.) Kuntze

Description edit

It is a palm-like plant growing up to 4.5 metres (15 feet) tall[2] with an attractive fan-like and spirally arranged cluster of broadly elongated leaves at the tip of the slender trunk. The leaves range from red to green[2] and variegated forms. It is a woody plant with leaves 30–60 centimetres (12–24 inches) (rarely 75 cm or 30 in) long and 5–10 cm (2–4 in) wide at the top of a woody stem. It produces 40–60 cm (16–24 in) long panicles of small scented yellowish to red flowers that mature into red berries.

Taxonomy edit

Cordyline fruticosa was formerly listed as part of the families Agavaceae and Laxmanniaceae (now both subfamilies of the Asparagaceae in the APG III system).

Names edit

The reconstructed Proto-Malayo-Polynesian word for ti plant is *siRi. Cognates include Malagasy síly; Palauan sis; Ere and Kuruti siy; Araki jihi; Arosi diri; Chuukese tii-n; Wuvulu si or ti; Tongan ; Samoan, Tahitian, and Māori ; and Hawaiian . The names in some languages have also been applied to the botanically unrelated garden crotons (Codiaeum variegatum), which similarly have red or yellow leaves. The cognates of Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian *sabaqaŋ, similarly, have been applied to both garden crotons and ti plants.[3][4]

In the Philippines, they are also known by names derived from the Proto-Austronesian *kilala, "to know", due to its use in divination rituals. Cognates derived from that usage include Tagalog sagilala; and Visayan and Bikol kilála or kilaa, though in Central Visayas, this plant is called ti-as.[3] In New Zealand, the terms for ti were also transferred to the native and closely related cabbage tree (Cordyline australis), as tī kōuka.[3]

Distribution and history edit

 
Cordyline fruticosa (under its synonym terminalis) on a Pitcairn stamp

Its original native distribution is unknown, but it is believed to be native to the region from Bangladesh, to Mainland Southeast Asia, South China, Taiwan, Island Southeast Asia, New Guinea, and Northern Australia. It has the highest morphological diversity in New Guinea and is believed to have been extensively cultivated there.[5][6]

It was carried throughout Oceania by Austronesians, reaching as far as Hawaii, New Zealand (including the Kermadec Islands), and Easter Island at their furthest extent. A particularly important type of ti in eastern Polynesia is a large green-leafed cultivar grown for their enlarged edible rhizomes. Unlike the ti populations in Southeast Asia and Near Oceania, this cultivar is almost entirely sterile in the further islands of eastern Polynesia. It can be propagated only by cuttings from the stalks or the rhizomes. It is speculated that this was the result of deliberate artificial selection, probably because they produce larger and less fibrous rhizomes more suitable for use as food.[5][7][8]

It was introduced to Europe as a houseplant in 1771.[9]

Uses edit

Religious edit

It has many uses but it is most notable as one of the most important plants related to the indigenous animist religions of Austronesians. It is very widely regarded as having mystical or spiritual powers in various Austronesian (as well as Papuan) cultures. Among a lot of ethnic groups in Austronesia it is regarded as sacred. Common features include the belief that they can hold souls and thus are useful in healing "soul loss" illnesses and in exorcising against malevolent spirits, their use in ritual attire and ornamentation, and their use as boundary markers. Red and green cultivars also commonly represented dualistic aspects of culture and religion and are used differently in rituals. Red ti plants commonly symbolize blood, war, and the ties between the living and the dead; while green ti plants commonly symbolize peace and healing.[10][11][12][7] They are also widely used for traditional medicine, dye, and ornamentation throughout Austronesia and New Guinea.[13] Their ritual uses in Island Southeast Asia have largely been obscured by the introduction of Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, but they still persist in certain areas or are co-opted for the rituals of the new religions.[10]

In Philippine anitism, ti were commonly used by babaylan (female shamans) when conducting mediumship or healing rituals. A common belief in Filipino cultures is that the plant has the innate ability to host spirits. Among the Ifugao people of Northern Luzon, it is planted around terraces and communities to drive away evil spirits as well as mark boundaries of cultivated fields. The red leaves are believed to be attractive to spirits and is worn during important rituals as part of the headdresses and tucked into armbands. In the past, it was also worn during ceremonial dances called bangibang, which was performed by both men and women for warriors who died in battle or through violent means. They are also used to decorate ritual objects.[14][15][16][17] Among the Palaw'an people, it is planted in burial grounds to prevent the dead from becoming malevolent spirits.[18] In Indonesia, red ti are used similarly as in the Philippines. Among the Dayak, Sundanese, Kayan, Kenyah, Berawan, Iban and Mongondow people, red ti are used as wards against evil spirits and as boundary markers. They are also used in rituals like in healing and funerals and are very commonly planted in sacred groves and around shrines.[10][19] The Dayak also extract a natural green dye from ti.[20] During healing rituals of the Mentawai people, the life-giving spirit are enticed with songs and offerings to enter ti stems which are then reconciled with the sick person.[21] Among the Sasak people, green ti leaves are used as part of the offerings to spirits by the belian shamans.[20] Among the Baduy people, green ti represent the body, while red ti represent the soul. Both are used in rice planting rituals. They are also planted on burial grounds.[22][23] Among the Balinese and Karo people, ti plants are planted near village or family shrines in a sacred grove.[24][25] Among the Toraja people, red ti plants are used in rituals and as decorations of ritual objects. They are believed to occur in both the material and the spirit worlds (a common belief in Austronesian animism). In the spirit world, they exist as fins and tails of spirits. In the material world, they are most useful as guides used to attract the attentions of spirits. The red leaves are also symbolic of blood and thus of life and vitality.[26][27][28] Among the Ngaju people, ti plants were symbolic of the sacred groves of ancestors. They were also important in ritual promises dedicated to high gods. They were regarded as symbolic of the masculine "Tree of Life", in a dichotomy against Ficus species which symbolize the feminine "Tree of the Dead".[10]

In New Guinea, ti are commonly planted to indicate land ownership for cultivation and are also planted around ceremonial men's houses. They are also used in various rituals and are commonly associated with blood and warfare.[29][30][31] Among the Tsembaga Maring people, they are believed to house "red spirits" (spirits of men who died in battle). Prior to a highly ritualized (but lethal) warfare over land ownership, they are uprooted and pigs are sacrificed to the spirits. After the hostilities, they are re-planted in the new land boundaries depending on the outcome of the fight. The men involved ritually place their souls into the plants. The ritual warfare have been suppressed by the Papua New Guinea government, but parts of the rituals still survive.[12][32] Among the Ankave people, red ti is part of their creation myth, believed as having arisen from the site of the first murder.[33] Among the Mendi and Sulka people they are made into dyes used as body paint, and their leaves are used for body adornments and purification rituals.[34] Among the Nikgini people, the leaves have magical abilities to bring good luck and are used in divination and in decorating ritual objects.[35] Among the Kapauku people, ti plants are regarded as magical plants and are believed to be spiritual beings themselves. Unlike other magical plants which are controlled by other spirits, ti plants had their own spirits and are powerful enough to command other spiritual beings. Red plants are used in white magic rituals, while green plants are used in black magic rituals. They are also commonly used in protection and warding rituals. Among the Baktaman people, red plants are used for initiation rites, while green plants are used for healing. The Ok-speaking peoples also regard ti plants as their collective totem.[10]

In Island Melanesia, ti are regarded as sacred by various Austronesian-speaking peoples and are used in rituals for protection, divination, and fertility.[10] Among the Kwaio people, red ti are associated with feuding and vengeance, while green ti are associated with ancestor spirits, markers of sacred groves, and wards against evil. The Kwaio cultivate these varieties around their communities.[36] Among the Maenge people of New Britain, ti leaves are worn as everyday skirts by women. The color and size of leaves can vary by personal preference and fashion. New cultivars with different colors are traded regularly and strands of ti are grown near the village. Red leaves can only worn by women past puberty. Ti is also the most important plant in magic and healing rituals of the Maenge. Some ti cultivars are associated with supernatural spirits and have names and folklore around them.[37] In Vanuatu, Cordyline leaves, known locally by the Bislama name nanggaria, are worn tucked into a belt in traditional dances like Māʻuluʻulu, with different varieties having particular symbolic meanings. Cordylines are often planted outside nakamal buildings.[38] In Fiji, red ti leaves are used as skirts for dancers and are used in rituals dedicated to the spirits of the dead. They are also planted around ceremonial buildings used for initiation rituals.[10]

In Micronesia, ti leaves are buried under newly built houses in Pohnpei to ward of malign sorcery.[29] In instances of an unknown death, shamans in Micronesia communicate with the dead spirit through ti plants, naming various causes of death until the plant trembles.[7] There is also archaeological evidence that the rhizomes of the plants were eaten in the past in Guam prior to the Latte Period.[39]

In Polynesia, green ti were cultivated widely for food and religious purposes. They are commonly planted around homes, in sacred places (including marae and heiau), and in grave sites. The leaves are also carried as a charm when traveling and the leaves are used in rituals that communicate with the species. Like in Southeast Asia, they are widely believed to protect against evil spirits and bad luck; as well as having the ability to host spirits of dead people, as well as nature spirits.[5][7][40]

In ancient Hawaiʻi the plant was thought to have great spiritual power; only kahuna (shamans) and aliʻi (chiefs) were able to wear leaves around their necks during certain ritual activities. Ti was sacred to the god of fertility and agriculture Lono, and the goddess of the forest and the hula dance, Laka. Ti leaves were also used to make lei, and to outline borders between properties it was also planted at the corners of the home to keep evil spirits away. To this day some Hawaiians plant near their houses to bring good luck. The leaves are also used for lava sledding. A number of leaves are lashed together and people ride down hills on them. The leaves were also used to make items of clothing including skirts worn in dance performances. The Hawaiian hula skirt is a dense skirt with an opaque layer of at least fifty green leaves and the bottom (top of the leaves) shaved flat. The Tongan dance dress, the sisi, is an apron of about 20 leaves, worn over a tupenu, and decorated with some yellow or red leaves.[41][42][43]

In Aotearoa, certain place names are derived from the use and folklore of ti, like Puketī Forest and Temuka. The ti plants in Kaingaroa are known as nga tī whakāwe o Kaingaroa ("the phantom trees of Kaingaroa"), based on the legend of two women who were turned into ti plants and seemingly follow people traveling through the area.[40]

Other uses edit

 
Ti tree as wedding decorations in Cirebon, Javanese culture

The roots and young leaves can be cooked and eaten as survival food. The leaves can make a rain cloak.[2] The plants are also widely used for traditional medicine, dye, and ornamentation throughout Austronesia and New Guinea.[13]

Cordyline fruticosa flowers are a traditional treatment for asthma, and their anthocyanin content has been assessed to see if they might be commercial herbal remedy.[44]

In the Philippines, the roots were used to flavor the traditional intus sugarcane wines of the Lumad people of Mindanao.[45]

In Polynesia, the leaves of the green-leafed form are used to wrap food, line earth ovens and fermentation pits of breadfruit, and their rhizomes harvested and processed into a sweet molasses-like pulp eaten like candy or used to produce a honey-like liquid used in various sweet treats. In Hawaii, the roots mixed with water and fermented are also distilled into an alcoholic beverage known as okolehao.[5][40][46][47] Fibers extracted from leaves are also used in cordage and in making bird traps.[40] The consumption of ti as food, regarded as a sacred plant and thus was originally taboo, is believed to have been a daring innovation of Polynesian cultures as a response to famine conditions. The lifting of the taboo is believed to be tied to the development of the firewalking ritual.[10]

Ti is a popular ornamental plant, with numerous cultivars available, many of them selected for green or reddish or purple foliage.

See also edit

References edit

  1. ^ "Cordyline fruticosa". Germplasm Resources Information Network. Agricultural Research Service, United States Department of Agriculture. Retrieved 2009-11-17.
  2. ^ a b c The Complete Guide to Edible Wild Plants. United States Department of the Army. New York: Skyhorse Publishing. 2009. p. 104. ISBN 978-1-60239-692-0. OCLC 277203364.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  3. ^ a b c Blust, Robert; Trussel, Stephen (2013). "The Austronesian Comparative Dictionary: A Work in Progress". Oceanic Linguistics. 52 (2): 493–523. doi:10.1353/ol.2013.0016. S2CID 146739541.
  4. ^ "*Tï". Te Mära Reo: The Language Garden. Benton Family Trust. Retrieved 15 January 2019.
  5. ^ a b c d Hinkle, Anya E. (May 2007). "Population structure of Pacific Cordyline fruticosa (Laxmanniaceae) with implications for human settlement of Polynesia". American Journal of Botany. 94 (5): 828–839. doi:10.3732/ajb.94.5.828. PMID 21636452.
  6. ^ Philip, Simpson (9 September 2012). "Cordyline fruticosa (ti plant)". Invasive Species Compendium. Centre for Agriculture and Bioscience International. Retrieved 19 January 2019.
  7. ^ a b c d Hinkle, Anya E. (2004). (PDF). The Journal of the Polynesian Society. 113 (3): 263–290. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2022-07-05. Retrieved 2019-01-19.
  8. ^ Trisha, Borland (2009). "Cordyline fruticosa: the distribution and continuity of a sacred plant" (PDF). UCB Moorea Class: Biology and Geomorphology of Tropical Islands. Student Research Papers, Fall 2009. University of California.
  9. ^ Horwood, Catherine (2007). Potted history : the story of plants in the home. London: Frances Lincoln. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-7112-2800-9. OCLC 155682753.
  10. ^ a b c d e f g h Ehrlich, Celia (2000). . The Journal of the Polynesian Society. 109 (4): 371–400. Archived from the original on 2019-12-01. Retrieved 2019-01-21.
  11. ^ Ehrlich, Celia (1989). "Special problems in an ethnobotanical literature search: Cordyline terminalis (L.) Kunth, the "Hawaiian ti plant"" (PDF). Journal of Ethnobiology. 9 (1): 51–63.
  12. ^ a b Rappaport, Roy A. (1989). Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People, Second Edition. Waveland Press. pp. 19, 125, 231. ISBN 9781478610021.
  13. ^ a b Lense, Obed (1 April 2012). "The wild plants used as traditional medicines by indigenous people of Manokwari, West Papua". Biodiversitas. 13 (2): 98–106. doi:10.13057/biodiv/d130208.
  14. ^ van Schooneveld, Inge (18 July 2018). "Punnuk rice harvest ritual celebrates the Earth's abundance". Sinchi. Retrieved 19 January 2019.
  15. ^ de Guzman, Daniel (6 July 2018). "Flora De Filipinas: A Short Overview of Philippine Plant Lore". The Aswang Project. Retrieved 19 January 2019.
  16. ^ (PDF). Social Practices, Rituals and Festive Events. International Information and Networking Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region under the auspices of UNESCO (ICHCAP). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2018-09-09. Retrieved 2019-01-21.
  17. ^ Balangcod, T.D.; Balangcod, A.K. (January 2009). "Underutilized Plant Resources in Tinoc, Ifugao, Cordillera Administrative Region, Luzon Island, Philippines". Acta Horticulturae (806): 647–654. doi:10.17660/ActaHortic.2009.806.80.
  18. ^ Novellino, Dario (2001). "Palawan Attitudes Toward Illness" (PDF). Philippine Studies. 49 (1): 78–93.
  19. ^ Gunawan (2013). . 4th International Conference on Global Resource Conservation & 10th Indonesian Society for Plant Taxonomy Congress. Brawijaya University. Archived from the original on 2020-01-26. Retrieved 2019-01-21.
  20. ^ a b Rahayu, Mulyati; Rustiami, Himmah; Rugayah (2016). "Ethnobotanical Study of Sasak Ethnic, East Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara" (PDF). Journal of Tropical Biology and Conservation: 85–99.
  21. ^ Loeb, E.M. (1929). "Shaman and Seer". American Anthropologist. 31 (1): 60–84. doi:10.1525/aa.1929.31.1.02a00050.
  22. ^ Hakim, Nurul (2006). Cultural and Spiritual Values of Forests in Bady Region, Banten, Indonesia. MSc Forest and Nature Conservation Policy. Wageningen University.
  23. ^ Iskandar, Johan; Iskandar, Budiawati S. (15 March 2017). "Various Plants of Traditional Rituals: Ethnobotanical Research Among The Baduy Community". Biosaintifika: Journal of Biology & Biology Education. 9 (1): 114. doi:10.15294/biosaintifika.v9i1.8117.
  24. ^ Domenig, Gaudenz (2014). Hoefte, Rosemarijn; Nordholt, Henk Schulte (eds.). Religion and Architecture in Premodern Indonesia: Studies in Spatial Anthropology. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Vol. 294. BRILL. p. 74. ISBN 9789004274075.
  25. ^ Sumantera, I. Wayan (1999). . Roots. 1 (19). Archived from the original on 2019-01-19. Retrieved 2019-01-21.
  26. ^ Nooy-Palm, Hetty (1979). The Sa'dan-Toraja: A Study of Their Social Life and Religion. Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Vol. 87. Springer. p. 225. ISBN 9789401771504.
  27. ^ Volkman, Toby Alice (1985). Feasts of Honor: Ritual and Change in the Toraja Highlands. Illinois studies in anthropology. Vol. 16. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 9780252011832.
  28. ^ Fox, James J. (2006). Inside Austronesian Houses: Perspectives on Domestic Designs for Living. ANU E Press. p. 21. ISBN 9781920942847.
  29. ^ a b Sheridan, Michael (1 January 2016). "Boundary Plants, the Social Production of Space, and Vegetative Agency in Agrarian Societies". Environment and Society. 7 (1): 29–49. doi:10.3167/ares.2016.070103.
  30. ^ West, Paige (2006). Conservation Is Our Government Now: The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea. Duke University Press. p. 22. ISBN 9780822388067.
  31. ^ Morris, Brian (2006). Religion and Anthropology: A Critical Introduction. Cambridge University Press. p. 249. ISBN 9780521852418.
  32. ^ Rappaport, Roy A. (1967). "Ritual Regulation of Environmental Relations among a New Guinea People". Ethnology. 6 (1): 17–30. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.460.3366. doi:10.2307/3772735. JSTOR 3772735.
  33. ^ Bonnemère, Pascale (March 2018). "Actions, Relations and Transformations: The Cycle of Life According to the Ankave of Papua New Guinea" (PDF). Oceania. 88 (1): 41–54. doi:10.1002/ocea.5180.
  34. ^ Hill, Rowena Catherine (2011). Colour and Ceremony: the role of paints among the Mendi and Sulka peoples of Papua New Guinea (MSc). Durham University.
  35. ^ Nombo, Porer; Leach, James (2010). "Reite Plants: An Ethnobotanical Study in Tok Pisin and English" (PDF). Asia-Pacific Environment Monograph. Vol. 4. ANU E Press. ISBN 9781921666018.
  36. ^ Keesing, Roger M. (September 2012). "On not understanding symbols". HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory. 2 (2): 406–430. doi:10.14318/hau2.2.023. S2CID 143871873.
  37. ^ Panoff, Françoise (2018). Barbira-Freedman, Françoise (ed.). Maenge Gardens: A study of Maenge relationship to domesticates. pacific-credo Publications. doi:10.4000/books.pacific.690. ISBN 9782956398189.
  38. ^ Gray, Andrew (2012). The Languages of Pentecost Island. Manples (BFoV) Publishing. ISBN 9780956098542.
  39. ^ Moore, Darlene R. (2005). "Archaeological Evidence of a Prehistoric Farming Technique on Guam" (PDF). Micronesica. 38 (1): 93–120.
  40. ^ a b c d Simpson, Philip (1 January 1997). "Are Cabbage Trees Worth Anything? Relating Ecological and Human Values in the Cabbage Tree, tī kōuka". The Journal of New Zealand Studies. 7 (1). doi:10.26686/jnzs.v7i1.395.
  41. ^ Kawate, M.; Uchida, J.; Coughlin, J.; Melzer, M.; Kadooka, C.; Kam, J.; Sugano, J.; Fukuda, S. (2014). (PDF). HānaiʻAi/The Food Provider: 1–11. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-12-10. Retrieved 2019-01-21.
  42. ^ Gamayo, Darde (4 August 2016). "Ti Leaf: Canoe Plant of Ancient Hawai'i". Big Island Now. Retrieved 21 January 2019.
  43. ^ Da Silva, Alexandre (24 July 2005). "Thrill ride". Star Bulletin. Retrieved 21 January 2019.
  44. ^ Adaku, Christopher; Skaar, Irene; Byamukama, Robert; Jordheim, Monica; Andersen, Øyvind M. (2020). "Anthocyanin Profile and Antioxidant Property of Anti-asthma Flowers of Cordyline terminalis (L.) Kunth (Agavaceae)". Natural Product Communications. 15 (5): 1934578X2092263. doi:10.1177/1934578X20922637. ISSN 1934-578X. S2CID 218954103.
  45. ^ Garvan, John M. (1912). "Report on the drinks and drinking among the Mandaya, Manobo, and Mangguangan Tribes". The Philippine Journal of Science: Section A. 7: 106–114.
  46. ^ Lanier, Clint (10 November 2016). "Okolehao, the Sweet Hawaiian Moonshine With an Unsavory Past". Eater. Retrieved 21 January 2019.
  47. ^ Griffith, Robert Eglesfeld (1847). Medical Botany. Lea and Blanchard. p. 655.

External links edit

cordyline, fruticosa, plant, redirects, here, confused, with, plant, evergreen, flowering, plant, family, asparagaceae, plant, great, cultural, importance, traditional, animistic, religions, austronesian, papuan, peoples, pacific, islands, zealand, island, sou. Ti plant redirects here Not to be confused with tea plant Cordyline fruticosa is an evergreen flowering plant in the family Asparagaceae The plant is of great cultural importance to the traditional animistic religions of Austronesian and Papuan peoples of the Pacific Islands New Zealand Island Southeast Asia and Papua New Guinea It is also cultivated for food traditional medicine and as an ornamental for its variously colored leaves It is identified by a wide variety of common names including ti plant palm lily cabbage palm Cordyline fruticosa Foliage and fruit Green C fruticosa in Makawao Forest Reserve Maui Scientific classification Kingdom Plantae Clade Tracheophytes Clade Angiosperms Clade Monocots Order Asparagales Family Asparagaceae Subfamily Lomandroideae Genus Cordyline Species C fruticosa Binomial name Cordyline fruticosa L A Chev Synonyms 1 Convallaria fruticosa L Asparagus terminalis L Cordyline terminalis Kunth Dracaena terminalis Lam Dracaena formosa W Bull Terminalis fruticosa L Kuntze Contents 1 Description 2 Taxonomy 2 1 Names 3 Distribution and history 4 Uses 4 1 Religious 4 2 Other uses 5 See also 6 References 7 External linksDescription editIt is a palm like plant growing up to 4 5 metres 15 feet tall 2 with an attractive fan like and spirally arranged cluster of broadly elongated leaves at the tip of the slender trunk The leaves range from red to green 2 and variegated forms It is a woody plant with leaves 30 60 centimetres 12 24 inches rarely 75 cm or 30 in long and 5 10 cm 2 4 in wide at the top of a woody stem It produces 40 60 cm 16 24 in long panicles of small scented yellowish to red flowers that mature into red berries nbsp Specimens in Maui nbsp Green specimen nbsp Purple specimen nbsp Red specimen in Buton Island nbsp Variegated specimen nbsp Specimen with fruit nbsp Blossom Gulf Coast of Texas nbsp Inflorescence nbsp BerriesTaxonomy editCordyline fruticosa was formerly listed as part of the families Agavaceae and Laxmanniaceae now both subfamilies of the Asparagaceae in the APG III system Names edit The reconstructed Proto Malayo Polynesian word for ti plant is siRi Cognates include Malagasy sily Palauan sis Ere and Kuruti siy Araki jihi Arosi diri Chuukese tii n Wuvulu si or ti Tongan si Samoan Tahitian and Maori ti and Hawaiian ki The names in some languages have also been applied to the botanically unrelated garden crotons Codiaeum variegatum which similarly have red or yellow leaves The cognates of Proto Western Malayo Polynesian sabaqaŋ similarly have been applied to both garden crotons and ti plants 3 4 In the Philippines they are also known by names derived from the Proto Austronesian kilala to know due to its use in divination rituals Cognates derived from that usage include Tagalog sagilala and Visayan and Bikol kilala or kilaa though in Central Visayas this plant is called ti as 3 In New Zealand the terms for ti were also transferred to the native and closely related cabbage tree Cordyline australis as ti kōuka 3 Distribution and history edit nbsp Cordyline fruticosa under its synonym terminalis on a Pitcairn stamp Its original native distribution is unknown but it is believed to be native to the region from Bangladesh to Mainland Southeast Asia South China Taiwan Island Southeast Asia New Guinea and Northern Australia It has the highest morphological diversity in New Guinea and is believed to have been extensively cultivated there 5 6 It was carried throughout Oceania by Austronesians reaching as far as Hawaii New Zealand including the Kermadec Islands and Easter Island at their furthest extent A particularly important type of ti in eastern Polynesia is a large green leafed cultivar grown for their enlarged edible rhizomes Unlike the ti populations in Southeast Asia and Near Oceania this cultivar is almost entirely sterile in the further islands of eastern Polynesia It can be propagated only by cuttings from the stalks or the rhizomes It is speculated that this was the result of deliberate artificial selection probably because they produce larger and less fibrous rhizomes more suitable for use as food 5 7 8 It was introduced to Europe as a houseplant in 1771 9 Uses editReligious edit It has many uses but it is most notable as one of the most important plants related to the indigenous animist religions of Austronesians It is very widely regarded as having mystical or spiritual powers in various Austronesian as well as Papuan cultures Among a lot of ethnic groups in Austronesia it is regarded as sacred Common features include the belief that they can hold souls and thus are useful in healing soul loss illnesses and in exorcising against malevolent spirits their use in ritual attire and ornamentation and their use as boundary markers Red and green cultivars also commonly represented dualistic aspects of culture and religion and are used differently in rituals Red ti plants commonly symbolize blood war and the ties between the living and the dead while green ti plants commonly symbolize peace and healing 10 11 12 7 They are also widely used for traditional medicine dye and ornamentation throughout Austronesia and New Guinea 13 Their ritual uses in Island Southeast Asia have largely been obscured by the introduction of Hinduism Buddhism Islam and Christianity but they still persist in certain areas or are co opted for the rituals of the new religions 10 In Philippine anitism ti were commonly used by babaylan female shamans when conducting mediumship or healing rituals A common belief in Filipino cultures is that the plant has the innate ability to host spirits Among the Ifugao people of Northern Luzon it is planted around terraces and communities to drive away evil spirits as well as mark boundaries of cultivated fields The red leaves are believed to be attractive to spirits and is worn during important rituals as part of the headdresses and tucked into armbands In the past it was also worn during ceremonial dances called bangibang which was performed by both men and women for warriors who died in battle or through violent means They are also used to decorate ritual objects 14 15 16 17 Among the Palaw an people it is planted in burial grounds to prevent the dead from becoming malevolent spirits 18 In Indonesia red ti are used similarly as in the Philippines Among the Dayak Sundanese Kayan Kenyah Berawan Iban and Mongondow people red ti are used as wards against evil spirits and as boundary markers They are also used in rituals like in healing and funerals and are very commonly planted in sacred groves and around shrines 10 19 The Dayak also extract a natural green dye from ti 20 During healing rituals of the Mentawai people the life giving spirit are enticed with songs and offerings to enter ti stems which are then reconciled with the sick person 21 Among the Sasak people green ti leaves are used as part of the offerings to spirits by the belian shamans 20 Among the Baduy people green ti represent the body while red ti represent the soul Both are used in rice planting rituals They are also planted on burial grounds 22 23 Among the Balinese and Karo people ti plants are planted near village or family shrines in a sacred grove 24 25 Among the Toraja people red ti plants are used in rituals and as decorations of ritual objects They are believed to occur in both the material and the spirit worlds a common belief in Austronesian animism In the spirit world they exist as fins and tails of spirits In the material world they are most useful as guides used to attract the attentions of spirits The red leaves are also symbolic of blood and thus of life and vitality 26 27 28 Among the Ngaju people ti plants were symbolic of the sacred groves of ancestors They were also important in ritual promises dedicated to high gods They were regarded as symbolic of the masculine Tree of Life in a dichotomy against Ficus species which symbolize the feminine Tree of the Dead 10 In New Guinea ti are commonly planted to indicate land ownership for cultivation and are also planted around ceremonial men s houses They are also used in various rituals and are commonly associated with blood and warfare 29 30 31 Among the Tsembaga Maring people they are believed to house red spirits spirits of men who died in battle Prior to a highly ritualized but lethal warfare over land ownership they are uprooted and pigs are sacrificed to the spirits After the hostilities they are re planted in the new land boundaries depending on the outcome of the fight The men involved ritually place their souls into the plants The ritual warfare have been suppressed by the Papua New Guinea government but parts of the rituals still survive 12 32 Among the Ankave people red ti is part of their creation myth believed as having arisen from the site of the first murder 33 Among the Mendi and Sulka people they are made into dyes used as body paint and their leaves are used for body adornments and purification rituals 34 Among the Nikgini people the leaves have magical abilities to bring good luck and are used in divination and in decorating ritual objects 35 Among the Kapauku people ti plants are regarded as magical plants and are believed to be spiritual beings themselves Unlike other magical plants which are controlled by other spirits ti plants had their own spirits and are powerful enough to command other spiritual beings Red plants are used in white magic rituals while green plants are used in black magic rituals They are also commonly used in protection and warding rituals Among the Baktaman people red plants are used for initiation rites while green plants are used for healing The Ok speaking peoples also regard ti plants as their collective totem 10 In Island Melanesia ti are regarded as sacred by various Austronesian speaking peoples and are used in rituals for protection divination and fertility 10 Among the Kwaio people red ti are associated with feuding and vengeance while green ti are associated with ancestor spirits markers of sacred groves and wards against evil The Kwaio cultivate these varieties around their communities 36 Among the Maenge people of New Britain ti leaves are worn as everyday skirts by women The color and size of leaves can vary by personal preference and fashion New cultivars with different colors are traded regularly and strands of ti are grown near the village Red leaves can only worn by women past puberty Ti is also the most important plant in magic and healing rituals of the Maenge Some ti cultivars are associated with supernatural spirits and have names and folklore around them 37 In Vanuatu Cordyline leaves known locally by the Bislama name nanggaria are worn tucked into a belt in traditional dances like Maʻuluʻulu with different varieties having particular symbolic meanings Cordylines are often planted outside nakamal buildings 38 In Fiji red ti leaves are used as skirts for dancers and are used in rituals dedicated to the spirits of the dead They are also planted around ceremonial buildings used for initiation rituals 10 In Micronesia ti leaves are buried under newly built houses in Pohnpei to ward of malign sorcery 29 In instances of an unknown death shamans in Micronesia communicate with the dead spirit through ti plants naming various causes of death until the plant trembles 7 There is also archaeological evidence that the rhizomes of the plants were eaten in the past in Guam prior to the Latte Period 39 In Polynesia green ti were cultivated widely for food and religious purposes They are commonly planted around homes in sacred places including marae and heiau and in grave sites The leaves are also carried as a charm when traveling and the leaves are used in rituals that communicate with the species Like in Southeast Asia they are widely believed to protect against evil spirits and bad luck as well as having the ability to host spirits of dead people as well as nature spirits 5 7 40 In ancient Hawaiʻi the plant was thought to have great spiritual power only kahuna shamans and aliʻi chiefs were able to wear leaves around their necks during certain ritual activities Ti was sacred to the god of fertility and agriculture Lono and the goddess of the forest and the hula dance Laka Ti leaves were also used to make lei and to outline borders between properties it was also planted at the corners of the home to keep evil spirits away To this day some Hawaiians plant ti near their houses to bring good luck The leaves are also used for lava sledding A number of leaves are lashed together and people ride down hills on them The leaves were also used to make items of clothing including skirts worn in dance performances The Hawaiian hula skirt is a dense skirt with an opaque layer of at least fifty green leaves and the bottom top of the leaves shaved flat The Tongan dance dress the sisi is an apron of about 20 leaves worn over a tupenu and decorated with some yellow or red leaves 41 42 43 In Aotearoa certain place names are derived from the use and folklore of ti like Puketi Forest and Temuka The ti plants in Kaingaroa are known as nga ti whakawe o Kaingaroa the phantom trees of Kaingaroa based on the legend of two women who were turned into ti plants and seemingly follow people traveling through the area 40 nbsp Ti plants as wedding decoration in Cirebon nbsp Red ti planted alongside traditional houses of the Ifugao people in the Banaue Rice Terraces Philippines nbsp Red ti planted around traditional Toraja houses in Tana Toraja Sulawesi nbsp Feral green ti plants in Maui nbsp Offerings of stone and bundles of ti leaves puʻolo in the Puʻu Moaulanui heiau temple in the summit of Kahoʻolawe Hawaii nbsp Hula dancers in a Luau in Lahaina in traditional ki leaf skirts nbsp Ti leaf bundles puʻolo used as offerings to spirits in Hawaii Other uses edit nbsp Ti tree as wedding decorations in Cirebon Javanese culture The roots and young leaves can be cooked and eaten as survival food The leaves can make a rain cloak 2 The plants are also widely used for traditional medicine dye and ornamentation throughout Austronesia and New Guinea 13 Cordyline fruticosa flowers are a traditional treatment for asthma and their anthocyanin content has been assessed to see if they might be commercial herbal remedy 44 In the Philippines the roots were used to flavor the traditional intus sugarcane wines of the Lumad people of Mindanao 45 In Polynesia the leaves of the green leafed form are used to wrap food line earth ovens and fermentation pits of breadfruit and their rhizomes harvested and processed into a sweet molasses like pulp eaten like candy or used to produce a honey like liquid used in various sweet treats In Hawaii the roots mixed with water and fermented are also distilled into an alcoholic beverage known as okolehao 5 40 46 47 Fibers extracted from leaves are also used in cordage and in making bird traps 40 The consumption of ti as food regarded as a sacred plant and thus was originally taboo is believed to have been a daring innovation of Polynesian cultures as a response to famine conditions The lifting of the taboo is believed to be tied to the development of the firewalking ritual 10 Ti is a popular ornamental plant with numerous cultivars available many of them selected for green or reddish or purple foliage See also editDomesticated plants and animals of Austronesia Samoan plant namesReferences edit Cordyline fruticosa Germplasm Resources Information Network Agricultural Research Service United States Department of Agriculture Retrieved 2009 11 17 a b c The Complete Guide to Edible Wild Plants United States Department of the Army New York Skyhorse Publishing 2009 p 104 ISBN 978 1 60239 692 0 OCLC 277203364 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a CS1 maint others link a b c Blust Robert Trussel Stephen 2013 The Austronesian Comparative Dictionary A Work in Progress Oceanic Linguistics 52 2 493 523 doi 10 1353 ol 2013 0016 S2CID 146739541 Ti Te Mara Reo The Language Garden Benton Family Trust Retrieved 15 January 2019 a b c d Hinkle Anya E May 2007 Population structure of Pacific Cordyline fruticosa Laxmanniaceae with implications for human settlement of Polynesia American Journal of Botany 94 5 828 839 doi 10 3732 ajb 94 5 828 PMID 21636452 Philip Simpson 9 September 2012 Cordyline fruticosa ti plant Invasive Species Compendium Centre for Agriculture and Bioscience International Retrieved 19 January 2019 a b c d Hinkle Anya E 2004 The distribution of a male sterile form of ti Cordyline fruticosa in Polynesia a case of human selection PDF The Journal of the Polynesian Society 113 3 263 290 Archived from the original PDF on 2022 07 05 Retrieved 2019 01 19 Trisha Borland 2009 Cordyline fruticosa the distribution and continuity of a sacred plant PDF UCB Moorea Class Biology and Geomorphology of Tropical Islands Student Research Papers Fall 2009 University of California Horwood Catherine 2007 Potted history the story of plants in the home London Frances Lincoln p 70 ISBN 978 0 7112 2800 9 OCLC 155682753 a b c d e f g h Ehrlich Celia 2000 Inedible to edible Firewalking and the ti plant Cordyline fruticosa L A Chev The Journal of the Polynesian Society 109 4 371 400 Archived from the original on 2019 12 01 Retrieved 2019 01 21 Ehrlich Celia 1989 Special problems in an ethnobotanical literature search Cordyline terminalis L Kunth the Hawaiian ti plant PDF Journal of Ethnobiology 9 1 51 63 a b Rappaport Roy A 1989 Pigs for the Ancestors Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People Second Edition Waveland Press pp 19 125 231 ISBN 9781478610021 a b Lense Obed 1 April 2012 The wild plants used as traditional medicines by indigenous people of Manokwari West Papua Biodiversitas 13 2 98 106 doi 10 13057 biodiv d130208 van Schooneveld Inge 18 July 2018 Punnuk rice harvest ritual celebrates the Earth s abundance Sinchi Retrieved 19 January 2019 de Guzman Daniel 6 July 2018 Flora De Filipinas A Short Overview of Philippine Plant Lore The Aswang Project Retrieved 19 January 2019 Harvest Rituals in Hapao PDF Social Practices Rituals and Festive Events International Information and Networking Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia Pacific Region under the auspices of UNESCO ICHCAP Archived from the original PDF on 2018 09 09 Retrieved 2019 01 21 Balangcod T D Balangcod A K January 2009 Underutilized Plant Resources in Tinoc Ifugao Cordillera Administrative Region Luzon Island Philippines Acta Horticulturae 806 647 654 doi 10 17660 ActaHortic 2009 806 80 Novellino Dario 2001 Palawan Attitudes Toward Illness PDF Philippine Studies 49 1 78 93 Gunawan 2013 Study Ethnobotany Andong Plants of the Genus Cordyline in the Dayaknese of Meratus Lok Lahung Village Loksado South Borneo 4th International Conference on Global Resource Conservation amp 10th Indonesian Society for Plant Taxonomy Congress Brawijaya University Archived from the original on 2020 01 26 Retrieved 2019 01 21 a b Rahayu Mulyati Rustiami Himmah Rugayah 2016 Ethnobotanical Study of Sasak Ethnic East Lombok West Nusa Tenggara PDF Journal of Tropical Biology and Conservation 85 99 Loeb E M 1929 Shaman and Seer American Anthropologist 31 1 60 84 doi 10 1525 aa 1929 31 1 02a00050 Hakim Nurul 2006 Cultural and Spiritual Values of Forests in Bady Region Banten Indonesia MSc Forest and Nature Conservation Policy Wageningen University Iskandar Johan Iskandar Budiawati S 15 March 2017 Various Plants of Traditional Rituals Ethnobotanical Research Among The Baduy Community Biosaintifika Journal of Biology amp Biology Education 9 1 114 doi 10 15294 biosaintifika v9i1 8117 Domenig Gaudenz 2014 Hoefte Rosemarijn Nordholt Henk Schulte eds Religion and Architecture in Premodern Indonesia Studies in Spatial Anthropology Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal Land en Volkenkunde Vol 294 BRILL p 74 ISBN 9789004274075 Sumantera I Wayan 1999 Plants Intertwined with Culture Roots 1 19 Archived from the original on 2019 01 19 Retrieved 2019 01 21 Nooy Palm Hetty 1979 The Sa dan Toraja A Study of Their Social Life and Religion Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal Land en Volkenkunde Vol 87 Springer p 225 ISBN 9789401771504 Volkman Toby Alice 1985 Feasts of Honor Ritual and Change in the Toraja Highlands Illinois studies in anthropology Vol 16 University of Illinois Press ISBN 9780252011832 Fox James J 2006 Inside Austronesian Houses Perspectives on Domestic Designs for Living ANU E Press p 21 ISBN 9781920942847 a b Sheridan Michael 1 January 2016 Boundary Plants the Social Production of Space and Vegetative Agency in Agrarian Societies Environment and Society 7 1 29 49 doi 10 3167 ares 2016 070103 West Paige 2006 Conservation Is Our Government Now The Politics of Ecology in Papua New Guinea Duke University Press p 22 ISBN 9780822388067 Morris Brian 2006 Religion and Anthropology A Critical Introduction Cambridge University Press p 249 ISBN 9780521852418 Rappaport Roy A 1967 Ritual Regulation of Environmental Relations among a New Guinea People Ethnology 6 1 17 30 CiteSeerX 10 1 1 460 3366 doi 10 2307 3772735 JSTOR 3772735 Bonnemere Pascale March 2018 Actions Relations and Transformations The Cycle of Life According to the Ankave of Papua New Guinea PDF Oceania 88 1 41 54 doi 10 1002 ocea 5180 Hill Rowena Catherine 2011 Colour and Ceremony the role of paints among the Mendi and Sulka peoples of Papua New Guinea MSc Durham University Nombo Porer Leach James 2010 Reite Plants An Ethnobotanical Study in Tok Pisin and English PDF Asia Pacific Environment Monograph Vol 4 ANU E Press ISBN 9781921666018 Keesing Roger M September 2012 On not understanding symbols HAU Journal of Ethnographic Theory 2 2 406 430 doi 10 14318 hau2 2 023 S2CID 143871873 Panoff Francoise 2018 Barbira Freedman Francoise ed Maenge Gardens A study of Maenge relationship to domesticates pacific credo Publications doi 10 4000 books pacific 690 ISBN 9782956398189 Gray Andrew 2012 The Languages of Pentecost Island Manples BFoV Publishing ISBN 9780956098542 Moore Darlene R 2005 Archaeological Evidence of a Prehistoric Farming Technique on Guam PDF Micronesica 38 1 93 120 a b c d Simpson Philip 1 January 1997 Are Cabbage Trees Worth Anything Relating Ecological and Human Values in the Cabbage Tree ti kōuka The Journal of New Zealand Studies 7 1 doi 10 26686 jnzs v7i1 395 Kawate M Uchida J Coughlin J Melzer M Kadooka C Kam J Sugano J Fukuda S 2014 Ti Leaf Cordyline terminalis or fruticosa Diseases in Hawaii s Commercial Orchards PDF HanaiʻAi The Food Provider 1 11 Archived from the original PDF on 2015 12 10 Retrieved 2019 01 21 Gamayo Darde 4 August 2016 Ti Leaf Canoe Plant of Ancient Hawai i Big Island Now Retrieved 21 January 2019 Da Silva Alexandre 24 July 2005 Thrill ride Star Bulletin Retrieved 21 January 2019 Adaku Christopher Skaar Irene Byamukama Robert Jordheim Monica Andersen Oyvind M 2020 Anthocyanin Profile and Antioxidant Property of Anti asthma Flowers of Cordyline terminalis L Kunth Agavaceae Natural Product Communications 15 5 1934578X2092263 doi 10 1177 1934578X20922637 ISSN 1934 578X S2CID 218954103 Garvan John M 1912 Report on the drinks and drinking among the Mandaya Manobo and Mangguangan Tribes The Philippine Journal of Science Section A 7 106 114 Lanier Clint 10 November 2016 Okolehao the Sweet Hawaiian Moonshine With an Unsavory Past Eater Retrieved 21 January 2019 Griffith Robert Eglesfeld 1847 Medical Botany Lea and Blanchard p 655 External links edit nbsp Wikimedia Commons has media related to Cordyline fruticosa nbsp Wikispecies has information related to Cordyline fruticosa Flora of China Cordyline fruticosa Sir Apenera Short a former Cook Islands Queen s Representative 1990 2000 dressed in ti leaves 1 Comparative Awareness Modified Leaves of Cordyline fruticosa manifest at the same time with Poinsettia by Isidro A T Savillo Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Cordyline fruticosa amp oldid 1212977494, wikipedia, 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