fbpx
Wikipedia

Nestor Makhno

Nestor Ivanovych Makhno[a] (8 November [O.S. 27 October] 1888 – 25 July 1934), also known as Bat'ko Makhno ("Father Makhno"),[b] was a Ukrainian anarchist revolutionary and the commander of the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine during the Ukrainian Civil War.

Bat'ko
Nestor Makhno
Нестор Махно
Otaman of the Makhnovshchina
In office
30 September 1918 – 28 August 1921
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byViktor Bilash
Chairman of the Military Revolutionary Council
In office
27 July 1919 – 1 September 1919
Preceded byIvan Chernoknizhny
Succeeded byVolin
Personal details
Born8 November [O.S. 27 October] 1888
Huliaipole, Yekaterinoslav Governorate, Russian Empire
Died25 July 1934(1934-07-25) (aged 45)
Paris, France
Resting placePère Lachaise Cemetery, Columbarium niche 6685
NationalityUkrainian
Height1.65 m (5 ft 5 in)[1]
SpouseHalyna Kuzmenko
ChildrenElena Mikhnenko
Parents
  • Ivan Rodionovych Mikhnenko (father)
  • Evdokiia Matveevna Mikhnenko, née Perederyi (mother)
Military service
Allegiance Makhnovshchina
Service Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine
Years of service1918–1921
RankCommander-in-chief
Battles/warsUkrainian War of Independence

Named after Makhno, the Makhnovshchina (loosely translated as "Makhno movement") was a predominantly peasant phenomenon that grew into a mass social movement. It was initially centered around Makhno's hometown Huliaipole, but over the course of the Ukrainian Civil War came to exert a strong influence over large areas of southern Ukraine. Makhno and the majority of the movement's leadership were anarcho-communists and attempted to guide it along these ideological lines. Makhno was aggressively opposed to all factions that sought to impose their authority over southern Ukraine, battling in succession the forces of the Ukrainian People's Republic, Central Powers, White Army, Red Army, and other smaller forces led by various Ukrainian otamans. Makhno and his supporters attempted to reorganize social and economic life along anarchist lines, including the establishment of communes on former landed estates, the requisition and egalitarian redistribution of land to the peasants, and the organization of free elections to local soviets (councils) and regional congresses. However, the disruption of the civil war precluded a stable territorial base for long-term social experiments.

Although Makhno considered the Bolsheviks a threat to the development of anarchism in Ukraine, he entered into formal military alliances twice with the Red Army to defeat the White Army. In the aftermath of the White Army's defeat in Crimea in November 1920, the Bolsheviks initiated a military campaign against Makhno. After an extended period of open resistance against the Red Army, Makhno and his remaining forces fled across the Romanian border in August 1921. In exile, Makhno settled in Paris with his wife Halyna and daughter Elena. During this period, Makhno wrote numerous memoirs and articles for radical newspapers. He also played an important role in the development of platformism and the debates around the 1926 Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft). Makhno died in 1934 in Paris, at the age of 45, from tuberculosis-related causes.

Early life

On 8 November [O.S. 27 October] 1888,[c] Nestor Makhno was born into a poor peasant family in Huliaipole, a town in the Katerynoslav Governorate of the Russian Empire (now Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Ukraine).[7] He was the youngest of five children born to Ivan and Evdokia Mikhnenko, former serfs who had been emancipated in 1861.[8]

 
Nestor Makhno in 1906

Unable to feed his family on their small plot of land, following Nestor's birth, Ivan Mikhnenko went to work as a coachman for a wealthy industrialist. When Nestor was only ten months old, his father died, leaving behind an impoverished family.[9] Nestor was briefly fostered by a more well-off peasant couple, but he was unhappy with them and returned to his family of birth.[10] At only seven years old, the young Nestor was put to work tending livestock.[11] When he turned eight years old, he began his education in a local secular school as a model student before becoming increasingly truant, often ditching school to play games and go ice skating. After the end of his first school year, he went to work on a Mennonite-owned estate near Huliaipole, bringing home 20 rubles over the course of the summer. His brothers[d] also worked as farmhands to support the family.[10]

After the summer, Nestor returned to school, but his second school year proved to be his last. His family's extreme poverty forced the ten-year-old Nestor to begin working in the fields full-time, which led him to develop a "sort of rage, resentment, even hatred for the wealthy property-owner".[13] Nestor's aversion to the landlords only increased over time, nurtured by stories his mother told him of her time in serfdom. In the summer of 1902, when Nestor was twelve, he observed a farm manager and the landlord's sons physically beating a young farmhand. He quickly alerted an older stable hand "Batko Ivan", who attacked the assailants and led a spontaneous workers' revolt against the landlord. After the affair was settled, Ivan told Nestor: "if one of your masters should ever strike you, pick up the first pitchfork you lay hands on and let him have it..."[14] The following year, Nestor quit working in the fields and found a job in a foundry.[15] At this time, his older brothers had left home and started their own families, leaving only the young Nestor and Hryhorii with their mother. Nestor rapidly moved between jobs, focusing most of his work on his mother's land, while occasionally returning to employment to help provide for his brothers.[16]

Revolutionary activity

When the 1905 revolution broke out, the sixteen-year-old Makhno quickly joined the revolutionary fervor.[17] He initially distributed propaganda for the Social Democratic Labor Party,[18] before affiliating with his home town's local anarcho-communist group: the Union of Poor Peasants.[19] Despite the political climate of increased political repression against revolutionaries,[20] the Union continued to meet weekly and inspired Makhno to devote himself to the revolution.[21] Makhno was initially distrusted by other members of the group, due to his apparent penchant for drinking and getting into fights.[22] But after six months in the Union of Poor Peasants, Makhno had thoroughly educated himself on the principles of libertarian communism and became a formal member.[23]

 
Makhno (bottom left) sitting with other members of the Union of Poor Peasants in 1907

Following a series of agrarian reforms, which disempowered the traditional peasant communes through the creation of a wealthier land-owning class[24] and resulted in the growth of private estates,[25] the Union of Poor Peasants initiated a campaign of "Black Terror" against the large landowners[24] and the local Tsarist police.[26] The group carried out a series of expropriations against local businessmen,[27] using the money they stole to print propaganda that attacked the recent reforms.[28] Suspected of being involved in these attacks, Makhno was arrested in September 1907 but was eventually released without charges due to a lack of evidence.[29] As the rest of the group's members had been outlawed, Makhno founded another anarchist study group in a neighboring village, where two dozen members gathered on a weekly basis to discuss anarchist theory.[30] But after the assassination of a police informant by the Union of Poor Peasants, the police launched a crackdown against the anarchist group and arrested many of its members, including Makhno himself in August 1909.[31]

Imprisonment

 
Nestor Makhno in 1909

On 26 March 1910 a district court-martial convened in Katerynoslav sentenced Makhno to be hanged.[32] Although he had refused to seek appeal,[33] Makhno's sentence was commuted to a life sentence of hard labor, due to his young age.[34] While in prison, Makhno contracted a near-fatal bout of typhoid fever, but he eventually recovered and returned to work in chains.[35] He was then moved to the prison in Luhansk, where family briefly visited him, before being moved again to the prison in Katerynoslav.[36] In August 1911, he was transferred one final time: to Butyrka prison in Moscow,[37] where over 3,000 political prisoners were being held.[36] Through the other prisoners he learned Russian history and political theory,[38] taking a particular interest in Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution (1902) by Peter Kropotkin.[36] Makhno's frequent boasting in prison earned him the nickname "Modest".[39] He sometimes even antagonized the guards, which landed him in solitary confinement.[40] Due to punishment-cell conditions, Makhno quickly fell sick again and was diagnosed with tuberculosis. The disease kept him returning to the prison hospital throughout his sentence.[41]

In Butyrka prison Makhno met the anarcho-communist politician Peter Arshinov, who took the young anarchist under his wing as a student.[42] But during this time, Makhno also became disillusioned with intellectualism after seeing the differences between how the prison guards treated the intellectual prisoners and those inmates from the lower classes.[43] As the years passed, Makhno began to write his own works and to distribute them among his fellow-prisoners,[44] starting off with a poem titled Summons that called for a libertarian communist revolution.[45] Prison did not break his revolutionary zeal, with Makhno vowing that he would "contribute to the free re-birth of his country". Although exposed to the ideas of Ukrainian nationalism in prison, Makhno nevertheless remained hostile to all forms of nationalism, adopting an internationalist position during World War I[46] and even circulating an anti-war petition around the prison.[47] When the prison doors were flung open during the February Revolution of 1917,[48] Makhno was released from bondage for the first time in eight years, even finding himself off-balance without the chains weighing him down[46] and in need of sunglasses after years in dark prison cells.[49] He remained in Moscow for three weeks,[50] briefly getting involved with an anarchist group in Moscow's Lefortovo District until 23 March,[51] when his mother and old comrades from the anarcho-communist group finally convinced him to return to Huliaipole.[52]

Agrarian activism

 
Makhno in 1918

Following years of imprisonment, in March 1917, the 28-year-old Makhno finally returned to Huliaipole,[53] where he was reunited with his mother and elder brothers.[54] At the station, he was greeted by many of the town's peasants, who were curious to see the return of the famous political exile, as well as surviving members from the now-defunct Union of Poor Peasants.[55] Clashing with many of the group's former members, who wanted to focus on propaganda, Makhno proposed that libertarians take clear leadership of the masses in order to ignite mass action among the peasantry, but found his position a minority among the anarchists of Huliaipole.[56] He instead led the establishment of a local Peasants' Union on 29 March and was elected as its chairman.[57] The union quickly came to represent the majority of Huliaipole's peasantry and even those from the surrounding region.[58] Carpenters and metalworkers also formed their own industrial unions and elected Makhno as their chairman.[59] By April, Huliaipole's Public Committee, the local organ of the Provisional Government, had been brought under the control of the town's peasantry and anarcho-communist activists.[60] It was during this period of rising anarchist activity in Huliaipole that Makhno met Nastia Vasetskaia, who would become his first wife, but his activism kept him too busy to focus on his marriage.[61]

Makhno quickly became a leading figure in Huliaipole's revolutionary movement, aiming to sideline any political parties that sought to seize control of the workers' organizations.[62] He justified his leadership as only a temporary responsibility.[63] As a union leader, Makhno led workers in strike actions against their employers, demanding wages be doubled and vowing the continuation of work stoppages in case of their refusal,[64] eventually resulting in the establishment of workers' control over all industry in Huliaipole.[65] As Huliaipole's delegate to the regional peasant congress in Oleksandrivsk, he called for the expropriation of large estates from landowners and their transfer to communal ownership by the peasants that worked them, becoming infamous throughout the region.[63] However, he quickly became disillusioned with the long debates and party politics that dominated the congress, considering Huliaipole to have "advanced beyond what the congresses were merely talking about, without the constant wrangling and jockeying for position."[66] Makhno subsequently disarmed and minimized the powers of local law enforcement prior to seizing property from local landlords and equally redistributing the lands to the peasantry,[67] in open defiance of the Russian Provisional Government and its officials in Oleksandrivsk.[68] All this gave him an image of social banditry,[69] as local peasants compared him to the Cossack rebel leaders Stenka Razin and Yemelyan Pugachev,[70] and rallied around the slogan of "Land and Liberty".[71]

Although he had achieved success at home, Makhno was disappointed to discover general disorganization among the wider anarchist movement, which he criticized for largely dedicating itself to propaganda activities. Despite its growing size, the anarchist movement found itself unable to compete with the established political parties, as it had yet to establish a coordinated organization capable of playing a leading role in the revolutionary movement.[72] Following news of Lavr Kornilov's attempted coup against the Provisional Government, Makhno led the establishment of a "Committee for the Defense of the Revolution" in Huliaipole, which organized armed peasant detachments against the local landlords, bourgeoisie, and kulaks.[73] Makhno called for the local bourgeoisie to be disarmed and their property expropriated, with all private enterprise to be brought under workers' control. Peasants withheld rent and took control of the lands they worked. Large estates collectivized and transformed into agrarian communes. Makhno personally organized communes on former Mennonite estates.[74] Makhno and Nastia lived together on a commune and Makhno himself worked two days per week, helping with the farming and occasionally fixing machines.[75]

Following the 1917 October Revolution, Makhno bore witness to the rising hostilities between the Ukrainian nationalists and the Bolsheviks.[76] With the outbreak of the Soviet–Ukrainian War, Makhno advised anarchists to take up arms alongside the Red Guards against the forces of the Ukrainian nationalists and the White movement.[77] Makhno dispatched his brother Savelii to Oleksandrivsk at the head of an armed anarchist detachment to assist the Bolsheviks in retaking the city from the Nationalists. The city was taken and Makhno was chosen as the anarchists' representative to the Oleksandrivsk Revolutionary Committee. He was also elected chairman of a commission, which reviewed the cases of accused counter-revolutionary military prisoners,[78] and oversaw the release of still imprisoned workers and peasants. During this period Makhno, participated in Oleksandrivsk's successful defence against an assault by Don and Kuban Cossacks. Makhno thereafter returned to Huliaipole, where he organized the town bank's expropriation to fund their revolutionary activities.[79]

Journey to Moscow

 
Map of Southern Russia and the cities Makhno travelled through in May 1918, including: Rostov-on-Don (6), Tsaritsyn (3) and Astrakhan (2).

On 9 February 1918, representatives from the Ukrainian People's Republic signed a peace treaty with the Central Powers, inviting the forces of the German Empire and Austria-Hungary to invade and occupy Ukraine.[80] In response, Makhno formed a volunteer detachment to resist the occupation, which was dispatched to join the Red Guards in Oleksandrivsk. Makhno was personally summoned to the train of Bolshevik Commander Alexander Yegorov, but failed to link up with Yegorov who was in fast retreat.[81] In Makhno's absence, Ukrainian nationalists seized control of Huliaipole and invited forces from the Austro-Hungarian Army to occupy the town in April 1918.[82] Unable to return home, Makhno retreated to Taganrog, where a conference of Huliaipole's exiled anarchists was held. Makhno left to rally Russian support for the Ukrainian anarchist cause with plans to retake Huliaipole in July 1918.[83] In early May, Makhno visited Rostov-on-Don, Tikhoretsk, and Tsaritsyn,[84] where he was briefly reunited with Nastia and a number of his Huliaipole comrades.[85]

On his travels, Makhno witnessed the newly established Cheka confront, disarm, and kill revolutionary partisans who disobeyed their decrees,[86] causing Makhno to question whether "institutional revolutionaries" would extinguish the revolution.[87] In Astrakhan, Makhno found himself working for the local soviet's propaganda department and giving speeches to Red soldiers bound for the front.[88] While travelling by rail to Moscow near the end of May,[88] Makhno made use of the armored train's artillery to disentangle it from the advance of the Don Cossacks, who had been pursuing Red Guards in Makhno's company.[89]

After spending a few days in the Volga region, Makhno finally arrived in Moscow,[90] which he pejoratively dubbed "the capital of the paper revolution", where he found local anarchist intellectuals more predisposed to slogans and manifestos than action.[91] Here he again made contact with Peter Arshinov and others in the Muscovite anarchist movement,[92] many of whom were under surveillance by the Bolshevik authorities.[93] He also met the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries,[94] who at this time were beginning to turn against the Bolsheviks.[95] Makhno discussed Ukraine with the anarcho-communist theorist Peter Kropotkin,[96] who wished Makhno well.[97]

Satisfied with his time in Moscow and in need of forged identity papers to cross the Ukrainian border, Makhno applied to the Kremlin.[98] Yakov Sverdlov immediately arranged for Makhno to meet Vladimir Lenin.[99] Lenin showered Makhno with questions about Ukraine, which Makhno answered,[100] even as Lenin bemoaned that the country's peasantry had been "contaminated by anarchism".[101] Makhno staunchly defended the Ukrainian anarchist movement from charges of "counter-revolution", criticizing the Red Guards for sticking to the railways while peasant partisans fought on the front lines.[102] Lenin expressed his admiration for Makhno and admitted his mistakes regarding the revolutionary conditions in Ukraine, where anarchists had already become the predominant revolutionary force.[103] After a long conversation, Lenin passed Makhno on to Volodymyr Zatonsky,[104] who fulfilled his request for a false passport.[105] The young Ukrainian finally departed for the border in late June,[106] content that he had "take[n] the temperature of the revolution".[107]

Leader of the Makhnovist movement

During Makhno's absence from Ukraine, the Austro-German occupation forces orchestrated a coup in late April 1918 against their former allies within the Ukrainian People's Republic, removing the UPR's Central Council and installing Pavlo Skoropadskyi as Hetman of a new conservative client state.[108]

Armed with a fake passport and disguised as a Ukrainian officer, Makhno crossed the Ukrainian border in July 1918.[109] He learned that the forces occupying Huliaipole had shot, tortured, and arrested many of the town's revolutionaries. His brother Savelii had been arrested, and his brother Omelian, a disabled war veteran, executed. Their mother's house was also destroyed by the occupation forces.[110] Nestor himself was forced to take a number of precautions to evade capture. To avoid recognition while aboard the crowded train carriages, he changed at Kharkiv and Synelnykove,[111] and ultimately decided to walk the final 27 kilometers to Rozhdestvenskoye after his train was searched by police.[112] Through correspondence, Makhno's comrades in Huliaipole discouraged him from returning, fearing he would be caught by the authorities.[113]

After weeks in hiding, Makhno clandestinely returned to Huliaipole. In a number of secret meetings, he began to lay plans for an insurrection and started to organize peasant partisans.[114] He advocated for coordinated attacks on the estates of large landowners,[115] advised against individual acts of terrorism,[116] and forbade anti-semitic pogroms.[117] From the outset, Makhno emphasized tactical and theoretical unity, patiently awaiting favorable conditions for a general insurrection.[118]

The authorities discovered Makhno's presence and placed a bounty on his head. Makhno retreated from Huliaipole, narrowly escaping capture. In Ternivka, Makhno revealed himself to the local population and established a peasant detachment to lead attacks against the occupation and Hetmanate government.[119] In coordination with partisans in Rozhdestvenskoye Makhno resolved to reoccupy Huliaipole and establish it as a permanent headquarters for the insurgent movement.[120] He raided multiple Austrian positions, seizing weapons and money, which led to the insurrection's intensification in the region. .[121] While disguised as a woman, Makhno even briefly returned to Huliaipole, where he planned to blow up the local command center of the occupation forces. According to Makhno's account, he called off the attack due to the risks of killing innocent civilians.[122]

In September 1918, Makhno briefly reoccupied Huliaipole.[123] There he discovered that the German occupation forces had been spreading misinformation about him, claiming he had robbed the local peasantry and ran away with the money to buy a dacha in Moscow.[124] After defeating Austrian units in nearby Marfopil, Makhno produced a letter that was translated into the German language, encouraging the conscripted occupation troops to mutiny, return home and launch revolutions of their own.[125] While his comrades scattered themselves throughout the region to rouse the peasants to revolt, Makhno prepared proclamations to announce the region was under insurgent control.[126] However, when the occupation forces counterattacked, Makhno was forced evacuate Huliaipole.[127]

Makhno's detachment withdrew north, where it sought refuge in the Dibrivka forest, neighbouring the village of Velykomykhailivka.[128] There they joined forces with another small insurgent detachment led by Fedir Shchus.[129] Austrian units encircled the insurgents in their forest encampment.[130] To break the encirclement, Makhno launched a surprise counterattack against the troops in the village.[131] Led by Makhno and Shchus, the insurgents' gamble succeeded in forcing the Austrians into retreat.[132] For his role in their victory, the insurgents bestowed Makhno with the title Bat'ko (English: Father), which remained his moniker throughout the remainder of the war.[133]

Makhno's victory in the battle of Dibrivka provoked a vicious retaliation from the occupation forces. Velykomykhailovka was subsequently attacked by Austrian troops reinforced by National Guard and German colonist units. The village was set on fire, killing many inhabitants and destroying some 600 houses.[134] Makhno, in turn, led a campaign of retributive attacks against the occupation forces and their collaborators, including much of the region's Mennonite population.[135] Makhno also focused much of his energies on agitating amongst the peasantry, gathering much support in the region through impassioned improptu village speeches against his enemies.[136]

By November 1918, the insurgents definitively recaptured Huliaipole.[137] At a regional insurgent conference, Makhno proposed that they open up a war on four simultaneous fronts against the Hetmanate, Central Powers, Don Cossacks, and nascent White movement.[138] He argued that in order to prosecute such a conflict, it would be necessary to reorganize an insurgent army along a federal model, directly answerable to him as commander-in-chief.[139]

Commander in the Red Army

The Central Powers' defeat in World War I saw their withdrawal from Ukraine, resulting in the overthrow of the Hetmanate government by the Directorate,[140] which established a new nationalist government in Kyiv under the leadership of Symon Petliura.[141] At the same time, the Bolsheviks invaded Ukraine from the north,[142] while the Makhnovshchina faced pressure from a growing White Army in the south.[143] Caught between these forces, Makhno proposed an alliance with the Red Army.[144]

During a joint Insurgent-Bolshevik attack against the nationalist-held city of Katerynoslav, Makhno was appointed as commander-in-chief of the combined Soviet forces in the Katerynoslav province. After capturing the city, Makhno oversaw the establishment of a revolutionary committee equally representing Bolsheviks, SRs, and anarchists.[145] When a nationalist counteroffensive forced Makhno to retreat to Huliaipole, he undertook a complete reorganization of insurgent forces on every front. On 26 January 1919, this process culminated in the integration of Makhnovist units into the Ukrainian Soviet Army as the 3rd Trans-Dnieper Brigade, with Makhno subordinate himself to the command of Pavel Dybenko.[146] On 12 February 1919, Makhno extricated himself from the front to attend the movement's second regional congress in Huliaipole,[147] where he was elected honorary chairman, having rejected official chairmanship due to the front requiring his attention.[148] At the congress, he declared his support for "non-party soviets",[149] in open defiance of his Bolshevik commanders.[150]

Makhno justified the integration of the insurgent forces into the Red Army as a matter of placing the "revolution's interests above ideological differences."[151] He was, nevertheless, open about his contempt for the new order of political commissars.[152] The Bolshevik interference in front-line operations even led to Makhno arresting a Cheka detachment, which had directly obstructed his command.[153] Despite his hostility towards the Bolsheviks, Makhno still respected freedom of the press, authorizing Bolshevik newspapers to be distributed in Huliaipole, Berdiansk, and Mariupol, even as the papers published denunciations of the Makhnovists.[154]

By April 1919, the newspaper Pravda was publishing glowing reports of Makhno's activities,[155] praising him for his opposition to Ukrainian nationalism, his successful assault against Katerynoslav, and his continued successes against the White movement. These reports also detailed Makhno's widespread support amongst the Ukrainian peasantry.[156] However, this did not stop Pavel Dybenko from declaring the insurgents' subsequent regional congresses to be "counter-revolutionary." Its participants were outlawed and Makhno was ordered to prevent future congresses from taking place.[157] The Makhnovist Military Revolutionary Council issued an excoriating reply to Dybenko rejecting his demands out of hand.[158]

 

To resolve the dispute, Makhno invited Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko to visit Huliaipole, which impressed the Ukrainian commander-in-chief and allayed his concerns about Makhno's command.[159] Upon his return, Antonov-Ovseenko openly praised Makhno and the insurgents, criticizing the Bolshevik press for publishing misinformation about Makhno and requesting the Makhnovists be supplied with the necessary equipment.[160] His reports quickly attracted Lev Kamenev to himself visit Huliaipole the very next week.[161] Kamenev too was greeted by Makhno and his new wife Halyna Kuzmenko, who gave the Bolshevik functionary a tour of the town, making sure to show off a tree where Makhno had personally lynched a White army officer.[162] Despite disagreements between the two over the autonomy of the insurgent movement, Kamenev bade farewell to Makhno with an embrace and warm words.[163] Kamenev immediately published an open letter to Makhno, praising him as an "honest and courageous fighter" in the war against the White movement.[164]

 
Nykyfor Hryhoriv (left), otaman of the green army in Kherson, who would be assassinated during a meeting with Makhno

In May 1919, the powerful otaman Nykyfor Hryhoriv revolted against the Bolsheviks, seizing part of Kherson province. Kamenev sent a telegram to Makhno, asking him to condemn Hryhoriv or else face a declaration of war.[165] Hryhoriv had previously attempted to form an alliance with Makhno against the Bolsheviks, but this proposal went unanswered.[166] Makhno responded to Kamenev's request by reaffirming his commitment to the struggle against the White movement, which he worried would be endangered by opening conflict with Hryhoriv.[167] In a direct telegram to Kamenev, Makhno declared his loyalty to the revolution, while also stating that he would continue to oppose the actions of the Cheka and any other "organs of oppression and violence".[168] In an insurgent military congress on 12 May, Makhno expanded on this anti-authoritarian position with a denunciation of the Bolsheviks, their implementation of bureaucratic collectivism, and their political repression, which he compared to the Tsarist autocracy.[169] After Makhnovist emissaries uncovered evidence of Hryhoriv's participation in pogroms, Makhno openly denounced him for his displays of antisemitism and Ukrainian nationalism, going on to blame the Bolsheviks for the rise of Hryhoriv, claiming it was their political repression that had caused the uprising.[170]

The Red Army high command responded by attempting to rein in Makhno's influence over his detachment. Makhno's Red Army superior Commander Anatoly Skachko [ru] even declared that "he is to be liquidated".[171] By the end of May 1919, the Bolshevik Revolutionary Military Council pronounced Makhno to be an outlaw,[172] issuing a warrant for his arrest and for him to be tried before a revolutionary tribunal.[173] On 2 June, Leon Trotsky published a diatribe against Makhno, attacking him for his anarchist ideology and even labeling him a "kulak".[174]

A few days later, while preoccupied at the front, Makhno learned that the Kuban Cossacks had captured Huliaipole. This forced him to retreat from his positions.[175] In an attempt to appease Trotsky, Makhno resigned his command of the insurgent army so that the insurgents would not be caught in a pincer between the Red and White armies.[176] Despite a rebuff from Trotsky, he again attempted to offer the Bolsheviks his resignation on 9 June,[177] reaffirming his commitment to the Revolution and his belief in the "inalienable right of workers and peasants".[178] Makhno thus relinquished command of the 7th Ukrainian Soviet Division and declared his intention to wage a guerrilla war against the Whites from the rear.[179] Trotsky then ordered Kliment Voroshilov to arrest Makhno, but sympathetic officers reported the order to him, thus preventing his capture by the Cheka.[180] Despite having broken with the Red Army, Makhno still considered the White movement to be the Makhnovists' "main enemy" and insisted that they could settle their scores with Bolsheviks after the Whites were defeated.[181]

Makhno's small sotnia then linked up with other insurgent detachments that had mutinied against the Red Army. In early July 1919, Makhno fell back into Kherson province, where he met with Hryhoriv's green army.[182] Initially Makhno sought to form a strategic alliance with the latter due to Hryhoriv's popularity among the local peasantry. However, revelations of Hryhoriv's antisemitism, extensive pogroms, and connections with the White movement led the Makhnovists to openly denounce the otaman at a public meeting. When Hryhoriv reached for his revolver, he was gunned down in his place by Oleksiy Chubenko.[183] In the assassination's aftermath, Makhno quickly rebuilt his army. A portion of Hryhoriv's army was integrated into the Makhnovist forces, which numbered as high as 20,000 insurgents at this time. By August, Makhno was also attracting a large number of Red Army deserters who joined him as the Bolsheviks once again retreated from Ukrainian territory in the face of Anton Denikin's White Army.[184] Red Army mutinies became so bad that the Ukrainian Bolshevik leader Nikolai Golubenko [ru] even telephoned Makhno, begging him to subordinate himself again to Bolshevik command, to which Makhno refused.[185]

Against the White Army

 
Yakov Slashchov, leader of the White movement in Ukraine until his defeat by Makhno during the Battle of Peregonovka

By September 1919 the Bolsheviks had largely retreated from Ukraine, leaving the Makhnovists to face the White Army alone.[186] Reports by the White commander Yakov Slashchov depicted Makhno as a formidable adversary with tactical ability and disciplinary command over his troops.[187] The insurgents launched a number of effective attacks behind White lines, with Makhno himself commanding a cavalry assault against Mykolaivka that resulted in the capture of sorely needed munitions.[188] Nestor's brother Hryhorii died during one of these attacks.[189]

 
Map depicting the advance on Moscow by the White movement, during the summer of 1919

The White offensive eventually pushed the insurgents back as far as Uman, the last stronghold of the Ukrainian People's Republic, where Makhno negotiated a temporary truce with Symon Petliura, in order for wounded insurgents to recuperate on neutral ground before launching a counteroffensive.[190] During the Battle of Perehonivka, the tide of the battle turned in the insurgents' favor when Makhno led his sotnia in a flanking maneuver against the White positions, charging the much larger enemy force with sabres and fighting them in close quarters combat, which forced the Whites into a retreat.[191] Makhno then led the pursuit of the retreating Whites, decisively routing the enemy forces,[192] leaving only a few hundred survivors.[193] The Makhnovists subsequently split up in order to capitalize on their victory and capture as much territory as possible,[194] with Makhno himself leading his sotnia in the capture of Katerynoslav from the Whites on 20 October.[195] With southern Ukraine being brought almost entirely under insurgent control, the White supply lines were broken and the advance on Moscow was halted.[196] The insurgent advance also brought with it attacks against region's Mennonites, notably including the Eichenfeld massacre.[197] While Mennonite historiography has held Makhno himself directly responsible for the massacres, as commander-in-chief of the perpetrating forces,[198] and Makhnovist historiography has attributed the violence to class conflict,[199] research by Sean Patterson has indicated that the attacks were the result of deeply-held resentments between the native Ukrainians and Mennonite colonists.[200]

Bolsheviks in Katerynoslav attempted to establish a revolutionary committee to control the city, proposing to Makhno that he confine himself exclusively to military activity. But Makhno no longer held any sympathy for the Bolsheviks, who he described as "parasites upon the workers' lives". He quickly ordered the revolutionary committee be shut down and forbade their activities under penalty of death, telling the Bolshevik officials to "take up a more honest trade".[201] At a regional congress in Oleksandrivsk, Makhno presented the Draft Declaration of the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine, which called for the establishment of "free soviets" outside of political party control. Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionary Party delegates objected, believing instead in the legitimacy of the dissolved Constituent Assembly. Makhno denounced them as "counter-revolutionaries", causing them to walk out in protest.[202] When he returned to Katerynoslav on 9 November, the local railway workers looked to Makhno to pay their wages, which they had gone without for two months.[203] He responded by proposing the workers self-manage the railways and levy payment for their services directly from the customers.[204] By December 1919, Makhnovist control of Katerynoslav began to slip under increasing attacks from the White Cossacks.[205] On 5 December, Makhno survived an assassination attempt by the Bolsheviks, who had planned to poison him and seize control of the city. After the plot was uncovered, the conspirators were shot.[206]

Renewed White attacks forced the Makhnovists to abandon Katerynoslav and retreat towards Oleksandrivsk and Nikopol. During this period, many of the insurgents were beset by epidemic typhus, with even Makhno himself contracting the disease.[207] In January 1920, the Red Army returned to Ukraine, filling a power vacuum that had been left in the wake of the White retreat.[208] Makhnovist and Red forces greeted each other in Oleksandrivsk.[209] However, negotiations between the two sides collapsed when the Red command ordered Makhno to the Polish front.[210] Makhno refused and the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee declared Makhno to be an outlaw.[211] In response the Makhnovists fled to Huliaipole, initiating a nine-month period of hostilities with the Bolshevik. At this time, Makhno's typhus worsened and he slipped into prolonged coma,[212] during which local peasants provided him refuge and hid him from the Cheka.[213] Once recovered, Makhno immediately began to lead a campaign of guerrilla warfare against the Cheka and requisitioning units.[214]

Makhno also implemented a discriminatory policy for dealing with captured Red Army units: commanding officers and political commissars would be immediately shot, while the rank-and-file soldiers would be given the choice to either join the insurgent army or be stripped of their uniforms and sent home.[215] With the Makhnovists once again wreaking havoc on Bolshevik positions and with Red Army soldiers increasingly defecting to the insurgents,[216] proposals for an alliance between the two factions began to be made.[217]

 
Insurgent troops reading the terms of the Starobilsk agreement

While initially skeptical of a proposed Bolshevik alliance in June,[218] Makhno grew amenable and left the decision to his army, which narrowly voted in favor in August.[219] The political agreement extended a number of freedoms to Ukrainian anarchists,[220] while the military agreement again integrated the insurgents into the Red Army command structure.[221] Despite the outcome of the Starobilsk agreement, Makhno reaffirmed his distrust for his "irreconcilable enemies" in the Bolshevik Party, stating that the necessity of a military alliance with them should not be confused with a recognition of their political authority.[222] Nevertheless, Makhno hoped that victory over the Whites would oblige the Bolsheviks to honor his desire for soviet democracy and civil liberties in Ukraine. He would later consider this to be a "grave error" on his part.[223]

Under the terms of the pact, Makhno was finally able to seek treatment from the medical corps of the Red Army, with physicians and surgeons seeing to a wound in his ankle, where he had been hit by an expanding bullet.[223] He was also visited by the Hungarian communist leader Béla Kun, who greeted him as "fighter of the worker and peasant revolution, comrade Batko Makhno" and gave him gifts, including over 100 photographs and postcards depicting the Executive Committee of the Communist International.[224] On 22 October, the insurgents successfully reoccupied Huliaipole, driving the Whites out of the city for the final time.[225] Back in his hometown, Makhno requested three days of rest and recuperation but this was rejected by the Bolshevik command, which ordered the insurgents to continue their offensive, under penalty of their alliance being nullified. The still-wounded Makhno stayed behind in Huliaipole anyway, along with his black guard, while dispatching Semen Karetnyk to lead the Makhnovist offensive against the Army of Wrangel.[226] Makhno once again turned his attention towards reconstructing his vision of anarcho-communism, overseeing the reestablishment of the local soviet and a number of other anarchist projects.[227]

Anti-Bolshevik rebellion

Wrangel's defeat in Crimea by the combined Bolshevik-Makhnovist forces brought the Southern Front of the war to an end, allowing the Bolsheviks to once again turn on their anarchist allies.[228] In late November 1920, the Red Army launched a surprise attack against the insurgent forces, putting the Makhnovist capital of Huliaipole under siege.[229] Caught unprepared, Makhno rallied together 150 Black Guards to defend the town. After spotting a gap in the Red lines, he escaped with his detachment[230] and led a counterattack that pushed the Red forces back to Novouspenivka. His own forces regrouped[231] and gained some defecting Red soldiers before recapturing Huliaipole a week later.[232] The Red Army command justified the attacks against the Makhnovists on grounds that Makhno had refused orders and intended to betray them,[233] though the Red Army had planned to break the alliance with the Makhnovists even prior to the beginning of the offensive against Wrangel's White Army.[234]

 
Makhno and his lieutenants in Berdiansk

The following week in Kermenchyk, Makhno was finally reunited with Karetnyk's detachment,[235] which had been reduced to a fifth of its original size and absent its commander, who had been assassinated by the Bolsheviks in Crimea.[236] Despite direct orders from Vladimir Lenin for the Red Army to "liquidate Makhno", the insurgents led a guerrilla campaign in the face of their encirclement. On 3 December, Makhno led a detachment of 4,000 insurgents in an assault routing a Red Kirghiz brigade at Komar.[237] In the following weeks, he recaptured Berdiansk and Andriivka from the Bolsheviks, defeating a number of Red divisions before a stalemate with the remaining divisions at Fedorivka.[238]

Makhno had hoped that simply defeating a few Red divisions would halt the offensive, but found himself having to change tactics in the face of his encirclement by overwhelming numbers, consequently splitting up his contingent into a number of smaller detachments and sending them in different directions.[239] Taking his own 2,000-strong detachment north at a pace of 80 kilometers each day, he derailed a Bolshevik armored train at Oleksandrivsk, before pushing deep into the provinces of Kherson and Kyiv, all the while pursued by Red divisions.[240]

Surrounded and under constant pursuit by the Red Cossacks, Makhno's detachment could only advance slowly under heavy machine gun fire and artillery bombardment.[241] Makhno led his detachment to the Galician border, before suddenly swinging around and heading back across the Dnieper. Heading north from Poltava to Belgorod, they finally managed to shake off the pursuing Cossacks at the end of January 1921. By this point he had travelled more than 1,500 kilometers, lost most of his equipment and half of his detachment, but he also found himself in a position to once again lead an offensive against the Red Army.[242] Following the outbreak of the Kronstadt rebellion, Makhno dispatched a number of his detachments to various regions of Southern and Central Russia to foment insurrection, while he himself stuck to the banks of the Dnieper River. At this time, Makhno was wounded in the foot and had to be carried by a tachanka, but still managed to personally lead the detachment from the front. After crossing back over to left-bank Ukraine, he split his detachment again, sending one to stir up revolt against the Cheka near the Sea of Azov while Makhno's own contingent of 1,500 cavalry and two infantry regiments continued along its path, seizing the equipment of the Red units it routed.[243] During one engagement, Makhno was wounded in the stomach and fell unconscious, having to be evacuated on a tachanka.[244] Upon his resuscitation, he again divided his forces and sent them out in all directions, leaving himself behind with only his black sotnia remaining.[243]

Makhno was unable to withdraw from the front and tend to his injuries, as his sotnia repeatedly came under attack by the Red Army. During one engagement, a number of Makhnovists sacrificed themselves to ensure Makhno's escape.[245] Towards the end of May, Makhno attempted to organize a large-scale offensive to take the Ukrainian Bolshevik capital of Kharkiv, pulling together thousands of partisans before he was forced to call it off due to comprehensive Red defenses.[246] The Red Army command resolved to focus its efforts on Makhno's small 200-strong sotnia, deploying a motorized detachment to pursue them. Upon its arrival, Makhno led the ambush of one armored car, taking it for himself and driving it until it ran out of fuel. The subsequent pursuit of Makhno lasted five days and covered 520 kilometers, causing his sotnia heavy losses and almost running them out of ammo, before they were finally able to shake the armored detachment off their trail.[247]

Exile

Red Army commander Mikhail Frunze demanded the "definitive liquidation" of the Makhnovist movement in July 1921. Makhno continued to execute raids in the Don river basin despite having suffered several wounds. By August, those wounds convinced him to seek treatment abroad. Leaving Viktor Bilash in command of the Insurgent Army, Makhno, his wife Halyna Kuzmenko, and around 100 loyalists set out for the Polish border.[248] Red Army attacks followed them; Makhno took a bullet in the neck[249] and a number of his old friends died in battle in late August.[250] When a scout was captured by the Reds, Makhno diverted his forces south towards Romania, however, after crossing the Dniester, Romanian border guards disarmed and interned Makhno's group.[251] Makhno and his wife were eventually released from the Brașov internment camp and granted permission to stay in Bucharest under police surveillance while Makhno recovered from his wounds.[252]

Eastern Europe

Bolshevik politicians Georgy Chicherin and Christian Rakovsky demanded Makhno's extradition,[253] which the Romanian government of Take Ionescu refused. The two states had no extradition treaty and Romania had abolished capital punishment, so the Romanian government requested a formal assurance that the Ukrainian Soviet government would not sentence Makhno to death.[254] Makhno came into contact with the exiled Ukrainian nationalists around Symon Petliura, themselves allies of both Romania and Poland.[255] Makhno called for an alliance between the Makhnovists and the Petliurists, which he believed could together reignite an insurgency in Ukraine, but nothing resulted from the talks between the two factions.[256]

 
Makhno, with his wife Halyna Kuzmenko, surrounded by other Makhnovists in Poland, 1922

With Romania still caught up in the extradition demands, Makhno decided to make a break for Poland. He was caught at the border and shipped to a Polish Strzałkowo internment camp in April 1922.[257] Makhno subsequently attempted to secure permission to move on to Czechoslovakia or Germany, but the Polish government refused.[258] The Bolshevik government sent an agent provocateur to entrap Makhno and force his extradition by embroiling him in a plan to launch an insurgency in Galicia. Makhno and his wife were formally charged by the Polish authorities and for over a year held in pre-trial detention, where Halyna gave birth to their daughter in October.[259] In prison, Makhno drafted his first memoir, which Peter Arshinov published in 1923 in his Berlin-based newspaper Anarkhicheskii vestnik (Russian: Анархический вестник; English: Anarchist Messenger) . Makhno also sent open letters to exiled Don Cossacks and the Ukrainian Communist Party, and began to learn German and Esperanto. His tuberculosis relapsed under the prison's conditions.[260]

Makhno received support from the European anarchist movement. Polish and Bulgarian anarchists even threatened violence in the event of Makhno's extradition.[261] At their five-day trial in November 1923, Makhno and Halyna were acquitted on all charges and given residence permits for Poznań.[262] The following month he and his family moved to Toruń, where he was under close police surveillance and arrested and interrogated a number of times in the wake of Vladimir Lenin's death.[263] Unable to secure a visa to travel to Germany and facing a severe strain on his marriage with Halyna, Makhno attempted suicide in April 1924 and was hospitalized by his injuries.[264]

In July 1924, Makhno and his family were allowed to move to the Free City of Danzig.[265] Here, Makhno was swiftly arrested by the Danzig authorities for visa violations. While interned he was struck again by tuberculosis and transferred to a prison hospital. Makhno's anarchist comrades helped him escape the hospital and, after a time in hiding, clandestinely leave for Berlin.[266] With Volin acting as his interpreter, Makhno met with a number of prominent anarchists that were also living in the city such as Rudolf Rocker and Ugo Fedeli [it].[267] He finally moved to Paris in April 1925.[268]

Paris

 
Nestor Makhno circa 1925

Upon his arrival in Paris in April 1925, Makhno wrote that he had found himself "amongst a foreign people and political enemies whom I have so often declaimed against."[269] He was reunited with his wife and daughter in the city, where French anarchists like May Picqueray provided the family with lodging and healthcare.[270] Makhno found work at a local foundry and a Renault factory, but was forced to leave both jobs due to his health problems. A bullet wound in his right ankle threatened amputation.[271] His health care was overseen by the anarcha-feminist Lucile Pelletier, who described his body as being "literally encased in scar tissue". She advised his family to move out to prevent them from contracting tuberculosis.[272] Between his debilitating illness, homesickness and a strong language barrier, Makhno fell into a deep depression.[273] According to Alexander Berkman, Makhno particularly despised living in a big city and dreamed of returning to the Ukrainian countryside, where he could "tak[e] up again the struggle for liberty and social justice."[274]

Makhno undertook to write his Memoirs, which sold poorly.[271] He also collaborated with exiled Russian anarchists to establish the bimonthly libertarian communist journal Delo Truda (Russian: Дело Труда, English: The Cause of Labor), in which Makhno published an article in each issue over three years. Arshinov, the journal's editor, criticized Makhno's articles as poorly written, which upset Makhno greatly and exacerbated his resentment of those anarchists who he considered to be "armchair theoreticians".[275] The theoretical developments of the journal eventually culminated in the publication of the Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists, which called for the reorganization of the anarchist movement into a more cohesive structure, based on the experiences of revolutionary Ukraine and the defeat by the Bolsheviks. The Platform attracted criticism from the synthesists, such as Volin, who regarded it as a Bolshevization of anarchism.[276] A March 1927 meeting to discuss the Platform in L'Haÿ-les-Roses attracted anarchists from Russia, Poland, Bulgaria, Italy, and China. When the meeting was raided by police, Makhno was arrested and threatened with deportation, but he was defended by Louis Lecoin and Henri Sellier, who secured his continued stay in France.[277]

 
Nestor Makhno with Alexander Berkman in Paris, 1927

During this period, he often met with anarchist friends in cafes and restaurants, reminiscing over a bottle of wine about the "good old days" in Ukraine, one time even celebrating the fall from power of his old rival Leon Trotsky and hoping that the fall of Joseph Stalin would soon follow.[278] In June 1926, during a meal with Alexander Berkman and May Picqueray in a Russian restaurant, Makhno met with the Ukrainian Jewish anarchist Sholem Schwarzbard, who went pale upon seeing the Ukrainian nationalist leader Symon Petliura walk into the room.[279] Schwarzbard immediately informed the Batko of his intentions to assassinate Petliura, in revenge for the pogroms carried out in the Ukrainian People's Republic, during which some of his family members had been killed. Makhno attempted to dissuade him but the deed was carried out anyway, with Schwarzbard's subsequent trial bringing to light a trove of documentary evidence on the pogroms in Ukraine, exonerating the assassin.[280]

Around this time, rumors began to circulate about Makhno's own relationship to antisemitism, resulting in public debates on the matter.[281] Citing stories of Makhno told by White émigrés, Joseph Kessel published a novel that portrayed a fictionalized version of Makhno as an Orthodox Christian and antisemite, an accusation which Makhno categorically denied.[282] Makhno defended himself by speaking up about the pogroms in Ukraine: in To the Jews of all Countries, published in Delo Truda, he asked for evidence of antisemitism in the Makhnovist ranks; at an open debate in June 1927, Makhno claimed that he had defended Ukrainian Jews from persecution,[283] an assertion that was backed up by Russian and Ukrainian Jews in attendance.[284] During his time in Ukraine, Makhno had condemned and severely punished cases of antisemitism within the Makhnovist ranks,[285] even having ordered the execution of Makhnovists that had participated in a pogrom against the Jewish settlement at Gorkaya and redistributed weapons to the Jewish community for their own protection.[286] According to Volin, investigations by the Jewish historian Elias Tcherikower had found no evidence of Makhno himself having perpetrated antisemitic violence.[287] Allegations of antisemitism were later also disputed by historians and some of Makhno's biographers, including Paul Avrich,[288] Peter Kenez,[289] Michael Malet[290] and Alexandre Skirda.[291]

By this time, Makhno was succumbing to physical and mental illness. His relationships with fellow Ukrainian exiles deteriorated.[292] His wife grew to resent him, causing the couple to separate on multiple occasions, with Halyna even unsuccessfully attempting to apply for permission to return to Soviet Ukraine.[293] Over the editing of his memoirs, Makhno quarreled with Ida Mett, who quit out of frustration with Makhno's "indecipherable and meandering manuscripts".[294] He also came into a serious personal and political conflict with Volin, which would last until their deaths,[295] resulting in the later volumes of Makhno's memoirs only being published posthumously.[296] As gossip spread about Makhno, he became increasingly defensive against any criticisms of himself, no matter how minor.[297] In the pages of Delo Truda, he published categorical denials of anything from allegations of antisemitism to whether the Makhnovists had used a flag that carried a skull and crossbones.[298]

Alienated from many of the Russian and French anarchists in Paris, Makhno turned his attention towards Spain.[299] Following the release of Spanish anarchists from prison, Makhno met with Francisco Ascaso and Buenaventura Durruti in July 1927. The Spaniards expressed their admiration for Makhno, who himself displayed a sense of optimism about the Spanish anarchist movement and foretold of a coming anarchist revolution in Spain. Makhno was particularly impressed by the revolutionary traditions of the Spanish working classes and the tight organization of the Spanish anarchists, declaring that if a revolution broke out in Spain before he died, then he would join the fight.[300]

Due to the threats of deportation, he mostly kept to his writing, as he was no longer able to attend meetings or engage in active organizing.[301] In great pain, increasingly isolated and financially precarious, Makhno got odd jobs as an interior decorator and shoemaker.[302] He was also supported by the income of his wife, who worked as a cleaner,[303] and in April 1929, May Picqueray and other French anarchists established a "Makhno Solidarity Committee" to raise funds.[304] Much of the money was contributed by the Spanish anarchists of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), which greatly admired Makhno, with the fundraiser in Le Libertaire eventually securing Makhno's family a weekly allowance of 250 francs, barely one-third of the living wage.[305] Makhno spent most of this money on his daughter, neglecting his own self-care, which contributed further to his declining health.[306] His ideological conflict with the synthesis anarchists escalated and, in July 1930, Le Libertaire suspended his allowance. Individual fundraising attempts ended up being unsuccessful.[307]

Around this time, Makhno learned that Peter Arshinov had defected to the Soviet Union, which left him even more isolated from the Ukrainian exiles.[308] Makhno spent his last years writing criticisms of the Bolsheviks and encouraging other anarchists to learn from the mistakes of the Ukrainian experience. His final article, an obituary for his old friend Nikolai Rogdaev, went unsent as Makhno could not afford the postage.[309] As he suffered from malnutrition, Makhno's tuberculosis worsened to the point that he was hospitalized on 16 March 1934. Operations failed to help and Makhno finally died in the early hours of 25 July 1934. He was cremated three days after his death, with five hundred people attending his funeral at the Père Lachaise Cemetery in Paris.[310]

Personal life

 
Makhno and his daughter Elena in Paris

While imprisoned in the 1910s, Makhno received "warm letters" from one Nastia Vasetskaia, a young peasant woman from Huliaipole. After his return home in 1917, the two met and became a couple,[311] living together on a commune where Makhno contributed.[75] His activism during this time, however, left him "little time for personal affairs".[68] Vasetskaia was eventually forced to flee Huliaipole after being threatened by Black Guards, taking their child with her.[311] After Makhno himself was forced into exile by the invasion of the Central Powers in early 1918, Makhno managed to reunite with Vasetskaia in Tsaritsyn, finding her lodging at a nearby farm.[312] Makhno soon left her to continue his travels. They never saw each other again. Their baby died young and, after hearing a rumor that Makhno had also died, Vasetskaia found another partner.[313]

Following the Makhnovist capture of Huliaipole from the Central Powers in late 1918, Makhno met a local schoolteacher called Halyna Kuzmenko, who became his wife and a leading figure in the Makhnovshchina.[314] With the defeat of the Makhnovshchina, the couple fled to Romania[315] and then on to Poland, where Kuzmenko gave birth to their daughter Elena while she and Makhno were both in prison.[316] The family finally settled in Paris but were forced to live separately for some time due to Makhno's worsening tuberculosis.[271]

Years after Makhno's death, Volin described Makhno's "greatest failing" as being alcohol abuse, claiming that "under the influence of alcohol, he became perverse, over-excitable, unfair, intractable and violent."[317] These claims of alcoholism were disputed by Ida Mett and Makhno's biographer Alexandre Skirda, who respectively noted Makhno's low alcohol tolerance and his enforcement of prohibition during the war.[318] Although other biographers, such as Michael Malet and Victor Peters, wrote that Makhno began to drink heavily during the final years of his life, "when he knew that the tuberculosis was killing him anyway."[319]

Makhno's widow and his daughter Elena were deported to Nazi Germany for forced labor during World War II.[320] After the end of the war they were arrested by the Soviet NKVD and taken to Kyiv for trial in 1946. For the crime of "anti-Soviet agitation", Halyna was sentenced to eight years of hard labor in Mordovia and Elena was sentenced to five years in Kazakhstan. Following the death of Stalin, the two were reunited in Taraz, where they spent the rest of their lives: Halyna would die in 1978, followed by Elena in 1993. Makhno's relatives in Huliaipole faced harassment by Ukrainian authorities up until the dissolution of the Soviet Union.[321]

Legacy

The Ukrainian anarchist insurgency continued after Makhno's 1921 flight to Romania. Makhnovist militant groups operated clandestinely throughout the 1920s. Some continued to fight as partisans during World War II.[322] Although the Soviets eventually extinguished the Ukrainian anarchist movement, an anarchist underground continued during the 1970s and following the Revolutions of 1989. Various anarchist groups draw on the name of Makhno for inspiration. For example, the Revolutionary Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists—"Nestor Makhno" [uk] was founded in 1994 and organized along the lines of platformism.[323] The anti-fascist militants of Revolutionary Action have also lain claim to Makhno's legacy[324] and "neo-Makhnovist" sympathies emerged from the anarchists that participated in the Revolution of Dignity.[325]

 
The band "Ot Vinta!" playing at Makhnofest-2006 in Huliaipole.

Makhno is a local hero in his hometown of Huliaipole, where a statue of the Bat'ko stands in its main town square.[326] The Huliaipole Local History Museum hosts a permanent exhibition dedicated to Makhno.[327] In the late 2010s, the Huliaipole City Council was preparing to request the return of Makhno's ashes from France, as part of a campaign to attract tourists to the city, declaring Makhno to be part of the city's brand.[328] Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, sections of the Ukrainian far right have also attempted to reclaim Makhno as a Ukrainian nationalist and to downplay his anarchist politics.[329]

 
Pavel Derevyanko portrayed Makhno in the 2005 miniseries Nine Lives of Nestor Makhno

Multiple Soviet and Russian films depicted Makhno, often in a negative light. Makno was the antagonist in the 1923 Red Devils, portrayed by the Odesa gangster and part-time actor Vladimir Kucherenko. He reprised his role in the 1926 sequel Savur-Mohyla and returned to crime by using the name "Makhno" as a pseudonym.[330][331] Boris Chirkov portrayed Makhno in the 1942 epic film Alexander Parkhomenko in which he famously sang the traditional Cossack song "Lovely, brothers, lovely" while drinking vodka. Valeri Zolotukhin played Makhno in the 1970 drama Hail, Mary!,[331] about a Makhnovist who works as a Red Army informant.[332] Aleksey Tolstoy's novel trilogy The Road to Calvary portrays Makhno as a dangerous deformation of the revolution with a corrupting influence on the morally unstable.[333] Television miniseries adaptations of the novel in 1977 and 2017 similarly present Makhno in a negative light.[331][334]

The 2005 Nine Lives of Nestor Makhno was a Russian biographical miniseries about Nestor Makhno's life. Pavel Derevyanko portrayed Makhno, and Russian critics gave his performance high praise.[335] The series was noted for its positive portrayal of Makhno, although some reviewers also criticised the series for lacking narrative coherence.[336] Hélène Châtelain directed a 1995 French documentary about Makhno.[337]

Also, Makhno has been referenced in popular media as a cultural allusion, such as a supporting role in Michael Moorcock's 1981 alternative history novel The Steel Tsar,[338] the opening track in the Russian rock band Lyube's 1989 album Alert [ru] during the fall of communism in the Eastern Bloc,[339] a song U.S. representative Dana Rohrabacher had written and played for the 1991 official visit of a People's Deputy of Ukraine, and the pseudonym used by the leader of an "anti-yuppie crusade" in San Francisco against perceived gentrification by Silicon Valley.[340]

Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, the legacy of Nestor Makhno and the Makhnovshchina was again taken up by Ukrainian anti-authoritarians that joined the Territorial Defense Forces (TDF).[341][342] Symbols of the Makhnovshchina have appeared in the propaganda of the Resistance Committee, an anarchist detachment in the TDF,[343] on the patches of a Ukrainian armed unit of green anarchists,[325] and on flags flown on the back of modern-day tachankas.[344] The Ukrainian Armed Forces also adopted the name "Makhno's bow" (Ukrainian: Махновська лук) for their defense forces engaged in the battle of Huliaipole, which has occupied a key place in the line of contact between Ukrainian and Russian-occupied Zaporizhzhia.[325][345] A museum exhibition on Makhno was damaged during the Russian shelling of Huliaipole, while his statue in the town centre is covered with sandbags in order to protect it.[346]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Ukrainian: Не́стор Івáнович Махно́, [ˈnɛstor iˈwɑnowɪtʃ mɐxˈnɔ]
    The surname "Makhno" (Ukrainian: Махно́) was itself a corruption of Nestor's father's surname "Mikhnenko" (Ukrainian: Міхненко).[2]
  2. ^ Ukrainian: Бáтько Махно́; [ˈbɑtʲko mɐxˈnɔ]
    According to Alexandre Skirda, the term Bat'ko had been used by the Zaporozhian Cossacks as an honorific for elected military leaders. As Makhno was still quite young when he was given the name Bat'ko by his detachment, the literal translation of "father" may not be entirely accurate, as the term is not exclusively used in a paternal sense. Makhno was also not the only person with the title of Bat'ko in Ukraine, there were even some other Bat'kos within the ranks of the Makhnovshchina.[3]
  3. ^ Other sources have listed his birth year as being in 1889,[4] with the Great Soviet Encyclopedia listing it 1884,[5] but Church records indicate 1888 as Makhno's true birth year. It is likely that even Makhno himself did not know his correct birth date.[6]
  4. ^ Nestor's brothers also went on to become anarchists and active partisans of the Makhnovist movement. In 1918, Omelian was executed by the Austro-Hungarian Army; in September 1919, Hryhorii was killed in Uman by the Volunteer Army; and in February 1920, Savelii was killed by the Red Army in Huliaipole.[12]

References

  1. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 291.
  2. ^ Palij 1976, p. 67; Peters 1970, p. 14.
  3. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 9.
  4. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 111; Chamberlin 1987, p. 233; Darch 2020, p. 176; Footman 1961, p. 245; Kantowicz 1999, p. 173; Lincoln 1989, p. 324; Palij 1976, p. 67; Peters 1970, p. 14.
  5. ^ Peters 1970, p. 14.
  6. ^ Darch 2020, p. 176.
  7. ^ Chamberlin 1987, pp. 232–233; Darch 2020, p. 176; Malet 1982, p. xx; Palij 1976, p. 67; Skirda 2004, p. 17.
  8. ^ Darch 2020, p. 1; Peters 1970, p. 14; Skirda 2004, p. 17.
  9. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 111; Darch 2020, p. 1; Malet 1982, p. xxi; Palij 1976, p. 67; Skirda 2004, pp. 17–18.
  10. ^ a b Skirda 2004, p. 18.
  11. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 111; Lincoln 1989, p. 324; Palij 1976, p. 68.
  12. ^ Peters 1970, p. 15.
  13. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 18–19.
  14. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 19.
  15. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 111; Malet 1982, p. xxi; Peters 1970, p. 15; Skirda 2004, p. 20.
  16. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 20.
  17. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 111; Darch 2020, p. 2; Malet 1982, p. xxi; Skirda 2004, p. 20.
  18. ^ Darch 2020, p. 2; Skirda 2004, p. 20.
  19. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 111; Darch 2020, pp. 2–3; Footman 1961, p. 246; Malet 1982, pp. xxi–xxii; Skirda 2004, p. 20.
  20. ^ Darch 2020, p. 4; Footman 1961, p. 246; Peters 1970, pp. 18–19; Skirda 2004, p. 20.
  21. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 20–21.
  22. ^ Darch 2020, p. 5; Peters 1970, p. 22.
  23. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 22.
  24. ^ a b Skirda 2004, p. 23.
  25. ^ Darch 2020, p. 1.
  26. ^ Darch 2020, p. 4.
  27. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 4–6; Malet 1982, p. xxii; Peters 1970, pp. 20–21; Skirda 2004, pp. 22–24.
  28. ^ Darch 2020, p. 5; Malet 1982, p. xxii; Peters 1970, pp. 20–21.
  29. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 5–6; Skirda 2004, pp. 23–24.
  30. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 23–24.
  31. ^ Darch 2020, p. 6-7; Malet 1982, pp. xxii–xxiii; Peters 1970, p. 22; Skirda 2004, pp. 24–25.
  32. ^ Darch 2020, p. 8; Malet 1982, p. xxiii; Peters 1970, p. 22; Skirda 2004, p. 28.
  33. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 28.
  34. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 111; Darch 2020, p. 8; Kantowicz 1999, p. 173; Malet 1982, p. xxiii; Palij 1976, p. 69; Peters 1970, pp. 22–23; Skirda 2004, p. 29.
  35. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 29–30.
  36. ^ a b c Skirda 2004, p. 30.
  37. ^ Darch 2020, p. 8; Skirda 2004, p. 30.
  38. ^ Darch 2020, p. 8; Lincoln 1989, p. 324; Malet 1982, p. xxiv; Skirda 2004, p. 30.
  39. ^ Darch 2020, p. 9; Footman 1961, p. 246; Malet 1982, pp. xxiii–xxiv.
  40. ^ Darch 2020, p. 9; Footman 1961, p. 246; Lincoln 1989, p. 324; Malet 1982, pp. xxiii–xxiv.
  41. ^ Darch 2020, p. 9; Skirda 2004, p. 30.
  42. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 112; Darch 2020, p. 8; Footman 1961, p. 246; Kantowicz 1999, p. 173; Palij 1976, p. 69; Peters 1970, p. 25–28; Malet 1982, p. xxiv.
  43. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 8–9; Skirda 2004, pp. 30–31.
  44. ^ Footman 1961, p. 246; Skirda 2004, p. 31.
  45. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 31–32.
  46. ^ a b Skirda 2004, p. 32.
  47. ^ Darch 2020, p. 9; Malet 1982, p. xxiv.
  48. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 112; Chamberlin 1987, p. 233; Darch 2020, p. 9; Footman 1961, p. 247; Kantowicz 1999, p. 173; Lincoln 1989, p. 324; Malet 1982, p. xxiv; Palij 1976, pp. 69–70; Peters 1970, p. 22.
  49. ^ Darch 2020, p. 9.
  50. ^ Footman 1961, p. 247; Malet 1982, p. 3; Palij 1976, p. 70; Peters 1970, p. 28.
  51. ^ Malet 1982, p. 3.
  52. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 9–10; Skirda 2004, pp. 32–33.
  53. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 112; Darch 2020, pp. 9–10; Footman 1961, p. 247; Malet 1982, p. 3; Palij 1976, pp. 69–70; Peters 1970, p. 28; Skirda 2004, p. 34.
  54. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 34.
  55. ^ Darch 2020, p. 10; Footman 1961, p. 247; Malet 1982, p. 3; Palij 1976, p. 70; Peters 1970, pp. 28–29; Skirda 2004, p. 34.
  56. ^ Darch 2020, p. 11; Footman 1961, pp. 247–248; Malet 1982, p. 3; Palij 1976, p. 70; Skirda 2004, p. 34.
  57. ^ Darch 2020, p. 12; Footman 1961, p. 248; Malet 1982, p. 3; Palij 1976, p. 70; Peters 1970, p. 29; Shubin 2010, p. 153; Skirda 2004, pp. 34–35.
  58. ^ Darch 2020, p. 12; Palij 1976, p. 70; Skirda 2004, pp. 34–35.
  59. ^ Palij 1976, p. 70; Skirda 2004, pp. 34–35.
  60. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 12–13; Malet 1982, p. 3; Palij 1976, p. 70; Peters 1970, p. 29; Shubin 2010, p. 153.
  61. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 3–4.
  62. ^ Darch 2020, p. 12; Skirda 2004, p. 35.
  63. ^ a b Skirda 2004, p. 35.
  64. ^ Darch 2020, p. 13-14; Malet 1982, p. 4; Skirda 2004, pp. 35–36.
  65. ^ Malet 1982, p. 4; Skirda 2004, pp. 35–36.
  66. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 4–5.
  67. ^ Malet 1982, p. 4; Peters 1970, pp. 29–32; Skirda 2004, p. 36.
  68. ^ a b Malet 1982, p. 4.
  69. ^ Kantowicz 1999, p. 173.
  70. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 112; Chamberlin 1987, p. 232.
  71. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 112.
  72. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 36–37.
  73. ^ Darch 2020, p. 14; Footman 1961, p. 248; Lincoln 1989, p. 325; Malet 1982, p. 5; Palij 1976, p. 71; Skirda 2004, p. 37.
  74. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 14–16; Palij 1976, pp. 71–73; Peters 1970, pp. 29–32; Skirda 2004, p. 37.
  75. ^ a b Skirda 2004, p. 38.
  76. ^ Darch 2020, p. 15-16; Malet 1982, pp. 5–6.
  77. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 16–17; Footman 1961, pp. 248–249; Malet 1982, pp. 6–7; Skirda 2004, p. 40.
  78. ^ Malet 1982, p. 7; Skirda 2004, p. 40.
  79. ^ Darch 2020, p. 17; Malet 1982, p. 7; Skirda 2004, p. 41.
  80. ^ Darch 2020, p. 20; Footman 1961, pp. 249–250; Malet 1982, p. 8; Peters 1970, p. 34; Skirda 2004, p. 44.
  81. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 23–24; Footman 1961, p. 250; Malet 1982, p. 8; Skirda 2004, p. 45.
  82. ^ Darch 2020, p. 24; Footman 1961, p. 250; Malet 1982, pp. 8–9; Skirda 2004, p. 45.
  83. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 24–25; Footman 1961, pp. 250–251; Malet 1982, p. 9; Skirda 2004, pp. 45–46.
  84. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 25–26; Malet 1982, pp. 9–10.
  85. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 10; Skirda 2004, p. 47.
  86. ^ Footman 1961, p. 252; Malet 1982, p. 10; Skirda 2004, p. 47.
  87. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 47–48.
  88. ^ a b Darch 2020, p. 26; Malet 1982, p. 10.
  89. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 48.
  90. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 112; Darch 2020, p. 26; Malet 1982, p. 10; Skirda 2004, p. 48.
  91. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 122; Darch 2020, p. 27; Footman 1961, pp. 252–253; Malet 1982, pp. 10–12; Skirda 2004, p. 48.
  92. ^ Darch 2020, p. 28; Malet 1982, p. 10; Skirda 2004, p. 48.
  93. ^ Malet 1982, p. 10; Skirda 2004, p. 48.
  94. ^ Darch 2020, p. 28; Footman 1961, p. 253.
  95. ^ Footman 1961, p. 253.
  96. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 112; Darch 2020, p. 28; Footman 1961, p. 253; Peters 1970, p. 40; Skirda 2004, p. 48.
  97. ^ Darch 2020, p. 28; Footman 1961, pp. 253–254; Skirda 2004, pp. 48–49.
  98. ^ Footman 1961, p. 254; Malet 1982, p. 12; Peters 1970, pp. 40–41; Skirda 2004, p. 50.
  99. ^ Darch 2020, p. 28; Footman 1961, p. 254; Malet 1982, p. 12; Skirda 2004, p. 50.
  100. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 28–29; Footman 1961, p. 254; Skirda 2004, p. 50.
  101. ^ Footman 1961, p. 254; Skirda 2004, p. 50.
  102. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 50–51.
  103. ^ Avrich 1988, pp. 112–113; Malet 1982, p. 12; Peters 1970, p. 40; Skirda 2004, p. 51.
  104. ^ Malet 1982, p. 12.
  105. ^ Footman 1961, p. 256; Malet 1982, p. 12; Peters 1970, pp. 40–41.
  106. ^ Darch 2020, p. 29; Footman 1961, p. 256; Malet 1982, p. 12.
  107. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 52.
  108. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 24–25; Footman 1961, p. 23; Malet 1982, p. 13; Peters 1970, p. 38; Skirda 2004, p. 54.
  109. ^ Darch 2020, p. 29; Footman 1961, p. 256; Malet 1982, p. 13; Skirda 2004, p. 53.
  110. ^ Darch 2020, p. 30; Footman 1961, p. 256; Malet 1982, p. 13; Skirda 2004, p. 53.
  111. ^ Malet 1982, p. 13; Skirda 2004, p. 53.
  112. ^ Darch 2020, p. 29; Malet 1982, p. 13; Skirda 2004, p. 53.
  113. ^ Darch 2020, p. 30; Footman 1961, p. 257; Malet 1982, pp. 13–14.
  114. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 113; Darch 2020, pp. 30–31; Footman 1961, p. 258; Malet 1982, p. 14; Skirda 2004, p. 55.
  115. ^ Darch 2020, p. 30; Footman 1961, p. 257–258; Malet 1982, p. 14.
  116. ^ Footman 1961, pp. 257–258; Skirda 2004, pp. 55–56.
  117. ^ Darch 2020, p. 30; Footman 1961, pp. 257–258; Skirda 2004, pp. 55–56.
  118. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 56.
  119. ^ Darch 2020, p. 30-31; Footman 1961, pp. 258–259; Malet 1982, p. 14; Skirda 2004, p. 56.
  120. ^ Footman 1961, pp. 258–259; Malet 1982, p. 14.
  121. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 31–32; Footman 1961, pp. 258–259; Malet 1982, p. 14.
  122. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 56–57.
  123. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 31–32; Footman 1961, p. 259; Skirda 2004, pp. 58–59.
  124. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 59.
  125. ^ Footman 1961, p. 259; Skirda 2004, p. 59.
  126. ^ Footman 1961, pp. 259–260; Skirda 2004, pp. 59–60.
  127. ^ Darch 2020, p. 32; Footman 1961, p. 260; Skirda 2004, p. 60.
  128. ^ Darch 2020, p. 32; Malet 1982, pp. 15–16; Palij 1976, p. 100.
  129. ^ Darch 2020, p. 32; Footman 1961, p. 260; Malet 1982, p. 16; Palij 1976, pp. 100–101; Patterson 2020, p. 56; Peters 1970, p. 41; Shubin 2010, p. 163; Skirda 2004, pp. 60–61.
  130. ^ Darch 2020, p. 32; Footman 1961, p. 260–261; Patterson 2020, p. 56; Skirda 2004, pp. 60–61.
  131. ^ Malet 1982, p. 16; Palij 1976, pp. 101–102; Patterson 2020, p. 56; Skirda 2004, p. 61.
  132. ^ Darch 2020, p. 32; Footman 1961, p. 261; Malet 1982, pp. 16–17; Palij 1976, p. 102; Peters 1970, pp. 41–42; Skirda 2004, pp. 61–62.
  133. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 233; Darch 2020, p. 32; Malet 1982, pp. 16–17; Palij 1976, p. 102; Patterson 2020, p. 56; Peters 1970, p. 42; Shubin 2010, p. 163; Skirda 2004, p. 62.
  134. ^ Malet 1982, p. 17; Palij 1976, pp. 102–103; Skirda 2004.
  135. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 32–33; Malet 1982, p. 17; Palij 1976, p. 103; Patterson 2020, pp. 56–57; Shubin 2010, pp. 163–164; Skirda 2004, pp. 63–64.
  136. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 64.
  137. ^ Darch 2020, p. 33; Malet 1982, pp. 18–19; Palij 1976, p. 103; Skirda 2004, pp. 78–79.
  138. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 39–41; Malet 1982, pp. 25–26; Skirda 2004, pp. 80–81.
  139. ^ Darch 2020, p. 33; Skirda 2004, pp. 65–66.
  140. ^ Darch 2020, p. 34; Malet 1982, p. 19; Peters 1970, p. 42; Skirda 2004, p. 67.
  141. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 20–21; Peters 1970, pp. 42–43; Skirda 2004, p. 67.
  142. ^ Darch 2020, p. 38; Skirda 2004, pp. 81–83.
  143. ^ Darch 2020, p. 39; Malet 1982, p. 25; Skirda 2004, pp. 79–80.
  144. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 39–40; Malet 1982, pp. 21–22; Skirda 2004, pp. 81–82.
  145. ^ Malet 1982, p. 23; Skirda 2004, p. 78.
  146. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 114–115; Darch 2020, pp. 39–41; Malet 1982, pp. 24–26; Shubin 2010, pp. 169–170; Skirda 2004, pp. 78–81.
  147. ^ Darch 2020, p. 43; Malet 1982, p. 27; Skirda 2004, p. 86.
  148. ^ Darch 2020, p. 43; Skirda 2004, p. 86.
  149. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 114; Skirda 2004, p. 87.
  150. ^ Chamberlin 1987, pp. 233–234; Skirda 2004, p. 87.
  151. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 89.
  152. ^ Darch 2020, p. 52; Skirda 2004, pp. 89–90.
  153. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 91.
  154. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 92.
  155. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 115; Darch 2020, p. 46; Peters 1970, p. 79; Skirda 2004, p. 93.
  156. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 93.
  157. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 115; Darch 2020, p. 49; Peters 1970, p. 80; Skirda 2004, pp. 93–94.
  158. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 93–95; Malet 1982, p. 127.
  159. ^ Darch 2020, p. 52; Malet 1982, p. 33; Skirda 2004, pp. 95–98.
  160. ^ Darch 2020, p. 52; Malet 1982, p. 33; Skirda 2004, pp. 98–99.
  161. ^ Darch 2020, p. 53; Malet 1982, pp. 33–34; Skirda 2004, p. 100.
  162. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 100.
  163. ^ Darch 2020, p. 55; Malet 1982, p. 34; Skirda 2004, p. 100.
  164. ^ Darch 2020, p. 54; Skirda 2004, pp. 100–101.
  165. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 56–57; Malet 1982, pp. 34–35; Shubin 2010, p. 175; Skirda 2004, pp. 101–102.
  166. ^ Chamberlin 1987, pp. 233–234; Skirda 2004, pp. 102–104.
  167. ^ Shubin 2010, p. 175; Skirda 2004, p. 103.
  168. ^ Chamberlin 1987, pp. 233–234; Darch 2020, p. 57; Skirda 2004, pp. 103–104.
  169. ^ Shubin 2010, pp. 175–176.
  170. ^ Darch 2020, p. 57; Shubin 2010, pp. 176–177.
  171. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 108–109.
  172. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 115; Skirda 2004, p. 111.
  173. ^ Darch 2020, p. 60; Skirda 2004, p. 111.
  174. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 234; Darch 2020, p. 59; Malet 1982, p. 38; Skirda 2004, pp. 112–115.
  175. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 234; Darch 2020, p. 61; Malet 1982, p. 38; Peters 1970, pp. 81–82; Skirda 2004, pp. 117–118.
  176. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 61–62; Malet 1982, p. 39; Shubin 2010, p. 178; Skirda 2004, p. 118.
  177. ^ Peters 1970, p. 82; Shubin 2010, p. 178; Skirda 2004, p. 120.
  178. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 120.
  179. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 121.
  180. ^ Malet 1982, p. 39; Skirda 2004, p. 121.
  181. ^ Shubin 2010, p. 179.
  182. ^ Darch 2020, p. 67; Malet 1982, p. 40; Peters 1970, pp. 69–70; Shubin 2010, p. 179; Skirda 2004, pp. 124–125.
  183. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 67–68; Malet 1982, p. 41; Peters 1970, p. 70; Shubin 2010, pp. 179–180; Skirda 2004, p. 125.
  184. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 68–69; Malet 1982, pp. 41–42; Peters 1970, p. 70; Skirda 2004, pp. 126–127.
  185. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 127.
  186. ^ Malet 1982, p. 44; Skirda 2004, pp. 129–130.
  187. ^ Darch 2020, p. 71; Skirda 2004, pp. 129–130.
  188. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 130–131.
  189. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 131.
  190. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 71–72; Malet 1982, pp. 45–46; Skirda 2004, pp. 133–134.
  191. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 77–80; Malet 1982, p. 46; Peters 1970, p. 82; Skirda 2004, pp. 134–135.
  192. ^ Darch 2020, p. 80; Malet 1982, p. 47; Peters 1970, p. 82; Skirda 2004, pp. 135–136.
  193. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 135–136.
  194. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 80–81; Malet 1982, p. 47; Peters 1970, pp. 82–83; Skirda 2004, p. 137.
  195. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 235; Darch 2020, p. 86; Peters 1970, p. 83; Skirda 2004, p. 137.
  196. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 115; Chamberlin 1987, pp. 234–235; Darch 2020, pp. 75–76; Lincoln 1989, p. 326-327; Malet 1982, p. 48; Peters 1970, pp. 83–84; Skirda 2004, pp. 137–138.
  197. ^ Darch 2020, p. 29; Patterson 2020, p. 109.
  198. ^ Patterson 2020, pp. 109–110.
  199. ^ Patterson 2020, p. 140; Peters 1970, p. 106-107.
  200. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 29–30; Patterson 2020, pp. 140–141.
  201. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 153.
  202. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 109, 123–124; Skirda 2004, pp. 154–156.
  203. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 156.
  204. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 235; Skirda 2004, p. 156.
  205. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 237; Skirda 2004, p. 160.
  206. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 160.
  207. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 93–94; Malet 1982, pp. 52–53; Peters 1970, pp. 84–85; Skirda 2004, pp. 160–161.
  208. ^ Darch 2020, p. 92; Lincoln 1989, p. 327; Skirda 2004, p. 165.
  209. ^ Darch 2020, p. 92; Skirda 2004, p. 165.
  210. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 237; Darch 2020, pp. 93–94; Skirda 2004, p. 165.
  211. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 237; Darch 2020, pp. 93–94; Lincoln 1989, p. 327; Skirda 2004, p. 165.
  212. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 93–94; Skirda 2004, p. 165.
  213. ^ Darch 2020, p. 94; Skirda 2004, pp. 166–167.
  214. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 237; Darch 2020, pp. 95–97; Skirda 2004, p. 178.
  215. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 178.
  216. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 181–186.
  217. ^ Malet 1982, p. 62; Skirda 2004, p. 187.
  218. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 187–189.
  219. ^ Malet 1982, p. 62–63; Skirda 2004, pp. 194–195.
  220. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 238; Darch 2020, p. 111; Malet 1982, p. 65; Peters 1970, pp. 126–127; Skirda 2004, p. 196.
  221. ^ Chamberlin 1987, p. 238; Darch 2020, pp. 110–111; Malet 1982, pp. 65–66; Peters 1970, pp. 127–128; Skirda 2004, pp. 196–197.
  222. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 200–201.
  223. ^ a b Skirda 2004, p. 201.
  224. ^ Peters 1970, pp. 86–87; Skirda 2004, p. 223.
  225. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 224–225.
  226. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 225.
  227. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 232–233.
  228. ^ Chamberlin 1987, pp. 238–239; Malet 1982, pp. 67–71; Shubin 2010, pp. 185–186.
  229. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 116; Chamberlin 1987, pp. 238–239; Malet 1982, p. 72; Skirda 2004, p. 239.
  230. ^ Darch 2020, p. 120; Malet 1982, p. 72; Skirda 2004, p. 239.
  231. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 239.
  232. ^ Darch 2020, p. 121; Skirda 2004, p. 239.
  233. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 116–117; Malet 1982, pp. 70–71; Skirda 2004, pp. 241–242.
  234. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 118–119; Skirda 2004, pp. 242–245.
  235. ^ Darch 2020, p. 120; Malet 1982, p. 73; Skirda 2004, pp. 246–247.
  236. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 246–247.
  237. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 248.
  238. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 121–122; Malet 1982, pp. 73–74; Skirda 2004, pp. 248–249.
  239. ^ Darch 2020, p. 125; Skirda 2004, p. 249.
  240. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 249.
  241. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 251.
  242. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 251–252.
  243. ^ a b Skirda 2004, pp. 255–256.
  244. ^ Darch 2020, p. 125; Skirda 2004, pp. 255–256.
  245. ^ Malet 1982, p. 76; Skirda 2004, p. 256.
  246. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 76–77; Skirda 2004, p. 258.
  247. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 258–259.
  248. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 259.
  249. ^ Darch 2020, p. 129.
  250. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 259–260.
  251. ^ Darch 2020, p. 129; Footman 1961, p. 301; Skirda 2004, p. 260.
  252. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 129–130; Malet 1982, p. 183; Peters 1970, p. 89.
  253. ^ Darch 2020, p. 130; Footman 1961, p. 301; Malet 1982, p. 183; Skirda 2004, p. 264.
  254. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 130–131; Skirda 2004, p. 265.
  255. ^ Darch 2020, p. 131; Malet 1982, p. 183; Skirda 2004, pp. 266–267.
  256. ^ Darch 2020, p. 132; Malet 1982, p. 183; Skirda 2004, p. 267.
  257. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 132–133; Malet 1982, pp. 184–185; Peters 1970, pp. 89–90; Skirda 2004, p. 268.
  258. ^ Darch 2020, p. 133; Malet 1982, p. 185.
  259. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 133–134; Malet 1982, pp. 185–186; Skirda 2004, pp. 268–269.
  260. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 269–270.
  261. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 270.
  262. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 135–137; Malet 1982, pp. 185–186; Skirda 2004, p. 270.
  263. ^ Darch 2020, p. 137.
  264. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 137–138.
  265. ^ Darch 2020, p. 138; Malet 1982, p. 186; Skirda 2004, p. 270.
  266. ^ Darch 2020, p. 138; Malet 1982, p. 186; Patterson 2020, p. 32-35; Skirda 2004, p. 271.
  267. ^ Darch 2020, p. 138; Malet 1982, p. 186; Skirda 2004, p. 271.
  268. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 138–139; Skirda 2004, p. 271.
  269. ^ Malet 1982, p. 187.
  270. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 187–188; Skirda 2004, p. 273.
  271. ^ a b c Skirda 2004, pp. 273–274.
  272. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 274.
  273. ^ Footman 1961, p. 301; Malet 1982, p. 188.
  274. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 124.
  275. ^ Darch 2020, p. 139.
  276. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 140–145; Malet 1982, pp. 189–191; Skirda 2004, p. 274.
  277. ^ Malet 1982, p. 189; Skirda 2004, pp. 274–275.
  278. ^ Malet 1982, p. 189; Peters 1970, pp. 92–93.
  279. ^ Malet 1982, p. 189; Peters 1970, p. 93.
  280. ^ Darch 2020, p. 139; Malet 1982, p. 189; Skirda 2004, p. 275.
  281. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 189–190.
  282. ^ Darch 2020, p. 139; Skirda 2004, pp. 275–276.
  283. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 276.
  284. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 123; Peters 1970, p. 94; Skirda 2004, p. 276.
  285. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 123; Footman 1961, p. 284; Malet 1982, pp. 169–171; Shubin 2010, p. 172.
  286. ^ Malet 1982, p. 170; Skirda 2004, p. 338.
  287. ^ Avrich 1988, pp. 122–123; Malet 1982, pp. 173–174; Peters 1970, pp. 94–95; Skirda 2004, p. 339.
  288. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 123.
  289. ^ Kenez 1992, p. 296.
  290. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 168–174.
  291. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 338–340.
  292. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 277–278.
  293. ^ Darch 2020, p. 139; Malet 1982, p. 187.
  294. ^ Malet 1982, p. 190.
  295. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 278–279.
  296. ^ Footman 1961, pp. 301–302; Malet 1982, p. 190.
  297. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 279–280.
  298. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 280.
  299. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 282.
  300. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 124; Skirda 2004, pp. 276–277.
  301. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 280–281.
  302. ^ Malet 1982, p. 188; Skirda 2004, p. 281.
  303. ^ Skirda 2004, p. 281.
  304. ^ Malet 1982, p. 188; Peters 1970, p. 89.
  305. ^ Malet 1982, p. 188.
  306. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 188–189.
  307. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 281–282.
  308. ^ Darch 2020, p. 145; Malet 1982, pp. 191–192; Peters 1970, p. 96; Skirda 2004, p. 283.
  309. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 284–285.
  310. ^ Darch 2020, p. 145; Malet 1982, p. 192; Peters 1970, pp. 96–97; Skirda 2004, p. 285.
  311. ^ a b Darch 2020, p. 10.
  312. ^ Malet 1982, pp. 9–10.
  313. ^ Malet 1982, p. 10; Skirda 2004, pp. 302–303.
  314. ^ Malet 1982, p. 187; Skirda 2004, p. 303.
  315. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 259–261.
  316. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 268–269.
  317. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 121; Peters 1970, p. 100; Skirda 2004, pp. 305–306.
  318. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 299–302.
  319. ^ Malet 1982, p. 101; Peters 1970, p. 96.
  320. ^ Darch 2020, p. 146; Shubin 2010, p. 191.
  321. ^ Darch 2020, p. 146.
  322. ^ Skirda 2004, pp. 260–261.
  323. ^ Schmidt, Michael (5 December 2014). "The neo-Makhnovist revolutionary project in Ukraine". Anarkismo.net. Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front. Retrieved 31 January 2021.
  324. ^ Hanrahan, Jake (10 April 2019). "Ukraine's Anarchist Underground". Popular Front. Retrieved 31 January 2021.
  325. ^ a b c Ellmer, Michael (24 May 2022). "Ukrainian Anarchists Shout Echos of Makhno". Grey Dynamics. Retrieved 12 September 2022.
  326. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 164–165.
  327. ^ Kubijovyc, Volodymyr, ed. (2016). "Huliaipole". Encyclopedia of Ukraine. Vol. II. doi:10.3138/9781442632813. ISBN 9781442632813. OCLC 1165480101. Retrieved 12 September 2022.
  328. ^ Darch 2020, p. 164.
  329. ^ Darch 2020, pp. 164–166.
  330. ^ Frenkel, Naftali Aronovich. . rus-history.com (in Russian). Archived from the original on 17 September 2012.
  331. ^ a b c Sadkov, Pavel (4 July 2007). "Какими были наши батьки Махно". Komsomolskaya Pravda (in Russian). ISSN 0233-433X. Retrieved 11 February 2022.
  332. ^ Steinberg, Mark (1 January 2020). ""Салют, Мария" или "Салют, Мирьям"?". Evrejskaja Panorama (in Russian). Retrieved 11 February 2022.
  333. ^ Poupard, Dennis, ed. (1985). "Tolstoy, Alexey Nikolayevich (1883–1945), An Introduction to". Twentieth-Century Literary Criticism. Vol. 18. p. 381. Gale EOKKRV761201241.
  334. ^ Kurmanova, Aina (11 December 2017). ""Хождение по мукам" и боязнь революции". Liva. Retrieved 11 February 2022.
  335. ^ Krainer, Anastasia (29 September 2007). . Наш фильм (in Russian). Archived from the original on 6 September 2017.
  336. ^ Kagarlitsky, Boris (27 July 2007). "История Батьки". Scepsis (in Russian). Moscow. ISSN 1683-5573. OCLC 71009183. Retrieved 20 January 2022.
  337. ^ Waintrop, Edouard (26 February 1997). "ARTE, 20h45, «Nestor Makhno, paysan d'Ukraine», documentaire d'Hélène Chatelain. Makhno, un drapeau noir qui dérange l'Histoire". Libération (in French). Retrieved 10 June 2022.
  338. ^ "The complete review's Review: The Steel Tsar by Michael Moorcock". Complete Review. Retrieved 11 February 2022.
  339. ^ Antyukhova, Anna (16 August 2007). "АЛЕКСАНДР ШАГАНОВ: Я БЫЛ РОЖДЕН РАДИ "КОМБАТА"!". Trud (in Russian). Retrieved 11 February 2022.
  340. ^ Cipko, Serge (2006). "Reviewed work: Nestor Makhno: Anarchy's Cossack: The Struggle for Free Soviets in the Ukraine 1917–1921, Alexandre Skirda, Paul Sharkey". The Russian Review. Wiley-Blackwell. 65 (2): 338. ISSN 0036-0341. JSTOR 3664432. OCLC 440194142.
  341. ^ Lord, Tom (31 May 2022). ""Defensive war as an act of popular resistance...": Exclusive Interview with an Anarchist Fighter of the Territorial Defense Forces of Ukraine". Militant Wire. Retrieved 12 September 2022.
  342. ^ Koshiw, Isobel (26 May 2022). "'Putin's terror affects everyone': anarchists join Ukraine's war effort". The Guardian. Kyiv. Retrieved 12 September 2022.
  343. ^ Lord, Tom (3 March 2022). "Ukrainian Anarchists Mobilize for Armed Defense, Draw Solidarity from Abroad as Russia Invades". Militant Wire. Retrieved 12 September 2022.
  344. ^ Levin, Igal (30 June 2022). ""У нашего народа генетическая любовь к пулеметам и Махно". Интервью с опытным военным инженером". Focus. Retrieved 12 September 2022.
  345. ^ Zvorygina, Natalia (10 May 2022). "Huliaipole. Where one man is an island". Ukraine Crisis Media Center. Retrieved 12 September 2022.
  346. ^ Beecher, Jay (29 December 2022). "Snowfall, Soup and Shelling: Christmas in Zaporizhzhia". Kyiv Post. Retrieved 26 January 2023.

Bibliography

Further reading

External links

nestor, makhno, makhno, redirects, here, other, uses, makhno, disambiguation, nestor, ivanovych, makhno, november, october, 1888, july, 1934, also, known, makhno, father, makhno, ukrainian, anarchist, revolutionary, commander, revolutionary, insurgent, army, u. Makhno redirects here For other uses see Makhno disambiguation Nestor Ivanovych Makhno a 8 November O S 27 October 1888 25 July 1934 also known as Bat ko Makhno Father Makhno b was a Ukrainian anarchist revolutionary and the commander of the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine during the Ukrainian Civil War Bat koNestor MakhnoNestor MahnoOtaman of the MakhnovshchinaIn office 30 September 1918 28 August 1921Preceded byPosition establishedSucceeded byViktor BilashChairman of the Military Revolutionary CouncilIn office 27 July 1919 1 September 1919Preceded byIvan ChernoknizhnySucceeded byVolinPersonal detailsBorn8 November O S 27 October 1888Huliaipole Yekaterinoslav Governorate Russian EmpireDied25 July 1934 1934 07 25 aged 45 Paris FranceResting placePere Lachaise Cemetery Columbarium niche 6685NationalityUkrainianHeight1 65 m 5 ft 5 in 1 SpouseHalyna KuzmenkoChildrenElena MikhnenkoParentsIvan Rodionovych Mikhnenko father Evdokiia Matveevna Mikhnenko nee Perederyi mother Military serviceAllegianceMakhnovshchinaServiceRevolutionary Insurgent Army of UkraineYears of service1918 1921RankCommander in chiefBattles warsUkrainian War of IndependenceNamed after Makhno the Makhnovshchina loosely translated as Makhno movement was a predominantly peasant phenomenon that grew into a mass social movement It was initially centered around Makhno s hometown Huliaipole but over the course of the Ukrainian Civil War came to exert a strong influence over large areas of southern Ukraine Makhno and the majority of the movement s leadership were anarcho communists and attempted to guide it along these ideological lines Makhno was aggressively opposed to all factions that sought to impose their authority over southern Ukraine battling in succession the forces of the Ukrainian People s Republic Central Powers White Army Red Army and other smaller forces led by various Ukrainian otamans Makhno and his supporters attempted to reorganize social and economic life along anarchist lines including the establishment of communes on former landed estates the requisition and egalitarian redistribution of land to the peasants and the organization of free elections to local soviets councils and regional congresses However the disruption of the civil war precluded a stable territorial base for long term social experiments Although Makhno considered the Bolsheviks a threat to the development of anarchism in Ukraine he entered into formal military alliances twice with the Red Army to defeat the White Army In the aftermath of the White Army s defeat in Crimea in November 1920 the Bolsheviks initiated a military campaign against Makhno After an extended period of open resistance against the Red Army Makhno and his remaining forces fled across the Romanian border in August 1921 In exile Makhno settled in Paris with his wife Halyna and daughter Elena During this period Makhno wrote numerous memoirs and articles for radical newspapers He also played an important role in the development of platformism and the debates around the 1926 Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists Draft Makhno died in 1934 in Paris at the age of 45 from tuberculosis related causes Contents 1 Early life 2 Revolutionary activity 2 1 Imprisonment 2 2 Agrarian activism 2 3 Journey to Moscow 3 Leader of the Makhnovist movement 3 1 Commander in the Red Army 3 2 Against the White Army 3 3 Anti Bolshevik rebellion 4 Exile 4 1 Eastern Europe 4 2 Paris 5 Personal life 6 Legacy 7 See also 8 Notes 9 References 10 Bibliography 11 Further reading 12 External linksEarly life EditOn 8 November O S 27 October 1888 c Nestor Makhno was born into a poor peasant family in Huliaipole a town in the Katerynoslav Governorate of the Russian Empire now Zaporizhzhia Oblast Ukraine 7 He was the youngest of five children born to Ivan and Evdokia Mikhnenko former serfs who had been emancipated in 1861 8 Nestor Makhno in 1906 Unable to feed his family on their small plot of land following Nestor s birth Ivan Mikhnenko went to work as a coachman for a wealthy industrialist When Nestor was only ten months old his father died leaving behind an impoverished family 9 Nestor was briefly fostered by a more well off peasant couple but he was unhappy with them and returned to his family of birth 10 At only seven years old the young Nestor was put to work tending livestock 11 When he turned eight years old he began his education in a local secular school as a model student before becoming increasingly truant often ditching school to play games and go ice skating After the end of his first school year he went to work on a Mennonite owned estate near Huliaipole bringing home 20 rubles over the course of the summer His brothers d also worked as farmhands to support the family 10 After the summer Nestor returned to school but his second school year proved to be his last His family s extreme poverty forced the ten year old Nestor to begin working in the fields full time which led him to develop a sort of rage resentment even hatred for the wealthy property owner 13 Nestor s aversion to the landlords only increased over time nurtured by stories his mother told him of her time in serfdom In the summer of 1902 when Nestor was twelve he observed a farm manager and the landlord s sons physically beating a young farmhand He quickly alerted an older stable hand Batko Ivan who attacked the assailants and led a spontaneous workers revolt against the landlord After the affair was settled Ivan told Nestor if one of your masters should ever strike you pick up the first pitchfork you lay hands on and let him have it 14 The following year Nestor quit working in the fields and found a job in a foundry 15 At this time his older brothers had left home and started their own families leaving only the young Nestor and Hryhorii with their mother Nestor rapidly moved between jobs focusing most of his work on his mother s land while occasionally returning to employment to help provide for his brothers 16 Revolutionary activity EditWhen the 1905 revolution broke out the sixteen year old Makhno quickly joined the revolutionary fervor 17 He initially distributed propaganda for the Social Democratic Labor Party 18 before affiliating with his home town s local anarcho communist group the Union of Poor Peasants 19 Despite the political climate of increased political repression against revolutionaries 20 the Union continued to meet weekly and inspired Makhno to devote himself to the revolution 21 Makhno was initially distrusted by other members of the group due to his apparent penchant for drinking and getting into fights 22 But after six months in the Union of Poor Peasants Makhno had thoroughly educated himself on the principles of libertarian communism and became a formal member 23 Makhno bottom left sitting with other members of the Union of Poor Peasants in 1907 Following a series of agrarian reforms which disempowered the traditional peasant communes through the creation of a wealthier land owning class 24 and resulted in the growth of private estates 25 the Union of Poor Peasants initiated a campaign of Black Terror against the large landowners 24 and the local Tsarist police 26 The group carried out a series of expropriations against local businessmen 27 using the money they stole to print propaganda that attacked the recent reforms 28 Suspected of being involved in these attacks Makhno was arrested in September 1907 but was eventually released without charges due to a lack of evidence 29 As the rest of the group s members had been outlawed Makhno founded another anarchist study group in a neighboring village where two dozen members gathered on a weekly basis to discuss anarchist theory 30 But after the assassination of a police informant by the Union of Poor Peasants the police launched a crackdown against the anarchist group and arrested many of its members including Makhno himself in August 1909 31 Imprisonment Edit Nestor Makhno in 1909 On 26 March 1910 a district court martial convened in Katerynoslav sentenced Makhno to be hanged 32 Although he had refused to seek appeal 33 Makhno s sentence was commuted to a life sentence of hard labor due to his young age 34 While in prison Makhno contracted a near fatal bout of typhoid fever but he eventually recovered and returned to work in chains 35 He was then moved to the prison in Luhansk where family briefly visited him before being moved again to the prison in Katerynoslav 36 In August 1911 he was transferred one final time to Butyrka prison in Moscow 37 where over 3 000 political prisoners were being held 36 Through the other prisoners he learned Russian history and political theory 38 taking a particular interest in Mutual Aid A Factor of Evolution 1902 by Peter Kropotkin 36 Makhno s frequent boasting in prison earned him the nickname Modest 39 He sometimes even antagonized the guards which landed him in solitary confinement 40 Due to punishment cell conditions Makhno quickly fell sick again and was diagnosed with tuberculosis The disease kept him returning to the prison hospital throughout his sentence 41 In Butyrka prison Makhno met the anarcho communist politician Peter Arshinov who took the young anarchist under his wing as a student 42 But during this time Makhno also became disillusioned with intellectualism after seeing the differences between how the prison guards treated the intellectual prisoners and those inmates from the lower classes 43 As the years passed Makhno began to write his own works and to distribute them among his fellow prisoners 44 starting off with a poem titled Summons that called for a libertarian communist revolution 45 Prison did not break his revolutionary zeal with Makhno vowing that he would contribute to the free re birth of his country Although exposed to the ideas of Ukrainian nationalism in prison Makhno nevertheless remained hostile to all forms of nationalism adopting an internationalist position during World War I 46 and even circulating an anti war petition around the prison 47 When the prison doors were flung open during the February Revolution of 1917 48 Makhno was released from bondage for the first time in eight years even finding himself off balance without the chains weighing him down 46 and in need of sunglasses after years in dark prison cells 49 He remained in Moscow for three weeks 50 briefly getting involved with an anarchist group in Moscow s Lefortovo District until 23 March 51 when his mother and old comrades from the anarcho communist group finally convinced him to return to Huliaipole 52 Agrarian activism Edit Makhno in 1918 Following years of imprisonment in March 1917 the 28 year old Makhno finally returned to Huliaipole 53 where he was reunited with his mother and elder brothers 54 At the station he was greeted by many of the town s peasants who were curious to see the return of the famous political exile as well as surviving members from the now defunct Union of Poor Peasants 55 Clashing with many of the group s former members who wanted to focus on propaganda Makhno proposed that libertarians take clear leadership of the masses in order to ignite mass action among the peasantry but found his position a minority among the anarchists of Huliaipole 56 He instead led the establishment of a local Peasants Union on 29 March and was elected as its chairman 57 The union quickly came to represent the majority of Huliaipole s peasantry and even those from the surrounding region 58 Carpenters and metalworkers also formed their own industrial unions and elected Makhno as their chairman 59 By April Huliaipole s Public Committee the local organ of the Provisional Government had been brought under the control of the town s peasantry and anarcho communist activists 60 It was during this period of rising anarchist activity in Huliaipole that Makhno met Nastia Vasetskaia who would become his first wife but his activism kept him too busy to focus on his marriage 61 Makhno quickly became a leading figure in Huliaipole s revolutionary movement aiming to sideline any political parties that sought to seize control of the workers organizations 62 He justified his leadership as only a temporary responsibility 63 As a union leader Makhno led workers in strike actions against their employers demanding wages be doubled and vowing the continuation of work stoppages in case of their refusal 64 eventually resulting in the establishment of workers control over all industry in Huliaipole 65 As Huliaipole s delegate to the regional peasant congress in Oleksandrivsk he called for the expropriation of large estates from landowners and their transfer to communal ownership by the peasants that worked them becoming infamous throughout the region 63 However he quickly became disillusioned with the long debates and party politics that dominated the congress considering Huliaipole to have advanced beyond what the congresses were merely talking about without the constant wrangling and jockeying for position 66 Makhno subsequently disarmed and minimized the powers of local law enforcement prior to seizing property from local landlords and equally redistributing the lands to the peasantry 67 in open defiance of the Russian Provisional Government and its officials in Oleksandrivsk 68 All this gave him an image of social banditry 69 as local peasants compared him to the Cossack rebel leaders Stenka Razin and Yemelyan Pugachev 70 and rallied around the slogan of Land and Liberty 71 Although he had achieved success at home Makhno was disappointed to discover general disorganization among the wider anarchist movement which he criticized for largely dedicating itself to propaganda activities Despite its growing size the anarchist movement found itself unable to compete with the established political parties as it had yet to establish a coordinated organization capable of playing a leading role in the revolutionary movement 72 Following news of Lavr Kornilov s attempted coup against the Provisional Government Makhno led the establishment of a Committee for the Defense of the Revolution in Huliaipole which organized armed peasant detachments against the local landlords bourgeoisie and kulaks 73 Makhno called for the local bourgeoisie to be disarmed and their property expropriated with all private enterprise to be brought under workers control Peasants withheld rent and took control of the lands they worked Large estates collectivized and transformed into agrarian communes Makhno personally organized communes on former Mennonite estates 74 Makhno and Nastia lived together on a commune and Makhno himself worked two days per week helping with the farming and occasionally fixing machines 75 Following the 1917 October Revolution Makhno bore witness to the rising hostilities between the Ukrainian nationalists and the Bolsheviks 76 With the outbreak of the Soviet Ukrainian War Makhno advised anarchists to take up arms alongside the Red Guards against the forces of the Ukrainian nationalists and the White movement 77 Makhno dispatched his brother Savelii to Oleksandrivsk at the head of an armed anarchist detachment to assist the Bolsheviks in retaking the city from the Nationalists The city was taken and Makhno was chosen as the anarchists representative to the Oleksandrivsk Revolutionary Committee He was also elected chairman of a commission which reviewed the cases of accused counter revolutionary military prisoners 78 and oversaw the release of still imprisoned workers and peasants During this period Makhno participated in Oleksandrivsk s successful defence against an assault by Don and Kuban Cossacks Makhno thereafter returned to Huliaipole where he organized the town bank s expropriation to fund their revolutionary activities 79 Journey to Moscow Edit Map of Southern Russia and the cities Makhno travelled through in May 1918 including Rostov on Don 6 Tsaritsyn 3 and Astrakhan 2 On 9 February 1918 representatives from the Ukrainian People s Republic signed a peace treaty with the Central Powers inviting the forces of the German Empire and Austria Hungary to invade and occupy Ukraine 80 In response Makhno formed a volunteer detachment to resist the occupation which was dispatched to join the Red Guards in Oleksandrivsk Makhno was personally summoned to the train of Bolshevik Commander Alexander Yegorov but failed to link up with Yegorov who was in fast retreat 81 In Makhno s absence Ukrainian nationalists seized control of Huliaipole and invited forces from the Austro Hungarian Army to occupy the town in April 1918 82 Unable to return home Makhno retreated to Taganrog where a conference of Huliaipole s exiled anarchists was held Makhno left to rally Russian support for the Ukrainian anarchist cause with plans to retake Huliaipole in July 1918 83 In early May Makhno visited Rostov on Don Tikhoretsk and Tsaritsyn 84 where he was briefly reunited with Nastia and a number of his Huliaipole comrades 85 On his travels Makhno witnessed the newly established Cheka confront disarm and kill revolutionary partisans who disobeyed their decrees 86 causing Makhno to question whether institutional revolutionaries would extinguish the revolution 87 In Astrakhan Makhno found himself working for the local soviet s propaganda department and giving speeches to Red soldiers bound for the front 88 While travelling by rail to Moscow near the end of May 88 Makhno made use of the armored train s artillery to disentangle it from the advance of the Don Cossacks who had been pursuing Red Guards in Makhno s company 89 After spending a few days in the Volga region Makhno finally arrived in Moscow 90 which he pejoratively dubbed the capital of the paper revolution where he found local anarchist intellectuals more predisposed to slogans and manifestos than action 91 Here he again made contact with Peter Arshinov and others in the Muscovite anarchist movement 92 many of whom were under surveillance by the Bolshevik authorities 93 He also met the Left Socialist Revolutionaries 94 who at this time were beginning to turn against the Bolsheviks 95 Makhno discussed Ukraine with the anarcho communist theorist Peter Kropotkin 96 who wished Makhno well 97 Satisfied with his time in Moscow and in need of forged identity papers to cross the Ukrainian border Makhno applied to the Kremlin 98 Yakov Sverdlov immediately arranged for Makhno to meet Vladimir Lenin 99 Lenin showered Makhno with questions about Ukraine which Makhno answered 100 even as Lenin bemoaned that the country s peasantry had been contaminated by anarchism 101 Makhno staunchly defended the Ukrainian anarchist movement from charges of counter revolution criticizing the Red Guards for sticking to the railways while peasant partisans fought on the front lines 102 Lenin expressed his admiration for Makhno and admitted his mistakes regarding the revolutionary conditions in Ukraine where anarchists had already become the predominant revolutionary force 103 After a long conversation Lenin passed Makhno on to Volodymyr Zatonsky 104 who fulfilled his request for a false passport 105 The young Ukrainian finally departed for the border in late June 106 content that he had take n the temperature of the revolution 107 Leader of the Makhnovist movement EditMain articles Makhnovshchina and Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine During Makhno s absence from Ukraine the Austro German occupation forces orchestrated a coup in late April 1918 against their former allies within the Ukrainian People s Republic removing the UPR s Central Council and installing Pavlo Skoropadskyi as Hetman of a new conservative client state 108 Armed with a fake passport and disguised as a Ukrainian officer Makhno crossed the Ukrainian border in July 1918 109 He learned that the forces occupying Huliaipole had shot tortured and arrested many of the town s revolutionaries His brother Savelii had been arrested and his brother Omelian a disabled war veteran executed Their mother s house was also destroyed by the occupation forces 110 Nestor himself was forced to take a number of precautions to evade capture To avoid recognition while aboard the crowded train carriages he changed at Kharkiv and Synelnykove 111 and ultimately decided to walk the final 27 kilometers to Rozhdestvenskoye after his train was searched by police 112 Through correspondence Makhno s comrades in Huliaipole discouraged him from returning fearing he would be caught by the authorities 113 After weeks in hiding Makhno clandestinely returned to Huliaipole In a number of secret meetings he began to lay plans for an insurrection and started to organize peasant partisans 114 He advocated for coordinated attacks on the estates of large landowners 115 advised against individual acts of terrorism 116 and forbade anti semitic pogroms 117 From the outset Makhno emphasized tactical and theoretical unity patiently awaiting favorable conditions for a general insurrection 118 The authorities discovered Makhno s presence and placed a bounty on his head Makhno retreated from Huliaipole narrowly escaping capture In Ternivka Makhno revealed himself to the local population and established a peasant detachment to lead attacks against the occupation and Hetmanate government 119 In coordination with partisans in Rozhdestvenskoye Makhno resolved to reoccupy Huliaipole and establish it as a permanent headquarters for the insurgent movement 120 He raided multiple Austrian positions seizing weapons and money which led to the insurrection s intensification in the region 121 While disguised as a woman Makhno even briefly returned to Huliaipole where he planned to blow up the local command center of the occupation forces According to Makhno s account he called off the attack due to the risks of killing innocent civilians 122 In September 1918 Makhno briefly reoccupied Huliaipole 123 There he discovered that the German occupation forces had been spreading misinformation about him claiming he had robbed the local peasantry and ran away with the money to buy a dacha in Moscow 124 After defeating Austrian units in nearby Marfopil Makhno produced a letter that was translated into the German language encouraging the conscripted occupation troops to mutiny return home and launch revolutions of their own 125 While his comrades scattered themselves throughout the region to rouse the peasants to revolt Makhno prepared proclamations to announce the region was under insurgent control 126 However when the occupation forces counterattacked Makhno was forced evacuate Huliaipole 127 Makhno s detachment withdrew north where it sought refuge in the Dibrivka forest neighbouring the village of Velykomykhailivka 128 There they joined forces with another small insurgent detachment led by Fedir Shchus 129 Austrian units encircled the insurgents in their forest encampment 130 To break the encirclement Makhno launched a surprise counterattack against the troops in the village 131 Led by Makhno and Shchus the insurgents gamble succeeded in forcing the Austrians into retreat 132 For his role in their victory the insurgents bestowed Makhno with the title Bat ko English Father which remained his moniker throughout the remainder of the war 133 Makhno s victory in the battle of Dibrivka provoked a vicious retaliation from the occupation forces Velykomykhailovka was subsequently attacked by Austrian troops reinforced by National Guard and German colonist units The village was set on fire killing many inhabitants and destroying some 600 houses 134 Makhno in turn led a campaign of retributive attacks against the occupation forces and their collaborators including much of the region s Mennonite population 135 Makhno also focused much of his energies on agitating amongst the peasantry gathering much support in the region through impassioned improptu village speeches against his enemies 136 By November 1918 the insurgents definitively recaptured Huliaipole 137 At a regional insurgent conference Makhno proposed that they open up a war on four simultaneous fronts against the Hetmanate Central Powers Don Cossacks and nascent White movement 138 He argued that in order to prosecute such a conflict it would be necessary to reorganize an insurgent army along a federal model directly answerable to him as commander in chief 139 Commander in the Red Army Edit The Central Powers defeat in World War I saw their withdrawal from Ukraine resulting in the overthrow of the Hetmanate government by the Directorate 140 which established a new nationalist government in Kyiv under the leadership of Symon Petliura 141 At the same time the Bolsheviks invaded Ukraine from the north 142 while the Makhnovshchina faced pressure from a growing White Army in the south 143 Caught between these forces Makhno proposed an alliance with the Red Army 144 During a joint Insurgent Bolshevik attack against the nationalist held city of Katerynoslav Makhno was appointed as commander in chief of the combined Soviet forces in the Katerynoslav province After capturing the city Makhno oversaw the establishment of a revolutionary committee equally representing Bolsheviks SRs and anarchists 145 When a nationalist counteroffensive forced Makhno to retreat to Huliaipole he undertook a complete reorganization of insurgent forces on every front On 26 January 1919 this process culminated in the integration of Makhnovist units into the Ukrainian Soviet Army as the 3rd Trans Dnieper Brigade with Makhno subordinate himself to the command of Pavel Dybenko 146 On 12 February 1919 Makhno extricated himself from the front to attend the movement s second regional congress in Huliaipole 147 where he was elected honorary chairman having rejected official chairmanship due to the front requiring his attention 148 At the congress he declared his support for non party soviets 149 in open defiance of his Bolshevik commanders 150 Makhno justified the integration of the insurgent forces into the Red Army as a matter of placing the revolution s interests above ideological differences 151 He was nevertheless open about his contempt for the new order of political commissars 152 The Bolshevik interference in front line operations even led to Makhno arresting a Cheka detachment which had directly obstructed his command 153 Despite his hostility towards the Bolsheviks Makhno still respected freedom of the press authorizing Bolshevik newspapers to be distributed in Huliaipole Berdiansk and Mariupol even as the papers published denunciations of the Makhnovists 154 By April 1919 the newspaper Pravda was publishing glowing reports of Makhno s activities 155 praising him for his opposition to Ukrainian nationalism his successful assault against Katerynoslav and his continued successes against the White movement These reports also detailed Makhno s widespread support amongst the Ukrainian peasantry 156 However this did not stop Pavel Dybenko from declaring the insurgents subsequent regional congresses to be counter revolutionary Its participants were outlawed and Makhno was ordered to prevent future congresses from taking place 157 The Makhnovist Military Revolutionary Council issued an excoriating reply to Dybenko rejecting his demands out of hand 158 Vladimir Antonov Ovseenko commander in chief of the Ukrainian Soviet Army To resolve the dispute Makhno invited Vladimir Antonov Ovseenko to visit Huliaipole which impressed the Ukrainian commander in chief and allayed his concerns about Makhno s command 159 Upon his return Antonov Ovseenko openly praised Makhno and the insurgents criticizing the Bolshevik press for publishing misinformation about Makhno and requesting the Makhnovists be supplied with the necessary equipment 160 His reports quickly attracted Lev Kamenev to himself visit Huliaipole the very next week 161 Kamenev too was greeted by Makhno and his new wife Halyna Kuzmenko who gave the Bolshevik functionary a tour of the town making sure to show off a tree where Makhno had personally lynched a White army officer 162 Despite disagreements between the two over the autonomy of the insurgent movement Kamenev bade farewell to Makhno with an embrace and warm words 163 Kamenev immediately published an open letter to Makhno praising him as an honest and courageous fighter in the war against the White movement 164 Nykyfor Hryhoriv left otaman of the green army in Kherson who would be assassinated during a meeting with Makhno In May 1919 the powerful otaman Nykyfor Hryhoriv revolted against the Bolsheviks seizing part of Kherson province Kamenev sent a telegram to Makhno asking him to condemn Hryhoriv or else face a declaration of war 165 Hryhoriv had previously attempted to form an alliance with Makhno against the Bolsheviks but this proposal went unanswered 166 Makhno responded to Kamenev s request by reaffirming his commitment to the struggle against the White movement which he worried would be endangered by opening conflict with Hryhoriv 167 In a direct telegram to Kamenev Makhno declared his loyalty to the revolution while also stating that he would continue to oppose the actions of the Cheka and any other organs of oppression and violence 168 In an insurgent military congress on 12 May Makhno expanded on this anti authoritarian position with a denunciation of the Bolsheviks their implementation of bureaucratic collectivism and their political repression which he compared to the Tsarist autocracy 169 After Makhnovist emissaries uncovered evidence of Hryhoriv s participation in pogroms Makhno openly denounced him for his displays of antisemitism and Ukrainian nationalism going on to blame the Bolsheviks for the rise of Hryhoriv claiming it was their political repression that had caused the uprising 170 The Red Army high command responded by attempting to rein in Makhno s influence over his detachment Makhno s Red Army superior Commander Anatoly Skachko ru even declared that he is to be liquidated 171 By the end of May 1919 the Bolshevik Revolutionary Military Council pronounced Makhno to be an outlaw 172 issuing a warrant for his arrest and for him to be tried before a revolutionary tribunal 173 On 2 June Leon Trotsky published a diatribe against Makhno attacking him for his anarchist ideology and even labeling him a kulak 174 A few days later while preoccupied at the front Makhno learned that the Kuban Cossacks had captured Huliaipole This forced him to retreat from his positions 175 In an attempt to appease Trotsky Makhno resigned his command of the insurgent army so that the insurgents would not be caught in a pincer between the Red and White armies 176 Despite a rebuff from Trotsky he again attempted to offer the Bolsheviks his resignation on 9 June 177 reaffirming his commitment to the Revolution and his belief in the inalienable right of workers and peasants 178 Makhno thus relinquished command of the 7th Ukrainian Soviet Division and declared his intention to wage a guerrilla war against the Whites from the rear 179 Trotsky then ordered Kliment Voroshilov to arrest Makhno but sympathetic officers reported the order to him thus preventing his capture by the Cheka 180 Despite having broken with the Red Army Makhno still considered the White movement to be the Makhnovists main enemy and insisted that they could settle their scores with Bolsheviks after the Whites were defeated 181 Makhno s small sotnia then linked up with other insurgent detachments that had mutinied against the Red Army In early July 1919 Makhno fell back into Kherson province where he met with Hryhoriv s green army 182 Initially Makhno sought to form a strategic alliance with the latter due to Hryhoriv s popularity among the local peasantry However revelations of Hryhoriv s antisemitism extensive pogroms and connections with the White movement led the Makhnovists to openly denounce the otaman at a public meeting When Hryhoriv reached for his revolver he was gunned down in his place by Oleksiy Chubenko 183 In the assassination s aftermath Makhno quickly rebuilt his army A portion of Hryhoriv s army was integrated into the Makhnovist forces which numbered as high as 20 000 insurgents at this time By August Makhno was also attracting a large number of Red Army deserters who joined him as the Bolsheviks once again retreated from Ukrainian territory in the face of Anton Denikin s White Army 184 Red Army mutinies became so bad that the Ukrainian Bolshevik leader Nikolai Golubenko ru even telephoned Makhno begging him to subordinate himself again to Bolshevik command to which Makhno refused 185 Against the White Army Edit Yakov Slashchov leader of the White movement in Ukraine until his defeat by Makhno during the Battle of Peregonovka By September 1919 the Bolsheviks had largely retreated from Ukraine leaving the Makhnovists to face the White Army alone 186 Reports by the White commander Yakov Slashchov depicted Makhno as a formidable adversary with tactical ability and disciplinary command over his troops 187 The insurgents launched a number of effective attacks behind White lines with Makhno himself commanding a cavalry assault against Mykolaivka that resulted in the capture of sorely needed munitions 188 Nestor s brother Hryhorii died during one of these attacks 189 Map depicting the advance on Moscow by the White movement during the summer of 1919 The White offensive eventually pushed the insurgents back as far as Uman the last stronghold of the Ukrainian People s Republic where Makhno negotiated a temporary truce with Symon Petliura in order for wounded insurgents to recuperate on neutral ground before launching a counteroffensive 190 During the Battle of Perehonivka the tide of the battle turned in the insurgents favor when Makhno led his sotnia in a flanking maneuver against the White positions charging the much larger enemy force with sabres and fighting them in close quarters combat which forced the Whites into a retreat 191 Makhno then led the pursuit of the retreating Whites decisively routing the enemy forces 192 leaving only a few hundred survivors 193 The Makhnovists subsequently split up in order to capitalize on their victory and capture as much territory as possible 194 with Makhno himself leading his sotnia in the capture of Katerynoslav from the Whites on 20 October 195 With southern Ukraine being brought almost entirely under insurgent control the White supply lines were broken and the advance on Moscow was halted 196 The insurgent advance also brought with it attacks against region s Mennonites notably including the Eichenfeld massacre 197 While Mennonite historiography has held Makhno himself directly responsible for the massacres as commander in chief of the perpetrating forces 198 and Makhnovist historiography has attributed the violence to class conflict 199 research by Sean Patterson has indicated that the attacks were the result of deeply held resentments between the native Ukrainians and Mennonite colonists 200 Bolsheviks in Katerynoslav attempted to establish a revolutionary committee to control the city proposing to Makhno that he confine himself exclusively to military activity But Makhno no longer held any sympathy for the Bolsheviks who he described as parasites upon the workers lives He quickly ordered the revolutionary committee be shut down and forbade their activities under penalty of death telling the Bolshevik officials to take up a more honest trade 201 At a regional congress in Oleksandrivsk Makhno presented the Draft Declaration of the Revolutionary Insurgent Army of Ukraine which called for the establishment of free soviets outside of political party control Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionary Party delegates objected believing instead in the legitimacy of the dissolved Constituent Assembly Makhno denounced them as counter revolutionaries causing them to walk out in protest 202 When he returned to Katerynoslav on 9 November the local railway workers looked to Makhno to pay their wages which they had gone without for two months 203 He responded by proposing the workers self manage the railways and levy payment for their services directly from the customers 204 By December 1919 Makhnovist control of Katerynoslav began to slip under increasing attacks from the White Cossacks 205 On 5 December Makhno survived an assassination attempt by the Bolsheviks who had planned to poison him and seize control of the city After the plot was uncovered the conspirators were shot 206 Renewed White attacks forced the Makhnovists to abandon Katerynoslav and retreat towards Oleksandrivsk and Nikopol During this period many of the insurgents were beset by epidemic typhus with even Makhno himself contracting the disease 207 In January 1920 the Red Army returned to Ukraine filling a power vacuum that had been left in the wake of the White retreat 208 Makhnovist and Red forces greeted each other in Oleksandrivsk 209 However negotiations between the two sides collapsed when the Red command ordered Makhno to the Polish front 210 Makhno refused and the All Ukrainian Central Executive Committee declared Makhno to be an outlaw 211 In response the Makhnovists fled to Huliaipole initiating a nine month period of hostilities with the Bolshevik At this time Makhno s typhus worsened and he slipped into prolonged coma 212 during which local peasants provided him refuge and hid him from the Cheka 213 Once recovered Makhno immediately began to lead a campaign of guerrilla warfare against the Cheka and requisitioning units 214 Makhno also implemented a discriminatory policy for dealing with captured Red Army units commanding officers and political commissars would be immediately shot while the rank and file soldiers would be given the choice to either join the insurgent army or be stripped of their uniforms and sent home 215 With the Makhnovists once again wreaking havoc on Bolshevik positions and with Red Army soldiers increasingly defecting to the insurgents 216 proposals for an alliance between the two factions began to be made 217 Insurgent troops reading the terms of the Starobilsk agreement While initially skeptical of a proposed Bolshevik alliance in June 218 Makhno grew amenable and left the decision to his army which narrowly voted in favor in August 219 The political agreement extended a number of freedoms to Ukrainian anarchists 220 while the military agreement again integrated the insurgents into the Red Army command structure 221 Despite the outcome of the Starobilsk agreement Makhno reaffirmed his distrust for his irreconcilable enemies in the Bolshevik Party stating that the necessity of a military alliance with them should not be confused with a recognition of their political authority 222 Nevertheless Makhno hoped that victory over the Whites would oblige the Bolsheviks to honor his desire for soviet democracy and civil liberties in Ukraine He would later consider this to be a grave error on his part 223 Under the terms of the pact Makhno was finally able to seek treatment from the medical corps of the Red Army with physicians and surgeons seeing to a wound in his ankle where he had been hit by an expanding bullet 223 He was also visited by the Hungarian communist leader Bela Kun who greeted him as fighter of the worker and peasant revolution comrade Batko Makhno and gave him gifts including over 100 photographs and postcards depicting the Executive Committee of the Communist International 224 On 22 October the insurgents successfully reoccupied Huliaipole driving the Whites out of the city for the final time 225 Back in his hometown Makhno requested three days of rest and recuperation but this was rejected by the Bolshevik command which ordered the insurgents to continue their offensive under penalty of their alliance being nullified The still wounded Makhno stayed behind in Huliaipole anyway along with his black guard while dispatching Semen Karetnyk to lead the Makhnovist offensive against the Army of Wrangel 226 Makhno once again turned his attention towards reconstructing his vision of anarcho communism overseeing the reestablishment of the local soviet and a number of other anarchist projects 227 Anti Bolshevik rebellion Edit Wrangel s defeat in Crimea by the combined Bolshevik Makhnovist forces brought the Southern Front of the war to an end allowing the Bolsheviks to once again turn on their anarchist allies 228 In late November 1920 the Red Army launched a surprise attack against the insurgent forces putting the Makhnovist capital of Huliaipole under siege 229 Caught unprepared Makhno rallied together 150 Black Guards to defend the town After spotting a gap in the Red lines he escaped with his detachment 230 and led a counterattack that pushed the Red forces back to Novouspenivka His own forces regrouped 231 and gained some defecting Red soldiers before recapturing Huliaipole a week later 232 The Red Army command justified the attacks against the Makhnovists on grounds that Makhno had refused orders and intended to betray them 233 though the Red Army had planned to break the alliance with the Makhnovists even prior to the beginning of the offensive against Wrangel s White Army 234 Makhno and his lieutenants in Berdiansk The following week in Kermenchyk Makhno was finally reunited with Karetnyk s detachment 235 which had been reduced to a fifth of its original size and absent its commander who had been assassinated by the Bolsheviks in Crimea 236 Despite direct orders from Vladimir Lenin for the Red Army to liquidate Makhno the insurgents led a guerrilla campaign in the face of their encirclement On 3 December Makhno led a detachment of 4 000 insurgents in an assault routing a Red Kirghiz brigade at Komar 237 In the following weeks he recaptured Berdiansk and Andriivka from the Bolsheviks defeating a number of Red divisions before a stalemate with the remaining divisions at Fedorivka 238 Makhno had hoped that simply defeating a few Red divisions would halt the offensive but found himself having to change tactics in the face of his encirclement by overwhelming numbers consequently splitting up his contingent into a number of smaller detachments and sending them in different directions 239 Taking his own 2 000 strong detachment north at a pace of 80 kilometers each day he derailed a Bolshevik armored train at Oleksandrivsk before pushing deep into the provinces of Kherson and Kyiv all the while pursued by Red divisions 240 Surrounded and under constant pursuit by the Red Cossacks Makhno s detachment could only advance slowly under heavy machine gun fire and artillery bombardment 241 Makhno led his detachment to the Galician border before suddenly swinging around and heading back across the Dnieper Heading north from Poltava to Belgorod they finally managed to shake off the pursuing Cossacks at the end of January 1921 By this point he had travelled more than 1 500 kilometers lost most of his equipment and half of his detachment but he also found himself in a position to once again lead an offensive against the Red Army 242 Following the outbreak of the Kronstadt rebellion Makhno dispatched a number of his detachments to various regions of Southern and Central Russia to foment insurrection while he himself stuck to the banks of the Dnieper River At this time Makhno was wounded in the foot and had to be carried by a tachanka but still managed to personally lead the detachment from the front After crossing back over to left bank Ukraine he split his detachment again sending one to stir up revolt against the Cheka near the Sea of Azov while Makhno s own contingent of 1 500 cavalry and two infantry regiments continued along its path seizing the equipment of the Red units it routed 243 During one engagement Makhno was wounded in the stomach and fell unconscious having to be evacuated on a tachanka 244 Upon his resuscitation he again divided his forces and sent them out in all directions leaving himself behind with only his black sotnia remaining 243 Makhno was unable to withdraw from the front and tend to his injuries as his sotnia repeatedly came under attack by the Red Army During one engagement a number of Makhnovists sacrificed themselves to ensure Makhno s escape 245 Towards the end of May Makhno attempted to organize a large scale offensive to take the Ukrainian Bolshevik capital of Kharkiv pulling together thousands of partisans before he was forced to call it off due to comprehensive Red defenses 246 The Red Army command resolved to focus its efforts on Makhno s small 200 strong sotnia deploying a motorized detachment to pursue them Upon its arrival Makhno led the ambush of one armored car taking it for himself and driving it until it ran out of fuel The subsequent pursuit of Makhno lasted five days and covered 520 kilometers causing his sotnia heavy losses and almost running them out of ammo before they were finally able to shake the armored detachment off their trail 247 Exile EditRed Army commander Mikhail Frunze demanded the definitive liquidation of the Makhnovist movement in July 1921 Makhno continued to execute raids in the Don river basin despite having suffered several wounds By August those wounds convinced him to seek treatment abroad Leaving Viktor Bilash in command of the Insurgent Army Makhno his wife Halyna Kuzmenko and around 100 loyalists set out for the Polish border 248 Red Army attacks followed them Makhno took a bullet in the neck 249 and a number of his old friends died in battle in late August 250 When a scout was captured by the Reds Makhno diverted his forces south towards Romania however after crossing the Dniester Romanian border guards disarmed and interned Makhno s group 251 Makhno and his wife were eventually released from the Brașov internment camp and granted permission to stay in Bucharest under police surveillance while Makhno recovered from his wounds 252 Eastern Europe Edit Bolshevik politicians Georgy Chicherin and Christian Rakovsky demanded Makhno s extradition 253 which the Romanian government of Take Ionescu refused The two states had no extradition treaty and Romania had abolished capital punishment so the Romanian government requested a formal assurance that the Ukrainian Soviet government would not sentence Makhno to death 254 Makhno came into contact with the exiled Ukrainian nationalists around Symon Petliura themselves allies of both Romania and Poland 255 Makhno called for an alliance between the Makhnovists and the Petliurists which he believed could together reignite an insurgency in Ukraine but nothing resulted from the talks between the two factions 256 Makhno with his wife Halyna Kuzmenko surrounded by other Makhnovists in Poland 1922 With Romania still caught up in the extradition demands Makhno decided to make a break for Poland He was caught at the border and shipped to a Polish Strzalkowo internment camp in April 1922 257 Makhno subsequently attempted to secure permission to move on to Czechoslovakia or Germany but the Polish government refused 258 The Bolshevik government sent an agent provocateur to entrap Makhno and force his extradition by embroiling him in a plan to launch an insurgency in Galicia Makhno and his wife were formally charged by the Polish authorities and for over a year held in pre trial detention where Halyna gave birth to their daughter in October 259 In prison Makhno drafted his first memoir which Peter Arshinov published in 1923 in his Berlin based newspaper Anarkhicheskii vestnik Russian Anarhicheskij vestnik English Anarchist Messenger Makhno also sent open letters to exiled Don Cossacks and the Ukrainian Communist Party and began to learn German and Esperanto His tuberculosis relapsed under the prison s conditions 260 Makhno received support from the European anarchist movement Polish and Bulgarian anarchists even threatened violence in the event of Makhno s extradition 261 At their five day trial in November 1923 Makhno and Halyna were acquitted on all charges and given residence permits for Poznan 262 The following month he and his family moved to Torun where he was under close police surveillance and arrested and interrogated a number of times in the wake of Vladimir Lenin s death 263 Unable to secure a visa to travel to Germany and facing a severe strain on his marriage with Halyna Makhno attempted suicide in April 1924 and was hospitalized by his injuries 264 In July 1924 Makhno and his family were allowed to move to the Free City of Danzig 265 Here Makhno was swiftly arrested by the Danzig authorities for visa violations While interned he was struck again by tuberculosis and transferred to a prison hospital Makhno s anarchist comrades helped him escape the hospital and after a time in hiding clandestinely leave for Berlin 266 With Volin acting as his interpreter Makhno met with a number of prominent anarchists that were also living in the city such as Rudolf Rocker and Ugo Fedeli it 267 He finally moved to Paris in April 1925 268 Paris Edit Nestor Makhno circa 1925 Upon his arrival in Paris in April 1925 Makhno wrote that he had found himself amongst a foreign people and political enemies whom I have so often declaimed against 269 He was reunited with his wife and daughter in the city where French anarchists like May Picqueray provided the family with lodging and healthcare 270 Makhno found work at a local foundry and a Renault factory but was forced to leave both jobs due to his health problems A bullet wound in his right ankle threatened amputation 271 His health care was overseen by the anarcha feminist Lucile Pelletier who described his body as being literally encased in scar tissue She advised his family to move out to prevent them from contracting tuberculosis 272 Between his debilitating illness homesickness and a strong language barrier Makhno fell into a deep depression 273 According to Alexander Berkman Makhno particularly despised living in a big city and dreamed of returning to the Ukrainian countryside where he could tak e up again the struggle for liberty and social justice 274 Makhno undertook to write his Memoirs which sold poorly 271 He also collaborated with exiled Russian anarchists to establish the bimonthly libertarian communist journal Delo Truda Russian Delo Truda English The Cause of Labor in which Makhno published an article in each issue over three years Arshinov the journal s editor criticized Makhno s articles as poorly written which upset Makhno greatly and exacerbated his resentment of those anarchists who he considered to be armchair theoreticians 275 The theoretical developments of the journal eventually culminated in the publication of the Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists which called for the reorganization of the anarchist movement into a more cohesive structure based on the experiences of revolutionary Ukraine and the defeat by the Bolsheviks The Platform attracted criticism from the synthesists such as Volin who regarded it as a Bolshevization of anarchism 276 A March 1927 meeting to discuss the Platform in L Hay les Roses attracted anarchists from Russia Poland Bulgaria Italy and China When the meeting was raided by police Makhno was arrested and threatened with deportation but he was defended by Louis Lecoin and Henri Sellier who secured his continued stay in France 277 Nestor Makhno with Alexander Berkman in Paris 1927 During this period he often met with anarchist friends in cafes and restaurants reminiscing over a bottle of wine about the good old days in Ukraine one time even celebrating the fall from power of his old rival Leon Trotsky and hoping that the fall of Joseph Stalin would soon follow 278 In June 1926 during a meal with Alexander Berkman and May Picqueray in a Russian restaurant Makhno met with the Ukrainian Jewish anarchist Sholem Schwarzbard who went pale upon seeing the Ukrainian nationalist leader Symon Petliura walk into the room 279 Schwarzbard immediately informed the Batko of his intentions to assassinate Petliura in revenge for the pogroms carried out in the Ukrainian People s Republic during which some of his family members had been killed Makhno attempted to dissuade him but the deed was carried out anyway with Schwarzbard s subsequent trial bringing to light a trove of documentary evidence on the pogroms in Ukraine exonerating the assassin 280 Around this time rumors began to circulate about Makhno s own relationship to antisemitism resulting in public debates on the matter 281 Citing stories of Makhno told by White emigres Joseph Kessel published a novel that portrayed a fictionalized version of Makhno as an Orthodox Christian and antisemite an accusation which Makhno categorically denied 282 Makhno defended himself by speaking up about the pogroms in Ukraine in To the Jews of all Countries published in Delo Truda he asked for evidence of antisemitism in the Makhnovist ranks at an open debate in June 1927 Makhno claimed that he had defended Ukrainian Jews from persecution 283 an assertion that was backed up by Russian and Ukrainian Jews in attendance 284 During his time in Ukraine Makhno had condemned and severely punished cases of antisemitism within the Makhnovist ranks 285 even having ordered the execution of Makhnovists that had participated in a pogrom against the Jewish settlement at Gorkaya and redistributed weapons to the Jewish community for their own protection 286 According to Volin investigations by the Jewish historian Elias Tcherikower had found no evidence of Makhno himself having perpetrated antisemitic violence 287 Allegations of antisemitism were later also disputed by historians and some of Makhno s biographers including Paul Avrich 288 Peter Kenez 289 Michael Malet 290 and Alexandre Skirda 291 By this time Makhno was succumbing to physical and mental illness His relationships with fellow Ukrainian exiles deteriorated 292 His wife grew to resent him causing the couple to separate on multiple occasions with Halyna even unsuccessfully attempting to apply for permission to return to Soviet Ukraine 293 Over the editing of his memoirs Makhno quarreled with Ida Mett who quit out of frustration with Makhno s indecipherable and meandering manuscripts 294 He also came into a serious personal and political conflict with Volin which would last until their deaths 295 resulting in the later volumes of Makhno s memoirs only being published posthumously 296 As gossip spread about Makhno he became increasingly defensive against any criticisms of himself no matter how minor 297 In the pages of Delo Truda he published categorical denials of anything from allegations of antisemitism to whether the Makhnovists had used a flag that carried a skull and crossbones 298 Alienated from many of the Russian and French anarchists in Paris Makhno turned his attention towards Spain 299 Following the release of Spanish anarchists from prison Makhno met with Francisco Ascaso and Buenaventura Durruti in July 1927 The Spaniards expressed their admiration for Makhno who himself displayed a sense of optimism about the Spanish anarchist movement and foretold of a coming anarchist revolution in Spain Makhno was particularly impressed by the revolutionary traditions of the Spanish working classes and the tight organization of the Spanish anarchists declaring that if a revolution broke out in Spain before he died then he would join the fight 300 Due to the threats of deportation he mostly kept to his writing as he was no longer able to attend meetings or engage in active organizing 301 In great pain increasingly isolated and financially precarious Makhno got odd jobs as an interior decorator and shoemaker 302 He was also supported by the income of his wife who worked as a cleaner 303 and in April 1929 May Picqueray and other French anarchists established a Makhno Solidarity Committee to raise funds 304 Much of the money was contributed by the Spanish anarchists of the Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo CNT which greatly admired Makhno with the fundraiser in Le Libertaire eventually securing Makhno s family a weekly allowance of 250 francs barely one third of the living wage 305 Makhno spent most of this money on his daughter neglecting his own self care which contributed further to his declining health 306 His ideological conflict with the synthesis anarchists escalated and in July 1930 Le Libertaire suspended his allowance Individual fundraising attempts ended up being unsuccessful 307 Around this time Makhno learned that Peter Arshinov had defected to the Soviet Union which left him even more isolated from the Ukrainian exiles 308 Makhno spent his last years writing criticisms of the Bolsheviks and encouraging other anarchists to learn from the mistakes of the Ukrainian experience His final article an obituary for his old friend Nikolai Rogdaev went unsent as Makhno could not afford the postage 309 As he suffered from malnutrition Makhno s tuberculosis worsened to the point that he was hospitalized on 16 March 1934 Operations failed to help and Makhno finally died in the early hours of 25 July 1934 He was cremated three days after his death with five hundred people attending his funeral at the Pere Lachaise Cemetery in Paris 310 Personal life Edit Makhno and his daughter Elena in Paris While imprisoned in the 1910s Makhno received warm letters from one Nastia Vasetskaia a young peasant woman from Huliaipole After his return home in 1917 the two met and became a couple 311 living together on a commune where Makhno contributed 75 His activism during this time however left him little time for personal affairs 68 Vasetskaia was eventually forced to flee Huliaipole after being threatened by Black Guards taking their child with her 311 After Makhno himself was forced into exile by the invasion of the Central Powers in early 1918 Makhno managed to reunite with Vasetskaia in Tsaritsyn finding her lodging at a nearby farm 312 Makhno soon left her to continue his travels They never saw each other again Their baby died young and after hearing a rumor that Makhno had also died Vasetskaia found another partner 313 Following the Makhnovist capture of Huliaipole from the Central Powers in late 1918 Makhno met a local schoolteacher called Halyna Kuzmenko who became his wife and a leading figure in the Makhnovshchina 314 With the defeat of the Makhnovshchina the couple fled to Romania 315 and then on to Poland where Kuzmenko gave birth to their daughter Elena while she and Makhno were both in prison 316 The family finally settled in Paris but were forced to live separately for some time due to Makhno s worsening tuberculosis 271 Years after Makhno s death Volin described Makhno s greatest failing as being alcohol abuse claiming that under the influence of alcohol he became perverse over excitable unfair intractable and violent 317 These claims of alcoholism were disputed by Ida Mett and Makhno s biographer Alexandre Skirda who respectively noted Makhno s low alcohol tolerance and his enforcement of prohibition during the war 318 Although other biographers such as Michael Malet and Victor Peters wrote that Makhno began to drink heavily during the final years of his life when he knew that the tuberculosis was killing him anyway 319 Makhno s widow and his daughter Elena were deported to Nazi Germany for forced labor during World War II 320 After the end of the war they were arrested by the Soviet NKVD and taken to Kyiv for trial in 1946 For the crime of anti Soviet agitation Halyna was sentenced to eight years of hard labor in Mordovia and Elena was sentenced to five years in Kazakhstan Following the death of Stalin the two were reunited in Taraz where they spent the rest of their lives Halyna would die in 1978 followed by Elena in 1993 Makhno s relatives in Huliaipole faced harassment by Ukrainian authorities up until the dissolution of the Soviet Union 321 Legacy EditThe Ukrainian anarchist insurgency continued after Makhno s 1921 flight to Romania Makhnovist militant groups operated clandestinely throughout the 1920s Some continued to fight as partisans during World War II 322 Although the Soviets eventually extinguished the Ukrainian anarchist movement an anarchist underground continued during the 1970s and following the Revolutions of 1989 Various anarchist groups draw on the name of Makhno for inspiration For example the Revolutionary Confederation of Anarcho Syndicalists Nestor Makhno uk was founded in 1994 and organized along the lines of platformism 323 The anti fascist militants of Revolutionary Action have also lain claim to Makhno s legacy 324 and neo Makhnovist sympathies emerged from the anarchists that participated in the Revolution of Dignity 325 The band Ot Vinta playing at Makhnofest 2006 in Huliaipole Makhno is a local hero in his hometown of Huliaipole where a statue of the Bat ko stands in its main town square 326 The Huliaipole Local History Museum hosts a permanent exhibition dedicated to Makhno 327 In the late 2010s the Huliaipole City Council was preparing to request the return of Makhno s ashes from France as part of a campaign to attract tourists to the city declaring Makhno to be part of the city s brand 328 Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union sections of the Ukrainian far right have also attempted to reclaim Makhno as a Ukrainian nationalist and to downplay his anarchist politics 329 Pavel Derevyanko portrayed Makhno in the 2005 miniseries Nine Lives of Nestor Makhno Multiple Soviet and Russian films depicted Makhno often in a negative light Makno was the antagonist in the 1923 Red Devils portrayed by the Odesa gangster and part time actor Vladimir Kucherenko He reprised his role in the 1926 sequel Savur Mohyla and returned to crime by using the name Makhno as a pseudonym 330 331 Boris Chirkov portrayed Makhno in the 1942 epic film Alexander Parkhomenko in which he famously sang the traditional Cossack song Lovely brothers lovely while drinking vodka Valeri Zolotukhin played Makhno in the 1970 drama Hail Mary 331 about a Makhnovist who works as a Red Army informant 332 Aleksey Tolstoy s novel trilogy The Road to Calvary portrays Makhno as a dangerous deformation of the revolution with a corrupting influence on the morally unstable 333 Television miniseries adaptations of the novel in 1977 and 2017 similarly present Makhno in a negative light 331 334 The 2005 Nine Lives of Nestor Makhno was a Russian biographical miniseries about Nestor Makhno s life Pavel Derevyanko portrayed Makhno and Russian critics gave his performance high praise 335 The series was noted for its positive portrayal of Makhno although some reviewers also criticised the series for lacking narrative coherence 336 Helene Chatelain directed a 1995 French documentary about Makhno 337 Also Makhno has been referenced in popular media as a cultural allusion such as a supporting role in Michael Moorcock s 1981 alternative history novel The Steel Tsar 338 the opening track in the Russian rock band Lyube s 1989 album Alert ru during the fall of communism in the Eastern Bloc 339 a song U S representative Dana Rohrabacher had written and played for the 1991 official visit of a People s Deputy of Ukraine and the pseudonym used by the leader of an anti yuppie crusade in San Francisco against perceived gentrification by Silicon Valley 340 Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine the legacy of Nestor Makhno and the Makhnovshchina was again taken up by Ukrainian anti authoritarians that joined the Territorial Defense Forces TDF 341 342 Symbols of the Makhnovshchina have appeared in the propaganda of the Resistance Committee an anarchist detachment in the TDF 343 on the patches of a Ukrainian armed unit of green anarchists 325 and on flags flown on the back of modern day tachankas 344 The Ukrainian Armed Forces also adopted the name Makhno s bow Ukrainian Mahnovska luk for their defense forces engaged in the battle of Huliaipole which has occupied a key place in the line of contact between Ukrainian and Russian occupied Zaporizhzhia 325 345 A museum exhibition on Makhno was damaged during the Russian shelling of Huliaipole while his statue in the town centre is covered with sandbags in order to protect it 346 See also EditAlexander Antonov Russian revolutionary and military leader 1889 1922 Rummu Juri Estonian itinerant and thief Svyryd Kotsur Ukrainian insurgent 1890 1920 Ricardo Flores Magon 19 20th century Mexican anarchist social reform activist and revolutionary Stepan Petrichenko Russian anarcho syndicalist revolutionary 1892 1947 Danylo Terpylo Ukrainian military commander leader of the Green armies 1886 1919 Emiliano Zapata Mexican revolutionary 1879 1919 Notes Edit Ukrainian Ne stor Ivanovich Mahno ˈnɛstor iˈwɑnowɪtʃ mɐxˈnɔ The surname Makhno Ukrainian Mahno was itself a corruption of Nestor s father s surname Mikhnenko Ukrainian Mihnenko 2 Ukrainian Batko Mahno ˈbɑtʲko mɐxˈnɔ According to Alexandre Skirda the term Bat ko had been used by the Zaporozhian Cossacks as an honorific for elected military leaders As Makhno was still quite young when he was given the name Bat ko by his detachment the literal translation of father may not be entirely accurate as the term is not exclusively used in a paternal sense Makhno was also not the only person with the title of Bat ko in Ukraine there were even some other Bat kos within the ranks of the Makhnovshchina 3 Other sources have listed his birth year as being in 1889 4 with the Great Soviet Encyclopedia listing it 1884 5 but Church records indicate 1888 as Makhno s true birth year It is likely that even Makhno himself did not know his correct birth date 6 Nestor s brothers also went on to become anarchists and active partisans of the Makhnovist movement In 1918 Omelian was executed by the Austro Hungarian Army in September 1919 Hryhorii was killed in Uman by the Volunteer Army and in February 1920 Savelii was killed by the Red Army in Huliaipole 12 References Edit Skirda 2004 p 291 Palij 1976 p 67 Peters 1970 p 14 Skirda 2004 p 9 Avrich 1988 p 111 Chamberlin 1987 p 233 Darch 2020 p 176 Footman 1961 p 245 Kantowicz 1999 p 173 Lincoln 1989 p 324 Palij 1976 p 67 Peters 1970 p 14 Peters 1970 p 14 Darch 2020 p 176 Chamberlin 1987 pp 232 233 Darch 2020 p 176 Malet 1982 p xx Palij 1976 p 67 Skirda 2004 p 17 Darch 2020 p 1 Peters 1970 p 14 Skirda 2004 p 17 Avrich 1988 p 111 Darch 2020 p 1 Malet 1982 p xxi Palij 1976 p 67 Skirda 2004 pp 17 18 a b Skirda 2004 p 18 Avrich 1988 p 111 Lincoln 1989 p 324 Palij 1976 p 68 Peters 1970 p 15 Skirda 2004 pp 18 19 Skirda 2004 p 19 Avrich 1988 p 111 Malet 1982 p xxi Peters 1970 p 15 Skirda 2004 p 20 Skirda 2004 p 20 Avrich 1988 p 111 Darch 2020 p 2 Malet 1982 p xxi Skirda 2004 p 20 Darch 2020 p 2 Skirda 2004 p 20 Avrich 1988 p 111 Darch 2020 pp 2 3 Footman 1961 p 246 Malet 1982 pp xxi xxii Skirda 2004 p 20 Darch 2020 p 4 Footman 1961 p 246 Peters 1970 pp 18 19 Skirda 2004 p 20 Skirda 2004 pp 20 21 Darch 2020 p 5 Peters 1970 p 22 Skirda 2004 p 22 a b Skirda 2004 p 23 Darch 2020 p 1 Darch 2020 p 4 Darch 2020 pp 4 6 Malet 1982 p xxii Peters 1970 pp 20 21 Skirda 2004 pp 22 24 Darch 2020 p 5 Malet 1982 p xxii Peters 1970 pp 20 21 Darch 2020 pp 5 6 Skirda 2004 pp 23 24 Skirda 2004 pp 23 24 Darch 2020 p 6 7 Malet 1982 pp xxii xxiii Peters 1970 p 22 Skirda 2004 pp 24 25 Darch 2020 p 8 Malet 1982 p xxiii Peters 1970 p 22 Skirda 2004 p 28 Skirda 2004 p 28 Avrich 1988 p 111 Darch 2020 p 8 Kantowicz 1999 p 173 Malet 1982 p xxiii Palij 1976 p 69 Peters 1970 pp 22 23 Skirda 2004 p 29 Skirda 2004 pp 29 30 a b c Skirda 2004 p 30 Darch 2020 p 8 Skirda 2004 p 30 Darch 2020 p 8 Lincoln 1989 p 324 Malet 1982 p xxiv Skirda 2004 p 30 Darch 2020 p 9 Footman 1961 p 246 Malet 1982 pp xxiii xxiv Darch 2020 p 9 Footman 1961 p 246 Lincoln 1989 p 324 Malet 1982 pp xxiii xxiv Darch 2020 p 9 Skirda 2004 p 30 Avrich 1988 p 112 Darch 2020 p 8 Footman 1961 p 246 Kantowicz 1999 p 173 Palij 1976 p 69 Peters 1970 p 25 28 Malet 1982 p xxiv Darch 2020 pp 8 9 Skirda 2004 pp 30 31 Footman 1961 p 246 Skirda 2004 p 31 Skirda 2004 pp 31 32 a b Skirda 2004 p 32 Darch 2020 p 9 Malet 1982 p xxiv Avrich 1988 p 112 Chamberlin 1987 p 233 Darch 2020 p 9 Footman 1961 p 247 Kantowicz 1999 p 173 Lincoln 1989 p 324 Malet 1982 p xxiv Palij 1976 pp 69 70 Peters 1970 p 22 Darch 2020 p 9 Footman 1961 p 247 Malet 1982 p 3 Palij 1976 p 70 Peters 1970 p 28 Malet 1982 p 3 Darch 2020 pp 9 10 Skirda 2004 pp 32 33 Avrich 1988 p 112 Darch 2020 pp 9 10 Footman 1961 p 247 Malet 1982 p 3 Palij 1976 pp 69 70 Peters 1970 p 28 Skirda 2004 p 34 Skirda 2004 p 34 Darch 2020 p 10 Footman 1961 p 247 Malet 1982 p 3 Palij 1976 p 70 Peters 1970 pp 28 29 Skirda 2004 p 34 Darch 2020 p 11 Footman 1961 pp 247 248 Malet 1982 p 3 Palij 1976 p 70 Skirda 2004 p 34 Darch 2020 p 12 Footman 1961 p 248 Malet 1982 p 3 Palij 1976 p 70 Peters 1970 p 29 Shubin 2010 p 153 Skirda 2004 pp 34 35 Darch 2020 p 12 Palij 1976 p 70 Skirda 2004 pp 34 35 Palij 1976 p 70 Skirda 2004 pp 34 35 Darch 2020 pp 12 13 Malet 1982 p 3 Palij 1976 p 70 Peters 1970 p 29 Shubin 2010 p 153 Malet 1982 pp 3 4 Darch 2020 p 12 Skirda 2004 p 35 a b Skirda 2004 p 35 Darch 2020 p 13 14 Malet 1982 p 4 Skirda 2004 pp 35 36 Malet 1982 p 4 Skirda 2004 pp 35 36 Malet 1982 pp 4 5 Malet 1982 p 4 Peters 1970 pp 29 32 Skirda 2004 p 36 a b Malet 1982 p 4 Kantowicz 1999 p 173 Avrich 1988 p 112 Chamberlin 1987 p 232 Avrich 1988 p 112 Skirda 2004 pp 36 37 Darch 2020 p 14 Footman 1961 p 248 Lincoln 1989 p 325 Malet 1982 p 5 Palij 1976 p 71 Skirda 2004 p 37 Darch 2020 pp 14 16 Palij 1976 pp 71 73 Peters 1970 pp 29 32 Skirda 2004 p 37 a b Skirda 2004 p 38 Darch 2020 p 15 16 Malet 1982 pp 5 6 Darch 2020 pp 16 17 Footman 1961 pp 248 249 Malet 1982 pp 6 7 Skirda 2004 p 40 Malet 1982 p 7 Skirda 2004 p 40 Darch 2020 p 17 Malet 1982 p 7 Skirda 2004 p 41 Darch 2020 p 20 Footman 1961 pp 249 250 Malet 1982 p 8 Peters 1970 p 34 Skirda 2004 p 44 Darch 2020 pp 23 24 Footman 1961 p 250 Malet 1982 p 8 Skirda 2004 p 45 Darch 2020 p 24 Footman 1961 p 250 Malet 1982 pp 8 9 Skirda 2004 p 45 Darch 2020 pp 24 25 Footman 1961 pp 250 251 Malet 1982 p 9 Skirda 2004 pp 45 46 Darch 2020 pp 25 26 Malet 1982 pp 9 10 Malet 1982 pp 10 Skirda 2004 p 47 Footman 1961 p 252 Malet 1982 p 10 Skirda 2004 p 47 Skirda 2004 pp 47 48 a b Darch 2020 p 26 Malet 1982 p 10 Skirda 2004 p 48 Avrich 1988 p 112 Darch 2020 p 26 Malet 1982 p 10 Skirda 2004 p 48 Avrich 1988 p 122 Darch 2020 p 27 Footman 1961 pp 252 253 Malet 1982 pp 10 12 Skirda 2004 p 48 Darch 2020 p 28 Malet 1982 p 10 Skirda 2004 p 48 Malet 1982 p 10 Skirda 2004 p 48 Darch 2020 p 28 Footman 1961 p 253 Footman 1961 p 253 Avrich 1988 p 112 Darch 2020 p 28 Footman 1961 p 253 Peters 1970 p 40 Skirda 2004 p 48 Darch 2020 p 28 Footman 1961 pp 253 254 Skirda 2004 pp 48 49 Footman 1961 p 254 Malet 1982 p 12 Peters 1970 pp 40 41 Skirda 2004 p 50 Darch 2020 p 28 Footman 1961 p 254 Malet 1982 p 12 Skirda 2004 p 50 Darch 2020 pp 28 29 Footman 1961 p 254 Skirda 2004 p 50 Footman 1961 p 254 Skirda 2004 p 50 Skirda 2004 pp 50 51 Avrich 1988 pp 112 113 Malet 1982 p 12 Peters 1970 p 40 Skirda 2004 p 51 Malet 1982 p 12 Footman 1961 p 256 Malet 1982 p 12 Peters 1970 pp 40 41 Darch 2020 p 29 Footman 1961 p 256 Malet 1982 p 12 Skirda 2004 p 52 Darch 2020 pp 24 25 Footman 1961 p 23 Malet 1982 p 13 Peters 1970 p 38 Skirda 2004 p 54 Darch 2020 p 29 Footman 1961 p 256 Malet 1982 p 13 Skirda 2004 p 53 Darch 2020 p 30 Footman 1961 p 256 Malet 1982 p 13 Skirda 2004 p 53 Malet 1982 p 13 Skirda 2004 p 53 Darch 2020 p 29 Malet 1982 p 13 Skirda 2004 p 53 Darch 2020 p 30 Footman 1961 p 257 Malet 1982 pp 13 14 Avrich 1988 p 113 Darch 2020 pp 30 31 Footman 1961 p 258 Malet 1982 p 14 Skirda 2004 p 55 Darch 2020 p 30 Footman 1961 p 257 258 Malet 1982 p 14 Footman 1961 pp 257 258 Skirda 2004 pp 55 56 Darch 2020 p 30 Footman 1961 pp 257 258 Skirda 2004 pp 55 56 Skirda 2004 p 56 Darch 2020 p 30 31 Footman 1961 pp 258 259 Malet 1982 p 14 Skirda 2004 p 56 Footman 1961 pp 258 259 Malet 1982 p 14 Darch 2020 pp 31 32 Footman 1961 pp 258 259 Malet 1982 p 14 Skirda 2004 pp 56 57 Darch 2020 pp 31 32 Footman 1961 p 259 Skirda 2004 pp 58 59 Skirda 2004 p 59 Footman 1961 p 259 Skirda 2004 p 59 Footman 1961 pp 259 260 Skirda 2004 pp 59 60 Darch 2020 p 32 Footman 1961 p 260 Skirda 2004 p 60 Darch 2020 p 32 Malet 1982 pp 15 16 Palij 1976 p 100 Darch 2020 p 32 Footman 1961 p 260 Malet 1982 p 16 Palij 1976 pp 100 101 Patterson 2020 p 56 Peters 1970 p 41 Shubin 2010 p 163 Skirda 2004 pp 60 61 Darch 2020 p 32 Footman 1961 p 260 261 Patterson 2020 p 56 Skirda 2004 pp 60 61 Malet 1982 p 16 Palij 1976 pp 101 102 Patterson 2020 p 56 Skirda 2004 p 61 Darch 2020 p 32 Footman 1961 p 261 Malet 1982 pp 16 17 Palij 1976 p 102 Peters 1970 pp 41 42 Skirda 2004 pp 61 62 Chamberlin 1987 p 233 Darch 2020 p 32 Malet 1982 pp 16 17 Palij 1976 p 102 Patterson 2020 p 56 Peters 1970 p 42 Shubin 2010 p 163 Skirda 2004 p 62 Malet 1982 p 17 Palij 1976 pp 102 103 Skirda 2004 Darch 2020 pp 32 33 Malet 1982 p 17 Palij 1976 p 103 Patterson 2020 pp 56 57 Shubin 2010 pp 163 164 Skirda 2004 pp 63 64 Skirda 2004 p 64 Darch 2020 p 33 Malet 1982 pp 18 19 Palij 1976 p 103 Skirda 2004 pp 78 79 Darch 2020 pp 39 41 Malet 1982 pp 25 26 Skirda 2004 pp 80 81 Darch 2020 p 33 Skirda 2004 pp 65 66 Darch 2020 p 34 Malet 1982 p 19 Peters 1970 p 42 Skirda 2004 p 67 Malet 1982 pp 20 21 Peters 1970 pp 42 43 Skirda 2004 p 67 Darch 2020 p 38 Skirda 2004 pp 81 83 Darch 2020 p 39 Malet 1982 p 25 Skirda 2004 pp 79 80 Darch 2020 pp 39 40 Malet 1982 pp 21 22 Skirda 2004 pp 81 82 Malet 1982 p 23 Skirda 2004 p 78 Avrich 1988 p 114 115 Darch 2020 pp 39 41 Malet 1982 pp 24 26 Shubin 2010 pp 169 170 Skirda 2004 pp 78 81 Darch 2020 p 43 Malet 1982 p 27 Skirda 2004 p 86 Darch 2020 p 43 Skirda 2004 p 86 Avrich 1988 p 114 Skirda 2004 p 87 Chamberlin 1987 pp 233 234 Skirda 2004 p 87 Skirda 2004 p 89 Darch 2020 p 52 Skirda 2004 pp 89 90 Skirda 2004 p 91 Skirda 2004 p 92 Avrich 1988 p 115 Darch 2020 p 46 Peters 1970 p 79 Skirda 2004 p 93 Skirda 2004 p 93 Avrich 1988 p 115 Darch 2020 p 49 Peters 1970 p 80 Skirda 2004 pp 93 94 Skirda 2004 pp 93 95 Malet 1982 p 127 Darch 2020 p 52 Malet 1982 p 33 Skirda 2004 pp 95 98 Darch 2020 p 52 Malet 1982 p 33 Skirda 2004 pp 98 99 Darch 2020 p 53 Malet 1982 pp 33 34 Skirda 2004 p 100 Skirda 2004 p 100 Darch 2020 p 55 Malet 1982 p 34 Skirda 2004 p 100 Darch 2020 p 54 Skirda 2004 pp 100 101 Darch 2020 pp 56 57 Malet 1982 pp 34 35 Shubin 2010 p 175 Skirda 2004 pp 101 102 Chamberlin 1987 pp 233 234 Skirda 2004 pp 102 104 Shubin 2010 p 175 Skirda 2004 p 103 Chamberlin 1987 pp 233 234 Darch 2020 p 57 Skirda 2004 pp 103 104 Shubin 2010 pp 175 176 Darch 2020 p 57 Shubin 2010 pp 176 177 Skirda 2004 pp 108 109 Avrich 1988 p 115 Skirda 2004 p 111 Darch 2020 p 60 Skirda 2004 p 111 Chamberlin 1987 p 234 Darch 2020 p 59 Malet 1982 p 38 Skirda 2004 pp 112 115 Chamberlin 1987 p 234 Darch 2020 p 61 Malet 1982 p 38 Peters 1970 pp 81 82 Skirda 2004 pp 117 118 Darch 2020 pp 61 62 Malet 1982 p 39 Shubin 2010 p 178 Skirda 2004 p 118 Peters 1970 p 82 Shubin 2010 p 178 Skirda 2004 p 120 Skirda 2004 p 120 Skirda 2004 p 121 Malet 1982 p 39 Skirda 2004 p 121 Shubin 2010 p 179 Darch 2020 p 67 Malet 1982 p 40 Peters 1970 pp 69 70 Shubin 2010 p 179 Skirda 2004 pp 124 125 Darch 2020 pp 67 68 Malet 1982 p 41 Peters 1970 p 70 Shubin 2010 pp 179 180 Skirda 2004 p 125 Darch 2020 pp 68 69 Malet 1982 pp 41 42 Peters 1970 p 70 Skirda 2004 pp 126 127 Skirda 2004 p 127 Malet 1982 p 44 Skirda 2004 pp 129 130 Darch 2020 p 71 Skirda 2004 pp 129 130 Skirda 2004 pp 130 131 Skirda 2004 p 131 Darch 2020 pp 71 72 Malet 1982 pp 45 46 Skirda 2004 pp 133 134 Darch 2020 pp 77 80 Malet 1982 p 46 Peters 1970 p 82 Skirda 2004 pp 134 135 Darch 2020 p 80 Malet 1982 p 47 Peters 1970 p 82 Skirda 2004 pp 135 136 Skirda 2004 pp 135 136 Darch 2020 pp 80 81 Malet 1982 p 47 Peters 1970 pp 82 83 Skirda 2004 p 137 Chamberlin 1987 p 235 Darch 2020 p 86 Peters 1970 p 83 Skirda 2004 p 137 Avrich 1988 p 115 Chamberlin 1987 pp 234 235 Darch 2020 pp 75 76 Lincoln 1989 p 326 327 Malet 1982 p 48 Peters 1970 pp 83 84 Skirda 2004 pp 137 138 Darch 2020 p 29 Patterson 2020 p 109 Patterson 2020 pp 109 110 Patterson 2020 p 140 Peters 1970 p 106 107 Darch 2020 pp 29 30 Patterson 2020 pp 140 141 Skirda 2004 p 153 Malet 1982 pp 109 123 124 Skirda 2004 pp 154 156 Skirda 2004 p 156 Chamberlin 1987 p 235 Skirda 2004 p 156 Chamberlin 1987 p 237 Skirda 2004 p 160 Skirda 2004 p 160 Darch 2020 pp 93 94 Malet 1982 pp 52 53 Peters 1970 pp 84 85 Skirda 2004 pp 160 161 Darch 2020 p 92 Lincoln 1989 p 327 Skirda 2004 p 165 Darch 2020 p 92 Skirda 2004 p 165 Chamberlin 1987 p 237 Darch 2020 pp 93 94 Skirda 2004 p 165 Chamberlin 1987 p 237 Darch 2020 pp 93 94 Lincoln 1989 p 327 Skirda 2004 p 165 Darch 2020 pp 93 94 Skirda 2004 p 165 Darch 2020 p 94 Skirda 2004 pp 166 167 Chamberlin 1987 p 237 Darch 2020 pp 95 97 Skirda 2004 p 178 Skirda 2004 p 178 Skirda 2004 pp 181 186 Malet 1982 p 62 Skirda 2004 p 187 Skirda 2004 pp 187 189 Malet 1982 p 62 63 Skirda 2004 pp 194 195 Chamberlin 1987 p 238 Darch 2020 p 111 Malet 1982 p 65 Peters 1970 pp 126 127 Skirda 2004 p 196 Chamberlin 1987 p 238 Darch 2020 pp 110 111 Malet 1982 pp 65 66 Peters 1970 pp 127 128 Skirda 2004 pp 196 197 Skirda 2004 pp 200 201 a b Skirda 2004 p 201 Peters 1970 pp 86 87 Skirda 2004 p 223 Skirda 2004 pp 224 225 Skirda 2004 p 225 Skirda 2004 pp 232 233 Chamberlin 1987 pp 238 239 Malet 1982 pp 67 71 Shubin 2010 pp 185 186 Avrich 1988 p 116 Chamberlin 1987 pp 238 239 Malet 1982 p 72 Skirda 2004 p 239 Darch 2020 p 120 Malet 1982 p 72 Skirda 2004 p 239 Skirda 2004 p 239 Darch 2020 p 121 Skirda 2004 p 239 Darch 2020 pp 116 117 Malet 1982 pp 70 71 Skirda 2004 pp 241 242 Darch 2020 pp 118 119 Skirda 2004 pp 242 245 Darch 2020 p 120 Malet 1982 p 73 Skirda 2004 pp 246 247 Skirda 2004 pp 246 247 Skirda 2004 p 248 Darch 2020 pp 121 122 Malet 1982 pp 73 74 Skirda 2004 pp 248 249 Darch 2020 p 125 Skirda 2004 p 249 Skirda 2004 p 249 Skirda 2004 p 251 Skirda 2004 pp 251 252 a b Skirda 2004 pp 255 256 Darch 2020 p 125 Skirda 2004 pp 255 256 Malet 1982 p 76 Skirda 2004 p 256 Malet 1982 pp 76 77 Skirda 2004 p 258 Skirda 2004 pp 258 259 Skirda 2004 p 259 Darch 2020 p 129 Skirda 2004 pp 259 260 Darch 2020 p 129 Footman 1961 p 301 Skirda 2004 p 260 Darch 2020 pp 129 130 Malet 1982 p 183 Peters 1970 p 89 Darch 2020 p 130 Footman 1961 p 301 Malet 1982 p 183 Skirda 2004 p 264 Darch 2020 pp 130 131 Skirda 2004 p 265 Darch 2020 p 131 Malet 1982 p 183 Skirda 2004 pp 266 267 Darch 2020 p 132 Malet 1982 p 183 Skirda 2004 p 267 Darch 2020 pp 132 133 Malet 1982 pp 184 185 Peters 1970 pp 89 90 Skirda 2004 p 268 Darch 2020 p 133 Malet 1982 p 185 Darch 2020 pp 133 134 Malet 1982 pp 185 186 Skirda 2004 pp 268 269 Skirda 2004 pp 269 270 Skirda 2004 p 270 Darch 2020 pp 135 137 Malet 1982 pp 185 186 Skirda 2004 p 270 Darch 2020 p 137 Darch 2020 pp 137 138 Darch 2020 p 138 Malet 1982 p 186 Skirda 2004 p 270 Darch 2020 p 138 Malet 1982 p 186 Patterson 2020 p 32 35 Skirda 2004 p 271 Darch 2020 p 138 Malet 1982 p 186 Skirda 2004 p 271 Darch 2020 pp 138 139 Skirda 2004 p 271 Malet 1982 p 187 Malet 1982 pp 187 188 Skirda 2004 p 273 a b c Skirda 2004 pp 273 274 Skirda 2004 p 274 Footman 1961 p 301 Malet 1982 p 188 Avrich 1988 p 124 Darch 2020 p 139 Darch 2020 pp 140 145 Malet 1982 pp 189 191 Skirda 2004 p 274 Malet 1982 p 189 Skirda 2004 pp 274 275 Malet 1982 p 189 Peters 1970 pp 92 93 Malet 1982 p 189 Peters 1970 p 93 Darch 2020 p 139 Malet 1982 p 189 Skirda 2004 p 275 Malet 1982 pp 189 190 Darch 2020 p 139 Skirda 2004 pp 275 276 Skirda 2004 p 276 Avrich 1988 p 123 Peters 1970 p 94 Skirda 2004 p 276 Avrich 1988 p 123 Footman 1961 p 284 Malet 1982 pp 169 171 Shubin 2010 p 172 Malet 1982 p 170 Skirda 2004 p 338 Avrich 1988 pp 122 123 Malet 1982 pp 173 174 Peters 1970 pp 94 95 Skirda 2004 p 339 Avrich 1988 p 123 Kenez 1992 p 296 Malet 1982 pp 168 174 Skirda 2004 pp 338 340 Skirda 2004 pp 277 278 Darch 2020 p 139 Malet 1982 p 187 Malet 1982 p 190 Skirda 2004 pp 278 279 Footman 1961 pp 301 302 Malet 1982 p 190 Skirda 2004 pp 279 280 Skirda 2004 p 280 Skirda 2004 p 282 Avrich 1988 p 124 Skirda 2004 pp 276 277 Skirda 2004 pp 280 281 Malet 1982 p 188 Skirda 2004 p 281 Skirda 2004 p 281 Malet 1982 p 188 Peters 1970 p 89 Malet 1982 p 188 Malet 1982 pp 188 189 Skirda 2004 pp 281 282 Darch 2020 p 145 Malet 1982 pp 191 192 Peters 1970 p 96 Skirda 2004 p 283 Skirda 2004 pp 284 285 Darch 2020 p 145 Malet 1982 p 192 Peters 1970 pp 96 97 Skirda 2004 p 285 a b Darch 2020 p 10 Malet 1982 pp 9 10 Malet 1982 p 10 Skirda 2004 pp 302 303 Malet 1982 p 187 Skirda 2004 p 303 Skirda 2004 pp 259 261 Skirda 2004 pp 268 269 Avrich 1988 p 121 Peters 1970 p 100 Skirda 2004 pp 305 306 Skirda 2004 pp 299 302 Malet 1982 p 101 Peters 1970 p 96 Darch 2020 p 146 Shubin 2010 p 191 Darch 2020 p 146 Skirda 2004 pp 260 261 Schmidt Michael 5 December 2014 The neo Makhnovist revolutionary project in Ukraine Anarkismo net Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front Retrieved 31 January 2021 Hanrahan Jake 10 April 2019 Ukraine s Anarchist Underground Popular Front Retrieved 31 January 2021 a b c Ellmer Michael 24 May 2022 Ukrainian Anarchists Shout Echos of Makhno Grey Dynamics Retrieved 12 September 2022 Darch 2020 pp 164 165 Kubijovyc Volodymyr ed 2016 Huliaipole Encyclopedia of Ukraine Vol II doi 10 3138 9781442632813 ISBN 9781442632813 OCLC 1165480101 Retrieved 12 September 2022 Darch 2020 p 164 Darch 2020 pp 164 166 Frenkel Naftali Aronovich Dvadcat grabitelej verhom na loshadyah za schitannye minuty razoruzhili ohranu rus history com in Russian Archived from the original on 17 September 2012 a b c Sadkov Pavel 4 July 2007 Kakimi byli nashi batki Mahno Komsomolskaya Pravda in Russian ISSN 0233 433X Retrieved 11 February 2022 Steinberg Mark 1 January 2020 Salyut Mariya ili Salyut Miryam Evrejskaja Panorama in Russian Retrieved 11 February 2022 Poupard Dennis ed 1985 Tolstoy Alexey Nikolayevich 1883 1945 An Introduction to Twentieth Century Literary Criticism Vol 18 p 381 Gale EOKKRV761201241 Kurmanova Aina 11 December 2017 Hozhdenie po mukam i boyazn revolyucii Liva Retrieved 11 February 2022 Krainer Anastasia 29 September 2007 Devyat zhiznej Nestora Mahno pravda i vymysel v zhizni geroya razbojnika Nash film in Russian Archived from the original on 6 September 2017 Kagarlitsky Boris 27 July 2007 Istoriya Batki Scepsis in Russian Moscow ISSN 1683 5573 OCLC 71009183 Retrieved 20 January 2022 Waintrop Edouard 26 February 1997 ARTE 20h45 Nestor Makhno paysan d Ukraine documentaire d Helene Chatelain Makhno un drapeau noir qui derange l Histoire Liberation in French Retrieved 10 June 2022 The complete review s Review The Steel Tsar by Michael Moorcock Complete Review Retrieved 11 February 2022 Antyukhova Anna 16 August 2007 ALEKSANDR ShAGANOV Ya BYL ROZhDEN RADI KOMBATA Trud in Russian Retrieved 11 February 2022 Cipko Serge 2006 Reviewed work Nestor Makhno Anarchy s Cossack The Struggle for Free Soviets in the Ukraine 1917 1921 Alexandre Skirda Paul Sharkey The Russian Review Wiley Blackwell 65 2 338 ISSN 0036 0341 JSTOR 3664432 OCLC 440194142 Lord Tom 31 May 2022 Defensive war as an act of popular resistance Exclusive Interview with an Anarchist Fighter of the Territorial Defense Forces of Ukraine Militant Wire Retrieved 12 September 2022 Koshiw Isobel 26 May 2022 Putin s terror affects everyone anarchists join Ukraine s war effort The Guardian Kyiv Retrieved 12 September 2022 Lord Tom 3 March 2022 Ukrainian Anarchists Mobilize for Armed Defense Draw Solidarity from Abroad as Russia Invades Militant Wire Retrieved 12 September 2022 Levin Igal 30 June 2022 U nashego naroda geneticheskaya lyubov k pulemetam i Mahno Intervyu s opytnym voennym inzhenerom Focus Retrieved 12 September 2022 Zvorygina Natalia 10 May 2022 Huliaipole Where one man is an island Ukraine Crisis Media Center Retrieved 12 September 2022 Beecher Jay 29 December 2022 Snowfall Soup and Shelling Christmas in Zaporizhzhia Kyiv Post Retrieved 26 January 2023 Bibliography EditAvrich Paul 1988 Nestor Makhno The Man and the Myth Anarchist Portraits Princeton Princeton University Press pp 111 124 ISBN 978 0 691 04753 9 OCLC 17727270 Chamberlin William Henry 1987 1935 Ukraina Whirlpool of Peasant Anarchism The Russian Revolution Vol II Princeton Princeton University Press pp 221 241 ISBN 0 691 05493 2 LCCN 87 3719 OCLC 311567963 Darch Colin 2020 Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine 1917 1921 London Pluto Press ISBN 9781786805263 OCLC 1225942343 Footman David 1961 Makhno Civil War in Russia Praeger Publications in Russian History and World Communism Vol 114 New York Praeger pp 245 302 LCCN 62 17560 OCLC 254495418 Kantowicz Edward R 1999 The Rage of Nations Wm B Eerdmans Publishing ISBN 978 0 8028 4455 2 Kenez Peter 1992 Pogroms and White ideology in the Russian Civil War In Klier John D Lambroza Shlomo eds Pogroms Anti Jewish Violence in Modern Russian History Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 293 313 ISBN 0521405327 OCLC 895464910 Lincoln William Bruce 1989 The Ukraine in Ferment Red Victory A History of the Russian Civil War New York Simon amp Schuster pp 302 328 ISBN 0 671 63166 7 LCCN 89 21721 OCLC 795310657 Malet Michael 1982 Nestor Makhno in the Russian Civil War London Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978 0 333 25969 6 OCLC 8514426 Nomad Max 1939 The Warrior Nestor Makhno the Bandit Who Saved Moscow Apostles of Revolution Boston Little Brown and Company pp 302 342 OCLC 717604079 Palij Michael 1976 The Anarchism of Nestor Makhno 1918 1921 An Aspect of the Ukrainian Revolution Publications on Russia and Eastern Europe Seattle University of Washington Press ISBN 978 0 295 95511 7 OCLC 81941010 Patterson Sean 2020 Makhno and Memory Anarchist and Mennonite Narratives of Ukraine s Civil War 1917 1921 Manitoba University of Manitoba Press ISBN 978 0 88755 578 7 OCLC 1134608930 Peters Victor 1970 Nestor Makhno The Life of an Anarchist Winnipeg Echo Books OCLC 7925080 Shubin Aleksandr 2010 The Makhnovist Movement and the National Question in the Ukraine 1917 1921 In Hirsch Steven J van der Walt Lucien eds Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World 1870 1940 Studies in Global Social History Vol 6 Leiden Brill pp 147 191 ISBN 9789004188495 OCLC 868808983 Skirda Alexandre 2004 1982 Nestor Makhno Anarchy s Cossack The Struggle for Free Soviets in the Ukraine 1917 1921 Translated by Sharkey Paul Oakland AK Press ISBN 978 1 902593 68 5 OCLC 60602979 Sysyn Frank 1977 Nestor Makhno and the Ukrainian Revolution In Hunczak Taras ed The Ukraine 1917 1921 A Study in Revolution Cambridge Massachusetts Harvard University Press pp 271 304 ISBN 9780674920095 OCLC 942852423 Archived from the original on 23 September 2015 Retrieved 23 September 2015 Further reading EditAllen W E D 1963 The Ukraine a history Russell amp Russell p 404 OCLC 578666051 Arshinov Peter 1974 1923 History of the Makhnovist Movement Detroit Black amp Red OCLC 579425248 Avrich Paul 1971 1967 The Downfall of Russian Anarchism The Russian Anarchists Princeton Princeton University Press pp 204 233 ISBN 0 691 00766 7 OCLC 1154930946 Avrich Paul 1983 Review of Nestor Makhno in the Russian Civil War by Michael Malet The Russian Review 42 1 113 doi 10 2307 129469 ISSN 0036 0341 JSTOR 129469 Dubovik Anatoly 2009 The Anarchist Underground in the Ukraine in the 1920s and 1930s Outlines of History After Makhno Anarchist Sources Series Translated by Szarapow London Kate Sharpley Library ISBN 978 1 873605 84 4 OCLC 649796183 Eichenbaum Vsevolod Mikhailovich 1955 1947 The Unknown Revolution Translated by Cantine Holley New York Libertarian Book Club ISBN 0919618251 OCLC 792898216 Goldberg Joel Harold 1973 The Anarchists View the Bolshevik Regime 1918 1922 PhD Madison University of Wisconsin OCLC 36688081 Gilley Christopher 8 October 2014 Daniel Ute Gatrell Peter Janz Oliver Jones Heather Keene Jennifer Kramer Alan Nasson Bill eds Makhno Nestor Ivanovich 1914 1918 online International Encyclopedia of the First World War Berlin Free University of Berlin doi 10 15463 ie1418 10117 OCLC 895280021 Retrieved 13 January 2021 Goldman Emma 1923 A Visit from the Ukraina My Disillusionment in Russia New York Doubleday pp 94 106 ISBN 978 1 4191 3601 6 OCLC 250732439 Gora Dirk 1930 1921 A Russian Dance of Death Claremont Key Books Publishers OCLC 2002299 Guerin Daniel 2005 Nestor Makhno No Gods No Masters An Anthology of Anarchism Translated by Sharkey Paul Oakland AK Press pp 497 540 ISBN 1 904859 25 9 LCCN 2005930956 OCLC 1156129943 Magocsi Paul R 1996 A History of Ukraine Toronto University of Toronto Press ISBN 0 8020 0830 5 OCLC 757049758 Makhno Nestor 1996 Skirda Alexandre ed The Struggle Against the State and Other Essays Translated by Sharkey Paul Edinburgh AK Press ISBN 1873176783 OCLC 924883878 Makhno Nestor 2007 1928 The Russian Revolution in Ukraine March 1917 April 1918 Translated by Archibald Malcolm Edmonton Black Cat Press ISBN 9780973782714 OCLC 187835001 Makhno Nestor 2009 Skirda Alexandre ed Memoires et ecrits 1917 1932 in French Paris Ivrea ISBN 9782851842862 OCLC 690866794 Menzies Malcolm 1972 Makhno une epopee le soulevement anarchiste en Ukraine 1918 1921 in French Translated by Chrestien Michel Paris P Belfond OCLC 370883941 Przyborowski Michal Wierzchos Dariusz 2012 Machno w Polsce in Polish Poznan Oficyna Wydawnicza Bractwa Trojka ISBN 978 83 933082 1 7 OCLC 814303677 Rublyov D I 2009 The Story of a Leaflet and the Fate of the Anarchist Varshavskiy From the History of Anarchist Resistance to Totalitarianism After Makhno Anarchist Sources Series Translated by Szarapow London Kate Sharpley Library ISBN 978 1 873605 84 4 OCLC 649796183 Savchenko Victor 2005 Mahno Makhno in Ukrainian Kharkiv Folio ISBN 9660330537 OCLC 66091188 Semanov Sergeĭ Nikolaevich 2005 Nestor Mahno vozhak anarhistov Nestor Makhno Anarchist Chieftain in Russian Moscow Veche ISBN 5953305192 OCLC 1171373855 Semanov Sergeĭ Nikolaevich 2001 Mahno podlinnaya istoriya Makhno An Authentic History in Russian Moscow AST PRESS ISBN 5780508305 OCLC 50990634 Subtelny Orest 1988 Ukraine A History Toronto University of Toronto Press ISBN 978 0 8020 5808 9 OCLC 20722741 Wierzchos D 2011 Nestor Machno i jego kontakty z Polakami i Polska In Krasucki Eryk Przyborowski Michal Skrycki Radoslaw eds Studia z dziejow polskiego anarchizmu in Polish Szczecin Szczecin Scientific Society ISBN 9788393394210 OCLC 804017743 Yanowitz Jason May June 2007 The Makhno Myth International Socialist Review Chicago Center for Economic Research and Social Change 53 OCLC 760591210 Archived from the original on 25 October 2020 Letter Exchange on above article Archived 11 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine McKay Iain 17 July 2008 On the Bolshevik Myth Anarchist Writers Retrieved 10 January 2021 a response to the above article Yekelchyk Serhy 2007 Ukraine Birth of a Modern Nation Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 530546 3 OCLC 219616283 External links EditNestor Makhno at Wikipedia s sister projects Media from Commons Quotations from Wikiquote Texts from Wikisource The Nestor Makhno Archive Works by and about Nestor Makhno at The Anarchist Library Works by and about Nestor Makhno at Libcom org Helene Chatelain 1996 Nestor Makhno paysan d Ukraine Nestor Makhno Peasant of Ukraine Documentary film in French Marseille 13 Production OCLC 1038580600 Retrieved 29 December 2021 Robert Evans 22 December 2020 Nestor Makhno Anarchist Warlord and Book Club Aficionado Behind the Bastards Podcast iHeartMedia Retrieved 29 December 2021 Tristan Johnson 6 July 2017 Nestor Makhno and the Ukrainian Black Army No Harmless Power Internet video London Ontario Step Back Retrieved 29 December 2021 Nestor Makhno Making History 12 May 2019 National News Agency of Ukraine UATV Retrieved 29 December 2021 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Nestor Makhno amp oldid 1152836933, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

article

, read, download, free, free download, mp3, video, mp4, 3gp, jpg, jpeg, gif, png, picture, music, song, movie, book, game, games.