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Wikipedia

Gentrification

Gentrification is the process of changing the character of a neighborhood through the influx of more affluent residents and businesses.[1] It is a common and controversial topic in urban politics and planning. Gentrification often increases the economic value of a neighborhood, but the resulting demographic displacement may itself become a major social issue. Gentrification often sees a shift in a neighborhood's racial or ethnic composition and average household income as housing and businesses become more expensive and resources that had not been previously accessible are extended and improved.[2][3][4]

Early 20th-century damaged buildings next to a new loft tower in Mexico City's Colonia Roma
Gentrification in Praga district of Warsaw
Buildings on Mainzer Straße in Berlin

The gentrification process is typically the result of increasing attraction to an area by people with higher incomes spilling over from neighboring cities, towns, or neighborhoods. Further steps are increased investments in a community and the related infrastructure by real estate development businesses, local government, or community activists and resulting economic development, increased attraction of business, and lower crime rates. In addition to these potential benefits, gentrification can lead to population migration and displacement. In extreme cases, gentrification can be brought on by a prosperity bomb.[5] However, some view the fear of displacement, which dominates the debate about gentrification, as hindering discussion about genuine progressive approaches to distribute the benefits of urban redevelopment strategies.[6]

Origin and etymology

 
Symbolic gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg, Berlin

Historians say that gentrification took place in ancient Rome and in Roman Britain, where large villas were replacing small shops by the 3rd century, AD.[7] The word gentrification derives from gentry—which comes from the Old French word genterise, "of gentle birth" (14th century) and "people of gentle birth" (16th century). In England, landed gentry denoted the social class, consisting of gentlemen (and gentlewomen, as they were at that time known).[8] British sociologist Ruth Glass was first to use "gentrification" in its current sense. She used it in 1964 to describe the influx of middle-class people displacing lower-class worker residents in urban neighborhoods; her example was London, and its working-class districts such as Islington:[9]

One by one, many of the working class neighbourhoods of London have been invaded by the middle-classes—upper and lower. Shabby, modest mews and cottages—two rooms up and two down—have been taken over, when their leases have expired, and have become elegant, expensive residences ... Once this process of 'gentrification' starts in a district it goes on rapidly, until all or most of the original working-class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed.

In the US, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report Health Effects of Gentrification defines the real estate concept of gentrification as "the transformation of neighborhoods from low value to high value. This change has the potential to cause displacement of long-time residents and businesses ... when long-time or original neighborhood residents move from a gentrified area because of higher rents, mortgages, and property taxes. Gentrification is a housing, economic, and health issue that affects a community's history and culture and reduces social capital. It often shifts a neighborhood's characteristics, e.g., racial-ethnic composition and household income, by adding new stores and resources in previously run-down neighborhoods."[4]

Scholars and pundits have applied a variety of definitions to gentrification since 1964, some oriented around gentrifiers, others oriented around the displaced, and some a combination of both. The first category include the Hackworth (2002) definition "the production of space for progressively more affluent users".[page needed] The second category include Kasman's definition "the reduction of residential and retail space affordable to low-income residents".[10] The final category includes Rose, who describes gentrification as a process "in which members of the 'new middle class' move into and physically and culturally reshape working-class inner city neighbourhoods".[11]

Kennedy & Leonard (2001) say in their Brookings Institution report that "the term 'gentrification' is both imprecise and quite politically charged", suggesting its redefinition as "the process by which higher income households displace lower income residents of a neighborhood, changing the essential character and flavour of that neighborhood", so distinguishing it from the different socio-economic process of "neighborhood (or urban) revitalization", although the terms are sometimes used interchangeably.

German geographers have a more distanced view on gentrification. Actual gentrification is seen as a mere symbolic issue happening in a low number of places and blocks, the symbolic value and visibility in public discourse being higher than actual migration trends. Gerhard Hard, for instance, assumes that urban flight is still more important than inner-city gentrification.[12]Volkskunde scholar Barbara Lang introduced the term 'symbolic gentrification' with regard to the Mythos Kreuzberg in Berlin.[13] Lang assumes that complaints about gentrification often come from those who have been responsible for the process in their youth. When former students and bohemians start raising families and earning money in better-paid jobs, they become the yuppies they claim to dislike.[13] Berlin in particular is a showcase of intense debates about symbols of gentrification, while the actual processes are much slower than in other cities.[14] The city's Prenzlauer Berg district is, however, a poster child of the capital's gentrification, as this area in particular has experienced a rapid transformation over the last two decades. This leads to mixed feelings amidst the local population.[15] The neologism Bionade-Biedermeier was coined about Prenzlauer Berg. It describes the post-gentrifed milieu of the former quartier of the alternative scene, where alleged leftist alternative accessories went into the mainstream.[16] The 2013 Schwabenhass controversy in Berlin, which placed blame for gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg on well-to-do Swabians from southwest Germany, saw the widespread use of inter-German ethnic slurs which would have been deemed unacceptable if used against foreigners.[17]

American economists describe gentrification as a natural cycle: the well-to-do prefer to live in the newest housing stock. Each decade of a city's growth, a new ring of housing is built. When the housing at the center has reached the end of its useful life and becomes cheap, the well-to-do gentrify the neighborhood. The push outward from the city center continues as the housing in each ring reaches the end of its economic life.[18] They observe that gentrification has three interpretations: (a) "great, the value of my house is going up, (b) coffee is more expensive, now that we have a Starbucks, and (c) my neighbors and I can no longer afford to live here (community displacement)".[19]

Causes

London and Palen

There are several approaches that attempt to explain the roots and the reasons behind the spread of gentrification. Palen & London (1984) compiled a list of five explanations:

  1. demographic-ecological,
  2. sociocultural,
  3. political-economical,
  4. community networks, and
  5. social movements.

Demographic-ecological

The first theory, demographic-ecological, attempts to explain gentrification through the analysis of demographics: population, social organization, environment, and technology. This theory frequently refers to the growing number of people between the ages of 25 and 35 in the 1970s, or the baby boomer generation. Because the number of people that sought housing increased, the demand for housing increased also. The supply could not keep up with the demand; therefore cities were "recycled" to meet such demands.

The baby boomers in pursuit of housing were very different, demographically, from their house-hunting predecessors. They married at an older age and had fewer children, and their children were born later. Women, both single and married, were entering the labor force at higher rates which led to an increase of dual wage-earner households. These households were typically composed of young, more affluent couples without children. Because these couples were child-free and were not concerned with the conditions of schools and playgrounds, they elected to live in the inner city in close proximity to their jobs. These more affluent people usually had white-collar, not blue-collar jobs. Since these white-collar workers wanted to live closer to work, a neighborhood with more white-collar jobs was more likely to be invaded; the relationship between administrative activity and invasion was positively correlated.[20]

Sociocultural

The second theory proposed by London and Palen is based on a sociocultural explanation of gentrification. This theory argues that values, sentiments, attitudes, ideas, beliefs, and choices should be used to explain and predict human behavior, not demographics, or "structural units of analysis" (i.e., characteristics of populations). This analysis focuses on the changing attitudes, lifestyles, and values of the middle- and upper-middle-class of the 1970s. They were becoming more pro-urban than before, opting not to live in rural or even suburban areas anymore. These new pro-urban values were becoming more salient, and more and more people began moving into the cities. London and Palen refer to the first people to invade the cities as "urban pioneers". These urban pioneers demonstrated that the inner-city was an "appropriate" and "viable" place to live, resulting in what is called "inner city chic". The opposing side of this argument is that dominant, or recurring, American values determine where people decide to live, not the changing values previously cited. This means that people choose to live in a gentrified area to restore it, not to alter it, because restoration is a "new way to realize old values".[20]

Political-economic

The third theoretical explanation of gentrification is political-economic and is divided into two approaches: traditional and Marxist. The traditional approach argues that economic and political factors have led to the invasion of the inner-city, hence the name political-economic. The changing political and legal climate of the 1950s and 1960s (new civil rights legislation, anti-discrimination laws in housing and employment, and desegregation) had an "unanticipated" role in the gentrification of neighborhoods. A societal decrease in acceptance of prejudice led to more blacks moving to the suburbs and whites no longer rejected the idea of moving to the city. The decreasing availability of suburban land and inflation in suburban housing costs also inspired the invasion of the cities. The Marxist approach denies the notion that the political and economic influences on gentrification are invisible, but are intentional. This theory claims that "powerful interest groups follow a policy of neglect of the inner city until such time as they become aware that policy changes could yield tremendous profits".[20] Once the inner city becomes a source of revenue, the powerless residents are displaced with little or no regard from the powerful.

Community networks

The community-network approach is the fourth proposed by London and Palen. This views the community as an "interactive social group". Two perspectives are noted: community lost and community saved. The community lost perspective argues that the role of the neighborhood is becoming more limited due to technological advances in transportation and communication. This means that the small-scale, local community is being replaced with more large-scale, political and social organizations.[21] The opposing side, the community saved side, argues that community activity increases when neighborhoods are gentrified because these neighborhoods are being revitalized.

Social movements

The fifth and final approach is social movements. This theoretical approach is focused on the analysis of ideologically based movements, usually in terms of leader-follower relationships. Those who support gentrification are encouraged by leaders (successful urban pioneers, political-economic elites, land developers, lending institutions, and even the Federal government in some instances) to revive the inner-city. Those who are in opposition are the people who currently reside in the deteriorated areas. They develop countermovements in order to gain the power necessary to defend themselves against the movements of the elite. An excellent example was the turned around gang in Chicago who fought for years against the Richard J. Daley machine: the Young Lords led by Jose Cha Cha Jimenez. They occupied neighborhood institutions and led massive demonstrations to make people aware. These countermovements can be unsuccessful, though. The people who support reviving neighborhoods are also members, and their voices are the ones that the gentrifier tend to hear.[20]

As an economic process

Two discrete sociological theories explain and justify gentrification: one as an economic process (production-side theory); the other and as a social process (consumption-side theory). Both occur when the suburban gentry tire of the automobile-dependent urban sprawl style of life. These professionals, empty nest aged parents, and recent university graduates perceive attractiveness in the city center earlier abandoned during white flight—especially if the poor community possesses a transport hub and its architecture sustains the pedestrian traffic that allows the proper human relations impeded by (sub)urban sprawl.[22]

Furthermore, proximity to urban amenities such as transit stops has been shown to drive up home prices over time. A survey of Northwest Chicago conducted between 1975 and 1991 showed that homes located directly in the vicinity Red Line and Brown Line stops of the "L" rail transit system saw a huge price jump during these years, compared to only modest increases for area outside the zone. Between 1985 and 1991 in particular, homes near transit stops nearly doubled in value.[23]

Human geographer Professor Neil Smith and Marxist sociologists explain gentrification as a structural economic process; Humanistic Geographer, David Ley explains gentrification as a natural outgrowth of increased professional employment in the central business district (CBD), and the creative sub-class's predilection for city living. Ley (1980) describes and deconstructs the TEAM committee's effort to rendering Vancouver, BC, Canada, a "livable city". The investigators Rose, Beauregard, Mullins, Moore et al., who base themselves upon Ley's ideas, posit that "gentrifiers and their social and cultural characteristics [are] of crucial importance for an understanding of gentrification"—theoretical work Chris Hamnett criticized as insufficiently comprehensive, for not incorporating the "supply of dwellings and the role of developers [and] speculators in the process".[24]

Production-side theory

The theory of urban gentrification derives from the work of Neil Smith, explaining gentrification as an economic process consequent to the fluctuating relationships among capital investments and the production of urban space. He asserts that restructuring of urban space is the visual component of a larger social, economic, and spatial restructuring of the contemporary capitalist economy.[25] Smith summarizes the causes of gentrification into five main processes: suburbanization and the emergence of rent gap, deindustrialization, spatial centralization and decentralization of capital, falling profit and cyclical movement of capital, and changes in demographics and consumption pattern.[25]

Suburbanization and rent gap
 
Gentrification with old and new homes side by side in Old East Dallas

Suburban development derives from outward expansion of cities, often driven by sought profit and the availability of cheap land. This change in consumption causes a fall in inner city land prices, often resulting in poor upkeep and a neglect of repair for these properties by owners and landlords. The depressed land is then devalued, causing rent to be significantly cheaper than the potential rent that could be derived from the "best use" of the land while taking advantage of its central location.[25] From this derives the Rent-gap Theory describing the disparity between "the actual capitalized ground rent (land price) of a plot of land given its present use, and the potential ground rent that might be gleaned under a 'higher and better' use."[26]

The rent gap is fundamental to explaining gentrification as an economic process. When the gap is sufficiently wide, real estate developers, landlords, and other people with vested interests in the development of land perceive the potential profit to be derived from re-investing in inner-city properties and redeveloping them for new tenants. Thus, the development of a rent gap creates the opportunity for urban restructuring and gentrification.[25]

De-industrialization

The de-industrialization of cities in developed nations reduces the number of blue-collar jobs available to the urban working class as well as middle-wage jobs with the opportunity for advancement, creating lost investment capital needed to physically maintain the houses and buildings of the city. Abandoned industrial areas create availability for land for the rent gap process.

Although gentrification may be known as “process of renovating deteriorated urban neighborhoods”, many will say that this process actually demolishes historical aspects of neighborhoods, raises residential prices too high for current residents to continue living there, and even negatively impacts the food industry by transforming the local eateries into cafes or chain restaurants. This impact on the food industry, specifically in Oakland, California, is being changed from natural farm grown food into more industrialized sourced products based on consumer preferences.[27] As neighborhoods become gentrified, the consumer need changes; therefore, creating more expensive and modern housing and markets which then run the locals out of town and can be a threat to small businesses because of the raise in renting a store space in a more modern area. As this threatens the small businesses, it becomes harder for most to stay open, although increasing the value of goods which the stores are selling can ensure so that the shops could still be able to survive.[28] This is why organizations such as Planting Justice and Mandela Marketplace strive to resist the acts of gentrification and to form business plans that will work to create living-wage jobs for everyone so that no one must be displaced when such “renovation” takes place.[27]

Gentrification and deindustrialization may also help clean up neighborhoods such as those on the waterfront in Gowanus, New York; however, this clean up tends to draw the attention to commercialized developments which then build and essentially take of the nature of the waterfront.[29] This urbanization creates a tourist attraction and raises value of living in the area to the point where locals have no choice but to move elsewhere. Even though such cleaning of the waterfront would greatly benefit the local community, this would also invite building of an industrialized environment which will ultimately ruin any and all historical value that the neighborhood currently possesses.[29]

Spatial centralization and decentralization of capital

De-industrialization is often integral to the growth of a divided white collar employment, providing professional and management jobs that follow the spatial decentralization of the expanding world economy. However, somewhat counter-intuitively, globalization also is accompanied by spatial centralization of urban centers, mainly from the growth of the inner city as a base for headquarter and executive decision-making centers. This concentration can be attributed to the need for rapid decisions and information flow, which makes it favorable to have executive centers in close proximity to each other. Thus, the expanding effect of suburbanization as well as agglomeration to city centers can coexist. These simultaneous processes can translate to gentrification activities when professionals have a high demand to live near their executive workplaces in order to reduce decision-making time.[25]

Falling profit and the cyclical movement of capital

This section of Smith's theory attempts to describe the timing of the process of gentrification. At the end of a period of expansion for the economy, such as a boom in postwar suburbs, accumulation of capital leads to a falling rate of profit. It is then favorable to seek investment outside the industrial sphere to hold off onset of an economic crisis. By this time, the period of expansion has inevitably led to the creation of rent gap, providing opportunity for capital reinvestment in this surrounding environment.[25]

Changes in demographic and consumption patterns

Smith emphasizes that demographic and life-style changes are more of an exhibition of the form of gentrification, rather than real factors behind gentrification. The aging baby-boomer population, greater participation of women in the workforce, and the changes in marriage and childrearing norms explain the appearance that gentrification takes, or as Smith says, "why we have proliferating quiche bars rather than Howard Johnson's".[25]

Consumption-side theory

 
Gentrification in the US: The North Loop neighborhood, Minneapolis, Minn., is the "Warehouse District" of condominia for artists and entrepreneurs.[30]
 
Ornate Edwardian architecture (seen here in Sutton, United Kingdom).

In contrast to the production-side argument, the consumption-side theory of urban gentrification posits that the "socio-cultural characteristics and motives" of the gentrifiers are most important to understanding the gentrification of the post-industrial city.[31] The changes in the structure of advanced capitalist cities with the shift from industrial to service-based economy were coupled with the expanding of a new middle class—one with a larger purchasing power than ever before.[32] As such, human geographer David Ley posits a rehabilitated post-industrial city influenced by this "new middle class".[33] The consumption theory contends that it is the demographics and consumption patterns of this "new middle class" that is responsible for gentrification.

The economic and cultural changes of the world in the 1960s have been attributed to these consumption changes. The antiauthoritarian protest movements of the young in the U.S., especially on college campuses, brought a new disdain for the "standardization of look-alike suburbs,"[34] as well as fueled a movement toward empowering freedom and establishing authenticity. In the postindustrial economy, the expansion of middle class jobs in inner cities came at the same time as many of the ideals of this movement. The process of gentrification stemmed as the new middle class, often with politically progressive ideals, was employed in the city and recognized not only the convenient commute of a city residence, but also the appeal towards the urban lifestyle as a means of opposing the "deception of the suburbanite".[34]

This new middle class was characterized by professionals with life pursuits expanded from traditional economistic focus. Gentrification provided a means for the 'stylization of life' and an expression of realized profit and social rank. Similarly, Michael Jager contended that the consumption pattern of the new middle class explains gentrification because of the new appeal of embracing the historical past as well as urban lifestyle and culture.[32] The need of the middle class to express individualism from both the upper and lower classes was expressed through consumption, and specifically through the consumption of a house as an aesthetic object. A study in Portland confirm the views that the opening of craft breweries is associated to early gentrification and may reinforce the trend.[35]

These effects are becoming more widespread due to governments changing zoning and liquor laws in industrial areas to allow buildings to be used for artist studios and tasting rooms. Tourists and consumption-oriented members of the new middle class realize value in such an area that was previously avoided as a disamenity because of the externalities of industrial processes. Industrial integration occurs when an industrial area is reinvented as an asset prized for its artists and/or craft beer, integrated into the wider community, with buildings accessible to the general public, and making the neighbourhood more attractive to gentrifiers.[10] Areas that have undergone industrial integration include the Distillery District in Toronto and the Yeast Van area of east Vancouver, Canada.

"This permanent tension on two fronts is evident in the architecture of gentrification: in the external restorations of the Victoriana, the middle classes express their candidature for the dominant classes; in its internal renovation work this class signifies its distance from the lower orders."[36]

Gentrification, according to consumption theory, fulfills the desire for a space with social meaning for the middle class as well as the belief that it can only be found in older places because of a dissatisfaction with contemporary urbanism.[32]

Economic globalization

Gentrification is integral to the new economy of centralized, high-level services work—the "new urban economic core of banking and service activities that come to replace the older, typically manufacturing-oriented, core"[37] that displaces middle-class retail businesses so they might be "replaced by upmarket boutiques and restaurants catering to new high-income urban élites".[38] In the context of globalization, the city's importance is determined by its ability to function as a discrete socio-economic entity, given the lesser import of national borders, resulting in de-industrialized global cities and economic restructuring.

The American urban theorist John Friedmann's seven-part theory posits a bifurcated service industry in world cities, composed of "a high percentage of professionals specialized in control functions and ... a vast army of low-skilled workers engaged in ... personal services ... [that] cater to the privileged classes, for whose sake the world city primarily exists".[39] The final three hypotheses detail (i) the increased immigration of low-skill laborers needed to support the privileged classes, (ii) the class and caste conflict consequent to the city's inability to support the poor people who are the service class,[40] and (iii) the world city as a function of social class struggle—matters expanded by Saskia Sassen et al. The world city's inherent socio-economic inequality illustrates the causes of gentrification, reported in Booza, Cutsinger & Galster (2006) demonstrating geographical segregation by income in US cities, wherein middle-income (middle class) neighborhoods decline, while poor neighborhoods and rich neighborhoods remain stable.

Effects

As rent-gap theory would predict, one of the most visible changes the gentrification process brings is to the infrastructure of a neighborhood. Typically, areas to be gentrified are deteriorated and old, though structurally sound, and often have some obscure amenity such as a historical significance that attracts the potential gentrifiers.[25] Gentry purchase and restore these houses, mostly for single-family homes. In some cases, two or more adjoining property parcels are consolidated into a single lot. Another phenomenon is "loft conversion," which rehabilitates mixed-use areas, often abandoned industrial buildings or run-down apartment buildings to housing for the incoming gentrifiers.[25] Such stabilization of neighbourhoods in decline and the corresponding improvement to the image of such a neighbourhood is one of the arguments used in support of gentrification.[41]

Gentrification has been substantially advocated by local governments, often in the form of 'urban restructuring' policies. Goals of these policies include dispersing low-income residents out of the inner city and into the suburbs as well as redeveloping the city to foster mobility between both the central city and suburbia as residential options.[32] The strain on public resources that often accompanies concentrated poverty is relaxed by the gentrification process, a benefit of changed social makeup that is favorable for the local state.

Rehabilitation movements have been largely successful at restoring the plentiful supply of old and deteriorated housing that is readily available in inner cities. This rehabilitation can be seen as a superior alternative to expansion, for the location of the central city offers an intact infrastructure that should be taken advantage of: streets, public transportation, and other urban facilities.[32] Furthermore, the changed perception of the central city that is encouraged by gentrification can be healthy for resource-deprived communities who have previously been largely ignored.[32] Gentrifiers provide the political effectiveness needed to draw more government funding towards physical and social area improvements,[41] while improving the overall quality of life by providing a larger tax base.[42]

A change of residence that is forced upon people who lack resources to cope has social costs.[32]

There is also the argument that gentrification reduces the social capital of the area it affects. Communities have strong ties to the history and culture of their neighborhood, and causing its dispersal can have detrimental costs.[4]

Positive Negative
  • Reduction in crime
  • Reduced strain on local infrastructure and services
  • Increased consumer purchasing power at local businesses
  • Reduced vacancy rates
  • Stabilization of declining areas
  • Increased social mix
  • Increased local fiscal revenues
  • Increased property values
  • Encouragement and increased viability of further development
  • Higher incentive for property owners to increase/improve housing
  • Rehabilitation of property both with and without state sponsorship
  • Increased cost and charges to local services
  • Community resentment and conflict
  • Homelessness
  • Loss of affordable housing
  • Displacement through rent/price increases
  • Decrease in political participation
  • Commercial/industrial displacement
  • Unsustainable property prices
  • Displacement and housing demand pressures on surrounding poor areas
  • Secondary psychological costs of displacement
  • Loss of social diversity (from socially disparate to rich ghettos)
  • Under occupancy and population loss to gentrified area
Source: Lees, Slater & Wyly (2010, p. 196) ; Atkinson & Bridge (2005, p. 5)

Crime

According to a 2020 review of existing research, gentrification leads to a reduction in crime in gentrifying neighborhoods.[43] The reduction in crime generates substantial economic benefits.[44]

Displacement

A 2018 study found evidence that gentrification displaces renters, but not homeowners.[45] The displacement of low-income rental residents is commonly referenced as a negative aspect of gentrification by its opponents.[46] A 2022 study found evidence that gentrification leads to greater residential mobility.[47]

Also, other research has shown that low-income families in gentrifying neighborhoods are less likely to be displaced than in non-gentrifying neighborhoods. A common theory has been that as affluent people move into a poorer neighborhood, housing prices increase as a result, causing poorer people to move out of the neighborhood. Although there is evidence showing gentrification may modestly raise real estate prices, other studies claim that lower crime and an improved local economy outweigh the increased housing costs—displacement tends to decrease in gentrifying areas such as these as a result.[48] A 2016 study found "that vulnerable residents, those with low credit scores and without mortgages, are generally no more likely to move from gentrifying neighborhoods compared with their counterparts in nongentrifying neighborhoods."[49] A 2019 study which followed children from low-income families in New York found no evidence that gentrification was associated with changes in mobility rates. The study also found "that children who start out in a gentrifying area experience larger improvements in some aspects of their residential environment than their counterparts who start out in persistently low-socioeconomic status areas."[50]

Social changes

Many of the social effects of gentrification have been based on extensive theories about how socioeconomic status of an individual's neighborhood will shape one's behavior and future. These studies have prompted "social mix policies" to be widely adopted by governments to promote the process and its positive effects, such as lessening the strain on public resources that are associated with de-concentrating poverty. However, more specific research has shown that gentrification does not necessarily correlate with "social mixing," and that the effects of the new composition of a gentrified neighborhood can both weaken as well as strengthen community cohesion.[51]

Housing confers social status, and the changing norms that accompany gentrification translate to a changing social hierarchy.[25] The process of gentrification mixes people of different socioeconomic strata, thereby congregating a variety of expectations and social norms. The change gentrification brings in class distinction also has been shown to contribute to residential polarization by income, education, household composition, and race.[25] It conveys a social rise that brings new standards in consumption, particularly in the form of excess and superfluity, to the area that were not held by the pre-existing residents.[25] These differing norms can lead to conflict, which potentially serves to divide changing communities.[51] Often this comes at a larger social cost to the original residents of the gentrified area whose displacement is met with little concern from the gentry or the government. Clashes that result in increased police surveillance, for example, would more adversely affect young minorities who are also more likely to be the original residents of the area.[51]

There is also evidence to support that gentrification can strengthen and stabilize when there is a consensus about a community's objectives. Gentrifiers with an organized presence in deteriorated neighborhoods can demand and receive better resources.[51] A characteristic example is a combined community effort to win historic district designation for the neighborhood, a phenomenon that is often linked to gentrification activity.[32] Gentry can exert a peer influence on neighbors to take action against crime, which can lead to even more price increases in changing neighborhoods when crime rates drop and optimism for the area's future climbs.[32]

Economic shifts

The economic changes that occur as a community goes through gentrification are often favorable for local governments. Affluent gentrifiers expand the local tax base as well as support local shops and businesses, a large part of why the process is frequently alluded to in urban policies. The decrease in vacancy rates and increase in property value that accompany the process can work to stabilize a previously struggling community, restoring interest in inner-city life as a residential option alongside the suburbs.[32] These changes can create positive feedback as well, encouraging other forms of development of the area that promote general economic growth.

Home ownership is a significant variable when it comes to economic impacts of gentrification. People who own their homes are much more able to gain financial benefits of gentrification than those who rent their houses and can be displaced without much compensation.[52]

Economic pressure and market price changes relate to the speed of gentrification. English-speaking countries have a higher number of property owners and a higher mobility. German speaking countries provide a higher share of rented property and have a much stronger role of municipalities, cooperatives, guilds and unions offering low-price-housing. The effect is a lower speed of gentrification and a broader social mix. Gerhard Hard sees gentrification as a typical 1970s term with more visibility in public discourse than actual migration.[12]

A 2017 study found that gentrification leads to job gains overall, but that there are job losses in proximate locations, but job gains further away.[53] A 2014 study found that gentrification led to job gains in the gentrifying neighborhood.[54]

A 2016 study found that residents who stay in gentrifying neighborhoods go onto obtain higher credit scores whereas residents who leave gentrifying neighborhoods obtain lower credit scores.[55]

Public schools

“School gentrification” is characterized by: (i) increased numbers of middle-class families; (ii) material and physical upgrades (e.g. new programs, educational resources, and infrastructural improvements); (iii) forms of exclusion and/or the marginalization of low-income students and families (e.g. in both enrollment and social relations); and (iv) changes in school culture and climate (e.g. traditions, expectations, and social dynamics).[56]

Of the urban schools in the U.S. that were eligible for gentrification (that is, located in structurally disinvested neighborhoods) in 2000, approximately 20% experienced gentrification in their surrounding neighborhood by 2010. “In other words, the persistence of disinvestment—not gentrification—remains the modal experience of urban schools located in gentrifiable neighborhoods.”[57]

School gentrification does not inevitably accompany residential gentrification, nor does it necessarily entail academic improvements. In Chicago, among neighborhood public schools located in areas that did undergo gentrification, schools were found to experience no aggregate academic benefit from the socioeconomic changes occurring around them,[58] despite improvements in other public services such street repair, sanitation, policing, and firefighting. The lack of gentrification-related benefits to schools may be related to the finding that white gentrifiers often do not enroll their children in local neighborhood public schools.[57]

Programs and policies designed to attract gentrifying families to historically disinvested schools may have unintended negative consequences, including an unbalanced landscape of influence wherein the voices and priorities of more affluent parents are privileged over those of lower-income families.[59] In addition, rising enrollment of higher-income families in neighborhood schools can result in the political and cultural displacement of long-term residents in school decision-making processes and the loss of Title I funding.[60] Notably, the expansion of school choice (e.g., charter schools, magnet schools, open enrollment policies) have been found to significantly increase the likelihood that college-educated white households gentrify low-income communities of color.[61]

Health

Displacement carries many health implications that contribute to disparities among populations such as the poor, women, children, the elderly, and members of racial/ethnic minority groups.[62] These specific populations are at an increased risk for the negative consequences of gentrification. Studies indicate that vulnerable populations typically have shorter life expectancy; higher cancer rates; more birth defects; greater infant mortality; and higher incidence of asthma, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease. Displacement due to gentrification limits access to or availability to housing affordability, healthy food alternatives, transportation, education institutions, outdoor and green space, exercise facilities, and social networks.[62] Limits to these effects can lead to changes in stress levels, injuries, violence, crime, incarceration rates, mental health, and social and environmental justice.[62] Research found that gentrification leads to job losses by 63% on prior residents, which forces most of them to find work farther from their homes.[63] Careful consideration of zoning, neighborhood design, and affordability is vital to mitigating the impacts of gentrification.[64] A culmination of recent research suggests that gentrification has both detrimental and beneficial effects on health.[65]

A 2020 review found that studies tended to show adverse health impacts for Black residents and elderly residents in areas undergoing gentrification.[66]

A 2019 study in New York, found that gentrification has no impact on rates of asthma or obesity among low-income children. Growing up in gentrifying neighborhoods was associated with moderate increases in being diagnosed with anxiety or depression between ages 9-11 relative to similar children raised in non-gentrifying areas. The effects of gentrification on mental health were most prominent for children living in market-rate (rather than subsidized) housing, which lead the authors of the study to suggest financial stress as a possible mechanism.[67]

Measurement

Whether gentrification has occurred in a census tract in an urban area in the United States during a particular 10-year period between censuses can be determined by a method used in a study by Governing:[68] If the census tract in a central city had 500 or more residents and at the time of the baseline census had median household income and median home value in the bottom 40th percentile and at the time of the next 10-year census the tract's educational attainment (percentage of residents over age 25 with a bachelor's degree) was in the top 33rd percentile; the median home value, adjusted for inflation, had increased; and the percentage of increase in home values in the tract was in the top 33rd percentile when compared to the increase in other census tracts in the urban area then it was considered to have been gentrified. The method measures the rate of gentrification, not the degree of gentrification; thus, San Francisco, which has a history of gentrification dating to the 1970s, show a decreasing rate between 1990 and 2010.[69]

Scholars have also identified census indicators that can be used to reveal that gentrification is taking place in a given area, including a drop in the number of children per household, increased education among residents, the number of non-traditional types of households, and a general upwards shift in income.[70]

Gentrifier types

 
19th-century Victorian terrace houses in East Melbourne, Australia.

Just as critical to the gentrification process as creating a favorable environment is the availability of the 'gentry,' or those who will be first-stage gentrifiers. The typical gentrifiers are affluent and have professional-level, service industry jobs, many of which involve self-employment.[71] Therefore, they are willing and able to take the investment risk in the housing market. Often they are single people or young couples without children who lack demand for good schools.[25] Gentrifiers are likely searching for inexpensive housing close to the workplace and often already reside in the inner city, sometimes for educational reasons, and do not want to make the move to suburbia. For this demographic, gentrification is not so much the result of a return to the inner city but is more of a positive action to remain there.[71]

The stereotypical gentrifiers also have shared consumer preferences and favor a largely consumerist culture. This fuels the rapid expansion of trendy restaurant, shopping, and entertainment spheres that often accompany the gentrification process.[25] Holcomb and Beauregard described these groups as those who are "attracted by low prices and toleration of an unconventional lifestyle".[72]

An interesting find from research on those who participate and initiate the gentrification process, the "marginal gentrifiers" as referred to by Tim Butler, is that they become marginalized by the expansion of the process.[71]

The upper-class

Research shows how one reason wealthy, upper-class individuals and families hold some responsibility in the causation of gentrification is due to their social mobility.[73] Wealthier families were more likely to have more financial freedom to move into urban areas, oftentimes choosing to do so for their work. At the same time, in these urban areas the lower-income population is decreasing due to an increase in the elderly population as well as demographic change.[73]

Jackelyn Hwang and Jeffrey Lin have supported in their research that another reason for the influx of upper-class individuals to urban areas is due to the "increase in demand for college-educated workers".[74] It is because of this demand that wealthier individuals with college degrees needed to move into urban cities for work, increasing prices in housing as the demand has grown. Additionally, Darren P. Smith finds through his research that college-educated workers moving into the urban areas causes them to settle there and raise children, which eventually contributes to the cost of education in regards to the migration between urban and suburban places.[75]

Women

Women increasingly obtaining higher education as well as higher paying jobs has increased their participation in the labor force, translating to an expansion of women who have greater opportunities to invest. Smith suggests this group "represents a reservoir of potential gentrifiers."[71] The increasing number of highly educated women play into this theory, given that residence in the inner city can give women access to the well-paying jobs and networking, something that is becoming increasingly common.[32]

There are also theories that suggest the inner-city lifestyle is important for women with children where the father does not care equally for the child, because of the proximity to professional childcare.[71] This attracts single parents, specifically single mothers, to the inner-city as opposed to suburban areas where resources are more geographically spread out. This is often deemed as "marginal gentrification," for the city can offer an easier solution to combining paid and unpaid labor. Inner city concentration increases the efficiency of commodities parents need by minimizing time constraints among multiple jobs, childcare, and markets.[32]

Artists

 
Bedford-Stuyvesant in New York, traditionally the largest black community in the US.
 
The Glockenbach district of Ludwigsvorstadt-Isarvorstadt in Munich, Germany

Phillip Clay's two-stage model of gentrification places artists as prototypical stage one or "marginal" gentrifiers. The National Endowment for the Arts did a study that linked the proportion of employed artists to the rate of inner city gentrification across a number of U.S. cities.[34] Artists will typically accept the risks of rehabilitating deteriorated property, as well as having the time, skill, and ability to carry out these extensive renovations.[32] David Ley states that the artist's critique of everyday life and search for meaning and renewal are what make them early recruits for gentrification.

The identity that residence in the inner city provides is important for the gentrifier, and this is particularly so in the artists' case. Their cultural emancipation from the bourgeois makes the central city an appealing alternative that distances them from the conformity and mundaneness attributed to suburban life. They are quintessential city people, and the city is often a functional choice as well, for city life has advantages that include connections to customers and a closer proximity to a downtown art scene, all of which are more likely to be limited in a suburban setting. Ley's research cites a quote from a Vancouver printmaker talking about the importance of inner city life to an artist, that it has, "energy, intensity, hard to specify but hard to do without".[34]

Ironically, these attributes that make artists characteristic marginal gentrifiers form the same foundations for their isolation as the gentrification process matures. The later stages of the process generate an influx of more affluent, "yuppie" residents. As the bohemian character of the community grows, it appeals "not only to committed participants, but also to sporadic consumers,"[76] and the rising property values that accompany this migration often lead to the eventual pushing out of the artists that began the movement in the first place.[32] Sharon Zukin's study of SoHo in Manhattan, NYC was one of the most famous cases of this phenomenon. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Manhattan lofts in SoHo were converted en masse into housing for artists and hippies, and then their sub-culture's followers.[77]

Stages of Gentrification
Early Stage Transitional Stage Late Stage

Artists, writers, musicians, affluent college students, LGBT, hipsters and political activists move in to a neighborhood for its affordability and tolerance.

Upper-middle-class professionals, often politically liberal-progressive (e.g. teachers, journalists, librarians), are attracted by the vibrancy created by the first arrivals.

Wealthier people (e.g. private sector managers) move in and real estate prices increase significantly. By this stage, high prices have excluded traditional residents and most of the types of people who arrived in stage 1 & 2.

Retail gentrification: Throughout the process, local businesses change to serve the higher incomes and different tastes of the gentrifying population.
Source: Caulfield (1996);[pages needed] Ley as cited in Boyd (2008);[pages needed] Rose (1996);[pages needed] and Lees, Slater & Wyly (2010)[pages needed] as cited in Kasman (2015).[pages needed]

LGBT community

Manuel Castells has researched the role of gay communities, especially in San Francisco, as early gentrifiers.[78] The film Quinceañera depicts a similar situation in Los Angeles. Flag Wars (Linda Goode Bryant)[79] shows tensions as of 2003 between bourgeois White LGBT-newcomers and a Black middle-class neighborhood in Columbus, Ohio.[80] In Washington, D.C. Black and other ethnic minority mixed-income community residents accused both the affluent majority-White LGBTQ+ community and the closely linked hipster subculture of cultural displacement (or destruction of cultural heritage) under the guise of progressive inclusion and tolerance.[81]

While much of this information may be true, the LGBTQ+ community felt the need to create their own communities in racial minority dominated areas because of the oppression they faced in heterosexual dominated areas.[82] In Chicago—with neighborhoods like Boystown, a now predominantly wealthy, LGBTQ+ area—these places only came to be because of the isolation of the gay community. As pushback against a city that did not want them there in the first place, the LGBTQ+ community created enclaves.[83] Another example, Buenos Aires, shows that predominantly LGBTQ+ areas were only able to exist when the government allowed that area to be gentrified.[84]

Today, practically all historic gayborhoods have become less LGBTQ+ centric mainly due to the modern effects of gentrification.[85] The rising cost to live in gayborhoods and government use of eminent domain have displaced many LGBTQ+ people and closed many LGBTQ+ centric businesses.[86][87][88][89]

Control

To counter the gentrification of their mixed-populace communities, there are cases where residents formally organized themselves to develop the necessary socio-political strategies required to retain local affordable housing. The gentrification of a mixed-income community raises housing affordability to the fore of the community's politics.[90] There are cities, municipalities, and counties which have countered gentrification with inclusionary zoning (inclusionary housing) ordinances requiring the apportionment of some new housing for the community's original low- and moderate-income residents. Inclusionary zoning is a new social concept in English speaking countries; there are few reports qualifying its effective or ineffective limitation of gentrification in the English literature. The basis of inclusionary zoning is partial replacement as opposed to displacement of the embedded communities.[91]

German (speaking) municipalities have a strong legal role in zoning and on the real estate market in general and a long tradition of integrating social aspects in planning schemes and building regulations. The German approach uses en (milieu conservation municipal law), e.g. in Munich's Lehel district in use since the 1960s. The concepts of socially aware renovation and zoning of Bologna's old city in 1974 was used as role model in the Charta of Bologna, and recognized by the Council of Europe.[92]

Most economists do not think anti-gentrification measures by the government make cities better off.[93][additional citation(s) needed]

Other methods

Direct action and sabotage

 
Coffee shop attacked with paint in alleged anti-gentrification attack in the St-Henri neighborhood of Montreal, January 2012.

When wealthy people move into low-income working-class neighborhoods, the resulting class conflict sometimes involves vandalism and arson targeting the property of the gentrifiers. During the dot-com boom of the late 1990s, the gentrification of San Francisco's predominantly working class Mission District led some long-term neighborhood residents to create what they called the "Mission Yuppie Eradication Project".[94] This group allegedly destroyed property and called for property destruction as part of a strategy to oppose gentrification. Their activities drew hostile responses from the San Francisco Police Department, real estate interests, and "work-within-the-system" housing activists.[95]

Meibion Glyndŵr (Welsh: Sons of Glyndŵr), also known as the Valley Commandos, was a Welsh nationalist movement violently opposed to the loss of Welsh culture and language. They were formed in response to the housing crisis precipitated by large numbers of second homes being bought by the English which had increased house prices beyond the means of many locals. The group were responsible for setting fire to English-owned holiday homes in Wales from 1979 to the mid-1990s. In the first wave of attacks, eight holiday homes were destroyed in a month, and in 1980, Welsh Police carried out a series of raids in Operation Tân. Within the next ten years, some 220 properties were damaged by the campaign.[96] Since the mid-1990s the group has been inactive and Welsh nationalist violence has ceased. In 1989 there was a movement that protested an influx of Swabians to Berlin who were deemed as gentrification drivers. Berlin saw the Schwabenhass and 2013 Spätzlerstreit controversies,[97] which identified gentrification with newcomers from the German south.

 
Canale delle Moline in Bologna

Zoning ordinances

Zoning ordinances and other urban planning tools can be used to recognize and support local business and industries. This can include requiring developers to continue with a current commercial tenant or offering development incentives for keeping existing businesses, as well as creating and maintaining industrial zones. Designing zoning to allow new housing near to a commercial corridor but not on top of it increases foot traffic to local businesses without redeveloping them. Businesses can become more stable by securing long-term commercial leases.[98]

Although developers may recognize value in responding to living patterns, extensive zoning policies often prevent affordable homes from being constructed within urban development. Due to urban density restrictions, rezoning for residential development within urban living areas is difficult, which forces the builder and the market into urban sprawl and propagates the energy inefficiencies that come with distance from urban centers. In a recent example of restrictive urban zoning requirements, Arcadia Development Co. was prevented from rezoning a parcel for residential development in an urban setting within the city of Morgan Hill, California. With limitations established in the interest of public welfare, a density restriction was applied solely to Arcadia Development Co.'s parcel of development, excluding any planned residential expansion.[99]

Community land trusts

Because land speculation tends to cause volatility in property values, removing real estate (houses, buildings, land) from the open market freezes property values, and thereby prevents the economic eviction of the community's poorer residents. The most common, formal legal mechanism for such stability in English speaking countries is the community land trust; moreover, many inclusionary zoning ordinances formally place the "inclusionary" housing units in a land trust. German municipalities and other cooperative actors have and maintain strong roles on the real estate markets in their realm.

Rent control

In jurisdictions where local or national government has these powers, there may be rent control regulations. Rent control restricts the rent that can be charged, so that incumbent tenants are not forced out by rising rents. If applicable to private landlords, it is a disincentive to speculating with property values, reduces the incidence of dwellings left empty, and limits availability of housing for new residents. If the law does not restrict the rent charged for dwellings that come onto the rental market (formerly owner-occupied or new build), rents in an area can still increase. Neighborhoods in southwestern Santa Monica and eastern West Hollywood in California, United States gentrified despite—or perhaps, because of—rent control.[100]

Occasionally, a housing black market develops, wherein landlords withdraw houses and apartments from the market, making them available only upon payment of additional key money, fees, or bribes—thus undermining the rent control law. Many such laws allow "vacancy decontrol", releasing a dwelling from rent control upon the tenant's leaving—resulting in steady losses of rent-controlled housing, ultimately rendering rent control laws ineffective in communities with a high rate of resident turnover. In other cases social housing owned by local authorities may be sold to tenants and then sold on. Vacancy decontrol encourages landlords to find ways of shortening their residents' tenure, most aggressively through landlord harassment. To strengthen the rent control laws of New York, housing advocates active in rent control in New York are attempting to repeal the vacancy decontrol clauses of rent control laws. The state of Massachusetts abolished rent control in 1994; afterwards, rents rose, accelerating the pace of Boston's gentrification; however, the laws protected few apartments, and confounding factors, such as a strong economy, had already been raising housing and rental prices.[101]

Examples

Inner London, England

Gentrification is not a new phenomenon in Britain; in ancient Rome the shop-free forum was developed during the Roman Republican period, and in 2nd- and 3rd-century cities in Roman Britain there is evidence of small shops being replaced by large villas.[7] "London is being 'made over' by an urban centred middle class. In the post war era, upwardly mobile social classes tended to leave the city. Now, led by a new middle class, they are reconstructing much of inner London as a place both in which to work and live” (Butler, 1999, p. 77). King's College London academic Loretta Lees reported that much of Inner London was undergoing "super-gentrification", where "a new group of super-wealthy professionals, working in the City of London [i.e. the financial industry], is slowly imposing its mark on this Inner London housing market, in a way that differentiates it, and them, from traditional gentrifiers, and from the traditional urban upper classes ... Super-gentrification is quite different from the classical version of gentrification. It's of a higher economic order; you need a much higher salary and bonuses to live in Barnsbury" (some two miles north of central London).[102] Rising housing prices due to gentrification within London have led to a doubling of evictions done by private landlords and to a long term decline in home ownership from the years 2003-2020.[103]

Barnsbury was built around 1820, as a middle-class neighbourhood, but after the Second World War (1939–1945), many people moved to the suburbs. The upper and middle classes were fleeing from the working class residents of London, made possible by the modern railway. At the war's end, the great housing demand rendered Barnsbury a place of cheap housing, where most people shared accommodation. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, people moving into the area had to finance house renovations with their money, because banks rarely financed loans for Barnsbury. Moreover, the rehabilitating spark was The 1959 Housing Purchase and Housing Act, investing £100 million to rehabilitating old properties and infrastructure. As a result, the principal population influx occurred between 1961 and 1975; the UK Census reports that "between the years of 1961 and 1981, owner-occupation increased from 7 to 19 per cent, furnished rentals declined from 14 to 7 per cent, and unfurnished rentals declined from 61 to 6 per cent";[104] another example of urban gentrification is the super-gentrification, in the 1990s, of the neighboring working-class London Borough of Islington, where Prime Minister Tony Blair lived until his election in 1997.[102] The conversion of older houses into flats emerged in the 1980s as developers saw the profits to be made. By the end of the 1980s, conversions were the single largest source of new dwellings in London.[105]

Mexico City

Mexico City has been an iconic example of an extensive metropolitan area since the 14th century when it became the largest city in the American continent. Its continuous population growth and concentration of economic and political power boomed in the 1930s when the country's involvement with global markets benefited the national financial industry. Currently the fifth largest city in the world, with a population of 21 million inhabitants (17.47% of national population) living in 16 districts and 59 municipalities, the urban area continues to expand receiving 1,100 new residents daily. The division of the city is derived from a strong socially and economically segregated population connected by its interdependence, that manifests into spatial arrangements where luxury areas coexist alongside slums. Its development around a core called “El Zocalo” derives from the historic, cultural and political relevance of a central plaza, as well as its contemporary concentration of economic power, currently housing 80% of all national firms.[106][107][108]

In recent years, a massive reconstruction and redesign of zones, motivated by both State and private investments, has created exciting areas of historic importance, entertainment opportunities and high quality residentials.[106] These urban developments have been catered to elite communities mainly because this group economically supports the country (38% of the total national income is produced by the top 10%) and because the government, predominantly led by PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional), has maintained a profit-oriented policy perspective. Thus, these developments have not only led to an increase of population, traffic and pollution due to inefficient urban planning, but have also pushed great amounts of low-income families to the edges of the city and have challenged the safety of the 11.5 million people that economically depend on the underground sector.[109] This issue adds to the already critical condition of 40% of the population living in informal settlements, often without access to sewage network and clean water. The geology of the city, located in a mountain valley, further contributes to unhealthy living conditions, concentrating high levels of air pollution.[110]

The reality currently faced by the city is that of a historic rapid urban growth that has been unable to be adequately controlled and planned for, because of a corrupted and economically driven government, as well as a complex society that is strongly segregated. The negative effects of gentrification in Mexico City have been overlooked by the authorities, regarded as an inevitable process and argued to be in some cases nonexistent.[108] In recent years, however, an array of proposals have been developed as a way to continue the gentrification of the city in a way that integrates and respects the rights of all citizens.

Canada

By the 1970s, investors in Toronto started buying up city houses—turning them into temporary rooming houses to make rental income until the desired price in the housing market for selling off the properties was reached (so that the rooming houses could be replaced with high income-oriented new housing)—a gentrification process called "blockbusting."[111]

As of 2011, gentrification in Canada has proceeded quickly in older and denser cities such as Montreal, Toronto, Ottawa, Hamilton and Vancouver, but has barely begun in places such as Calgary, Edmonton, or Winnipeg, where suburban expansion is still the primary type of growth.

Canada's unique history and official multiculturalism policy has resulted in a different strain of gentrification than that of the United States. Some gentrification in Toronto has been sparked by the efforts of business improvement associations to market the ethnic communities in which they operate, such as in Corso Italia and Greektown.[112]

In Quebec City, the Saint Roch neighbourhood in the city's lower town was previously predominantly working class and had gone through a period of decline. However, since the early to mid 2000s, the area has seen the derelict buildings turned into condos and the opening of bars, restaurants and cafes, attracting young professionals into the area, but kicking out the residents from many generations back. Several software developers and gaming companies, such as Ubisoft and Beenox have also opened offices there.

France

In Paris, most poor neighborhoods in the east have seen rising prices and the arrival of many wealthy residents. However, the process is mitigated by social housing and most cities tend to favor a "social mix"; that is, having both low and high-income residents in the same neighborhoods. But in practice, social housing does not cater to the poorest segment of the population; most residents of social dwellings are from the low-end of the middle class. As a result, a lot of poor people have been forced to go first to the close suburbs (1970 to 2000) and then more and more to remote "periurban areas" where public transport is almost nonexistent. The close suburbs (Saint-Ouen, Saint Denis, Aubervilliers, ...) are now in the early stages of gentrification although still poor. A lot of high-profile companies offering well-paid jobs have moved near Saint-Denis and new real-estate programs are underway to provide living areas close to the new jobs.

On the other side, the eviction of the poorest people to periurban areas since 2000 has been analyzed as the main cause for the rising political far-right National Front. When the poor lived in the close suburbs, their problems were very visible to the wealthy population. But the periurban population and its problem is mainly "invisible" from recent[when?] presidential campaign promises. These people have labelled themselves "les invisibles". Many of them fled both rising costs in Paris and nearby suburbs with an insecure and ugly environment to live in small houses in the countryside but close to the city. But they did not factor in the huge financial and human cost of having up to four hours of transportation every day. Since then, a lot has been invested in the close suburbs (with new public transports set to open and urban renewal programs) they fled, but almost nobody cares of these "invisible" plots of land. Since the close suburbs are now mostly inhabited by immigrants, these people have a strong resentment against immigration: They feel everything is done for new immigrants but nothing for the native French population.

This has been first documented in the book Plaidoyer pour une gauche populaire by think-tank Terra-Nova which had a major influence on all contestants in the presidential election (and at least, Sarkozy, François Hollande, and Marine Le Pen). This electorate voted overwhelmingly in favor of Marine Le Pen and Sarkozy while the city centers and close suburbs voted overwhelmingly for François Hollande.

Most major metropolises in France follow the same pattern with a belt of periurban development about 30 to 80 kilometers of the center where a lot of poor people moved in and are now trapped by rising fuel costs. These communities have been disrupted by the arrival of new people and already suffered of high unemployment due to the dwindling numbers of industrial jobs.

In smaller cities, the suburbs are still the principal place where people live and the center is more and more akin to a commercial estate where a lot of commercial activities take place but where few people live.

South Africa

Gentrification in South Africa has been categorized into two waves for two different periods of time. Visser and Kotze find that the first wave occurred in the 1980s to the Post-Apartheid period, the second wave occurred during and after the 2000s.[113] Both of these trends of gentrification has been analyzed and reviewed by scholars in different lenses. One view which Atkinson uses is that gentrification is purely the reflection of middle-class values on to a working-class neighborhood.[114] The second view is the wider view is suggested by Visser and Kotze which views gentrification with inclusions of rural locations, infill housing, and luxury residency development.[113] While Kotze and Visser find that gentrification has been under a provocative lens by media all over the world, South Africa's gentrification process was harder to identify because of the need to differentiate between gentrification and the change of conditions from the Apartheid.[115]

Furthermore, the authors note that the pre-conditions for gentrification where events like Tertiary Decentralization (suburbanization of the service industry) and Capital Flight (disinvestment) were occurring, which caused scholars to ignore the subject of gentrification due to the normality of the process.[115] Additionally, Kotze and Visser found that as state-run programs and private redevelopment programs began to focus on the pursuit of "global competitiveness" and well-rounded prosperity, it hid the underlying foundations of gentrification under the guise of redevelopment.[116] As a result, the effect is similar to what Teppo and Millstein coins as the pursuit to moralize the narrative to legitimize the benefit to all people.[117] This concurrently created an effect where Visser and Kotze conclude that the perceived gentrification was only the fact that the target market was people commonly associated with gentrification.[118] As Visser and Kotze states, "It appears as if apartheid red-lining on racial grounds has been replaced by a financially exclusive property market that entrenches prosperity and privilege."[119]

Generally, Atkinson observes that when looking at scholarly discourse for the gentrification and rapid urbanization of South Africa, the main focus is not on the smaller towns of South Africa. This is a large issue because small towns are magnets for poorer people and repellants for skilled people.[120] In one study, Atkinson dives into research in a small town, Aberdeen in the East Cape. Also as previously mentioned, Atkinson finds that this area has shown signs of gentrification. This is due to redevelopment which indicates clearly the reflection of middle-class values.[114] In this urbanization of the area, Atkinson finds that there is clear dependence on state-programs which leads to further development and growth of the area, this multiplier of the economy would present a benefit of gentrification.[121] The author then attributes the positive growth with the benefits in gentrification by examining the increase in housing opportunities.[122]

Then, by surveying the recent newcomers to the area, Atkinson's research found that there is confidence for local economic growth which further indicated shifts to middle-class values, therefore, gentrification.[123] This research also demonstrated growth in "modernizers" which demonstrate the general belief of gentrification where there is value for architectural heritage as well as urban development.[124] Lastly, Atkinson's study found that the gentrification effects of growth can be accredited to the increase in unique or scarce skills to the municipality which revived interest in the growth of the local area. This gentrification of the area would then negative impact the poorer demographics where the increase in housing would displace and exclude them from receiving benefits. In conclusion, after studying the small town of Aberdeen, Atkinson finds that "Paradoxically, it is possible that gentrification could promote economic growth and employment while simultaneously increasing class inequality."[124]

Historically, Garside notes that due to the Apartheid, the inner cities of Cape Town was cleared of non-white communities. But because of the Group Areas Act, some certain locations were controlled for such communities. Specifically, Woodstock has been a racially mixed community with a compilation of European settlers (such as the Afrikaners and the 1820 Settlers), Eastern European Jews, immigrants from Angola and Mozambique, and the coloured Capetonians. For generations, these groups lived in this area characterizing it be a working-class neighborhood.[125] But as the times changed and restrictions were relaxed, Teppo and Millstein observes that the community became more and more “gray” as in a combination between white and mixed communities.[126]

Then this progression continues to which Garside finds that an exaggeration as more middle-income groups moved into the area. This emigration resulted in a distinct split between Upper Woodstock and Lower Woodstock. Coupled with the emergence of a strong middle-class in South Africa, Woodstock became a destination for convenience and growth. While Upper Woodstock was a predominantly white area, Lower Woodstock then received the attention of the mixed middle-income community. This increase in demand for housing gave landlords incentives to raise prices to profit off of the growing wealth in the area. The 400-500% surge in the housing market for Woodstock thus displaced and excluded the working-class and retired who previously resided in the community.[127] Furthermore, Garside states that the progression of gentrification was accentuated by the fact that most of the previous residents would only be renting their living space.[128] Both Teppo and Millstein would find that this displacement of large swaths of communities would increase demand in other areas of Woodstock or inner city slums.[129]

The Bo-Kaap pocket of Cape Town nestles against the slopes of Signal Hill. It has traditionally been occupied by members of South Africa's minority, mainly Muslim, Cape Malay community. These descendants of artisans and political captives, brought to the Cape as early as the 18th century as slaves and indentured workers, were housed in small barrack-like abodes on what used to be the outskirts of town. As the city limits increased, property in the Bo-Kaap became very sought after, not only for its location but also for its picturesque cobble-streets and narrow avenues. Increasingly, this close-knit community is "facing a slow dissolution of its distinctive character as wealthy outsiders move into the suburb to snap up homes in the City Bowl at cut-rate prices".[130] Inter-community conflict has also arisen as some residents object to the sale of buildings and the resultant eviction of long-term residents.

In another specific case, Millstein and Teppo discovered that working-class residents would become embattled with their landlords. On Gympie Street, which has been labeled as the most dangerous street in Cape Town, it was home to many of the working-class. But as gentrification occurred, landlords brought along tactics to evict low-paying tenants through non-payment clauses. One landlord who bought a building cheaply from an auction, immediately raised the rental price which would then proceed to court for evictions. But, the tenants were able to group together to make a strong case to win. Regardless of the outcome, the landlord resorted to turning off both power and water in the building. The tenants then were exhausted out of motivation to fight. One tenant described it as similar to living in a shack which would be the future living space one displaced.[131] Closing, the Teppo and Millstein's research established that gentrification's progress for urban development would coincide with a large displacement of the poorer communities which also excluded them from any benefits to gentrification. To put it succinctly, the authors state, "The end results are the same in both cases: in the aftermath of the South African negotiated revolution, the elite colonize the urban areas from those who are less privileged, claiming the city for themselves."[132]

Italy

 
Design street in Milan's Zona Tortona.

In Italy, similarly to other countries around the world, the phenomenon of gentrification is proceeding in the largest cities, such as Milan, Turin, Genoa and Rome.[133][134]

In Milan, gentrification is changing the look of some semi-central neighborhoods, just outside the inner ring road (called "Cerchia dei Bastioni"), particularly of former working class and industrial areas. One of the most well known cases is the neighborhood of Isola. Despite its position, this area has been for a long time considered as a suburb since it has been an isolated part of the city, due to the physical barriers such as the railways and the Naviglio Martesana. In the 1950s, a new business district was built not far from this area, but Isola remained a distant and low-class area. In the 2000s vigorous efforts to make Isola as a symbolic place of the Milan of the future were carried out and, with this aim, the Porta Garibaldi-Isola districts became attractors for stylists and artists.[134][135] Moreover, in the second half of the same decade, a massive urban rebranding project, known as Progetto Porta Nuova, started and the neighbourhood of Isola, despite the compliances residents have had,[136] has been one of the regenerated areas, with the Bosco Verticale and the new Giardini di Porta Nuova.

Another semi-central district that has undergone this phenomenon in Milan is Zona Tortona. Former industrial area situated behind Porta Genova station, Zona Tortona is nowadays the Mecca of Italian design and annually hosts some of the most important events of the Milan Design Week during which more than 150 expositors, such as Superstudio, take part.[137] In Zona Tortona, some of important landmarks, related to culture, design and arts, are located such as Fondazione Pomodoro, the Armani/Silos, Spazio A and MUDEC.

Going towards the outskirts of the city, other gentrified areas of Milan are Lambrate-Ventura (where others events of the Milan Design Week are hosted),[138] Bicocca and Bovisa (in which universities have contributed to the gentrification of the areas), Sesto San Giovanni, Via Sammartini, and the so-called NoLo district (which means "Nord di Loreto").[139]

Poland

In Poland, gentrification is proceeding mostly in the big cities like Warsaw, Łódź, Cracow, Silesian Metropolis, Poznań, and Wrocław. The reason of this is both de-industrialisation and poor condition of residential areas.

The biggest European ongoing gentrification process has been occurring in Łódź from the beginning of the 2010s. Huge unemployment (24% in the 1990s) caused by the downfall of the garment industry created both economic and social problems. Moreover, vast majority of industrial and housing facilities had been constructed in the late 19th century and the renovation was neglected after WWII. Łódź authorities rebuilt the industrial district into the New City Center. This included re-purposing buildings including the former electrical power and heating station into the Łódź Fabryczna railway station and the EC1 Science Museum.

There are other significant gentrifications in Poland, such as:

Nowadays the Polish government has started National Revitalization Plan[142] which ensures financial support to municipal gentrification programs.

Russia

Central Moscow rapidly gentrified following the change from the communist central-planning policies of the Soviet era to the market economy of the post-Soviet Russian government.[143]

United States

From a market standpoint, there are two main requirements that are met by the U.S. cities that undergo substantial effects of gentrification. These are: an excess supply of deteriorated housing in central areas, as well as a considerable growth in the availability of professional jobs located in central business districts. These conditions have been met in the U.S. largely as a result of suburbanization and other postindustrial phenomena. There have been three chronological waves of gentrification in the U.S. starting from the 1960s.[42]

The first wave came in the 1960s and early 1970s, led by governments trying to reduce the disinvestment that was taking place in inner-city urban areas.[42] Additionally, starting in the 1960s and 1970s, U.S. industry has created a surplus of housing units as construction of new homes has far surpassed the rate of national household growth. However, the market forces that are dictated by an excess supply cannot fully explain the geographical specificity of gentrification in the U.S., for there are many large cities that meet this requirement and have not exhibited gentrification.

The missing link is another factor that can be explained by particular, necessary demand forces. In U.S. cities in the time period from 1970 to 1978, growth of the central business district at around 20% did not dictate conditions for gentrification, while growth at or above 33% yielded appreciably larger gentrification activity.[32] Succinctly, central business district growth will activate gentrification in the presence of a surplus in the inner city housing market. The 1970s brought the more "widespread" second wave of gentrification, and was sometimes linked to the development of artist communities like SoHo in New York.[42]

In the U.S., the conditions for gentrification were generated by the economic transition from manufacturing to post-industrial service economies. The post-World War II economy experienced a service revolution, which created white-collar jobs and larger opportunities for women in the work force, as well as an expansion in the importance of centralized administrative and cooperate activities. This increased the demand for inner city residences, which were readily available cheaply after much of the movement towards central city abandonment of the 1950s. The coupling of these movements is what became the trigger for the expansive gentrification of U.S. cities, including Atlanta, Baltimore, Boston, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and Washington, D.C.[32]

The third wave of gentrification occurred in most major cities in the late 1990s and was driven by large-scale developments, public-private partnerships, and government policies.[144] Measurement of the rate of gentrification during the period from 1990 to 2010 in 50 U.S. cities showed an increase in the rate of gentrification from 9% in the decade of the 1990s to 20% in the decade from 2000 to 2010 with 8% of the urban neighborhoods in the 50 cities being affected.

Cities with a rate of gentrification of ≈40% or more in the decade from 2000 to 2010 included:[145]

Cities with a rate of less than 10% in the decade from 2000 to 2010 included:[145]

Anti-gentrification protests

Benezet Court, Inc. (Philadelphia, PA)

Society Hill, one of the oldest neighborhoods in Philadelphia, PA, was designated for urban renewal in the late 1950s. This urban renewal called for renovations of buildings that were home to families of color. While it was initially promised that the families would not have to leave by the OHA (Octavia Hill Association), they were later evicted and it was determined that it would not be possible to renovate these buildings while keeping the price of rent low. An African American woman named Dorothy Miller (née Stroud) became the face of the Octavia Hill Seven, a moniker given to the seven households who resisted the relocation. Philip Price, Jr. was a lawyer who joined Miller in the fight for affordable housing. With his leadership, several residents formed an SHCA committee and subsequently a nonprofit organization to consider options for rehabilitation or new construction for Miller and her neighbors. They named their organization Benezet Court, Inc., after an early abolitionist in Philadelphia. Eventually, the organization was able to achieve affordable housing options in the neighborhood.[146]

Movement for Justice in El Barrio

The Movement for Justice in El Barrio is an immigrant-led, organized group of tenants who resist against gentrification in East Harlem, New York. This movement has 954 members and 95 building communities.[147] On 8 April 2006, the MJB gathered people to protest in the New York City Hall against an investment bank in the United Kingdom that purchased 47 buildings and 1,137 homes in East Harlem. News of these protests reached England, Scotland, France and Spain. MJB made a call to action that everyone, internationally, should fight against gentrification. This movement gained international traction and also became known as the International Campaign Against Gentrification in El Barrio.[148]

Cereal Killer Cafe protest

On 26 September 2015, a cereal cafe in East London called Cereal Killer Cafe was attacked by a large group of anti-gentrification protestors. These protestors carried with them a pig's head and torches, stating that they were tired of unaffordable luxury flats going into their neighborhoods. These protestors were alleged to be primarily "middle-class academics," who were upset by the lack of community and culture that they once saw in East London.[149][150] People targeted Cereal Killer Cafe during their protest because of an alleged article in which one of the brothers with ownership of the cafe had said marking up prices was necessary as a business in the area. After the attack on the cafe, users on Twitter were upset that protestors had targeted a small business as the focus of their demonstration, as opposed to a larger one.[151]

San Francisco tech bus protests

The San Francisco tech bus protests occurred in late 2013 in the San Francisco Bay Area in the United States, protesting against tech shuttle buses that take employees to and from their homes in the Bay Area to workplaces in Silicon Valley. Protestors said the buses were symbolic of the gentrification occurring in the city, rising rent prices, and the displacement of small businesses. This protest gained global attention and also inspired anti-gentrification movements in East London.[152]

ink! Coffee Protest (Denver, Colorado)

 
Clean up effort by the City of Denver at ink! Coffee in Five Points, Denver.  The coffee shop was vandalized following the debut of a controversial ad campaign.

On 22 November 2017, ink! Coffee, a small coffee shop, placed a manufactured metal Sandwich board sign on the sidewalk outside one of their Denver locations in the historic Five Points, Denver neighborhood. The sign said “Happily gentrifying the neighborhood since 2014” on one side and "Nothing says gentrification like being able to order a cortado” on the other side.[153]

Ink's ad ignited outrage and garnered national attention when a picture of the sign was shared on social media by a prominent Denver writer, Ru Johnson. The picture of the sign quickly went viral accumulating critical comments and negative reviews. Ink! responded to the social media outrage with a public apology followed by a lengthier apology from its founder, Keith Herbert. Ink's public apology deemed the sign a bad joke causing even more outrage on social media.[153] The ad design was created by a Five Points, Denver firm named Cultivator Advertising & Design. The advertising firm responded to the public's dismay by issuing an ill-received social media apology, "An Open Letter to Our Neighbors".[154]

The night following the debut of ink's controversial ad campaign their Five Points, Denver location was vandalized. A window was broken and the words "WHITE COFFEE" among others were spray-painted onto the front of the building. Protest organizers gathered at the coffee shop daily following the controversy. The coffee shop was closed for business the entire holiday weekend following the scandal.[154]

At least 200 people attended a protest and boycott event on 25 November 2017 outside of ink!'s Five Points location.[155] News of the controversy was covered by media outlets worldwide.[156][157][158][159]

Hamilton Locke Street Vandalism

On 3 March 2018, an anarchist group vandalized coffee shops, luxury automobiles, and restaurants on Locke Street in Hamilton, Ontario.[160] The attack was linked to an anarchist group in the city known as The Tower, that aimed to highlight issues of gentrification in Hamilton through vandalizing new businesses.[161] On 7 March, The Tower's free community library was vandalized by what the group referred to as "far-right goons".[162] Investigation followed, with arrests related to the Locke Street vandalism being made by Hamilton police in April and June 2018.[163]

Litigation against gentrification

Hwang discovers factors that can cause neighborhood changes: Households might be more attracted to a neighborhood because of (1) increases in access value, (2) increases in amenity value, or (3) decline in housing prices relative to other neighborhoods. These factors attract investors and eventually leads to gentrification.[164]

Gentrification can promote neighborhood revitalization and desegregation because of this a gentrification-as-integration model has been supported to stop population loss, and rebuild low-income neighborhoods.[165]

Gentrification has been called the savior of cities from urban crisis because it has led to urban revitalization, which promotes the economy of struggling cities.[166]

The Fair Housing Act can be used as litigation against gentrification because the urban development process of higher-income individuals into lower-income neighborhoods leads to displacement.[167]

See also

References

Notes

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Further reading

  • Fink, Homer (16 February 2014). "Heights History (A Slight Return): How Brooklyn Heights Became A Landmark District (Video)". brooklynheightsblog.com. Brooklyn Heights Blog.
    • Schneider, Martin L. (2010). "Battling for Brooklyn Heights" (PDF). brooklynheightsblog.com. Brooklyn Heights Blog. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  • Brown-Saracino, Japnica (2010). A Neighborhood That Never Changes: Gentrification, Social Preservation, and the Search for Authenticity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.—Sociological study of newcomers' attitudes toward preserving community character based on fieldwork in the Chicago neighborhoods of Andersonville and Argyle; as well as in Dresden, Maine, and Provincetown, Massachusetts.
  • Cash, Stephanie. "Landlords put the squeeze on Brooklyn artists". Art in America. Vol. 89, no. 3. pp. 39–40.
  • Knox, Paul L. (1991). "The Restless Urban Landscape: Economic and Sociocultural Change and the Transformation of Metropolitan Washington, DC". Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 81 (2): 181. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8306.1991.tb01686.x.
  • Ley, David (1986). "Alternative explanations for inner-city gentrification: a Canadian assessment". Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 76 (4): 521–535. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8306.1986.tb00134.x.
  • Ley, David (1987). "Reply: the rent-gap revisited". Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 77 (3): 465–468. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8306.1987.tb00172.x.
  • Maag, Christopher (25 November 2006). "In Cincinnati, Life Breathes Anew in Riot-Scarred Area". New York Times.
  • Mele, Christopher (2000). Selling the Lower East Side: culture, real estate, and resistance in New York City. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota. ISBN 978-0-8166-3182-7.
  • Moore, Keith (2 August 1999). . Salon.com. Archived from the original on 4 August 2011.
  • Papayis, Marilyn Adler (2000). "Sex and the revanchist city: zoning out pornography in New York". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. 18 (3): 341–353. doi:10.1068/d10s. S2CID 146283932.
  • Pasquinelli, Matteo (2008). "Creative Sabotage in the Factory of Culture: Art, Gentrification and the Metropolis". Animal Spirits: A Bestiary of the Commons. Rotterdam: NAi Publishers. ISBN 978-90-5662-663-1.
  • Pasquinelli, Matteo (2009). "The Sabotage of Rent. Jenseits der Ruinen der Creative City" (PDF). In Becker, Konrad; Wassermair, Martin (eds.). Phantom Kulturstadt: Texte zur Zukunft der Kulturpolitik (in German). Vol. II. Vienna: Löcker Verlag. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022.
  • Rose, Demaris (1984). "Rethinking gentrification: beyond the uneven development of marxist theory". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. 2 (1): 47–74. doi:10.1068/d020047. S2CID 145721131.
  • Narefsky, Karen (31 December 2013). "Trickle-down Gentrification". Jacobin.
  • Maciag, Mike (February 2015). "Gentrification in America Report". Governing.com. Governing Magazine.
  • Alonso González, Pablo (2016). "Heritage and rural gentrification in Spain: the case of Santiago Millas". International Journal of Heritage Studies. 23 (2): 125–140. doi:10.1080/13527258.2016.1246468. S2CID 214626610.

gentrification, process, changing, character, neighborhood, through, influx, more, affluent, residents, businesses, common, controversial, topic, urban, politics, planning, often, increases, economic, value, neighborhood, resulting, demographic, displacement, . Gentrification is the process of changing the character of a neighborhood through the influx of more affluent residents and businesses 1 It is a common and controversial topic in urban politics and planning Gentrification often increases the economic value of a neighborhood but the resulting demographic displacement may itself become a major social issue Gentrification often sees a shift in a neighborhood s racial or ethnic composition and average household income as housing and businesses become more expensive and resources that had not been previously accessible are extended and improved 2 3 4 Early 20th century damaged buildings next to a new loft tower in Mexico City s Colonia Roma Gentrification in Praga district of WarsawBuildings on Mainzer Strasse in BerlinThe gentrification process is typically the result of increasing attraction to an area by people with higher incomes spilling over from neighboring cities towns or neighborhoods Further steps are increased investments in a community and the related infrastructure by real estate development businesses local government or community activists and resulting economic development increased attraction of business and lower crime rates In addition to these potential benefits gentrification can lead to population migration and displacement In extreme cases gentrification can be brought on by a prosperity bomb 5 However some view the fear of displacement which dominates the debate about gentrification as hindering discussion about genuine progressive approaches to distribute the benefits of urban redevelopment strategies 6 Contents 1 Origin and etymology 2 Causes 2 1 London and Palen 2 1 1 Demographic ecological 2 1 2 Sociocultural 2 1 3 Political economic 2 1 4 Community networks 2 1 5 Social movements 2 2 As an economic process 2 2 1 Production side theory 2 2 1 1 Suburbanization and rent gap 2 2 1 2 De industrialization 2 2 1 3 Spatial centralization and decentralization of capital 2 2 1 4 Falling profit and the cyclical movement of capital 2 2 1 5 Changes in demographic and consumption patterns 2 2 2 Consumption side theory 2 3 Economic globalization 3 Effects 3 1 Crime 3 2 Displacement 3 3 Social changes 3 4 Economic shifts 3 5 Public schools 3 6 Health 4 Measurement 5 Gentrifier types 5 1 The upper class 5 2 Women 5 3 Artists 5 4 LGBT community 6 Control 6 1 Other methods 6 1 1 Direct action and sabotage 6 1 2 Zoning ordinances 6 1 3 Community land trusts 6 1 4 Rent control 7 Examples 7 1 Inner London England 7 2 Mexico City 7 3 Canada 7 4 France 7 5 South Africa 7 6 Italy 7 7 Poland 7 8 Russia 7 9 United States 8 Anti gentrification protests 8 1 Benezet Court Inc Philadelphia PA 8 2 Movement for Justice in El Barrio 8 3 Cereal Killer Cafe protest 8 4 San Francisco tech bus protests 8 5 ink Coffee Protest Denver Colorado 8 6 Hamilton Locke Street Vandalism 9 Litigation against gentrification 10 See also 11 References 11 1 Notes 11 2 Bibliography 12 Further readingOrigin and etymology Edit Symbolic gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg Berlin Historians say that gentrification took place in ancient Rome and in Roman Britain where large villas were replacing small shops by the 3rd century AD 7 The word gentrification derives from gentry which comes from the Old French word genterise of gentle birth 14th century and people of gentle birth 16th century In England landed gentry denoted the social class consisting of gentlemen and gentlewomen as they were at that time known 8 British sociologist Ruth Glass was first to use gentrification in its current sense She used it in 1964 to describe the influx of middle class people displacing lower class worker residents in urban neighborhoods her example was London and its working class districts such as Islington 9 One by one many of the working class neighbourhoods of London have been invaded by the middle classes upper and lower Shabby modest mews and cottages two rooms up and two down have been taken over when their leases have expired and have become elegant expensive residences Once this process of gentrification starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the original working class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed In the US the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report Health Effects of Gentrification defines the real estate concept of gentrification as the transformation of neighborhoods from low value to high value This change has the potential to cause displacement of long time residents and businesses when long time or original neighborhood residents move from a gentrified area because of higher rents mortgages and property taxes Gentrification is a housing economic and health issue that affects a community s history and culture and reduces social capital It often shifts a neighborhood s characteristics e g racial ethnic composition and household income by adding new stores and resources in previously run down neighborhoods 4 Scholars and pundits have applied a variety of definitions to gentrification since 1964 some oriented around gentrifiers others oriented around the displaced and some a combination of both The first category include the Hackworth 2002 definition the production of space for progressively more affluent users page needed The second category include Kasman s definition the reduction of residential and retail space affordable to low income residents 10 The final category includes Rose who describes gentrification as a process in which members of the new middle class move into and physically and culturally reshape working class inner city neighbourhoods 11 Kennedy amp Leonard 2001 say in their Brookings Institution report that the term gentrification is both imprecise and quite politically charged suggesting its redefinition as the process by which higher income households displace lower income residents of a neighborhood changing the essential character and flavour of that neighborhood so distinguishing it from the different socio economic process of neighborhood or urban revitalization although the terms are sometimes used interchangeably German geographers have a more distanced view on gentrification Actual gentrification is seen as a mere symbolic issue happening in a low number of places and blocks the symbolic value and visibility in public discourse being higher than actual migration trends Gerhard Hard for instance assumes that urban flight is still more important than inner city gentrification 12 Volkskunde scholar Barbara Lang introduced the term symbolic gentrification with regard to the Mythos Kreuzberg in Berlin 13 Lang assumes that complaints about gentrification often come from those who have been responsible for the process in their youth When former students and bohemians start raising families and earning money in better paid jobs they become the yuppies they claim to dislike 13 Berlin in particular is a showcase of intense debates about symbols of gentrification while the actual processes are much slower than in other cities 14 The city s Prenzlauer Berg district is however a poster child of the capital s gentrification as this area in particular has experienced a rapid transformation over the last two decades This leads to mixed feelings amidst the local population 15 The neologism Bionade Biedermeier was coined about Prenzlauer Berg It describes the post gentrifed milieu of the former quartier of the alternative scene where alleged leftist alternative accessories went into the mainstream 16 The 2013 Schwabenhass controversy in Berlin which placed blame for gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg on well to do Swabians from southwest Germany saw the widespread use of inter German ethnic slurs which would have been deemed unacceptable if used against foreigners 17 American economists describe gentrification as a natural cycle the well to do prefer to live in the newest housing stock Each decade of a city s growth a new ring of housing is built When the housing at the center has reached the end of its useful life and becomes cheap the well to do gentrify the neighborhood The push outward from the city center continues as the housing in each ring reaches the end of its economic life 18 They observe that gentrification has three interpretations a great the value of my house is going up b coffee is more expensive now that we have a Starbucks and c my neighbors and I can no longer afford to live here community displacement 19 Causes EditLondon and Palen Edit There are several approaches that attempt to explain the roots and the reasons behind the spread of gentrification Palen amp London 1984 compiled a list of five explanations demographic ecological sociocultural political economical community networks and social movements Demographic ecological Edit The first theory demographic ecological attempts to explain gentrification through the analysis of demographics population social organization environment and technology This theory frequently refers to the growing number of people between the ages of 25 and 35 in the 1970s or the baby boomer generation Because the number of people that sought housing increased the demand for housing increased also The supply could not keep up with the demand therefore cities were recycled to meet such demands The baby boomers in pursuit of housing were very different demographically from their house hunting predecessors They married at an older age and had fewer children and their children were born later Women both single and married were entering the labor force at higher rates which led to an increase of dual wage earner households These households were typically composed of young more affluent couples without children Because these couples were child free and were not concerned with the conditions of schools and playgrounds they elected to live in the inner city in close proximity to their jobs These more affluent people usually had white collar not blue collar jobs Since these white collar workers wanted to live closer to work a neighborhood with more white collar jobs was more likely to be invaded the relationship between administrative activity and invasion was positively correlated 20 Sociocultural Edit The second theory proposed by London and Palen is based on a sociocultural explanation of gentrification This theory argues that values sentiments attitudes ideas beliefs and choices should be used to explain and predict human behavior not demographics or structural units of analysis i e characteristics of populations This analysis focuses on the changing attitudes lifestyles and values of the middle and upper middle class of the 1970s They were becoming more pro urban than before opting not to live in rural or even suburban areas anymore These new pro urban values were becoming more salient and more and more people began moving into the cities London and Palen refer to the first people to invade the cities as urban pioneers These urban pioneers demonstrated that the inner city was an appropriate and viable place to live resulting in what is called inner city chic The opposing side of this argument is that dominant or recurring American values determine where people decide to live not the changing values previously cited This means that people choose to live in a gentrified area to restore it not to alter it because restoration is a new way to realize old values 20 Political economic Edit The third theoretical explanation of gentrification is political economic and is divided into two approaches traditional and Marxist The traditional approach argues that economic and political factors have led to the invasion of the inner city hence the name political economic The changing political and legal climate of the 1950s and 1960s new civil rights legislation anti discrimination laws in housing and employment and desegregation had an unanticipated role in the gentrification of neighborhoods A societal decrease in acceptance of prejudice led to more blacks moving to the suburbs and whites no longer rejected the idea of moving to the city The decreasing availability of suburban land and inflation in suburban housing costs also inspired the invasion of the cities The Marxist approach denies the notion that the political and economic influences on gentrification are invisible but are intentional This theory claims that powerful interest groups follow a policy of neglect of the inner city until such time as they become aware that policy changes could yield tremendous profits 20 Once the inner city becomes a source of revenue the powerless residents are displaced with little or no regard from the powerful Community networks Edit The community network approach is the fourth proposed by London and Palen This views the community as an interactive social group Two perspectives are noted community lost and community saved The community lost perspective argues that the role of the neighborhood is becoming more limited due to technological advances in transportation and communication This means that the small scale local community is being replaced with more large scale political and social organizations 21 The opposing side the community saved side argues that community activity increases when neighborhoods are gentrified because these neighborhoods are being revitalized Social movements Edit The fifth and final approach is social movements This theoretical approach is focused on the analysis of ideologically based movements usually in terms of leader follower relationships Those who support gentrification are encouraged by leaders successful urban pioneers political economic elites land developers lending institutions and even the Federal government in some instances to revive the inner city Those who are in opposition are the people who currently reside in the deteriorated areas They develop countermovements in order to gain the power necessary to defend themselves against the movements of the elite An excellent example was the turned around gang in Chicago who fought for years against the Richard J Daley machine the Young Lords led by Jose Cha Cha Jimenez They occupied neighborhood institutions and led massive demonstrations to make people aware These countermovements can be unsuccessful though The people who support reviving neighborhoods are also members and their voices are the ones that the gentrifier tend to hear 20 As an economic process Edit Two discrete sociological theories explain and justify gentrification one as an economic process production side theory the other and as a social process consumption side theory Both occur when the suburban gentry tire of the automobile dependent urban sprawl style of life These professionals empty nest aged parents and recent university graduates perceive attractiveness in the city center earlier abandoned during white flight especially if the poor community possesses a transport hub and its architecture sustains the pedestrian traffic that allows the proper human relations impeded by sub urban sprawl 22 Furthermore proximity to urban amenities such as transit stops has been shown to drive up home prices over time A survey of Northwest Chicago conducted between 1975 and 1991 showed that homes located directly in the vicinity Red Line and Brown Line stops of the L rail transit system saw a huge price jump during these years compared to only modest increases for area outside the zone Between 1985 and 1991 in particular homes near transit stops nearly doubled in value 23 Human geographer Professor Neil Smith and Marxist sociologists explain gentrification as a structural economic process Humanistic Geographer David Ley explains gentrification as a natural outgrowth of increased professional employment in the central business district CBD and the creative sub class s predilection for city living Ley 1980 describes and deconstructs the TEAM committee s effort to rendering Vancouver BC Canada a livable city The investigators Rose Beauregard Mullins Moore et al who base themselves upon Ley s ideas posit that gentrifiers and their social and cultural characteristics are of crucial importance for an understanding of gentrification theoretical work Chris Hamnett criticized as insufficiently comprehensive for not incorporating the supply of dwellings and the role of developers and speculators in the process 24 Production side theory Edit The theory of urban gentrification derives from the work of Neil Smith explaining gentrification as an economic process consequent to the fluctuating relationships among capital investments and the production of urban space He asserts that restructuring of urban space is the visual component of a larger social economic and spatial restructuring of the contemporary capitalist economy 25 Smith summarizes the causes of gentrification into five main processes suburbanization and the emergence of rent gap deindustrialization spatial centralization and decentralization of capital falling profit and cyclical movement of capital and changes in demographics and consumption pattern 25 Suburbanization and rent gap Edit Gentrification with old and new homes side by side in Old East Dallas Suburban development derives from outward expansion of cities often driven by sought profit and the availability of cheap land This change in consumption causes a fall in inner city land prices often resulting in poor upkeep and a neglect of repair for these properties by owners and landlords The depressed land is then devalued causing rent to be significantly cheaper than the potential rent that could be derived from the best use of the land while taking advantage of its central location 25 From this derives the Rent gap Theory describing the disparity between the actual capitalized ground rent land price of a plot of land given its present use and the potential ground rent that might be gleaned under a higher and better use 26 The rent gap is fundamental to explaining gentrification as an economic process When the gap is sufficiently wide real estate developers landlords and other people with vested interests in the development of land perceive the potential profit to be derived from re investing in inner city properties and redeveloping them for new tenants Thus the development of a rent gap creates the opportunity for urban restructuring and gentrification 25 De industrialization Edit The de industrialization of cities in developed nations reduces the number of blue collar jobs available to the urban working class as well as middle wage jobs with the opportunity for advancement creating lost investment capital needed to physically maintain the houses and buildings of the city Abandoned industrial areas create availability for land for the rent gap process Although gentrification may be known as process of renovating deteriorated urban neighborhoods many will say that this process actually demolishes historical aspects of neighborhoods raises residential prices too high for current residents to continue living there and even negatively impacts the food industry by transforming the local eateries into cafes or chain restaurants This impact on the food industry specifically in Oakland California is being changed from natural farm grown food into more industrialized sourced products based on consumer preferences 27 As neighborhoods become gentrified the consumer need changes therefore creating more expensive and modern housing and markets which then run the locals out of town and can be a threat to small businesses because of the raise in renting a store space in a more modern area As this threatens the small businesses it becomes harder for most to stay open although increasing the value of goods which the stores are selling can ensure so that the shops could still be able to survive 28 This is why organizations such as Planting Justice and Mandela Marketplace strive to resist the acts of gentrification and to form business plans that will work to create living wage jobs for everyone so that no one must be displaced when such renovation takes place 27 Gentrification and deindustrialization may also help clean up neighborhoods such as those on the waterfront in Gowanus New York however this clean up tends to draw the attention to commercialized developments which then build and essentially take of the nature of the waterfront 29 This urbanization creates a tourist attraction and raises value of living in the area to the point where locals have no choice but to move elsewhere Even though such cleaning of the waterfront would greatly benefit the local community this would also invite building of an industrialized environment which will ultimately ruin any and all historical value that the neighborhood currently possesses 29 Spatial centralization and decentralization of capital Edit De industrialization is often integral to the growth of a divided white collar employment providing professional and management jobs that follow the spatial decentralization of the expanding world economy However somewhat counter intuitively globalization also is accompanied by spatial centralization of urban centers mainly from the growth of the inner city as a base for headquarter and executive decision making centers This concentration can be attributed to the need for rapid decisions and information flow which makes it favorable to have executive centers in close proximity to each other Thus the expanding effect of suburbanization as well as agglomeration to city centers can coexist These simultaneous processes can translate to gentrification activities when professionals have a high demand to live near their executive workplaces in order to reduce decision making time 25 Falling profit and the cyclical movement of capital Edit This section of Smith s theory attempts to describe the timing of the process of gentrification At the end of a period of expansion for the economy such as a boom in postwar suburbs accumulation of capital leads to a falling rate of profit It is then favorable to seek investment outside the industrial sphere to hold off onset of an economic crisis By this time the period of expansion has inevitably led to the creation of rent gap providing opportunity for capital reinvestment in this surrounding environment 25 Changes in demographic and consumption patterns Edit Smith emphasizes that demographic and life style changes are more of an exhibition of the form of gentrification rather than real factors behind gentrification The aging baby boomer population greater participation of women in the workforce and the changes in marriage and childrearing norms explain the appearance that gentrification takes or as Smith says why we have proliferating quiche bars rather than Howard Johnson s 25 Consumption side theory Edit Gentrification in the US The North Loop neighborhood Minneapolis Minn is the Warehouse District of condominia for artists and entrepreneurs 30 Ornate Edwardian architecture seen here in Sutton United Kingdom In contrast to the production side argument the consumption side theory of urban gentrification posits that the socio cultural characteristics and motives of the gentrifiers are most important to understanding the gentrification of the post industrial city 31 The changes in the structure of advanced capitalist cities with the shift from industrial to service based economy were coupled with the expanding of a new middle class one with a larger purchasing power than ever before 32 As such human geographer David Ley posits a rehabilitated post industrial city influenced by this new middle class 33 The consumption theory contends that it is the demographics and consumption patterns of this new middle class that is responsible for gentrification The economic and cultural changes of the world in the 1960s have been attributed to these consumption changes The antiauthoritarian protest movements of the young in the U S especially on college campuses brought a new disdain for the standardization of look alike suburbs 34 as well as fueled a movement toward empowering freedom and establishing authenticity In the postindustrial economy the expansion of middle class jobs in inner cities came at the same time as many of the ideals of this movement The process of gentrification stemmed as the new middle class often with politically progressive ideals was employed in the city and recognized not only the convenient commute of a city residence but also the appeal towards the urban lifestyle as a means of opposing the deception of the suburbanite 34 This new middle class was characterized by professionals with life pursuits expanded from traditional economistic focus Gentrification provided a means for the stylization of life and an expression of realized profit and social rank Similarly Michael Jager contended that the consumption pattern of the new middle class explains gentrification because of the new appeal of embracing the historical past as well as urban lifestyle and culture 32 The need of the middle class to express individualism from both the upper and lower classes was expressed through consumption and specifically through the consumption of a house as an aesthetic object A study in Portland confirm the views that the opening of craft breweries is associated to early gentrification and may reinforce the trend 35 These effects are becoming more widespread due to governments changing zoning and liquor laws in industrial areas to allow buildings to be used for artist studios and tasting rooms Tourists and consumption oriented members of the new middle class realize value in such an area that was previously avoided as a disamenity because of the externalities of industrial processes Industrial integration occurs when an industrial area is reinvented as an asset prized for its artists and or craft beer integrated into the wider community with buildings accessible to the general public and making the neighbourhood more attractive to gentrifiers 10 Areas that have undergone industrial integration include the Distillery District in Toronto and the Yeast Van area of east Vancouver Canada This permanent tension on two fronts is evident in the architecture of gentrification in the external restorations of the Victoriana the middle classes express their candidature for the dominant classes in its internal renovation work this class signifies its distance from the lower orders 36 Gentrification according to consumption theory fulfills the desire for a space with social meaning for the middle class as well as the belief that it can only be found in older places because of a dissatisfaction with contemporary urbanism 32 Economic globalization Edit Gentrification is integral to the new economy of centralized high level services work the new urban economic core of banking and service activities that come to replace the older typically manufacturing oriented core 37 that displaces middle class retail businesses so they might be replaced by upmarket boutiques and restaurants catering to new high income urban elites 38 In the context of globalization the city s importance is determined by its ability to function as a discrete socio economic entity given the lesser import of national borders resulting in de industrialized global cities and economic restructuring The American urban theorist John Friedmann s seven part theory posits a bifurcated service industry in world cities composed of a high percentage of professionals specialized in control functions and a vast army of low skilled workers engaged in personal services that cater to the privileged classes for whose sake the world city primarily exists 39 The final three hypotheses detail i the increased immigration of low skill laborers needed to support the privileged classes ii the class and caste conflict consequent to the city s inability to support the poor people who are the service class 40 and iii the world city as a function of social class struggle matters expanded by Saskia Sassen et al The world city s inherent socio economic inequality illustrates the causes of gentrification reported in Booza Cutsinger amp Galster 2006 demonstrating geographical segregation by income in US cities wherein middle income middle class neighborhoods decline while poor neighborhoods and rich neighborhoods remain stable Effects EditThe examples and perspective in this section may not represent a worldwide view of the subject You may improve this section discuss the issue on the talk page or create a new section as appropriate May 2021 Learn how and when to remove this template message As rent gap theory would predict one of the most visible changes the gentrification process brings is to the infrastructure of a neighborhood Typically areas to be gentrified are deteriorated and old though structurally sound and often have some obscure amenity such as a historical significance that attracts the potential gentrifiers 25 Gentry purchase and restore these houses mostly for single family homes In some cases two or more adjoining property parcels are consolidated into a single lot Another phenomenon is loft conversion which rehabilitates mixed use areas often abandoned industrial buildings or run down apartment buildings to housing for the incoming gentrifiers 25 Such stabilization of neighbourhoods in decline and the corresponding improvement to the image of such a neighbourhood is one of the arguments used in support of gentrification 41 Gentrification has been substantially advocated by local governments often in the form of urban restructuring policies Goals of these policies include dispersing low income residents out of the inner city and into the suburbs as well as redeveloping the city to foster mobility between both the central city and suburbia as residential options 32 The strain on public resources that often accompanies concentrated poverty is relaxed by the gentrification process a benefit of changed social makeup that is favorable for the local state Rehabilitation movements have been largely successful at restoring the plentiful supply of old and deteriorated housing that is readily available in inner cities This rehabilitation can be seen as a superior alternative to expansion for the location of the central city offers an intact infrastructure that should be taken advantage of streets public transportation and other urban facilities 32 Furthermore the changed perception of the central city that is encouraged by gentrification can be healthy for resource deprived communities who have previously been largely ignored 32 Gentrifiers provide the political effectiveness needed to draw more government funding towards physical and social area improvements 41 while improving the overall quality of life by providing a larger tax base 42 A change of residence that is forced upon people who lack resources to cope has social costs 32 There is also the argument that gentrification reduces the social capital of the area it affects Communities have strong ties to the history and culture of their neighborhood and causing its dispersal can have detrimental costs 4 Positive NegativeReduction in crime Reduced strain on local infrastructure and services Increased consumer purchasing power at local businesses Reduced vacancy rates Stabilization of declining areas Increased social mix Increased local fiscal revenues Increased property values Encouragement and increased viability of further development Higher incentive for property owners to increase improve housing Rehabilitation of property both with and without state sponsorship Increased cost and charges to local services Community resentment and conflict Homelessness Loss of affordable housing Displacement through rent price increases Decrease in political participation Commercial industrial displacement Unsustainable property prices Displacement and housing demand pressures on surrounding poor areas Secondary psychological costs of displacement Loss of social diversity from socially disparate to rich ghettos Under occupancy and population loss to gentrified areaSource Lees Slater amp Wyly 2010 p 196 Atkinson amp Bridge 2005 p 5 Crime Edit According to a 2020 review of existing research gentrification leads to a reduction in crime in gentrifying neighborhoods 43 The reduction in crime generates substantial economic benefits 44 Displacement Edit See also Community displacement A 2018 study found evidence that gentrification displaces renters but not homeowners 45 The displacement of low income rental residents is commonly referenced as a negative aspect of gentrification by its opponents 46 A 2022 study found evidence that gentrification leads to greater residential mobility 47 Also other research has shown that low income families in gentrifying neighborhoods are less likely to be displaced than in non gentrifying neighborhoods A common theory has been that as affluent people move into a poorer neighborhood housing prices increase as a result causing poorer people to move out of the neighborhood Although there is evidence showing gentrification may modestly raise real estate prices other studies claim that lower crime and an improved local economy outweigh the increased housing costs displacement tends to decrease in gentrifying areas such as these as a result 48 A 2016 study found that vulnerable residents those with low credit scores and without mortgages are generally no more likely to move from gentrifying neighborhoods compared with their counterparts in nongentrifying neighborhoods 49 A 2019 study which followed children from low income families in New York found no evidence that gentrification was associated with changes in mobility rates The study also found that children who start out in a gentrifying area experience larger improvements in some aspects of their residential environment than their counterparts who start out in persistently low socioeconomic status areas 50 Social changes Edit Many of the social effects of gentrification have been based on extensive theories about how socioeconomic status of an individual s neighborhood will shape one s behavior and future These studies have prompted social mix policies to be widely adopted by governments to promote the process and its positive effects such as lessening the strain on public resources that are associated with de concentrating poverty However more specific research has shown that gentrification does not necessarily correlate with social mixing and that the effects of the new composition of a gentrified neighborhood can both weaken as well as strengthen community cohesion 51 Housing confers social status and the changing norms that accompany gentrification translate to a changing social hierarchy 25 The process of gentrification mixes people of different socioeconomic strata thereby congregating a variety of expectations and social norms The change gentrification brings in class distinction also has been shown to contribute to residential polarization by income education household composition and race 25 It conveys a social rise that brings new standards in consumption particularly in the form of excess and superfluity to the area that were not held by the pre existing residents 25 These differing norms can lead to conflict which potentially serves to divide changing communities 51 Often this comes at a larger social cost to the original residents of the gentrified area whose displacement is met with little concern from the gentry or the government Clashes that result in increased police surveillance for example would more adversely affect young minorities who are also more likely to be the original residents of the area 51 There is also evidence to support that gentrification can strengthen and stabilize when there is a consensus about a community s objectives Gentrifiers with an organized presence in deteriorated neighborhoods can demand and receive better resources 51 A characteristic example is a combined community effort to win historic district designation for the neighborhood a phenomenon that is often linked to gentrification activity 32 Gentry can exert a peer influence on neighbors to take action against crime which can lead to even more price increases in changing neighborhoods when crime rates drop and optimism for the area s future climbs 32 Economic shifts Edit The economic changes that occur as a community goes through gentrification are often favorable for local governments Affluent gentrifiers expand the local tax base as well as support local shops and businesses a large part of why the process is frequently alluded to in urban policies The decrease in vacancy rates and increase in property value that accompany the process can work to stabilize a previously struggling community restoring interest in inner city life as a residential option alongside the suburbs 32 These changes can create positive feedback as well encouraging other forms of development of the area that promote general economic growth Home ownership is a significant variable when it comes to economic impacts of gentrification People who own their homes are much more able to gain financial benefits of gentrification than those who rent their houses and can be displaced without much compensation 52 Economic pressure and market price changes relate to the speed of gentrification English speaking countries have a higher number of property owners and a higher mobility German speaking countries provide a higher share of rented property and have a much stronger role of municipalities cooperatives guilds and unions offering low price housing The effect is a lower speed of gentrification and a broader social mix Gerhard Hard sees gentrification as a typical 1970s term with more visibility in public discourse than actual migration 12 A 2017 study found that gentrification leads to job gains overall but that there are job losses in proximate locations but job gains further away 53 A 2014 study found that gentrification led to job gains in the gentrifying neighborhood 54 A 2016 study found that residents who stay in gentrifying neighborhoods go onto obtain higher credit scores whereas residents who leave gentrifying neighborhoods obtain lower credit scores 55 Public schools Edit School gentrification is characterized by i increased numbers of middle class families ii material and physical upgrades e g new programs educational resources and infrastructural improvements iii forms of exclusion and or the marginalization of low income students and families e g in both enrollment and social relations and iv changes in school culture and climate e g traditions expectations and social dynamics 56 Of the urban schools in the U S that were eligible for gentrification that is located in structurally disinvested neighborhoods in 2000 approximately 20 experienced gentrification in their surrounding neighborhood by 2010 In other words the persistence of disinvestment not gentrification remains the modal experience of urban schools located in gentrifiable neighborhoods 57 School gentrification does not inevitably accompany residential gentrification nor does it necessarily entail academic improvements In Chicago among neighborhood public schools located in areas that did undergo gentrification schools were found to experience no aggregate academic benefit from the socioeconomic changes occurring around them 58 despite improvements in other public services such street repair sanitation policing and firefighting The lack of gentrification related benefits to schools may be related to the finding that white gentrifiers often do not enroll their children in local neighborhood public schools 57 Programs and policies designed to attract gentrifying families to historically disinvested schools may have unintended negative consequences including an unbalanced landscape of influence wherein the voices and priorities of more affluent parents are privileged over those of lower income families 59 In addition rising enrollment of higher income families in neighborhood schools can result in the political and cultural displacement of long term residents in school decision making processes and the loss of Title I funding 60 Notably the expansion of school choice e g charter schools magnet schools open enrollment policies have been found to significantly increase the likelihood that college educated white households gentrify low income communities of color 61 Health Edit Displacement carries many health implications that contribute to disparities among populations such as the poor women children the elderly and members of racial ethnic minority groups 62 These specific populations are at an increased risk for the negative consequences of gentrification Studies indicate that vulnerable populations typically have shorter life expectancy higher cancer rates more birth defects greater infant mortality and higher incidence of asthma diabetes and cardiovascular disease Displacement due to gentrification limits access to or availability to housing affordability healthy food alternatives transportation education institutions outdoor and green space exercise facilities and social networks 62 Limits to these effects can lead to changes in stress levels injuries violence crime incarceration rates mental health and social and environmental justice 62 Research found that gentrification leads to job losses by 63 on prior residents which forces most of them to find work farther from their homes 63 Careful consideration of zoning neighborhood design and affordability is vital to mitigating the impacts of gentrification 64 A culmination of recent research suggests that gentrification has both detrimental and beneficial effects on health 65 A 2020 review found that studies tended to show adverse health impacts for Black residents and elderly residents in areas undergoing gentrification 66 A 2019 study in New York found that gentrification has no impact on rates of asthma or obesity among low income children Growing up in gentrifying neighborhoods was associated with moderate increases in being diagnosed with anxiety or depression between ages 9 11 relative to similar children raised in non gentrifying areas The effects of gentrification on mental health were most prominent for children living in market rate rather than subsidized housing which lead the authors of the study to suggest financial stress as a possible mechanism 67 Measurement EditWhether gentrification has occurred in a census tract in an urban area in the United States during a particular 10 year period between censuses can be determined by a method used in a study by Governing 68 If the census tract in a central city had 500 or more residents and at the time of the baseline census had median household income and median home value in the bottom 40th percentile and at the time of the next 10 year census the tract s educational attainment percentage of residents over age 25 with a bachelor s degree was in the top 33rd percentile the median home value adjusted for inflation had increased and the percentage of increase in home values in the tract was in the top 33rd percentile when compared to the increase in other census tracts in the urban area then it was considered to have been gentrified The method measures the rate of gentrification not the degree of gentrification thus San Francisco which has a history of gentrification dating to the 1970s show a decreasing rate between 1990 and 2010 69 Scholars have also identified census indicators that can be used to reveal that gentrification is taking place in a given area including a drop in the number of children per household increased education among residents the number of non traditional types of households and a general upwards shift in income 70 Gentrifier types Edit 19th century Victorian terrace houses in East Melbourne Australia Just as critical to the gentrification process as creating a favorable environment is the availability of the gentry or those who will be first stage gentrifiers The typical gentrifiers are affluent and have professional level service industry jobs many of which involve self employment 71 Therefore they are willing and able to take the investment risk in the housing market Often they are single people or young couples without children who lack demand for good schools 25 Gentrifiers are likely searching for inexpensive housing close to the workplace and often already reside in the inner city sometimes for educational reasons and do not want to make the move to suburbia For this demographic gentrification is not so much the result of a return to the inner city but is more of a positive action to remain there 71 The stereotypical gentrifiers also have shared consumer preferences and favor a largely consumerist culture This fuels the rapid expansion of trendy restaurant shopping and entertainment spheres that often accompany the gentrification process 25 Holcomb and Beauregard described these groups as those who are attracted by low prices and toleration of an unconventional lifestyle 72 An interesting find from research on those who participate and initiate the gentrification process the marginal gentrifiers as referred to by Tim Butler is that they become marginalized by the expansion of the process 71 The upper class Edit Research shows how one reason wealthy upper class individuals and families hold some responsibility in the causation of gentrification is due to their social mobility 73 Wealthier families were more likely to have more financial freedom to move into urban areas oftentimes choosing to do so for their work At the same time in these urban areas the lower income population is decreasing due to an increase in the elderly population as well as demographic change 73 Jackelyn Hwang and Jeffrey Lin have supported in their research that another reason for the influx of upper class individuals to urban areas is due to the increase in demand for college educated workers 74 It is because of this demand that wealthier individuals with college degrees needed to move into urban cities for work increasing prices in housing as the demand has grown Additionally Darren P Smith finds through his research that college educated workers moving into the urban areas causes them to settle there and raise children which eventually contributes to the cost of education in regards to the migration between urban and suburban places 75 Women Edit Women increasingly obtaining higher education as well as higher paying jobs has increased their participation in the labor force translating to an expansion of women who have greater opportunities to invest Smith suggests this group represents a reservoir of potential gentrifiers 71 The increasing number of highly educated women play into this theory given that residence in the inner city can give women access to the well paying jobs and networking something that is becoming increasingly common 32 There are also theories that suggest the inner city lifestyle is important for women with children where the father does not care equally for the child because of the proximity to professional childcare 71 This attracts single parents specifically single mothers to the inner city as opposed to suburban areas where resources are more geographically spread out This is often deemed as marginal gentrification for the city can offer an easier solution to combining paid and unpaid labor Inner city concentration increases the efficiency of commodities parents need by minimizing time constraints among multiple jobs childcare and markets 32 Artists Edit Bedford Stuyvesant in New York traditionally the largest black community in the US The Glockenbach district of Ludwigsvorstadt Isarvorstadt in Munich Germany Phillip Clay s two stage model of gentrification places artists as prototypical stage one or marginal gentrifiers The National Endowment for the Arts did a study that linked the proportion of employed artists to the rate of inner city gentrification across a number of U S cities 34 Artists will typically accept the risks of rehabilitating deteriorated property as well as having the time skill and ability to carry out these extensive renovations 32 David Ley states that the artist s critique of everyday life and search for meaning and renewal are what make them early recruits for gentrification The identity that residence in the inner city provides is important for the gentrifier and this is particularly so in the artists case Their cultural emancipation from the bourgeois makes the central city an appealing alternative that distances them from the conformity and mundaneness attributed to suburban life They are quintessential city people and the city is often a functional choice as well for city life has advantages that include connections to customers and a closer proximity to a downtown art scene all of which are more likely to be limited in a suburban setting Ley s research cites a quote from a Vancouver printmaker talking about the importance of inner city life to an artist that it has energy intensity hard to specify but hard to do without 34 Ironically these attributes that make artists characteristic marginal gentrifiers form the same foundations for their isolation as the gentrification process matures The later stages of the process generate an influx of more affluent yuppie residents As the bohemian character of the community grows it appeals not only to committed participants but also to sporadic consumers 76 and the rising property values that accompany this migration often lead to the eventual pushing out of the artists that began the movement in the first place 32 Sharon Zukin s study of SoHo in Manhattan NYC was one of the most famous cases of this phenomenon Throughout the 1960s and 1970s Manhattan lofts in SoHo were converted en masse into housing for artists and hippies and then their sub culture s followers 77 Stages of GentrificationEarly Stage Transitional Stage Late StageArtists writers musicians affluent college students LGBT hipsters and political activists move in to a neighborhood for its affordability and tolerance Upper middle class professionals often politically liberal progressive e g teachers journalists librarians are attracted by the vibrancy created by the first arrivals Wealthier people e g private sector managers move in and real estate prices increase significantly By this stage high prices have excluded traditional residents and most of the types of people who arrived in stage 1 amp 2 Retail gentrification Throughout the process local businesses change to serve the higher incomes and different tastes of the gentrifying population Source Caulfield 1996 harvtxt error no target CITEREFCaulfield1996 help pages needed Ley as cited in Boyd 2008 pages needed Rose 1996 pages needed and Lees Slater amp Wyly 2010 pages needed as cited in Kasman 2015 pages needed LGBT community Edit Manuel Castells has researched the role of gay communities especially in San Francisco as early gentrifiers 78 The film Quinceanera depicts a similar situation in Los Angeles Flag Wars Linda Goode Bryant 79 shows tensions as of 2003 between bourgeois White LGBT newcomers and a Black middle class neighborhood in Columbus Ohio 80 In Washington D C Black and other ethnic minority mixed income community residents accused both the affluent majority White LGBTQ community and the closely linked hipster subculture of cultural displacement or destruction of cultural heritage under the guise of progressive inclusion and tolerance 81 While much of this information may be true the LGBTQ community felt the need to create their own communities in racial minority dominated areas because of the oppression they faced in heterosexual dominated areas 82 In Chicago with neighborhoods like Boystown a now predominantly wealthy LGBTQ area these places only came to be because of the isolation of the gay community As pushback against a city that did not want them there in the first place the LGBTQ community created enclaves 83 Another example Buenos Aires shows that predominantly LGBTQ areas were only able to exist when the government allowed that area to be gentrified 84 Today practically all historic gayborhoods have become less LGBTQ centric mainly due to the modern effects of gentrification 85 The rising cost to live in gayborhoods and government use of eminent domain have displaced many LGBTQ people and closed many LGBTQ centric businesses 86 87 88 89 Control EditTo counter the gentrification of their mixed populace communities there are cases where residents formally organized themselves to develop the necessary socio political strategies required to retain local affordable housing The gentrification of a mixed income community raises housing affordability to the fore of the community s politics 90 There are cities municipalities and counties which have countered gentrification with inclusionary zoning inclusionary housing ordinances requiring the apportionment of some new housing for the community s original low and moderate income residents Inclusionary zoning is a new social concept in English speaking countries there are few reports qualifying its effective or ineffective limitation of gentrification in the English literature The basis of inclusionary zoning is partial replacement as opposed to displacement of the embedded communities 91 German speaking municipalities have a strong legal role in zoning and on the real estate market in general and a long tradition of integrating social aspects in planning schemes and building regulations The German approach uses en milieu conservation municipal law e g in Munich s Lehel district in use since the 1960s The concepts of socially aware renovation and zoning of Bologna s old city in 1974 was used as role model in the Charta of Bologna and recognized by the Council of Europe 92 Most economists do not think anti gentrification measures by the government make cities better off 93 additional citation s needed Other methods Edit Direct action and sabotage Edit Coffee shop attacked with paint in alleged anti gentrification attack in the St Henri neighborhood of Montreal January 2012 When wealthy people move into low income working class neighborhoods the resulting class conflict sometimes involves vandalism and arson targeting the property of the gentrifiers During the dot com boom of the late 1990s the gentrification of San Francisco s predominantly working class Mission District led some long term neighborhood residents to create what they called the Mission Yuppie Eradication Project 94 This group allegedly destroyed property and called for property destruction as part of a strategy to oppose gentrification Their activities drew hostile responses from the San Francisco Police Department real estate interests and work within the system housing activists 95 Meibion Glyndŵr Welsh Sons of Glyndŵr also known as the Valley Commandos was a Welsh nationalist movement violently opposed to the loss of Welsh culture and language They were formed in response to the housing crisis precipitated by large numbers of second homes being bought by the English which had increased house prices beyond the means of many locals The group were responsible for setting fire to English owned holiday homes in Wales from 1979 to the mid 1990s In the first wave of attacks eight holiday homes were destroyed in a month and in 1980 Welsh Police carried out a series of raids in Operation Tan Within the next ten years some 220 properties were damaged by the campaign 96 Since the mid 1990s the group has been inactive and Welsh nationalist violence has ceased In 1989 there was a movement that protested an influx of Swabians to Berlin who were deemed as gentrification drivers Berlin saw the Schwabenhass and 2013 Spatzlerstreit controversies 97 which identified gentrification with newcomers from the German south Canale delle Moline in Bologna Zoning ordinances Edit Zoning ordinances and other urban planning tools can be used to recognize and support local business and industries This can include requiring developers to continue with a current commercial tenant or offering development incentives for keeping existing businesses as well as creating and maintaining industrial zones Designing zoning to allow new housing near to a commercial corridor but not on top of it increases foot traffic to local businesses without redeveloping them Businesses can become more stable by securing long term commercial leases 98 Although developers may recognize value in responding to living patterns extensive zoning policies often prevent affordable homes from being constructed within urban development Due to urban density restrictions rezoning for residential development within urban living areas is difficult which forces the builder and the market into urban sprawl and propagates the energy inefficiencies that come with distance from urban centers In a recent example of restrictive urban zoning requirements Arcadia Development Co was prevented from rezoning a parcel for residential development in an urban setting within the city of Morgan Hill California With limitations established in the interest of public welfare a density restriction was applied solely to Arcadia Development Co s parcel of development excluding any planned residential expansion 99 Community land trusts Edit Because land speculation tends to cause volatility in property values removing real estate houses buildings land from the open market freezes property values and thereby prevents the economic eviction of the community s poorer residents The most common formal legal mechanism for such stability in English speaking countries is the community land trust moreover many inclusionary zoning ordinances formally place the inclusionary housing units in a land trust German municipalities and other cooperative actors have and maintain strong roles on the real estate markets in their realm Rent control Edit In jurisdictions where local or national government has these powers there may be rent control regulations Rent control restricts the rent that can be charged so that incumbent tenants are not forced out by rising rents If applicable to private landlords it is a disincentive to speculating with property values reduces the incidence of dwellings left empty and limits availability of housing for new residents If the law does not restrict the rent charged for dwellings that come onto the rental market formerly owner occupied or new build rents in an area can still increase Neighborhoods in southwestern Santa Monica and eastern West Hollywood in California United States gentrified despite or perhaps because of rent control 100 Occasionally a housing black market develops wherein landlords withdraw houses and apartments from the market making them available only upon payment of additional key money fees or bribes thus undermining the rent control law Many such laws allow vacancy decontrol releasing a dwelling from rent control upon the tenant s leaving resulting in steady losses of rent controlled housing ultimately rendering rent control laws ineffective in communities with a high rate of resident turnover In other cases social housing owned by local authorities may be sold to tenants and then sold on Vacancy decontrol encourages landlords to find ways of shortening their residents tenure most aggressively through landlord harassment To strengthen the rent control laws of New York housing advocates active in rent control in New York are attempting to repeal the vacancy decontrol clauses of rent control laws The state of Massachusetts abolished rent control in 1994 afterwards rents rose accelerating the pace of Boston s gentrification however the laws protected few apartments and confounding factors such as a strong economy had already been raising housing and rental prices 101 Examples EditInner London England Edit Gentrification is not a new phenomenon in Britain in ancient Rome the shop free forum was developed during the Roman Republican period and in 2nd and 3rd century cities in Roman Britain there is evidence of small shops being replaced by large villas 7 London is being made over by an urban centred middle class In the post war era upwardly mobile social classes tended to leave the city Now led by a new middle class they are reconstructing much of inner London as a place both in which to work and live Butler 1999 p 77 King s College London academic Loretta Lees reported that much of Inner London was undergoing super gentrification where a new group of super wealthy professionals working in the City of London i e the financial industry is slowly imposing its mark on this Inner London housing market in a way that differentiates it and them from traditional gentrifiers and from the traditional urban upper classes Super gentrification is quite different from the classical version of gentrification It s of a higher economic order you need a much higher salary and bonuses to live in Barnsbury some two miles north of central London 102 Rising housing prices due to gentrification within London have led to a doubling of evictions done by private landlords and to a long term decline in home ownership from the years 2003 2020 103 Barnsbury was built around 1820 as a middle class neighbourhood but after the Second World War 1939 1945 many people moved to the suburbs The upper and middle classes were fleeing from the working class residents of London made possible by the modern railway At the war s end the great housing demand rendered Barnsbury a place of cheap housing where most people shared accommodation In the late 1950s and early 1960s people moving into the area had to finance house renovations with their money because banks rarely financed loans for Barnsbury Moreover the rehabilitating spark was The 1959 Housing Purchase and Housing Act investing 100 million to rehabilitating old properties and infrastructure As a result the principal population influx occurred between 1961 and 1975 the UK Census reports that between the years of 1961 and 1981 owner occupation increased from 7 to 19 per cent furnished rentals declined from 14 to 7 per cent and unfurnished rentals declined from 61 to 6 per cent 104 another example of urban gentrification is the super gentrification in the 1990s of the neighboring working class London Borough of Islington where Prime Minister Tony Blair lived until his election in 1997 102 The conversion of older houses into flats emerged in the 1980s as developers saw the profits to be made By the end of the 1980s conversions were the single largest source of new dwellings in London 105 Mexico City Edit Main article Gentrification of Mexico City Mexico City has been an iconic example of an extensive metropolitan area since the 14th century when it became the largest city in the American continent Its continuous population growth and concentration of economic and political power boomed in the 1930s when the country s involvement with global markets benefited the national financial industry Currently the fifth largest city in the world with a population of 21 million inhabitants 17 47 of national population living in 16 districts and 59 municipalities the urban area continues to expand receiving 1 100 new residents daily The division of the city is derived from a strong socially and economically segregated population connected by its interdependence that manifests into spatial arrangements where luxury areas coexist alongside slums Its development around a core called El Zocalo derives from the historic cultural and political relevance of a central plaza as well as its contemporary concentration of economic power currently housing 80 of all national firms 106 107 108 In recent years a massive reconstruction and redesign of zones motivated by both State and private investments has created exciting areas of historic importance entertainment opportunities and high quality residentials 106 These urban developments have been catered to elite communities mainly because this group economically supports the country 38 of the total national income is produced by the top 10 and because the government predominantly led by PRI Partido Revolucionario Institucional has maintained a profit oriented policy perspective Thus these developments have not only led to an increase of population traffic and pollution due to inefficient urban planning but have also pushed great amounts of low income families to the edges of the city and have challenged the safety of the 11 5 million people that economically depend on the underground sector 109 This issue adds to the already critical condition of 40 of the population living in informal settlements often without access to sewage network and clean water The geology of the city located in a mountain valley further contributes to unhealthy living conditions concentrating high levels of air pollution 110 The reality currently faced by the city is that of a historic rapid urban growth that has been unable to be adequately controlled and planned for because of a corrupted and economically driven government as well as a complex society that is strongly segregated The negative effects of gentrification in Mexico City have been overlooked by the authorities regarded as an inevitable process and argued to be in some cases nonexistent 108 In recent years however an array of proposals have been developed as a way to continue the gentrification of the city in a way that integrates and respects the rights of all citizens Canada Edit Further information Gentrification of Vancouver By the 1970s investors in Toronto started buying up city houses turning them into temporary rooming houses to make rental income until the desired price in the housing market for selling off the properties was reached so that the rooming houses could be replaced with high income oriented new housing a gentrification process called blockbusting 111 As of 2011 update gentrification in Canada has proceeded quickly in older and denser cities such as Montreal Toronto Ottawa Hamilton and Vancouver but has barely begun in places such as Calgary Edmonton or Winnipeg where suburban expansion is still the primary type of growth Canada s unique history and official multiculturalism policy has resulted in a different strain of gentrification than that of the United States Some gentrification in Toronto has been sparked by the efforts of business improvement associations to market the ethnic communities in which they operate such as in Corso Italia and Greektown 112 In Quebec City the Saint Roch neighbourhood in the city s lower town was previously predominantly working class and had gone through a period of decline However since the early to mid 2000s the area has seen the derelict buildings turned into condos and the opening of bars restaurants and cafes attracting young professionals into the area but kicking out the residents from many generations back Several software developers and gaming companies such as Ubisoft and Beenox have also opened offices there France Edit This section needs additional citations for verification Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources Unsourced material may be challenged and removed Find sources Gentrification news newspapers books scholar JSTOR April 2019 Learn how and when to remove this template message In Paris most poor neighborhoods in the east have seen rising prices and the arrival of many wealthy residents However the process is mitigated by social housing and most cities tend to favor a social mix that is having both low and high income residents in the same neighborhoods But in practice social housing does not cater to the poorest segment of the population most residents of social dwellings are from the low end of the middle class As a result a lot of poor people have been forced to go first to the close suburbs 1970 to 2000 and then more and more to remote periurban areas where public transport is almost nonexistent The close suburbs Saint Ouen Saint Denis Aubervilliers are now in the early stages of gentrification although still poor A lot of high profile companies offering well paid jobs have moved near Saint Denis and new real estate programs are underway to provide living areas close to the new jobs On the other side the eviction of the poorest people to periurban areas since 2000 has been analyzed as the main cause for the rising political far right National Front When the poor lived in the close suburbs their problems were very visible to the wealthy population But the periurban population and its problem is mainly invisible from recent when presidential campaign promises These people have labelled themselves les invisibles Many of them fled both rising costs in Paris and nearby suburbs with an insecure and ugly environment to live in small houses in the countryside but close to the city But they did not factor in the huge financial and human cost of having up to four hours of transportation every day Since then a lot has been invested in the close suburbs with new public transports set to open and urban renewal programs they fled but almost nobody cares of these invisible plots of land Since the close suburbs are now mostly inhabited by immigrants these people have a strong resentment against immigration They feel everything is done for new immigrants but nothing for the native French population This has been first documented in the book Plaidoyer pour une gauche populaire by think tank Terra Nova which had a major influence on all contestants in the presidential election and at least Sarkozy Francois Hollande and Marine Le Pen This electorate voted overwhelmingly in favor of Marine Le Pen and Sarkozy while the city centers and close suburbs voted overwhelmingly for Francois Hollande Most major metropolises in France follow the same pattern with a belt of periurban development about 30 to 80 kilometers of the center where a lot of poor people moved in and are now trapped by rising fuel costs These communities have been disrupted by the arrival of new people and already suffered of high unemployment due to the dwindling numbers of industrial jobs In smaller cities the suburbs are still the principal place where people live and the center is more and more akin to a commercial estate where a lot of commercial activities take place but where few people live South Africa Edit Gentrification in South Africa has been categorized into two waves for two different periods of time Visser and Kotze find that the first wave occurred in the 1980s to the Post Apartheid period the second wave occurred during and after the 2000s 113 Both of these trends of gentrification has been analyzed and reviewed by scholars in different lenses One view which Atkinson uses is that gentrification is purely the reflection of middle class values on to a working class neighborhood 114 The second view is the wider view is suggested by Visser and Kotze which views gentrification with inclusions of rural locations infill housing and luxury residency development 113 While Kotze and Visser find that gentrification has been under a provocative lens by media all over the world South Africa s gentrification process was harder to identify because of the need to differentiate between gentrification and the change of conditions from the Apartheid 115 Furthermore the authors note that the pre conditions for gentrification where events like Tertiary Decentralization suburbanization of the service industry and Capital Flight disinvestment were occurring which caused scholars to ignore the subject of gentrification due to the normality of the process 115 Additionally Kotze and Visser found that as state run programs and private redevelopment programs began to focus on the pursuit of global competitiveness and well rounded prosperity it hid the underlying foundations of gentrification under the guise of redevelopment 116 As a result the effect is similar to what Teppo and Millstein coins as the pursuit to moralize the narrative to legitimize the benefit to all people 117 This concurrently created an effect where Visser and Kotze conclude that the perceived gentrification was only the fact that the target market was people commonly associated with gentrification 118 As Visser and Kotze states It appears as if apartheid red lining on racial grounds has been replaced by a financially exclusive property market that entrenches prosperity and privilege 119 Generally Atkinson observes that when looking at scholarly discourse for the gentrification and rapid urbanization of South Africa the main focus is not on the smaller towns of South Africa This is a large issue because small towns are magnets for poorer people and repellants for skilled people 120 In one study Atkinson dives into research in a small town Aberdeen in the East Cape Also as previously mentioned Atkinson finds that this area has shown signs of gentrification This is due to redevelopment which indicates clearly the reflection of middle class values 114 In this urbanization of the area Atkinson finds that there is clear dependence on state programs which leads to further development and growth of the area this multiplier of the economy would present a benefit of gentrification 121 The author then attributes the positive growth with the benefits in gentrification by examining the increase in housing opportunities 122 Then by surveying the recent newcomers to the area Atkinson s research found that there is confidence for local economic growth which further indicated shifts to middle class values therefore gentrification 123 This research also demonstrated growth in modernizers which demonstrate the general belief of gentrification where there is value for architectural heritage as well as urban development 124 Lastly Atkinson s study found that the gentrification effects of growth can be accredited to the increase in unique or scarce skills to the municipality which revived interest in the growth of the local area This gentrification of the area would then negative impact the poorer demographics where the increase in housing would displace and exclude them from receiving benefits In conclusion after studying the small town of Aberdeen Atkinson finds that Paradoxically it is possible that gentrification could promote economic growth and employment while simultaneously increasing class inequality 124 Historically Garside notes that due to the Apartheid the inner cities of Cape Town was cleared of non white communities But because of the Group Areas Act some certain locations were controlled for such communities Specifically Woodstock has been a racially mixed community with a compilation of European settlers such as the Afrikaners and the 1820 Settlers Eastern European Jews immigrants from Angola and Mozambique and the coloured Capetonians For generations these groups lived in this area characterizing it be a working class neighborhood 125 But as the times changed and restrictions were relaxed Teppo and Millstein observes that the community became more and more gray as in a combination between white and mixed communities 126 Then this progression continues to which Garside finds that an exaggeration as more middle income groups moved into the area This emigration resulted in a distinct split between Upper Woodstock and Lower Woodstock Coupled with the emergence of a strong middle class in South Africa Woodstock became a destination for convenience and growth While Upper Woodstock was a predominantly white area Lower Woodstock then received the attention of the mixed middle income community This increase in demand for housing gave landlords incentives to raise prices to profit off of the growing wealth in the area The 400 500 surge in the housing market for Woodstock thus displaced and excluded the working class and retired who previously resided in the community 127 Furthermore Garside states that the progression of gentrification was accentuated by the fact that most of the previous residents would only be renting their living space 128 Both Teppo and Millstein would find that this displacement of large swaths of communities would increase demand in other areas of Woodstock or inner city slums 129 The Bo Kaap pocket of Cape Town nestles against the slopes of Signal Hill It has traditionally been occupied by members of South Africa s minority mainly Muslim Cape Malay community These descendants of artisans and political captives brought to the Cape as early as the 18th century as slaves and indentured workers were housed in small barrack like abodes on what used to be the outskirts of town As the city limits increased property in the Bo Kaap became very sought after not only for its location but also for its picturesque cobble streets and narrow avenues Increasingly this close knit community is facing a slow dissolution of its distinctive character as wealthy outsiders move into the suburb to snap up homes in the City Bowl at cut rate prices 130 Inter community conflict has also arisen as some residents object to the sale of buildings and the resultant eviction of long term residents In another specific case Millstein and Teppo discovered that working class residents would become embattled with their landlords On Gympie Street which has been labeled as the most dangerous street in Cape Town it was home to many of the working class But as gentrification occurred landlords brought along tactics to evict low paying tenants through non payment clauses One landlord who bought a building cheaply from an auction immediately raised the rental price which would then proceed to court for evictions But the tenants were able to group together to make a strong case to win Regardless of the outcome the landlord resorted to turning off both power and water in the building The tenants then were exhausted out of motivation to fight One tenant described it as similar to living in a shack which would be the future living space one displaced 131 Closing the Teppo and Millstein s research established that gentrification s progress for urban development would coincide with a large displacement of the poorer communities which also excluded them from any benefits to gentrification To put it succinctly the authors state The end results are the same in both cases in the aftermath of the South African negotiated revolution the elite colonize the urban areas from those who are less privileged claiming the city for themselves 132 Italy Edit Design street in Milan s Zona Tortona In Italy similarly to other countries around the world the phenomenon of gentrification is proceeding in the largest cities such as Milan Turin Genoa and Rome 133 134 In Milan gentrification is changing the look of some semi central neighborhoods just outside the inner ring road called Cerchia dei Bastioni particularly of former working class and industrial areas One of the most well known cases is the neighborhood of Isola Despite its position this area has been for a long time considered as a suburb since it has been an isolated part of the city due to the physical barriers such as the railways and the Naviglio Martesana In the 1950s a new business district was built not far from this area but Isola remained a distant and low class area In the 2000s vigorous efforts to make Isola as a symbolic place of the Milan of the future were carried out and with this aim the Porta Garibaldi Isola districts became attractors for stylists and artists 134 135 Moreover in the second half of the same decade a massive urban rebranding project known as Progetto Porta Nuova started and the neighbourhood of Isola despite the compliances residents have had 136 has been one of the regenerated areas with the Bosco Verticale and the new Giardini di Porta Nuova Another semi central district that has undergone this phenomenon in Milan is Zona Tortona Former industrial area situated behind Porta Genova station Zona Tortona is nowadays the Mecca of Italian design and annually hosts some of the most important events of the Milan Design Week during which more than 150 expositors such as Superstudio take part 137 In Zona Tortona some of important landmarks related to culture design and arts are located such as Fondazione Pomodoro the Armani Silos Spazio A and MUDEC Going towards the outskirts of the city other gentrified areas of Milan are Lambrate Ventura where others events of the Milan Design Week are hosted 138 Bicocca and Bovisa in which universities have contributed to the gentrification of the areas Sesto San Giovanni Via Sammartini and the so called NoLo district which means Nord di Loreto 139 Poland Edit In Poland gentrification is proceeding mostly in the big cities like Warsaw Lodz Cracow Silesian Metropolis Poznan and Wroclaw The reason of this is both de industrialisation and poor condition of residential areas The biggest European ongoing gentrification process has been occurring in Lodz from the beginning of the 2010s Huge unemployment 24 in the 1990s caused by the downfall of the garment industry created both economic and social problems Moreover vast majority of industrial and housing facilities had been constructed in the late 19th century and the renovation was neglected after WWII Lodz authorities rebuilt the industrial district into the New City Center This included re purposing buildings including the former electrical power and heating station into the Lodz Fabryczna railway station and the EC1 Science Museum There are other significant gentrifications in Poland such as Cracow the Jewish district Kazimierz gentrification financed mostly by private investors 140 Poznan build up Law Department of Adam Mickiewicz University in the post military facility Wroclaw Nadodrze and Nowe Zerniki districts residential area drown upon the modernism concepts Walbrzych Julia coal mine adaptation post industrial buildings to art and cultural facilities 141 Warsaw Praga Polnoc district Nowadays the Polish government has started National Revitalization Plan 142 which ensures financial support to municipal gentrification programs Russia Edit Central Moscow rapidly gentrified following the change from the communist central planning policies of the Soviet era to the market economy of the post Soviet Russian government 143 United States Edit Main article Gentrification in the United States From a market standpoint there are two main requirements that are met by the U S cities that undergo substantial effects of gentrification These are an excess supply of deteriorated housing in central areas as well as a considerable growth in the availability of professional jobs located in central business districts These conditions have been met in the U S largely as a result of suburbanization and other postindustrial phenomena There have been three chronological waves of gentrification in the U S starting from the 1960s 42 The first wave came in the 1960s and early 1970s led by governments trying to reduce the disinvestment that was taking place in inner city urban areas 42 Additionally starting in the 1960s and 1970s U S industry has created a surplus of housing units as construction of new homes has far surpassed the rate of national household growth However the market forces that are dictated by an excess supply cannot fully explain the geographical specificity of gentrification in the U S for there are many large cities that meet this requirement and have not exhibited gentrification The missing link is another factor that can be explained by particular necessary demand forces In U S cities in the time period from 1970 to 1978 growth of the central business district at around 20 did not dictate conditions for gentrification while growth at or above 33 yielded appreciably larger gentrification activity 32 Succinctly central business district growth will activate gentrification in the presence of a surplus in the inner city housing market The 1970s brought the more widespread second wave of gentrification and was sometimes linked to the development of artist communities like SoHo in New York 42 In the U S the conditions for gentrification were generated by the economic transition from manufacturing to post industrial service economies The post World War II economy experienced a service revolution which created white collar jobs and larger opportunities for women in the work force as well as an expansion in the importance of centralized administrative and cooperate activities This increased the demand for inner city residences which were readily available cheaply after much of the movement towards central city abandonment of the 1950s The coupling of these movements is what became the trigger for the expansive gentrification of U S cities including Atlanta Baltimore Boston Philadelphia St Louis and Washington D C 32 The third wave of gentrification occurred in most major cities in the late 1990s and was driven by large scale developments public private partnerships and government policies 144 Measurement of the rate of gentrification during the period from 1990 to 2010 in 50 U S cities showed an increase in the rate of gentrification from 9 in the decade of the 1990s to 20 in the decade from 2000 to 2010 with 8 of the urban neighborhoods in the 50 cities being affected Cities with a rate of gentrification of 40 or more in the decade from 2000 to 2010 included 145 Portland Oregon 58 1 Washington D C 51 9 Minneapolis 50 6 Seattle 50 Atlanta 46 2 Virginia Beach 46 2 Denver 42 1 Austin 39 7 Cities with a rate of less than 10 in the decade from 2000 to 2010 included 145 Memphis 8 8 Tucson 8 3 Tulsa 7 Cleveland 6 7 Detroit 2 8 Las Vegas 2 El Paso 0 Arlington Texas 0 Anti gentrification protests EditBenezet Court Inc Philadelphia PA Edit Society Hill one of the oldest neighborhoods in Philadelphia PA was designated for urban renewal in the late 1950s This urban renewal called for renovations of buildings that were home to families of color While it was initially promised that the families would not have to leave by the OHA Octavia Hill Association they were later evicted and it was determined that it would not be possible to renovate these buildings while keeping the price of rent low An African American woman named Dorothy Miller nee Stroud became the face of the Octavia Hill Seven a moniker given to the seven households who resisted the relocation Philip Price Jr was a lawyer who joined Miller in the fight for affordable housing With his leadership several residents formed an SHCA committee and subsequently a nonprofit organization to consider options for rehabilitation or new construction for Miller and her neighbors They named their organization Benezet Court Inc after an early abolitionist in Philadelphia Eventually the organization was able to achieve affordable housing options in the neighborhood 146 Movement for Justice in El Barrio Edit The Movement for Justice in El Barrio is an immigrant led organized group of tenants who resist against gentrification in East Harlem New York This movement has 954 members and 95 building communities 147 On 8 April 2006 the MJB gathered people to protest in the New York City Hall against an investment bank in the United Kingdom that purchased 47 buildings and 1 137 homes in East Harlem News of these protests reached England Scotland France and Spain MJB made a call to action that everyone internationally should fight against gentrification This movement gained international traction and also became known as the International Campaign Against Gentrification in El Barrio 148 Cereal Killer Cafe protest Edit On 26 September 2015 a cereal cafe in East London called Cereal Killer Cafe was attacked by a large group of anti gentrification protestors These protestors carried with them a pig s head and torches stating that they were tired of unaffordable luxury flats going into their neighborhoods These protestors were alleged to be primarily middle class academics who were upset by the lack of community and culture that they once saw in East London 149 150 People targeted Cereal Killer Cafe during their protest because of an alleged article in which one of the brothers with ownership of the cafe had said marking up prices was necessary as a business in the area After the attack on the cafe users on Twitter were upset that protestors had targeted a small business as the focus of their demonstration as opposed to a larger one 151 San Francisco tech bus protests Edit The San Francisco tech bus protests occurred in late 2013 in the San Francisco Bay Area in the United States protesting against tech shuttle buses that take employees to and from their homes in the Bay Area to workplaces in Silicon Valley Protestors said the buses were symbolic of the gentrification occurring in the city rising rent prices and the displacement of small businesses This protest gained global attention and also inspired anti gentrification movements in East London 152 ink Coffee Protest Denver Colorado Edit Clean up effort by the City of Denver at ink Coffee in Five Points Denver The coffee shop was vandalized following the debut of a controversial ad campaign On 22 November 2017 ink Coffee a small coffee shop placed a manufactured metal Sandwich board sign on the sidewalk outside one of their Denver locations in the historic Five Points Denver neighborhood The sign said Happily gentrifying the neighborhood since 2014 on one side and Nothing says gentrification like being able to order a cortado on the other side 153 Ink s ad ignited outrage and garnered national attention when a picture of the sign was shared on social media by a prominent Denver writer Ru Johnson The picture of the sign quickly went viral accumulating critical comments and negative reviews Ink responded to the social media outrage with a public apology followed by a lengthier apology from its founder Keith Herbert Ink s public apology deemed the sign a bad joke causing even more outrage on social media 153 The ad design was created by a Five Points Denver firm named Cultivator Advertising amp Design The advertising firm responded to the public s dismay by issuing an ill received social media apology An Open Letter to Our Neighbors 154 The night following the debut of ink s controversial ad campaign their Five Points Denver location was vandalized A window was broken and the words WHITE COFFEE among others were spray painted onto the front of the building Protest organizers gathered at the coffee shop daily following the controversy The coffee shop was closed for business the entire holiday weekend following the scandal 154 At least 200 people attended a protest and boycott event on 25 November 2017 outside of ink s Five Points location 155 News of the controversy was covered by media outlets worldwide 156 157 158 159 Hamilton Locke Street Vandalism Edit On 3 March 2018 an anarchist group vandalized coffee shops luxury automobiles and restaurants on Locke Street in Hamilton Ontario 160 The attack was linked to an anarchist group in the city known as The Tower that aimed to highlight issues of gentrification in Hamilton through vandalizing new businesses 161 On 7 March The Tower s free community library was vandalized by what the group referred to as far right goons 162 Investigation followed with arrests related to the Locke Street vandalism being made by Hamilton police in April and June 2018 163 Litigation against gentrification EditHwang discovers factors that can cause neighborhood changes Households might be more attracted to a neighborhood because of 1 increases in access value 2 increases in amenity value or 3 decline in housing prices relative to other neighborhoods These factors attract investors and eventually leads to gentrification 164 Gentrification can promote neighborhood revitalization and desegregation because of this a gentrification as integration model has been supported to stop population loss and rebuild low income neighborhoods 165 Gentrification has been called the savior of cities from urban crisis because it has led to urban revitalization which promotes the economy of struggling cities 166 The Fair Housing Act can be used as litigation against gentrification because the urban development process of higher income individuals into lower income neighborhoods leads to displacement 167 See also EditBlack flight Blue space Deindustrialization Development induced displacement Settlement movement The Last Block in Harlem 2009 book Urban green space Urban renewal Urban theory Urban vitality White flightReferences EditNotes Edit Gentrification Dictionary com Lees Slater amp Wyly 2010 page needed define gentrification as the transformation of a working class or vacant area of the central city to a middle class residential and or commercial use West Allyn 5 March 2020 Baffled City Exploring the architecture of gentrification Texas Observer Archived from the original on 22 June 2020 Retrieved 21 June 2020 Harrison Sally Jacobs Andrew 2016 Gentrification and the Heterogeneous City Finding a Role for Design The Plan 1 2 doi 10 15274 tpj 2016 01 02 03 a b c Health Effects of Gentrification Centers for Disease Control Centers for Disease Control 24 March 2015 Retrieved 24 March 2015 Danny Westneat 8 September 2017 Take it from us With Amazon you can get too much of a good thing The Seattle Times Retrieved 26 July 2022 Morisson amp Bevilacqua 2018 page needed a b Parkins Helen Smith Christopher John eds 1998 Trade traders and the ancient city London Routledge p 197 ISBN 9780415165174 Onions C T Friedrichsen G W S Burchfield R W eds 1966 Gentry The Oxford Dictionary of Etymology p 394 Harper Douglas 2001 gentry Online Etymology Dictionary Retrieved 2 January 2008 Glass Ruth 1964 London aspects of change London MacGibbon amp Kee as cited in Atkinson amp Bridge 2005 p 4 a b Kasman 2015 p 132 Rose 1996 page needed a b Hard Gerhard 2003 Dimensionen geographischen Denkens Osnabrucker Studien zur Geographie Aufsatze zur Theorie der Geographie in German V amp R unipress ISBN 978 3 89971 105 9 a b Lang Barbara 1998 Mythos Kreuzberg Ethnographie eines Stadtteils 1961 1995 in German Campus ISBN 978 3 593 36106 2 Niedermuller Peter 2004 Soziale Brennpunkte sehen Berliner Blatter in German Vol 32 Munster LIT ISBN 978 3 8258 6996 0 Living in Berlin The City s Ongoing Gentrification Blog LocaBerlin 12 September 2014 Archived from the original on 13 December 2014 Strohmaier Brenda 2014 Wie man lernt Berliner zu sein Die deutsche Hauptstadt als konjunktiver Erfahrungsraum Campus Verlag in German Campus Verlag p 166 ISBN 978 3 593 50184 0 Fleischhauer Jan 3 January 2013 Die Schwabenverachter von heute sind oft die Schwaben von gestern Spiegel Online in German Retrieved 2 April 2017 Lin Jeffrey 2017 Understanding Gentrification s Causes PDF Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia Archived PDF from the original on 9 October 2022 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help Ehrenhalt Alan February 2015 What Exactly Is Gentrification Governing com Governing Magazine Retrieved 25 September 2017 a b c d Palen amp London 1984 p 18 Greer 1962 full citation needed Florida Richard 2002 The Rise of the Creative Class and how it s transforming work leisure community and everyday life New York Basic Books ISBN 978 0 465 02477 3 Lin Jeffrey 2002 Gentrification and Transit in Northwest Chicago Transportation Quarterly 56 175 191 Hamnett 1991 pp 186 187 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Smith amp Williams 1986 page needed Smith 1987 p 462 a b Alkon Alison Hope May June 2018 Entrepreneurship As Activism Resisting Gentrification in Oakland California Revista de Administacao de Empresas 58 3 279 90 doi 10 1590 S0034 759020180308 Meltzer Rachel 2016 Gentrification and Small Businesses Threat or Opportunity Cityscape 18 3 57 85 ProQuest 1856560399 a b Turan Zeynep 2018 Finding the Local Green Voice Waterfront Development Environmental Justice and Participatory Planning in Gowanus NY Urbani Izziv 29 79 doi 10 5379 urbani izziv en 2018 29 supplement 005 Chris Roberts 6 December 2002 Getting a handle on gentrification in Nordeast Minnesota Public Radio Adam Stone 13 August 2004 Home at loft The Warehouse District is attracting many new condo and apartment dwellers Minneapolis St Paul Business Journal NE Mpls Arts District Northeast Minneapolis Arts Association 3 February 2008 permanent dead link Hamnett 2000 full citation needed a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Lees Slater amp Wyly 2010 page needed Ley 1994 p 56 a b c d Ley 1996 page needed Walker Samuel Fox Miller Chloe 7 August 2018 Have craft breweries followed or led gentrification in Portland Oregon An investigation of retail and neighbourhood change Geografiska Annaler Series B Human Geography 101 2 102 117 doi 10 1080 04353684 2018 1504223 S2CID 149499533 Lees Slater amp Wyly 2010 p 154 Sassen 1995 p 65 Sassen 1995 p 66 Friedman 1995 p 322 Friedman 1995 pp 323 328 a b Murdie amp Teixeira 2009 page needed a b c d Quastel 2009 pages needed MacDonald John M Stokes Robert J 13 January 2020 Gentrification Land Use and Crime Annual Review of Criminology 3 1 121 138 doi 10 1146 annurev criminol 011419 041505 S2CID 210778419 Autor David Palmer Christopher Pathak Parag October 2017 Gentrification and the Amenity Value of Crime Reductions Evidence from Rent Deregulation w23914 doi 10 3386 w23914 S2CID 27038804 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help Martin Isaac William Beck Kevin January 2018 Gentrification Property Tax Limitation and Displacement Urban Affairs Review 54 1 33 73 doi 10 1177 1078087416666959 S2CID 157152566 Quastel 2009 pages needed Murdie amp Teixeira 2009 pages needed Maloutas 2011 pages needed Hackworth 2002 pages needed Dobson 2007 pages needed Belanger 2012 pages needed Lee Hyojung Perkins Kristin L 2022 The Geography of Gentrification and Residential Mobility Social Forces doi 10 1093 sf soac086 ISSN 0037 7732 Freeman 2005 pages needed Vigdor Massey amp Rivlin 2002 pages needed Buntin 2015 Vandergrift 2006 pages needed Florida 2015 Ding Lei Hwang Jackelyn Divringi Eileen November 2016 Gentrification and residential mobility in Philadelphia Regional Science and Urban Economics 61 38 51 doi 10 1016 j regsciurbeco 2016 09 004 PMC 5450830 PMID 28579662 Dragan Kacie Ellen Ingrid Glied Sherry May 2019 Does Gentrification Displace Poor Children New Evidence from New York City Medicaid Data PDF w25809 doi 10 3386 w25809 S2CID 159389948 Archived PDF from the original on 9 October 2022 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help a b c d Freeman 2006 page needed Freeman 2006 p 93 94 Meltzer Rachel Ghorbani Pooya September 2017 Does gentrification increase employment opportunities in low income neighborhoods Regional Science and Urban Economics 66 52 73 doi 10 1016 j regsciurbeco 2017 06 002 Lester T William Hartley Daniel A March 2014 The long term employment impacts of gentrification in the 1990s Regional Science and Urban Economics 45 80 89 doi 10 1016 j regsciurbeco 2014 01 003 S2CID 153744304 Ding Lei Hwang Jackelyn 2016 The Consequences of Gentrification A Focus on Residents Financial Health in Philadelphia Cityscape 18 3 27 56 JSTOR 26328272 Posey Maddox Linn Kimelberg Shelley McDonough Cucchiara Maia April 2014 Middle Class Parents and Urban Public Schools Current Research and Future Directions Middle Class Parents and Urban Public Schools Sociology Compass 8 4 446 456 doi 10 1111 soc4 12148 a b Pearman Francis A February 2020 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gov 8 June 2017 Retrieved 27 October 2020 Meltzer Rachel Ghorbani Pooya September 2017 Does gentrification increase employment opportunities in low income neighborhoods Regional Science and Urban Economics 66 52 73 doi 10 1016 j regsciurbeco 2017 06 002 Tehrani Shadi O Wu Shuling J Roberts Jennifer D January 2019 The Color of Health Residential Segregation Light Rail Transit Developments and Gentrification in the United States International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16 19 3683 doi 10 3390 ijerph16193683 PMC 6801918 PMID 31574988 Schnake Mahl Alina S Jahn Jaquelyn L Subramanian S V Waters Mary C Arcaya Mariana February 2020 Gentrification Neighborhood Change and Population Health a Systematic Review Journal of Urban Health 97 1 1 25 doi 10 1007 s11524 019 00400 1 PMC 7010901 PMID 31938975 Bhavsar Nrupen A Kumar Manish Richman Laura 21 May 2020 Defining gentrification for epidemiologic research A systematic review PLOS ONE 15 5 e0233361 Bibcode 2020PLoSO 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274 Atkinson 2009 p 276 Atkinson 2009 p 277 a b Atkinson 2009 p 284 Garside 1993 p 31 Lees Shin amp Lopez Morales 2015 p 431 Garside 1993 p 33 Garside 1993 p 32 Lees Shin amp Lopez Morales 2015 p 430 Bo Kaap gentrification sees residents evicted Voice of the Cape Archived from the original on 23 July 2011 Retrieved 13 July 2010 Lees Shin amp Lopez Morales 2015 p 434 Lees Shin amp Lopez Morales 2015 p 437 Balocco Fabio 28 October 2015 Gentrification il fenomeno che cambia l aspetto delle nostre citta Il Fatto Quotidiano in Italian a b Diappi Lidia 2009 Rigenerazione urbana e ricambio sociale Gentrification in atto nei quartieri storici italiani in Italian Milan Franco Angeli p 192 ISBN 9788856802665 Brizioli Antonio Storia dell Isola il quartiere storico che vogliono cancellare Globalist it in Italian Archived from the original on 28 March 2016 Report CARA MADUNINA www report rai it in Italian Archived from the original on 20 February 2011 Retrieved 20 March 2016 Dispenza Andrea Zona 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Gentrification in central Moscow A market process or a deliberate policy Money power and people in housing regeneration in Osozhenka Geografiska Annaler Series B Human Geography 87 2 113 129 doi 10 1111 j 0435 3684 2005 00186 x JSTOR 3554305 S2CID 143525472 Quastel 2009 pages needed Hackworth amp Rekers 2005 pages needed a b Maciag Mike February 2015 Gentrification in America Report Where Gentrification Is Occurring Governing com Governing Magazine Retrieved 28 February 2015 Ammon Francesca Russello 2018 Resisting Gentrification Amid Historic Preservation Society Hill Philadelphia and the Fight for Low Income Housing Change over Time 8 1 8 31 doi 10 1353 cot 2018 0001 ISSN 2153 0548 Davies Jessica Participatory Democracy Drives Anti Gentrification Movement in New York s El Barrio Truthout Retrieved 20 November 2016 International Campaign Against Gentrification Launched Democracy Now Retrieved 20 November 2016 Nonprofit New York Movement for Justice in El Barrio Idealist org Retrieved 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Retrieved 26 November 2017 Allen Oscar Contreras Jaclyn 26 November 2017 Denver s ink Coffee shop vandalized a day after joking about gentrification KNXV Retrieved 26 November 2017 Molloy Mark 24 November 2017 Coffee shop apologises for tone deaf gentrification sign after backlash The Telegraph Tegna ink Coffee shop vandalized after their controversial gentrification sign 10NEWS Retrieved 26 November 2017 Denver coffeeshop hit with white coffee graffiti after outrage over gentrifying advertisement The Washington Times Retrieved 26 November 2017 Weekend vandalism in Hamilton was anti gentrification act blogger writes Retrieved 12 October 2018 Hamilton police link anarchist book fair to 100 000 vandalism spree CBC News CBC Retrieved 12 October 2018 Hamilton anarchist space The Tower has been vandalized CBC News CBC Retrieved 12 October 2018 Hamilton police charge leading local anarchist in Locke Street vandalism CBC News CBC Retrieved 12 October 2018 Police arrest 3 people looking for 3 more in Locke Street vandalism investigation CBC News CBC Retrieved 12 October 2018 Hwang Jackelyn What Have We Learned About the Causes of Recent Gentrification Cityscape A Journal of Policy Development and Research Johnson Olatunde C Unjust Cities Gentrification Integration and the Fair Housing Act University of Richmond Law Review Godsil Rachel The Gentrification Trigger Autonomy Mobility and Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing Brooklyn Law Review Weinstein Hannah Fighting For a Place Called Home Litigation Strategies for Challenging Gentrification UCLA Law Review Bibliography Edit Atkinson Doreen 2009 Economic Decline and Gentrification in a Small Town The Business Sector in Aberdeen Eastern Cape Development Southern Africa 26 2 271 288 doi 10 1080 03768350902899595 S2CID 154802146 Atkinson Rowland Bridge Gary eds 2005 Gentrification in a Global Context The New Urban Colonialism Gentrification in a Global Context London Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 32951 4 Clark Eric 2005 The order and simplicity of gentrification a political challenge In Atkinson Rowland Bridge Gary eds Gentrification in a Global Context pp 256 264 ISBN 978 0 415 32951 4 Belanger Helene 2012 The meaning of the built environment during gentrification in Canada Journal of Housing and the Built Environment 27 1 31 47 doi 10 1007 s10901 011 9248 3 S2CID 154873842 Belanger Helene 6 9 July 2008 Are revitalizing actions with respect to public spaces contributing to the gentrification process Some preliminary results on the socioresidential dynamic of three cities Shrinking Cities Sprawling Suburbs Changing Countrysides European Network for Housing Research International Conference Dublin Booza Jason Cutsinger Jackie Galster George 28 July 2006 Where Did They Go The Decline of Middle Income Neighborhoods in Metropolitan America Brookings Institution Archived from the original on 11 July 2007 Boyd Michelle July 2008 Defensive development The role of racial conflict in gentrification Urban Affairs Review 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research and Canadian urbanism Toronto University of Toronto Press pp 131 172 ISBN 9780802005144 Dobson Cory Gregory 2007 Can gentrification be stopped A case study of Grandview Woodland Vancouver Masters thesis University of British Columbia doi 10 14288 1 0100689 Florida Richard 8 September 2015 The Complex Relationship Between Gentrification and Displacement Bloomberg com Retrieved 2 April 2017 Freeman Lance 2006 There Goes the Hood Views of Gentrification from the Ground Up Philadelphia PA Temple University ISBN 978 1 59213 437 3 Freeman Lance 2005 Displacement or Succession Residential Mobility in Gentrifying Neighborhoods Urban Affairs Review 40 4 463 491 doi 10 1177 1078087404273341 S2CID 154267676 Freeman Lance Braconi Frank 2004 Gentrification and Displacement New York City in the 1990s Journal of the American Planning Association 70 1 39 52 doi 10 1080 01944360408976337 S2CID 154008236 Friedman John 1995 1986 The world city hypothesis In Knox Paul L Taylor Peter J eds World Cities in a World System Cambridge University Press pp 317 331 ISBN 978 0 521 48470 1 Gale Dennis E 1987 Washington D C Inner city Revitalization and Minority Suburbanization Philadelphia Temple University Press Garside Jayne 1993 Inner City Gentrification in South Africa The Case of Woodstock Cape Town GeoJournal 30 1 29 35 doi 10 1007 BF00807824 JSTOR 41145712 S2CID 150490902 Hackworth Jason Rekers Josephine 2005 Ethnic packaging and gentrification The case of four neighbourhoods in Toronto Urban Affairs Review 41 211 236 doi 10 1177 1078087405280859 S2CID 154126061 Hackworth Jason 2002 Postrecession Gentrification in New York City Urban Affairs Review 37 6 815 843 doi 10 1177 107874037006003 S2CID 144137542 Hamnett Chris 2003 Gentrification full citation needed Hamnett Chris 1991 The Blind Men and the Elephant The Explanation of Gentrification Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 16 2 173 89 doi 10 2307 622612 JSTOR 622612 Hamnett Chris 1992 Gentrifiers or Lemmings A Response to Neil Smith Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 17 1 116 9 doi 10 2307 622642 JSTOR 622642 Kennedy Maureen Leonard Paul April 2001 Dealing with Neighborhood Change A Primer on Gentrification and Policy Choices The Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy and PolicyLink Archived from the original on 6 June 2011 Kasman Paul 2015 Public policy and gentrification in the Grandview Woodland neighbourhood of Vancouver B C Masters of Public Administration thesis University of Victoria hdl 1828 6924 Lang Michael 1982 Gentrification Amid Urban Decline Cambridge MA Ballinger ISBN 978 0 88410 697 5 Lees Loretta Slater Tom Wyly Elvin K eds 2010 The Gentrification Reader London Routledge ISBN 978 0415548403 Lees Loretta Shin Hyun Bang Lopez Morales Ernesto eds 2015 Global Gentrifications Uneven Development and Displacement Chicago IL Bristol University Press ISBN 978 1 4473 1349 6 Herzer Hilda Di Virgilio Maria Mercedes Rodriguez Maria Carla 2015 Gentrification in Buenos Aires global trends and local features In Lees Loretta Shin Hyun Bang Lopez Morales Ernesto eds Global Gentrifications Uneven Development and Displacement Chicago IL Bristol University Press ISBN 978 1 4473 1349 6 Ley David 1996 The New Middle Class and the Remaking of the Central City Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 9780198232926 Ley David 1994 Gentrification and the politics of the new middle class Environment and Planning D Society and Space 12 53 74 doi 10 1068 d120053 S2CID 144547532 Ley David June 1980 Liberal Ideology and the Post Industrial City Annals of the Association of American Geographers 70 2 238 258 doi 10 1111 j 1467 8306 1980 tb01310 x Lloyd Richard 2006 Neo Bohemia art and commerce in the postindustrial city New York Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 95182 1 Maloutas Thomas 2011 Contextual diversity in gentrification research Critical Sociology 38 1 33 48 doi 10 1177 0896920510380950 S2CID 145738703 Morisson Arnault Bevilacqua Carmelina 16 May 2018 Balancing gentrification in the knowledge economy the case of Chattanooga s innovation district Urban Research amp Practice 12 4 472 492 doi 10 1080 17535069 2018 1472799 S2CID 158320518 Murdie R Teixeira C 2009 The impact of gentrification on ethnic neighbourhoods in Toronto A case study of Little Portugal Urban Studies 48 1 61 83 doi 10 1177 0042098009360227 PMID 21174893 S2CID 15748911 Palen J John London Bruce 1984 Gentrification Displacement and Neighborhood Revitalization SUNY Press ISBN 978 0 87395 784 7 Quastel Noah 2009 Political ecologies of gentrification Urban Geography 30 7 694 725 doi 10 2747 0272 3638 30 7 694 S2CID 143989462 Sassen Saskia 1995 On concentration and centrality in the global city In Knox Paul L Taylor Peter J eds World Cities in a World System Cambridge University Press pp 63 75 ISBN 978 0 521 48470 1 Schulman Sarah 2012 The Gentrification of the Mind Witness to a Lost Imagination Berkeley CA University of California Press ISBN 9780520264779 Smith Neil 1996 The New Urban Frontier Gentrification and the Revanchist City London Routledge ISBN 9780415132541 Smith Neil 1987 Gentrification and the Rent Gap Annals of the Association of American Geographers 77 3 462 5 doi 10 1111 j 1467 8306 1987 tb00171 x JSTOR 2563279 S2CID 128634504 Smith Neil Williams Peter 1986 Gentrification of the City Boston Allen amp Unwin ISBN 9780043012024 Vandergrift Janelle 2006 Gentrification and Displacement PDF Calvin College Center for Social Research Archived from the original PDF on 30 March 2017 Retrieved 2 April 2017 Vigdor Jacob L Massey Douglas S Rivlin Alice M 2002 Does Gentrification Harm the Poor with Comments Brookings Wharton Papers on Urban Affairs 133 182 doi 10 1353 urb 2002 0012 JSTOR 25067387 S2CID 155028628 Visser Gustav Kotze Nico 2008 The State and New Build Gentrification in Central Cape Town South Africa Urban Studies 45 12 2565 2593 doi 10 1177 0042098008097104 JSTOR 43197726 S2CID 154566872 Zukin Sharon 1989 1982 Loft Living Rutgers University Press ISBN 978 0 8135 1389 8 Further reading Edit Wikiquote has quotations related to Gentrification Wikimedia Commons has media related to Gentrification Look up gentrification in Wiktionary the free dictionary Fink Homer 16 February 2014 Heights History A Slight Return How Brooklyn Heights Became A Landmark District Video brooklynheightsblog com Brooklyn Heights Blog Schneider Martin L 2010 Battling for Brooklyn Heights PDF brooklynheightsblog com Brooklyn Heights Blog Archived PDF from the original on 9 October 2022 Brown Saracino Japnica 2010 A Neighborhood That Never Changes Gentrification Social Preservation and the Search for Authenticity Chicago University of Chicago Press Sociological study of newcomers attitudes toward preserving community character based on fieldwork in the Chicago neighborhoods of Andersonville and Argyle as well as in Dresden Maine and Provincetown Massachusetts Cash Stephanie Landlords put the squeeze on Brooklyn artists Art in America Vol 89 no 3 pp 39 40 Knox Paul L 1991 The Restless Urban Landscape Economic and Sociocultural Change and the Transformation of Metropolitan Washington DC Annals of the Association of American Geographers 81 2 181 doi 10 1111 j 1467 8306 1991 tb01686 x Ley David 1986 Alternative explanations for inner city gentrification a Canadian assessment Annals of the Association of American Geographers 76 4 521 535 doi 10 1111 j 1467 8306 1986 tb00134 x Ley David 1987 Reply the rent gap revisited Annals of the Association of American Geographers 77 3 465 468 doi 10 1111 j 1467 8306 1987 tb00172 x Maag Christopher 25 November 2006 In Cincinnati Life Breathes Anew in Riot Scarred Area New York Times Mele Christopher 2000 Selling the Lower East Side culture real estate and resistance in New York City Minneapolis University of Minnesota ISBN 978 0 8166 3182 7 Moore Keith 2 August 1999 From redline to renaissance Salon com Archived from the original on 4 August 2011 Papayis Marilyn Adler 2000 Sex and the revanchist city zoning out pornography in New York Environment and Planning D Society and Space 18 3 341 353 doi 10 1068 d10s S2CID 146283932 Pasquinelli Matteo 2008 Creative Sabotage in the Factory of Culture Art Gentrification and the Metropolis Animal Spirits A Bestiary of the Commons Rotterdam NAi Publishers ISBN 978 90 5662 663 1 Pasquinelli Matteo 2009 The Sabotage of Rent Jenseits der Ruinen der Creative City PDF In Becker Konrad Wassermair Martin eds Phantom Kulturstadt Texte zur Zukunft der Kulturpolitik in German Vol II Vienna Locker Verlag Archived PDF from the original on 9 October 2022 Rose Demaris 1984 Rethinking gentrification beyond the uneven development of marxist theory Environment and Planning D Society and Space 2 1 47 74 doi 10 1068 d020047 S2CID 145721131 Narefsky Karen 31 December 2013 Trickle down Gentrification Jacobin Maciag Mike February 2015 Gentrification in America Report Governing com Governing Magazine Alonso Gonzalez Pablo 2016 Heritage and rural gentrification in Spain the case of Santiago Millas International Journal of Heritage Studies 23 2 125 140 doi 10 1080 13527258 2016 1246468 S2CID 214626610 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Gentrification amp oldid 1138403255, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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