Nafsan language
The Nafsan language, also known as South Efate or Erakor, is a Southern Oceanic language spoken on the island of Efate in central Vanuatu. As of 2005[update], there are approximately 6,000 speakers who live in coastal villages from Pango to Eton. The language's grammar has been studied by Nick Thieberger, who has produced a book of stories and a dictionary of the language. [2]
| Nafsan | |
|---|---|
| South Efate | |
| Fate, Erakor | |
| Native to | Northeast Vanuatu |
| Region | Efate Island |
Native speakers | 6,000 (2001)[1] |
Austronesian
| |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | erk |
| Glottolog | sout2856 |
Nafsan is not endangered according to the classification system of the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger | |
Nafsan is closely related to Nguna and to Lelepa. Based on shared features with southern Vanuatu languages (including echo–subject marking, and the free and preposed 1st-singular-possessive morphemes), Lynch (2001) suggests it could form part of a southern Vanuatu subgroup that includes New Caledonia.
Phonology
Nafsan has a total of 20 phonemes consisting of 15 consonant and 5 vowel sounds.[T2006 1]
| Labial | Alveolar | Dorsal | Labiovelar | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m ⟨m⟩ | n ⟨n⟩ | ŋ ⟨g⟩ | ŋ͡m ⟨m̃⟩ |
| Stop | p ⟨p⟩ | t ⟨t⟩ | k ⟨k⟩ | k͡p ⟨p̃⟩ |
| Fricative | f ⟨f⟩ | s ⟨s⟩ | ||
| Approximant | l ⟨l⟩ | j ⟨y⟩ | w ⟨w⟩ | |
| Trill | r ⟨r⟩ | |||
| nᵈr ⟨nr⟩ |
As seen in the above chart, Nafsan's vowel phoneme inventory is that of a five-vowel system; this is one of the most commonly seen vowel inventories in any given language in the world and also especially evident in many Oceanic languages. There is a distinction between short and long vowels but it is currently in a process of change that makes its status unclear.[T2006 3]
Degemination
In Nafsan, it is typical that two contiguous identical consonants occurring in a utterance undergo a process of degemination to be realised as a single consonant. In (1), the two contiguous identical consonants /n/ result in the phonetic attachment of demonstrative ne 'this' to the preceding word nawen ne [nawene] 'this sand'.[T2006 4]
I=tao
3SG.RS=left
nawen
sand
ne
this
She left this sand bank.
Vowel centralisation
High vowels in prepositions acting as a prefix often undergo a process of vowel centralisation to reduce the unstressed syllable. In (2), the high vowel /i/ in the preposition ki is reduced to [ə] when preceding the demonstrative nen 'that'.[T2006 5]
ki-
PREP-
nen
AD
>
>
kenen,
PREP.AD
kne
to, of that
Numerals
The system of numerals in Nafsan is base-5 (quinary). Numbers two through five are distinct numerals that are then seen repeated in slight variation for the numbers seven to ten. The pattern of the numerals can be seen in the table below.[T2006 6]
| Cardinal | English |
|---|---|
| i-skei | one |
| i-nru; nran; nru | two |
| i-tol | three |
| i-pat | four |
| i-lim | five |
| i-lates | six |
| i-laru | seven |
| i-latol | eight |
| i-lfot | nine |
| ralim iskei | ten |
Ralim iskei can be used as an example to see the method for displaying numbers ten and above in South Efate; the numeral for ten ralim is followed by its multiplier, which in this case is iskei for one. The term for and atmat is added after the multiplier with an additional numeral to form a number such as thirty seven: [T2006 6]
ralim
ten
itol
three
atmat
and
ilaru
seven
thirty-seven
Morphosyntax
Adnominal possession
There are two ways of marking adnominal possession in Nafsan: through the use of a possessive pronoun (indirect possession), or directly on the noun (direct possession). Indirect possession is used for general possession, while direct possession is used for nouns that are closely associated items (e.g., body parts or products, kinship terms, etc.). [T2006 7]
Indirect/general possession
Indirect possession is morphosyntactically represented through the use of the possessive markers ni (of) or knen (of it), or of the presence of a possessive pronoun such as nakte (my/mine).[T2006 7]
When possession is marked by a possessive pronoun, the pronouns follow the possessed NP:
Nasum̃tap
church
p̃ur
big
nigmam
1PL.EX.POS
nen
REL
i=tarp̃ek.
3SG.RS=fall.down
It was our church that fell down.[T2006 8]
ni possession: the preposition ni only occurs when the possessum is a noun. The NP follows the form of ‘possessed ni possessor’.
knen possession: This form is used as an inanimate referent, and often indicates a previously mentioned participant in the discourse. It is positioned following the referent noun.
Natrauswen
story
karu
next
i=pitlak
3SG.RS=have
nalag
song
knen.
of.it
The next story, it has its song.[T2006 9]
Direct possession
Direct possession is used for inalienably possessed nouns. This is similar to other languages of Vanuatu that denote inalienable nouns as those that refer to relationships of part-whole association such as kinship terms, body parts or products, and associated parts (such as leaf/stem).[3] These nouns take directly suffixed possession markers, however they can also occur without possessive marking when the possessor is encoded by a noun. The directly possessed (DP) suffix only attaches to the class of directly possessed nouns. For sg and 3p forms, an unpredictable vowel (V) may be inserted to aid DP suffixation.[T2006 10]
Go
and
ra=paos-ki-n
3d.RS=ask-TR-3sg.O
ki,
PREP
"Gag
2sg.POS
tm-a-m
father-V-2sg.DP
go
and
rait-o-m
mother-V-3sg.DP
wa?"
where
And they asked, "Where are your father and mother?"[T2006 11]
If the directly possessed noun has no possessive suffix, the referent is presumed unknown or disembodied. Lack of possession also occurs when possession is encoded by the possessed noun preceding the possessor. As in the following example, the directly possessed noun rait (mother) is preceded by the noun tesa (child).
Go
and
rait
mother
tesa
child
ke=fo
3sg.IRR=PSP:IR
tae
able
toleg
stand.up
preg
make
tete
some
namrun
thing
ses.
small
And the child’s mother can stand up and do some small things.[T2006 12]
Negation
Negation in Nafsan occurs in two ways. The first is the use of the intransitive verb tik (no, nothing), which can be used singularly or paired with the generic proclitic i= (3sgRS). The second, more widely used method, is through the use of discontinuous negative particles ta ... mau. Nafsan also does not differentiate between the negation of predicates and the negation of whole propositions. [T2006 5]
Tik
Tik is a verb translated as 'no' or 'nothing' and is used in similar contexts to its English translations.[T2006 4]In the following example, tik is used in the same way as in the English translation.
Go
and
Ririal
Ririal
i=mer.
3sg.RS=in.turn
nrik
tell
Ririel
Ririal
ki
PREP
na,
say
"Tik,
no
ag
2sg
p̃a=fag."
2sg.IRR=climb:IR
And Ririal, in turn, said to Ririel, "No, you climb."[T2006 4]
Tik is also able to be made into a transitive verb through the addition of the transitive suffix -ki. When this occurs, the new gloss is 'to not have'. As such, in the following example there is no instance of a possessive verb being negated, instead the verb in the sentence (tik-ki) is negative in meaning.[T2006 5] Another verb that is negative in meaning is tap, meaning 'to not do something'.
Negative particles
The other way of negating predicates in Nafsan is through the use of two negative particles: ta(p)...mau. There is free variation between the use of ta and tap, ie the usage does not change according to any specific environment. [T2006 13]Ta(p) is used preceding the proposition to be negated, and mau follows at the end of the sentence. The following examples show a positive sentence, which is then negated in the second example.
Sometimes, in the casual speech of young people predominantly, the second negative particle mau is left off, as seen in the following example.
Rui=pe
3PL.PS=PRF
ta
NEG
mur
want
na
say
ruk=nrog
3PL.IRR=hear
a?
INT
They don't want to hear, they don't want to believe eh?[T2006 13]
The ta marker can also act a durative marker, so in negative sentences where both uses of ta are present it can result in two different readings of a sentence. In the first example below, reading the first ta as the negative one results in the whole proposition being negated. In the second example, exactly the same sentence, reading the second ta as the negative results in only the final verb (puet 'to take') being negated, thus creating a different meaning entirely.
A=ta
1SG.RS=NEG
mro-ki-n
think-TS-3SG.O
na
say
ruk=fo
3p.IRR=PSP:IR
mer
in.turn
ta
DUR
puet
take
kineu
1SG
mau.
NEG.
I don’t think that they would still take me. [T2006 15]
A=ta
1SG.RS=DUR
mro-ki-n
think-TS-3SG.O
na
say
ruk=fo
3p.IRR=PSP:IR
mer
in.turn
ta
NEG
puet
take
kineu
1SG
mau.
NEG.
I still think that they would not take me. [T2006 15]
Demonstratives
There are three common forms of demonstratives in Nafsan: go 'that, near addressee', ne 'this', and nen 'that'. Similar to other Southern Oceanic languages, these forms serve both spatio-temporal and discourse deictic functions.[4][T2006 16] The form go 'that' is addressee-anchored referent to a spatial location nearer to the addressee from the speaker's perspective or something previously said by the addressee.[T2006 16] This encoding is found in other languages of Vanuatu, such as Ske, that do not belong to the Central Vanuatu subgroup.[5][4] There is an ability for syntactic ambiguity stemming from the two common functions encoded by demonstratives resulting in dual interpretations possible in some utterances. This is shown in example (16) and (17) where the noun kal 'digging stick' used with the demonstrative go can mean 'the digging stick near you' from the spatial sense of the form or 'the digging stick you talked about' from the discourse sense of the form.[T2006 16]
Me
but
kal
digging.stick
go
AD
i=na
3sg.RS=INCH
i=mailumlum.
3sg.RS=soft:REDUP
But this digging stick (near you) is soft.[T2006 3]
Me
but
kal
digging.stick
go
AD
i=na
3sg.RS=INCH
i=mailumlum.
3sg.RS=soft:REDUP
But this digging stick (you talked about) is soft.[T2006 3]
In Nafsan, demonstratives have a noun-demonstrative word order which is typical of Austronesian languages according to the World Atlas of Language Structures.[6] They typically appear in two locations within a sentence as shown in examples (18) and (19); as a modifier of the noun phrase and following a directional adverb, respectively. Otherwise, demonstratives must undergo nominalisation through the addition of the prefix te- (see 3.4.1) as they cannot occur as the only exponent of a noun phrase. While demonstratives can co-occur with lexical nouns and focal pronouns, they cannot do so with clitic pronouns in Nafsan.[T2006 16]
Ag
2.SG
ku=totan
2SG.RS=sit
sa-go
here-AD
me
but
kineu
1SG
a=mur-i-n
1SG.RS=want-TS-3SG.O
na
COMP
ka=taf.
1SG.IRR=leave
You sit down here (near addressee) but I want to leave.[T2006 17]
The form nen 'that' frequently occurs in collocation with the subordinator kin to create the English equivalent 'that which' as seen in example (19). As the form nen 'that' has the potentially to act as a demonstrative or a relativiser, the pause given between the two forms nen and kin indicates that it is likely the form nen 'that' is acting as a demonstrative that is modifying the noun phrase in this context.[T2006 18]
I=tau-ø
3sg.RS=carry-3sg.O
pak
to
nanre,
side
nen
that
kin
REL
pal-u-k
brother-V-1sg.DP
nen
REL
imat
3sg.RS=dead
wik
week
nen
that
pa
go
i=tk-os.
3sg.RS=stay-3sg.OBL
He took her to the side, that (place) which my brother who died last week stayed at.[T2006 14]
The demonstratives ne 'this', and nen 'that' also often occur in collocation with the noun mal 'time' to create the forms malne 'this time', as seen in example (20) and malnen 'that time'.[T2006 16]
Distant Clitic
The distinction between demonstrative forms ne 'this', and nen 'that' is a result of the distance-encoding clitic =n. This clitic can occur with several word classes as shown in the table below. Furthermore, like spatio-temporal demonstratives, it also has the deictic function of acting as a referent to previous parts of a discourse as shown in example (21).[T2006 10]
| Word Class | Form | Gloss | Form + Clitic | Gloss |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Demonstrative | ne | this | nen | that |
| Verb | pa | to go | pan | to go there |
| Preposition | reki | for | rekin | for that |
Go
and
nafiaselwen
friendship
ni
of
tiawi
old.people
gakit,
1p.in
tu=tae
1p.inRS=know
pitlak-e=n
have-V=DST
mes.
today
And the friendship of our old people, we can have that today.[T2006 10]
Presentative Demonstrative
The presentative morpheme is a demonstrative in Nafsan which has no paradigmatic relationship with the demonstrators detailed above. The form kia is often collocated with interrogatives such as, such as fei kia 'who here', and typically places emphasis on the preceding nominal or utterance, as shown in example (22).[T2006 16]
This function of drawing attention to its preceding forms has been used alongside fillers iwel, gawan, tkanwan which are all used to mean 'thus', 'that's the way', or 'like that', the latter of which is used at the end of the story as seen in example (23).
I=tae
3sgRS=can
mai
come
nrik
tell
naot
chief
ki-n
PREP-3sgO
na,
say
"Ore
yes
kineu
1sg
kia,
PR
a=preg
1sgRS=make
proplem".
problem
He can come and tell the chief, "Yes, it is me who caused the problem."[T2006 14]
Me
and
apu
g.father
neu
1sgPOS
kia
PR
i=mat
3sgRS=die
pato
be.at
Erueti
p.name
naur
island
to.
at
Me
but
kineu
1sg
a=to
1sgRS=stay
Efat.
p.name
Naur
island
pur.
big
m.m
"
Gawan
like.that
kia.
PR
And my grandfather died at Erueti island. But I stay on Efate. The big island. m.m. Like that. Like that.[T2006 14]
The emphatic purpose of this demonstrative is similar to those found in other languages of Vanuatu such as the form na- in Ske in example (24).[7]
waq
ship
na-n=dae,
ASSOC-CONST=DIST
Makila!
M
'That ship there, (is the) Makila.' Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
Nominalisation
'Te-' Nominalisation
Nominalisation of demonstratives, verbs, possessives, ordinal numbers, quantifiers, and nouns occurs in Nafsan through the attachment of the determiner prefix te-. The productive process of te-nominalisation allows for the derivation of a large class of demonstrative pronouns.[T2006 20]
| Form | Gloss | Te + Form | Gloss |
|---|---|---|---|
| ne | this | tene | this one |
| nen | that | tenen | that one (distant) |
| go | that (near addressee) | tego | that one (near addressee) |
Example (25) reflects how addressee deixis is encoded in the demonstratives that have undergone te-nominalisation.
Te-go
DET-AD
ru=to,
3p.RS=stay
fei
who
kin
REL
i=repot?
3sgRS=report
Those (near you) here, who will report?[T2006 8]
The prefix ka- is attached to nominals greater than one in Nafsan to form ordinal numbers which can then further gain the prefix te- to form a demonstrative as shown in example (26).[T2006 17]
| Form | Gloss | Te + Form | Gloss |
|---|---|---|---|
| pei | first | tepei | the first one |
| karu | second | tekaru | the second one |
| katol | third | tekatol | the third one |
Tag
p.name
i=pi
3sgRS=be
te-karu,
DET-second
te-katol
DET-third
i=pi
3sgRS=be
Andre.
p.name
Tag is the second, the third is Andre.[T2006 21]
Pronoun and person marker
There are mainly two classes of pronoun in Nafsan. The free pronoun and the bound pronoun.[T2006 22]
Free pronoun
The free pronouns incorporate three area, demonstrative pronouns, focal pronouns(function as both subject and object) and the oblique free pronoun (in either possessive or benefactive form).
Focal pronoun
The focal pronoun (Lynch, 2000), also known as an independent pronoun (Crowley, 1998), functions as both the subject and object in an argument. It allows the pronoun itself to be the NP on their own unlike the bound pronouns which have to be attached to a verb. Focal pronouns express singular and plural but do not distinguish dual number.
- 1a) subject role
Me
but
kineu
1SG
a=tap
1SG.RS=NEG
nrogtesa-wes
fell.bad-3SG.O
mau.
NEG
But I don't/feel bad about it.[T2006 23]
- 1b) object role
The examples (1a)& (1b) show the 1st person singular pronoun kineu performed as the subject and object correspondingly. And the following is a list of the focal pronouns in Nafsan.
| Singular | Plural | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1st person | inclusive | kineu/neu | akit |
| exclusive | komam | ||
| 2nd person | ag | akam | |
| 3rd person | ga | gar | |
Oblique free pronoun
Oblique free pronoun function in possessive also benefactive case. For the possessive pronoun, it follows the possessed NP, generally made up of the preposition -nig ‘from’/ ‘of’.
- 2) Possessive pronouns follow the possessed NP
Nasum̃tap
church
p̃ur
big
nigmam
1PL.EX.POS
nen
REL
i=tarp̃ek.
3SG.RS=fall.down
It was our church that fell down.[T2006 8]
There are variation forms of the suffix -nig , when it combines with an unstressed syllable, the high vowel will become lower. E.g. (niger → neger)
Benefactive
In the benefactive, the argument shares the same possessive morphology, yet the possessive morpheme is used in the pre-verbal position to express the beneficiary. The following example shows how beneficiary expressed by a pre-verbal position.
Mlapuas
owl sp.
kin
COMP
i=min
3SG.RS=drink
nalkis
herbs
nl
of
sokfal.
owl sp.
Mlapuas who drank sokfal 's herbs.[T2006 24]
Bound Pronoun
Bound pronoun comprises subject proclitics, object suffix for direct object and direct possessive. For the subject proclitics, there is neither separate set of dual object, nor oblique form. The obligatory subject proclitic pronouns are being seen as the arguments of the verb. For the pronominal suffixes of bound pronouns, the plural form is used to express any number that is greater than one.
Bound subject pronouns
The proclitic subject pronoun cannot stand alone without attaching to the first element of the Verb compound. They are considered to be clitics since they can attach to any part of the Verb compound. Subject proclitics happened in three archetypes, realis, irrealis and perfect. The subject proclitic represents the subject argument since it is the only obligatory element in the sentence except for the verb.
Realis/irrealis pronominal
Proclitic subjects distinguish realis and irrealis situation. The realis is unmarked, and the irrealis being marked in the subject to show the action is yet to be realised, including most of the future events but not all, all the imperatives and hortatives. There is a strong preference for the subject of desideratives, achievement and predicates to be using irrealis form.
- 4)realis and irrealis paradigm
A=nrik-i-n
1SG.RS=tell-TS-3SG.O
ki
PREP
na
COMP
"He
hey
a=muri-n
1SG.RS=want-TS-3SG.O
na
COMP
p̃a=mai
2SG.lRR=come
ni
BEN
Kaltog
p.name
preg
make
nalkis,
medicine
i=wel
3SG.RS=thus
ku=f
2SG.RS=COND
tae
know
preg-i-Ø."
make-TS-3SG.O
I said to him, "Hey, I want you to bring some medicine for Kaltog, if you can do that."[T2006 25]
The examples (4) show all realis form of pronouns in all cases except the subject of the verb mai ‘to come’ which is appeared in a desiderative complement.
Perfect pronominal
When dealing with aspectual past (event that is over), regarding the speaking event and past time reference, the perfect form of proclitic is used. Generally, perfect proclitics directly followed by the perfective particle pe, yet it is not a necessary criterion. Notably, perfect proclitics never occur in imperatives. Perfect proclitics can be found in narratives that deal with long events like World War 2.
- 5) narrative
I=piatlak
3SG.RS=have
tete
some
nen
that
kin
REL
ru=weswes
3PL.RS=work
skot-i-r.
with-TS-3PL.O
Go,
and
ru=lap
3PL.RS=many
te-p̃ur
DET-big
rui=pe
3PL.PS=PRF
mat.
dead
Rukoi=pe
3PL.RS=PRF
mat.
dead
There are some who worked with them (the Americans). And very many died. They died.[T2006 25]
The example(5) shows the perfect proclitics being used to refer to those who are long dead in a narrative sentence.
Traditional stories in Nafsan often use perfect proclitic form as they are set in the past. The example(6) of an extract of a custom story telling also shows that perfective particle pe is not necessary to appear in perfect proclitic sentence.
- 6) Storytelling
Kaltog
Kaltag
i=kel
3SG.RS=hold
ntak
back
Selwin
Selwin
tefla=n
thus=DST
go
and
rakai=ler
3DU.PS=return
mai
come
pak
to
esum̃
LOC-house
Kaltog rubbed Selwin's back like that and they returned to the house.[T2006 26]
Bound Object pronoun
There are two separate types of object suffix, can be distinguished by the roles they encoded and the host they attached to. One type is for direct objects, the direct object suffixes attached to the object of the predicator to encode it. The other type is for oblique objects, the oblique object suffixes encode typically the location and the case of semi-transitive verbs. Based on the semantics of the semi-transitive verbs in the oblique case, the oblique object suffixes apply to movement to, at, or from a location. There are list of distinctive bound suffix being used in two types of object in table.2.
| Direct Object | Oblique Object | Direct Possessive | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1st person | singular | -wou | -wou | -k | |
| plural | inclusive | -kit | -kit | -kit | |
| exclusive | -mam/-mom/-m | -mam | -mam/-mom/-m | ||
| 2nd person | singular | (transitivisor) -k | -wok | -m | |
| plural | -mus | -mus | -mus | ||
| 3rd person | singular | (transitivisor) -ø/ -n | -wes | -n | |
| plural | (transitivisor) -r | -wer | -r | ||
Direct object
Object suffixes encode the object of derived transitive verbs, ambitransitive verbs, ditransitive verbs and of the preposition -ki. To reference an object in Nafsan can be either by an object suffix or a lexical NP. Therefore, object suffix cannot appeared in the Verb Complex while there is a referential lexical NP for object indication.
7) transitive verb/ preposition -ki
Ke=fo
3SG.IRR=PSP:IR
pes-kerai-ki-k
talk-strong-TR-2SG.O
tete
some
nrak,
time
tete
some
nrak,
time,
masta
boss
nen
that
kin
REL
i=wi,
3SG.RS=good
i=pes-kerkerai-ki
3SG.RS=talk-strong-TR
ag
2SG
m̃as.
only
He will speak harshly to you, sometimes, sometimes a good boss will just speak harshly to you. (as opposed to beating you) [T2006 27]
This is an example (7) showing how object suffix used in transitive verb. The intransitive verb pes-kerai takes the transitivising suffix -ki to become transitive which allows it to take the object suffix -k in the first use. However, to emphasize the object, the last clause used the focal pronoun ag ‘you(singular)’ instead of the object suffix.
8) ambitransitive verb
I=f
3SG.RS=COND
wel
thus
ku=f
2SG.RS=COND
tae
know
trok-wes
agree-3SG.OBL
go
and
ka=fo
1SG.IRR=PSP:IR
plak-e-r
with-TS-3p.O
ler.
return
If you agree with it, then I will go back with them. (Thieberger, 2006, p. 116)
In general, ambitransitive verbs requires a transitive suffix before the addition of the object suffix. The example (8) shows that transitive suffix -e is added before the object suffix -r occurred.
9) ditransitive verb
Or
yes
ka=fo
1SG.IRR=PSP:IR
mer
in.turn
nrik-i-r
tell-TS-3PL.O
ki
PREP
i=skei.
3SG.RS=one
Yes, I will now tell them one (story). (Thieberger, 2006, p. 116)
The object suffix indicates the recipient when it is with a ditransitive verb. The example (9) shows when the suffix -r is used to encode the addresses.
Oblique object
The oblique suffix has a locational meaning. The oblique case can also be indicating temporal and spatial references. The example shows the suffix -wes encoded the day that the race was held.
10) oblique suffix
Naliati
day
nen
this
rak=fo
3DU.IRR=PSP:IR
res-wes
race-3SG.OBL
me
but
katom
hermit.crab
i=pei
3SG.RS=first
usrek-ki
go.round-TR
ser
every
nagis.
point
That day they would race, but the hermit crab was first around every point.[T2006 28]
Bound direct possessive pronouns
The direct possessive suffix can only be attached to direct possessed nouns and reflexive/reciprocal morpheme yet not being a clitic. The 3 person singular is the most common form of direct possessive pronoun being found, even though there is other direct possessive pronoun see table.2. The following example(11) shows the 3sg direct possessive suffix -r.
11) direct possessive suffix
Gar
3PL
nen
REL
ru=lek-a-Ø
3PL.RS=see-TS-3SG.O
ki
PREP
namt-e-r.
eye-V-3PL.DP
It was they who saw it with their own eyes.[T2006 29]
Common abbreviations
Below is a table explaining the common abbreviations used in negation examples above:[T2006 30]
| Abbreviation | Meaning |
|---|---|
| AD | Addressee deictic |
| DET | Determiner |
| DST | Distant |
| DUR | Durative |
| IR | Irrealis |
| IRR | Irrealis subject |
| NEG | Negative marker |
| PREP | Preposition |
| PS | Perfect subject |
| PSP | Prospective |
| REL | Relativiser |
| RS | Realis subject |
| TR | Transitive marker |
| TS | Transitive suffix |
Access to resources
Thieberger's field recordings have been archived with Paradisec:
- summary of the collection of materials in Nafsan
- listing of all material available via the Open Language Archives Community for Nafsan.
Notes
- Pages from: Thieberger, Nick (2006). A Grammar of South Efate: An Oceanic Language of Vanuatu. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 9780824830618.
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 45).
- ^ a b Thieberger (2006: 46).
- ^ a b c d Thieberger (2006: 54).
- ^ a b c Thieberger (2006: 74)
- ^ a b c d Thieberger (2006: 78)
- ^ a b Thieberger (2006: 77).
- ^ a b Thieberger (2006: 127).
- ^ a b c d Thieberger (2006: 128).
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 129).
- ^ a b c Thieberger (2006: 124)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 130).
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 131).
- ^ a b Thieberger (2004: 250)
- ^ a b c d e Thieberger (2006: 246)
- ^ a b Thieberger (2006: 249)
- ^ a b c d e f Thieberger (2006: 149-153)
- ^ a b Thieberger (2006: 144)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 300)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 146)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 142)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 139)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 103)
- ^ a b Thieberger (2006: 104)
- ^ a b Thieberger (2006: 279)
- ^ a b Thieberger (2006: 110)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 111)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 116)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 119)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: 122)
- ^ Thieberger (2006: xviii-xix)
- Other references:
- ^ Nafsan at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
- ^ South Efate — English dictionary
- ^ Payne, 1997
- ^ a b Johnson, Kay (2014). Static spatial expression in Ske: an Oceanic language ofVanuatu (phd thesis). London: SOAS, University of London. p. 202. doi:10.25501/soas.00018443.
- ^ Lynch, John (2004). "The Efate-Erromango Problem in Vanuatu Subgrouping". Oceanic Linguistics. 43 (2): 311–338. doi:10.1353/ol.2005.0008. ISSN 0029-8115. JSTOR 3623361. S2CID 144539079.
- ^ "WALS Online -". wals.info. Retrieved 2021-03-28.
- ^ Johnson (2014: 207)
Further reading
- Billington, Rosey and Thieberger, Nick and Fletcher, Janet (2021). "Nafsan". Illustrations of the IPA. Journal of the International Phonetic Association: 1–21. doi:10.1017/S0025100321000177
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link), with supplementary sound recordings.
References
- Anon. 1868. Nalag nig Efat. Trans. D. Morrison. Sydney: Mason, Firt, nigar asler (Mason, Firth and Co).
- Anon. 1892. Tusi nalag Efate Niu Ebrites. Sydney: F. Cunninghame and Co.
- Anon. 1979. Natus nalag (213 pp).
- Bible. 1864. Nadus iskei nig Fat. Aneityum: Mission Press.
- Bible. 1866. Nafsanwi nig Iesu Krist nag Mark. Trans. D. Morrison. Sydney: Sheriff and Downing.
- Bible. 1874. Kenesis natus a bei nag Moses ki mtir i. Trans. Cosh, J. Sydney: British and Foreign Bible Society.
- Bible. 1875? Nafisan nafousien. Sydney: F. Cunninghame and Co.
- Bible. 1883. The Gospel according to Luke. Trans. Macdonald, D.D. Melbourne: M.L. Hutchinson.
- Bible. 1885. The Gospel according to John, Tus Nanrognrogona Uia ni Iesu Kristo nag Ioane i mitiria. Trans. Mackenzie, J., Macdonald, D.D. Sydney: F. Cunninghame and Co.
- Bible. 1919. Natus bei ni nafisan ni Efate. Sydney: Epworth Press.
- Bible. 1919. Tusi tab fao (New Testament). Trans. Mackenzie, J., Macdonald, D.D. Melbourne: British and Foreign Bible Society.
- Bible. 1923. Scripture History. Sydney: Epworth Printing and Publishing House.
- Bible. 1923. Nafakoron ni aliat. Erakor Efate, New Hebrides. Nouméa: Imprimerie A.-L. Laubreaux.
- Bible. n.d. Nawisien nig Nagmer Apostol. Sydney: F. Cunninghame and Co.
- Clark, Ross. 1973. Transitivity and case in eastern Oceanic languages. Oceanic Linguistics 12(1–2). 559–606.
- ––––– 1978. The New Hebridean outliers. In Wurm, S.A. and L.Carrington, (eds.), Second International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics: proceedings. Fascicle 2: eastern Austronesian. (Pacific Linguistics Series) Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University. 911–928.
- ––––– 1982. "Necessary" and "unnecessary" borrowing. In Halim, A. (ed.), Papers from the Third International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Vol.3: Accent on variety. C 76 ed. (Pacific Linguistics Series): Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University. 137–143.
- ––––– 1985. The Efate dialects. Te Reo 28.:3–35.
- ––––– 1996. Linguistic consequences of the Kuwae eruption. In J. M. Davidson, G. Irwin, B. F. Leach, A. Pawley and D. Brown (eds.), Oceanic culture history: essays in honour of Roger Green. New Zealand Journal of Archaeology Special Publication. 275–285.
- ––––– n.d. The Efate-Tongoa dialects (Ms).
- Codrington, Robert Henry (R. H.). 1885. The Melanesian Languages. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
- Crowley, Terry. 1998. An Erromangan (Sye) Grammar. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.
- Lynch, John. 2000. South Efate phonological history. Oceanic Linguistics 39(2):320–338.
- ––––– 2000. A grammar of Anejom. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
- ––––– 2001. The linguistic history of Southern Vanuatu. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University.
- ––––– 2004. The Efate-Erromango Problem in Vanuatu Subgrouping. Oceanic Linguistics 43(2):311–338.
- Thieberger, Nicholas. 2004. Topics in the grammar and documentation of South Efate, an Oceanic language of Central Vanuatu. PhD thesis, Department of Linguistics and Applied Linguistics, University of Melbourne.
- ––––– 2006a. A Grammar of South Efate: An Oceanic Language of Vanuatu Oceanic Linguistics Special Publication, No. 33. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.
- ––––– 2006b. The benefactive construction in South Efate. Oceanic Linguistics, Volume 45, no. 2, 297-310.
- ––––– 2007. The demise of serial verbs in South Efate. Diana Eades, John Lynch and Jeff Siegel (eds.), Language Description, History and Development: Linguistic Indulgence in Memory of Terry Crowley. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 237-251.
- ––––– 2011a. Natrauswen nig Efat. Melbourne: The author. ISBN 978-1-921775-50-5.
- ––––– 2011b. A dictionary of South Efate. Melbourne: The author. ISBN 978-1-921775-51-2.
- ––––– 2012. Mood and Transitivity in South Efate. Oceanic Linguistics. Volume 51, no. 2, 387-401.
- Thieberger, Nicholas and Chris Ballard. 2008. Daniel Macdonald and the 'compromise literary dialect' in Efate, central Vanuatu. Oceanic Linguistics, Volume 47, no.2: 365-382
- Thieberger, Nicholas, and members of the Erakor community. 2021. A Dictionary of Nafsan, South Efate, Vanuatu: M̃p̃et Nafsan ni Erakor. Honolulu: UHPress.
An Android app version of the dictionary can be downloaded here.
- Payne, Thomas Edward. 1997. Describing morphosyntax: a guide for field linguists. Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press.
External links
- Dictionary of South Efate by Nicholas Thieberger
- A collection of texts in the language with media, by Nicholas Thieberger
- Nafsan (South Efate) DoReCo corpus compiled by Nick Thieberger. Audio recordings of narrative texts with transcriptions time-aligned at the phone level, translations, and time-aligned morphological annotations.