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Hindutva

July 30, 2023

Hindutva (lit. 'Hindu-ness') is a political ideology encompassing the cultural justification of Hindu nationalism.[1][2][3] The political ideology was formulated by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in 1922.[4][5] It is used by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)[6][7] and other organisations, collectively called the Sangh Parivar.

Inspired by European fascism,[8][9] the Hindutva movement has been described as a variant of right-wing extremism,[10] and as "almost fascist in the classical sense", adhering to a concept of homogenised majority and cultural hegemony.[11][12] Some have also described Hindutva as a separatist ideology.[13][14] Some analysts dispute the identification of Hindutva with fascism, and suggest Hindutva is an extreme form of conservatism or "ethnic absolutism".[15]

Definitions

Tertiary sources

According to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), Hindutva is "Originally: the state or quality of being Hindu; ‘Hinduness’. Now: an ideology advocating, or movement seeking to establish, the hegemony of Hindus and Hinduism within India; Hindu nationalism."[16] Its etymology, according to the OED, is: "from modern Sanskrit hindutva (Hindu qualities, Hindu identity) from hindu (from Hindi hindū : see Hindu n.) + classical Sanskrit -tva , suffix forming abstract nouns, after Hindi hindupan, in the same sense."[16] The etymology and meaning of hindu, according to the OED is: "Partly a borrowing from Hindi and Urdu. Partly a borrowing from Persian. Etymons: Urdu hindū, Persian hindū. from (i) Hindi hindū and Urdu hindū, originally denoting a person from India, now specifically a follower of Hinduism, and its etymon (ii) Persian hindū, in the same senses (Middle Persian hindūg, denoting a person from India), apparently formed already in Old Persian ... hindu, denoting an eastern province of the Achaemenid empire."[17]

According to Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of World Religions, Hindutva is a concept of "Indian cultural, national, and religious identity".[18] The term "conflates a geographically based religious, cultural, and national identity: a true 'Indian' is one who partakes of this 'Hindu-ness'. Some Indians insist, however, that Hindutva is primarily a cultural term to refer to the traditional and indigenous heritage of the Indian nation-state, and they compare the relationship between Hindutva and India to that of Zionism and Israel."[18] This view, as summarised by Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of World Religions, holds that "even those who are not religiously Hindu but whose religions originated in India – Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, and others – share in this historical, cultural, and national essence. Those whose religions were imported to India, meaning primarily the country’s Muslim and Christian communities, may fall within the boundaries of Hindutva only if they subsume themselves into the majority culture".[18]

According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations, "Hindutva, translated as 'Hinduness,' refers to the ideology of Hindu nationalists, stressing the common culture of the inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent. ... Modern politicians have attempted to play down the racial and anti-Muslim aspects of Hindutva, stressing the inclusiveness of the Indian identity; but the term has Fascist undertones."[1] According to The Dictionary of Human Geography, "Hindutva encapsulates the cultural justification of Hindu nationalism, a 'Hinduness' allegedly shared by all Hindus."[3] According to A Political and Economic Dictionary of South Asia, "One of the main purposes behind the concept of Hindutva was to construct a collective identity to support the cause of 'Hindu-unity' (Hindu Sanghatan) and to avoid too narrow a definition of Hinduism, which had the consequence of excluding Buddhists, Sikhs and Jains from the Hindu community. Later, Hindu-nationalist ideologues transformed the concept into a strategy to include non-Hindus, in order to widen their social base, and for political mobilization.[19]

According to Encyclopædia Britannica's article on Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, a Hindu and Indian nationalist,[20] "Hindutva ("Hinduness") ... sought to define Indian culture as a manifestation of Hindu values; this concept grew to become a major tenet of Hindu nationalist ideology."[20] According to the Encyclopedia of Hinduism, Hindutva as defined in the classic statement of its ideology, is the "culture of the Hindu race" where Hinduism is but an element and "Hindu dharma is a religion practiced by Hindus as well as Sikhs and Buddhists". The article further states, "proponents of Hindutva have sought to promote the identification of national identity with the religious and broader cultural heritage of Hindus. Measures taken to achieve this end have included attempts to 'reclaim' individuals judged to have taken up 'alien' religions, the pursuit of social, cultural and philanthropic activities designed to strengthen awareness of Hindu belonging, and direct political action through various organisations, including recognized political parties such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)."[21]

Savarkar

For Savarkar, in Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?, Hindutva is an inclusive term of everything Indic. The three essentials of Hindutva in Savarkar's definition were the common nation (rashtra), common race (jati), and common culture or civilisation (sanskriti).[22] Savarkar used the words "Hindu" and "Sindhu" interchangeably.[22][23] Those terms were at the foundation of his Hindutva, as geographic, cultural and ethnic concepts, and "religion did not figure in his ensemble", states Sharma.[22][24] His elaboration of Hindutva included all Indic religions, i.e. Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism. Savarkar restricted "Hindu nationality" to "Indian religions" in the sense that they shared a common culture and fondness for the land of their origin.[22][23] Savarkar had made clear distinction between Hinduism and Hindutva, that they are not same things as Hindutva does not concern religion or rituals but the basis of India’s national character.[25][26]

According to Christophe Jaffrelot, a political scientist specialising in South Asia, Savarkar – declaring himself as an atheist – "minimizes the importance of religion in his definition of Hindu", and instead emphasises an ethnic group with a shared culture and cherished geography.[23][24] To Savarkar, states Jaffrelot, a Hindu is "first and foremost someone who lives in the area beyond the Indus river, between the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean".[23] Savarkar composed his ideology in reaction to the "pan-Islamic mobilization of the Khilafat movement", where Indian Muslims were pledging support to the Istanbul-based Caliph of the Ottoman Empire and to Islamic symbols, his thoughts predominantly reflect deep hostility to Islam and its followers. To Savarkar, states Jaffrelot, "Muslims were the real enemies, not the British", because their Islamic ideology posed "a threat to the real nation, namely Hindu Rashtra" in his vision.[23] All those who reject this historic "common culture" were excluded by Savarkar. He included those who had converted to Christianity or Islam but accepted and cherished the shared Indic culture, considering them as those who can be re-integrated.[23]

According to Chetan Bhatt, a sociologist specialising in Human Rights and Indian nationalism, Savarkar "distances the idea of Hindu and of Hindutva from Hinduism".[27][a] He describes Hindutva, states Bhatt, as "one of the most comprehensive and bewildering synthetic concepts known to the human tongue" and "Hindutva is not a word but a history; not only the spiritual or religious history of our people as at times it is mistaken to be by being confounded with the other cognate term Hinduism, but a history in full".[27]

Savarkar's notion of Hindutva formed the foundation for his Hindu nationalism.[22] It was a form of ethnic nationalism per the criteria set by Clifford Geertz, Lloyd Fallers and Anthony D. Smith.[29][23]

Supreme Court of India

The definition and the use of Hindutva and its relationship with Hinduism has been a part of several court cases in India. In 1966, the Chief Justice Gajendragadkar wrote for the Supreme Court of India in Yagnapurushdasji (AIR 1966 SC 1127), that "Hinduism is impossible to define".[30][b] The court adopted Radhakrishnan's submission that Hinduism is complex and "the theist and atheist, the sceptic and agnostic, may all be Hindus if they accept the Hindu system of culture and life".[30] The Court judged that Hinduism historically has had an "inclusive nature" and it may "broadly be described as a way of life and nothing more".[30]

The 1966 decision has influenced how the term Hindutva has been understood in later cases, in particular the seven decisions of the Supreme Court in the 1990s that are now called the "Hindutva judgments".[30][32] According to Ram Jethmalani, an Indian lawyer and a former president of its Supreme Court Bar Association, the Supreme Court of India in 1995 ruled that "Ordinarily, Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism ... it is a fallacy and an error of law to proceed on the assumption ... that the use of words Hindutva or Hinduism per se depicts an attitude hostile to all persons practising any religion other than the Hindu religion ... It may well be that these words are used in a speech to promote secularism or to emphasise the way of life of the Indian people and the Indian culture or ethos, or to criticise the policy of any political party as discriminatory or intolerant."[33] According to Jethmalani, the Supreme Court has properly explained the "true meaning" of the term, and "Hindutva is not hostility to any organised religion nor does it proclaim its superiority of any religion to another". According to him, it is unfortunate that "the communal propaganda machinery relentlessly disseminates "Hindutva" as a communal word, something that has also become embedded in the minds and language of opinion leaders, including politicians, media, civil society and the intelligentsia".[33] The Indian lawyer Abdul Noorani disagrees, and states that the Supreme Court in its 1995 ruling gave "Hindutva a benign meaning, calling Hindutva the same as Indianization, etc." and these were unnecessary digressions from the facts of the case, and in doing so, the court may have brought down the wall separating religion and politics".[34]

History

Ideology

The word Hindutva was already in use by the late 1890s by Chandranath Basu,[35][36][37][38] Basu's usage of the word was to merely portray a traditional Hindu cultural view in contrary to the formation of the political ideology by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.[39][40] Savarkar, a right-wing nationalist and Indian freedom activist, wrote a book titled Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?" in 1922,[5][41] in which he outlined his ideology and "the idea of a universal and essential Hindu identity". The term "Hindu identity" is broadly interpreted and distinguished from "ways of life and values of others".[41] The contemporary meaning and usage of Hindutva largely derives from Savarkar's ideas, as does the post-1980s nationalism and mass political activity in India.[38] According to Jaffrelot, Hindutva as outlined in Savarkar's writings "perfectly illustrates" an effort at identity-building through the "stigmatisation and emulation of threatening others". In particular, it was pan-Islamism and similar "Pan-isms" that he assumed made the Hindus vulnerable, as he wrote:

O Hindus, consolidate and strengthen Hindu nationality; not to give wanton offence to any of our non-Hindu compatriots, in fact to any one in the world but in just and urgent defence of our race and land; to render it impossible for others to betray her or to subject her to unprovoked attack by any of those "Pan-isms" that are struggling forth from continent to continent.

— Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, quoted by Christophe Jaffrelot[42]

The Hindutva ideology borrowed from European fascism.[8][9] Parallels between Hindutva and European fascism are observed in the concepts such as repeated mobilisations, appeals to a mythic past, anti-socialism and other concepts.[43] Since Savarkar's time, the "Hindu identity" and the associated Hindutva ideology has been built upon the perceived vulnerability of Indian religions, culture and heritage from those who through "orientalist construction" have vilified them as inferior to a non-Indian religion, culture and heritage.[44] In its nationalistic response, Hindutva has been conceived "primarily as an ethnic community" concept, states Jaffrelot, then presented as cultural nationalism, where Hinduism along with other Indian religions are but a part.[22][45][c][d]

According to Arvind Sharma, a scholar of Hinduism, Hindutva has not been a "static and monolithic concept", rather its meaning and "context, text and subtext has changed over time". The struggles of the colonial era and the formulation of neo-Hinduism by the early 20th century added a sense of "ethnicity" to the original "Hinduness" meaning of Hindutva.[50] Its early formulation incorporated the racism and nationalism concepts prevalent in Europe during the first half of the 20th century, and culture was in part rationalised as a result of "shared blood and race". Savarkar and his Hindutva colleagues adopted the social Darwinism theories prevalent by the 1930s.[51] In the post-independence period, states Sharma, the concept has suffered from ambiguity and its understanding aligned on "two different axes" – one of religion versus culture, another of nation versus state. In general, the Hindutva thought among many Indians has "tried to align itself with the culture and nation" axes.[52]

According to Prabhu Bapu, a historian and scholar of Oriental Studies, the term and the contextual meaning of Hindutva emerged from the Indian experience in the colonial era, memories of its religious wars as the Mughal Empire decayed, an era of Muslim and Christian proselytisation, a feeling that their traditions and cultures were being insulted, whereby the Hindu intellectuals formulated Hindutva as a "Hindu identity" as a prelude to a national resurgence and a unified Indian nation against the "foreign invaders".[53] The development of "religious nationalism" and the demand by the Muslim leaders on the Indian subcontinent for the partition of British India into Muslim and non-Muslim nations during the first half of the 20th century, confirmed its narrative of geographical and cultural nationalism based on Indian culture and religions.[50][e][f]

According to Chetan Bhatt, the various forms of Hindu nationalism including the recent "cultural nationalist" form of Hindutva, have roots in the second half of the 19th century.[58] These are a "dense cluster of ideologies" of primordialism,[g] and they emerged from the colonial experiences of the Indian people in conjunction with ideas borrowed from European thinkers but thereafter debated, adapted and negotiated. These ideas included those of a nation, nationalism, race, Aryanism, Orientalism, Romanticism and others.[58][61][h] Decades before he wrote his treatise on Hindutva, Savarkar was already famous in colonial India for his version of 1857 "Mutiny" history. He studied in London between 1906 and 1910. There he discussed and evolved his ideas of "what constituted a Hindu identity", made friends with Indian student groups as well as non-Indian groups such as the Sinn Féin.[58][62] He was a part of the underground home rule and liberation movement of Indians, before getting arrested for anti-British activities. His political activities and intellectual journeys through the European publications, according to Bhatt, influenced him, his future writings and the 20th-century Hindutva ideology that emerged from his writings.[58][62]

Adoption

Savarkar's Hindutva ideology reached Keshav Baliram Hedgewar in Nagpur (Maharashtra) in 1925, and he found Savarkar's Hindutva inspirational.[63][64] He visited Savarkar in Ratnagiri shortly after and discussed with him methods for organising the 'Hindu nation'.[65][66] Savarkar and Hedgewar discussions led in September that year to Hedgewar starting Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, lit. "National Volunteer Society") with this mission. This organisation rapidly grew to become the largest Hindu nationalist movement.[64] However, the term Hindutva was not used to describe the ideology of the new organisation; it was Hindu Rashtra (Hindu nation), with one RSS publication stating, "it became evident that Hindus were the nation in Bharat and that Hindutva was Rashtriyatva [nationalism]."[67]

Hedgewar's RSS not only propagated Hindutva ideology, it developed a grassroots organizational structure (shakhas) to reform the Hindu society. Village level groups met for morning and evening physical training sessions, martial training and Hindutva ideology lessons.[64] Hedgewar kept RSS an ideologically active but an "apolitical" organisation. This practice of keeping out of national and international politics was retained by his successor M. S. Golwalkar through the 1940s.[64] Philosopher Jason Stanley states "the RSS was explicitly influenced by European fascist movements, its leading politicians regularly praised Hitler and Mussolini in the late 1930s and 1940s."[68] In 1931, B. S. Moonje met with Mussolini and expressed a desire to replicate the fascist youth movement in India.[69] According to Sali Augustine, the core institution of Hindutva has been the RSS. While the RSS states that Hindutva is different from Hinduism, it has been linked to religion. Therefore "cultural nationalism" is a euphemism, states Augustine, and it is meant to mask the creation of a state with a "Hindu religious identity".[70] According to Jaffrelot, the regional heads of the RSS have included Indians who are Hindus as well as those who belong to other Indian religions such as Jainism.[71]

In parallel to the RSS, Savarkar, after his release from the colonial prison, joined and became the president of Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha in 1937. There, he used the terms Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra liberally, according to Graham.[72] Syama Prasad Mukherjee, who served as its president in 1944 and joined the Jawaharlal Nehru Cabinet after independence, was a Hindu traditionalist politician who wanted to uphold Hindu values but not necessarily to the exclusion of other communities. He asked for the membership of Hindu Mahasabha to be thrown open to all communities. When this was not accepted, he resigned from the party and founded a new political party in collaboration with the RSS. He understood Hinduism as a nationality rather than a community but, realising that this is not the common understanding of the term Hindu, he chose "Bharatiya" instead of "Hindu" to name the new party, which came to be called the Bharatiya Jana Sangh.[72]

Growth

The cabinet of the first prime minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru banned the RSS and arrested more than 200,000 RSS volunteers, after Nathuram Godse, a former volunteer of RSS, assassinated Mahatma Gandhi.[73] Nehru also appointed government commissions to investigate the assassination and related circumstances. The series of investigations by these commissions, states the political science scholar Nandini Deo, later found the RSS leadership and "the RSS innocent of a role in the assassination".[74] The mass arrested RSS volunteers were released by the Indian courts, and the RSS has ever since used this as evidence of "being falsely accused and condemned".[74]

According to the historian Robert Frykenberg specialising in South Asian Studies, the RSS membership enormously expanded in independent India. In this period, while RSS remained "discretely out of politics", Jan Sangh, another Hindutva-ideology-based organisation, entered the political arena. The Jan Sangh had limited success in the Indian general elections between 1952 and 1971.[75][76] This was, in part, because of its poor organisation and leadership; its focus on the Hindutva sentiment did not appeal to the voters, and its campaign lacked adequate social and economic themes.[76] This was also, in part, because Congress party leaders such Indira Gandhi had co-opted some of the key Hindutva ideology themes and fused it with socialist policies and her father's Jawaharlal Nehru Soviet-style centrally controlled economic model.[73][77][78] The RSS continued its grassroots operations between 1947 and early 1970s, and its volunteers provided humanitarian assistance to Hindu and Sikh refugees from the partition of British India, victims of war and violence, and helped disaster victims to resettle economically.[73][79]

Between 1975 and 1977, Indira Gandhi declared and enforced Emergency with press censorship, the arrests of opposition leaders, and the suspension of many fundamental human rights of Indian citizens. The abuses of Emergency triggered a mass resistance and the rapid growth of volunteers and political support to the Hindutva ideology.[73][77][80] Indira Gandhi and her party were voted out of power in 1977. The Hindutva ideology-based Jan Sangh members such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Brij Lal Varma and Lal Krishna Advani gained national prominence, and the Hindutva ideology sympathiser Morarji Desai became the prime minister of a coalition non-Congress government.[73] This coalition did not last past 1980, and from the consequent break-up of coalition parties was founding of the Bharatiya Janata Party in April 1980. This new national political party relied on the Hindutva ideology-based rural and urban grassroots organisations that had rapidly grown across India from the mid-1970s.[73]

Hindutva under Modi (2014–present)

Further information: Narendra Modi § Narendra Modi

Since the 2014 Indian general election with the BJP winning, the premiership of Narendra Modi and state based BJP governments have pushed parts of the Hindutva agenda.

Abrogation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir

On 5 August 2019, the Modi administration revoked the special status, or limited autonomy, granted under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir.[81][82]

Ayodhya dispute

On 9 November 2019, the Supreme Court of India passed resolution on creation of Ram Mandir on the disputed land of Ayodhya.[83][84][85][86] The verdict also stated to provide 5 acres (20,000 m2) for creation of a mosque on another part of the land. The land was given to the Sunni Waqf Board.[87] On 5 August 2019, Narendra Modi held the Bhoomipujan at the Ayodhya. He became the first prime minister to visit Ram Janmabhoomi and Hanuman Garhi.[88]

Forced conversion bans

 
Indian states that prohibit forced conversions (2022)

Many BJP-ruled states, such as Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana and Karnataka, have considered laws designed to prevent forced conversions from Hinduism to Islam through marriage. Hindutva advocates call this "love jihad", and it is widely considered to be an Islamophobic conspiracy theory.[89][90][91] In September 2020, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath asked his government to come up with a strategy to prevent "religious conversions in the name of love".[92][93] On 31 October, he announced that a law to curb "love jihad"[i] would be passed by his government. The law, which also includes provisions against "unlawful religious conversion", declares a marriage null and void if the sole intention was to "change a girl's religion" and both it and the one in Madhya Pradesh imposed sentences of up to 10 years in prison for those who broke the law.[95][96] The ordinance came into effect on 28 November 2020[97][98] as the Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance. In December 2020, Madhya Pradesh approved an anti-conversion law similar to the Uttar Pradesh one.[99][100][101][102][103][104] As of 25 November 2020, Haryana and Karnataka were still in discussion over similar ordinances.[90][91] In April 2021, the Gujarat Assembly amended the Freedom of Religion Act, 2003, bringing in stringent provisions against forcible conversion through marriage or allurement, with the intention of targeting "love jihad".[105][106] The Karnataka state cabinet also approved an anti-conversion bill, making it a law in December 2021.[107][108]

Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bharatiya Janata Party

See also: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bharatiya Janata Party

The RSS established a number of affiliate organisations after Indian Independence to carry its ideology to various parts of the society. Prominent among them is the Vishva Hindu Parishad, which was set up in 1964 with the objective of protecting and promoting the Hindu religion. It subscribed to Hindutva ideology, which came to mean in its hands political Hinduism and Hindu militancy.[109]

A number of political developments in the 1980s caused a sense of vulnerability among the Hindus in India. This was much discussed and leveraged by the Hindutva ideology organisations. These developments include the mass killing of the Hindus by the militant Khalistan movement, the influx of undocumented Bangladeshi immigration into Assam coupled with the expulsion of Hindus from Bangladesh, the Congress-led government's pro-Muslim bias in the Shah Bano case as well as the Rushdie affair.[110] The VHP and the BJP utilised these developments to push forward a militant Hindutva nationalist agenda leading to the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. The BJP officially adopted Hindutva as its ideology in its 1989 Palampur resolution.[6][7]

The BJP claims that Hindutva represents "cultural nationalism" and its conception of "Indian nationhood", but not a religious or theocratic concept.[111] It is "India's identity", according to the RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat.[112]

According to the anthropologist and South Asia Politics scholar Thomas Hansen, Hindutva in the post-Independence era has emerged as a political ideology and a populist form of Hindu nationalism.[113] For Indian nationalists, it has subsumed "religious sentiments and public rituals into a larger discourse of national culture (Bharatiya culture) and the Hindu nation, Hindu rashtra", states Hansen.[113] This notion has appealed to the masses in part because it "connects meaningfully with everyday anxieties of security, a sense of disorder" in modern Indian life.[113] The BJP has deployed the Hindutva theme in its election campaign since early 1991, as well as nominated candidates who are affiliated with organisations that support the Hindutva ideology.[113] The campaign language of the Congress Party leader Rajiv Gandhi in the 1980s mirrored those of Hindutva proponents. The political speeches and publications by Indian Muslim leaders have declared their "Islamic religious identity" being greater than any "political ideology or national identity". These developments, states Hansen, have helped Hindu nationalists spread essentialist constructions per contemporary Hindutva ideology.[114]

Concepts and issues

Hindutva ideology has focused on the following issues:

  • Political representation of Hindu nationalists, and in some cases exclusivist interests of the Hindus and Indic-centered culture[115][116]
  • Jammu and Kashmir as an integral, inseparable part of India[117]
  • Address Christian and Islamic proselytisation, religious conversion practices and the arithmetic of religious communities in India;[118][119] insist that Muslims and Christians accept its doctrine of equality of religions[120]
  • Implement social justice, reservations and rural Indic interests according to the Hindutva model[121]
  • Textbook revision and educating Indian youth in the Hindutva version of Indian history[122][123]
  • Ayodhya and other sites of historic religious disputes[124]
  • Strengthen the defence forces of India[125]
  • Replace "pseudo-secularism" with "true secularism", the latter being the Western-style separation of religion and state[126][116]
  • Decentralize and reform the Indian economy, end the socialist, centrally-planned, state-owned economic model[127][128]
  • Represent the diaspora and its Indic cultural interests in the international forums[129][130]

Uniform Civil Code

Main article: Uniform Civil Code

The Hindutva leaders have sought a Uniform Civil Code for all the citizens of India, where the same law applies to all its citizens irrespective of the individual's religion.[131][132] They state that differential laws based on religion violate the Indian Constitution and have sowed the seeds of divisiveness between different religious communities.[131][132][133] Under the current laws that were enacted in 1955–56, state John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, the constitutionally directive principle of a Uniform Civil Code covers only non-Muslims. The Uniform Civil Code is opposed by the Muslim leaders.[131] A Uniform Civil Code that applies equally to the Muslims in India is also opposed by political parties such as the Indian National Congress and the Communist Party.[134]

Protection of Hindu interests

The followers of Hindutva are known for their criticism of the Indian government as too passive with regard to the exodus of Kashmiri Hindus by Kashmiri Muslim separatists and the 1998 Wandhama massacre, and advocates of Hindutva wish a harder stance in Jammu and Kashmir.[135][136] The supporters of Hindutva sought to protect the native Hindu culture and traditions especially those that symbolised the Hindu culture. They believe that Indian culture is identical with the Hindu culture.[137] These include animals, language, holy structures rivers and medicine.[138]

They opposed the continuation of Urdu being used as a vernacular language as they associated it with Muslims. They felt that Urdu symbolised a foreign culture. For them, Hindi alone was the unifying factor for all the diverse forces in the country. It even wanted to make Hindi as the official language of India and felt that it should be promoted at the expense of English and the other regional languages. However, this caused a state of tension and alarm in the non-Hindi regions. The non-Hindi regions saw it as an attempt by the north to dominate the rest of the country. Eventually, this demand was put down in order to protect the cultural diversity of the country.[139]

Organisations

Main articles: Sangh Parivar and List of Hindu nationalist political parties

Hindutva is the guiding ideology of the RSS and its affiliated family of organisations, the Sangh Parivar.[140] In general, Hindutvavadis (followers of Hindutva) believe that they represent the well-being of Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Jainism and all other religions prominent in India.[citation needed]

Most nationalists are organised into political, cultural and social organisations using the concept of Hindutva as a political tool. The first Hindutva organisation formed was the RSS, founded in 1925. A prominent Indian political party, the BJP, is closely associated with a group of organisations that advocate Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "Sangh Parivar" or family of associations, and include the RSS, Bajrang Dal and the VHP.[citation needed] Other organisations include:

Political parties that are independent from the Sangh Parivar's influence but that also espouse the Hindutva ideology include the Hindu Mahasabha, Prafull Goradia's Akhil Bharatiya Jana Sangh,[141] and the Marathi nationalist Shiv Sena,[142] and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) is a Sikh religious party that maintained ties with Hindutva organisations and political parties, as they also represent Sikhism.[143] By September 2020, SAD left the NDA over the farms bill.[144]

Hindutva violence

Main article: Hindu terrorism

In recent years, there has been a notable increase in violence motivated by Hindutva ideology, particularly towards Muslims,[145] and includes acts of extremist terroristic violence.[146][147][148] This has principally been perpetrated by or has implicated members, or alleged members, of Hindu nationalist organizations such as the RSS or Abhinav Bharat.[149][150][151] The violence has also been condoned by the BJP politicians and used as an electoral strategy to garner support from the far-right Hindu population.[152][153] The veneration of cows as deities and restrictions on meat consumption have also been used by to justify violence against Muslims, Christians, Dalits, and lower-caste Hindus.[154]

Cow vigilantism

Further information: Cow vigilante violence in India
 
Cow slaughter laws in various states in India

There has been a rise in the number of incidents of cow vigilantism since the election of a BJP majority in the Parliament of India in 2014. The frequency and severity of cow vigilante violence has been described as "unprecedented".[155] Human Rights Watch has reported that there has been a surge in such violence since 2015.[156] The surge is attributed to the recent rise in Hindu nationalism in India.[155][157] Many vigilante groups say they feel "empowered" by the victory of the Hindu nationalist BJP in the 2014 election.[158][159]

According to a Reuters report, there were 63 attacks in India between 2010 and mid 2017 resulting in 28 deaths, 24 of them Muslim, and 124 injuries. Most attacks occurred after Narendra Modi took office in 2014.[160]

Many BJP states have passed laws against cattle slaughter such as (2017),[sentence fragment] Gujarat,[161][162][163][164] 6 June 2017, Uttar Pradesh's Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath directed the state police to take action against cow slaughter and cattle smuggling under the National Security Act and the Gangster Act,[165] and in (2021) Assam Assembly passed a bill that prohibits the slaughter or sale of beef within a 5-kilometre (3.1 mi) radius of any temple. The legislation seeks to ensure that permission for slaughter is not granted to areas that are predominantly inhabited by Hindu, Jain, Sikh and other non-beef eating communities or places that fall within a 5-kilometre (3.1 mi) radius of a temple, satra and any other institution as may be prescribed by the authorities. Exemptions, however, might be granted for certain religious occasions.[166][167]

Criticism and apologetics

Fascist and Nazi undertones

See also: Hindu nationalism

The Hindutva ideology of organisations such as RSS have long been compared to fascism or Nazism. An editorial published on 4 February 1948, for example, in the National Herald, the mouthpiece of the Indian National Congress party, stated that "it [RSS] seems to embody Hinduism in a Nazi form" with the recommendation that it must be ended.[168] Similarly, in 1956, another Congress party leader compared Jana Sangh to the Nazis in Germany.[169][j] After the 1940s and 1950s, a number of scholars have labelled or compared Hindutva to fascism.[171][172][173] Marzia Casolari has linked the association and the borrowing of pre-World War II European nationalist ideas by early leaders of Hindutva ideology.[174] According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations, the term Hindutva has "fascist undertones".[1] Many scholars have pointed out that early Hindutva ideologues were inspired by fascist movements in early 20th-century Italy and Germany.[175][176][177][178]

The Indian Marxist economist and political commentator Prabhat Patnaik calls Hindutva "almost fascist in the classical sense". He states that the Hindutva movement is based on "class support, methods and programme".[11] According to Patnaik, Hindutva has the following fascist ingredients: "an attempt to create a unified homogeneous majority under the concept of "the Hindus"; a sense of grievance against past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of history according to this grievance and superiority; a rejection of rational arguments against this interpretation; and an appeal to the majority based on race and masculinity".[11]

According to Jaffrelot, the early Hindutva proponents such as Golwalkar envisioned it as an extreme form of "ethnic nationalism", but the ideology differed from fascism and Nazism in three respects.[179] First, unlike fascism and Nazism, it did not closely associate Hindutva with its leader. Second, while fascism emphasised the primacy of the state, Hindutva considered the state to be a secondary. Third, while Nazism emphasised primacy of the race, the Hindutva ideology emphasised primacy of the society over race.[179][k] According to Achin Vanaik, several authors have labelled Hindutva as fascist, but such a label requires "establishing a fascist minimum". Hindu nationalism, states Vanaik, is "a specific Indian manifestation of a generic phenomenon [of nationalism] but not one that belongs to the genus of fascism".[182]

According to Mark Juergensmeyer, a number of writers in India and outside India have variously described Hindutva as "fundamentalist" and "India's flirtation with native fascism", while others disagree.[183] The debate on Hindutva is a matter of perspective. The Indians debate it from the perspective of their own colonial past and their contemporary issues, while the Euro-American view considers it from the global issues, their own experiences with fundamentalism in light of classic liberal and relativist positions, states Juergensmeyer.[183]

Sociologists Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta have described difficulties in identifying Hindutva with fascism or Nazism, because of Hindutva's embrace of cultural rather than racial nationalism, its "distinctively Indian" character, and "the RSS's disavowal of the seizure of state power in preference for long-term cultural labour in civil society". They describe Hindutva as a form of "revolutionary conservatism" or "ethnic absolutism".[15] According to Thomas Hansen, Hindutva represents a "conservative revolution" in postcolonial India, and its proponents have been combining "paternalistic and xenophobic discourses" with "democratic and universalist discourses on rights and entitlements" based on "desires, anxieties and fractured subjectivities" in India.[184]

Upper casteism

When Prime Minister V. P. Singh launched the Mandal Commission to broaden reservations in government and public university jobs to a significant portion of the Shudras who were officially branded the Other Backward Classes (OBC), the mouthpiece of the Hindutva organisation RSS, Organiser magazine, wrote of "an urgent need to build up moral and spiritual forces to counter any fallout from an expected Shudra revolution".[185][186]

According to social scientist and economist Jean Drèze, the Mandal Commission angered the upper castes and threatened to distance the OBCs, but the Babri Masjid's destruction and ensuing events helped to reduce this challenge and reunified Hindus on an anti-Muslim stance. He further claims "The Hindutva project is a lifeboat for the upper castes in so far as it promises to restore the Brahminical social order" and the potential enemies of this ideology is anybody whose acts or might hinder the process of restoring the Brahminic social order. Drèze further claims that although Hindutva is known as a majoritarian movement, it can be best expressed as an oppressive minority movement.[187]

According to Jaffrelot, the Sangh Parivar organisations with their Hindutva ideology have strived to impose the belief structure of the upper caste Hindus.[186] According to Dalit rights activist and political theorist Kancha Ilaiah, "Hindutva Is Nothing But Brahminism" and that only "Dalitisation can effectively counter the danger of Brahminical fascism disguised as Hindutva".[188]

According to sociologist Amritorupa Sen, the privileges of the upper caste and especially Brahmins have become invisible. There has been a cultural norm that Brahmins take care of the lower castes out of a moral responsibility but also out of human kindness.[189] This creates an intrinsically unequal social structure.[citation needed]

Ahistorical premises, separatism

According to Jaffrelot, the Hindutva ideology has roots in an era where the fiction in ancient Indian mythology and Vedic antiquity was presumed to be valid. This fiction was used to "give sustenance to Hindu ethnic consciousness".[179] Its strategy emulated the Muslim identity politics of the Khilafat movement after World War I, and borrowed political concepts from the West – mainly German.[179] Hindutva organizations treat events in Hindu mythology as history.[190][191][192][193] Hindutva organizations have been criticized for their belief in statements or practices that they claim to be both scientific and factual but are incompatible with the scientific method.[194][195]

Hindutva ideology is also described to be separatist in its form. Siddharth Varadarajan writes that Hindutva separatism seeks to depart from the "philosophical, cultural and civilization mores of the country, including Hinduism itself".[13][14]

According to Anthony Parel, a historian and political scientist, Savarkar's Hindutva, Who is a Hindu? published in 1923 is a fundamental text of Hindutva ideology. It asserts, states Parel, India of the past to be "the creation of a racially superior people, the Aryans. They came to be known to the outside world as Hindus, the people beyond the Indus River. Their identity was created by their race (jati) and their culture (sanskriti). All Hindus claim to have in their veins the blood of the mighty race incorporated with and descended from the Vedic fathers. They created a culture – an ensemble of mythologies, legends, epic stories, philosophy, art and architecture, laws and rites, feasts and festivals. They have a special relationship to India: India is to them both a fatherland and a holy land." The Savarkar's text presents the "Hindu culture as a self-sufficient culture, not needing any input from other cultures", which is "an unhistorical, narcissistic and false account of India's past", states Parel.[196]

The premises of early Hindu nationalist thought, states Chetan Bhatt, reflected the colonial era European scholarship and Orientalism of its times.[197] The idea of "India as the cradle of civilization" (Voltaire, Herder, Kant, Schlegel), or as "humanity's homeland and primal philosophy" (Herder, Schlegel), or the "humanism in Hindu values" (Herder), or of Hinduism offering redemption for contemporary humanity (Schopenhauer), along with the colonial era scholarship of Frederich Muller, Charles Wilkins, William Jones, Alexander Hamilton and others were the natural intellectual matrix for Savarkar and others to borrow and germinate their Hindu nationalist ideas.[197]

Chakravarthi Ram-Prasad, a Fellow of the British Academy and a scholar of Politics and Philosophy of Religion, states that Hindutva is a form of nationalism that is expounded differently by its opponents and its proponents.[198] The opponents of Hindutva either consider it as a fundamentalist ideology that "aims to regulate the working of civil society with the imperatives of Hindu religious doctrine", or alternatively, as another form of fundamentalism while accepting that Hinduism is a diverse collection of doctrines, is complex and is different from other religions. According to Ram-Prasad, the proponents reject these tags, viewing it to be their right and a desirable value to cherish their religious and cultural traditions.[198] The Hindutva ideology according to Savarkar, states Ram-Prasad, is a "geography, race, and culture" based concept. However, the "geography" is not strictly territorial but is an "ancestral homeland of a people", and the "race" is not biogenetic but described as the historic descendants of the intermarriage of Aryans, native inhabitants and "different peoples" who arrived over time.[199] So, "the ultimate category for Hindutva is culture", and this culture is "not strictly speaking religious, if by religion is meant a commitment to certain doctrines of transcendence", he states.[199] The proponents state that in the Hindutva thought, there is a kernel of coherent and justifiable thesis about the Indian culture and history.[198]

Threats to academic freedom

Hindutva ideology has been linked to threats to academics and students, both in India and the United States.[200][201] For instance, in 2011, Hindutva activists successfully led a charge to remove an essay about the multiple narratives of Ramayanas from Delhi University's history syllabus.[202] Romila Thapar, one of India's most eminent historians, has faced repeated Hindutva-led attacks.[203] The Hindu right has been responsible for pushback against scholars of South Asia and Hinduism based in North America, including Wendy Doniger and Sheldon Pollock.[204] Under BJP leadership, the Indian state has been accused of monitoring scholars and denying some research access.[205] Audrey Truschke is one such example who remains frequent target of their threats.[206][207]

In 2021, a group of North American-based scholars of South Asia formed a collective and published the Hindutva Harassment Field Manual to, they argue, answer the Hindutva threat to their academic freedom.[208][201] They documented further incidents of Hindutva harassment of academics in North America, dating back to the 1990s.[209] The Association for Asian Studies noted that Hindutva, described as a "majoritarian ideological doctrine" different from Hinduism, resorted to "increasing attacks on numerous scholars, artists and journalists who critically analyze its politics".[210] A number of scholars and participants withdrew from the conference following the threats they received from ultranationalists and Hindutva supporters.[211][212][213]

Hindutva pop

Main article: Hindutva pop

Hindutva pop is a subgenre of Indian pop promoting Hindutva ideas. It openly calls for violence against many non-Hindu minorities, especially Muslims.[214] Hindutva pop artists defend their music as neither xenophobic nor Islamophobic, arguing it promotes truth. Popular Hindutva pop artists like Laxmi Dubey and Prem Krishnavanshi mainstream the xenophobic values of the genre.[215][214]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ According to sociologist Aparna Devare, Savarkar distinguishes between Hindutva and Hinduism, but includes it in his definition. Savarkar wrote, "Hinduism is only a derivative, a fraction, a part of Hindutva".[28]
  2. ^ Sen writes, "Drawing primarily from English language sources, the Court put forward the view that Hinduism was "impossible" to define [quoting from the case file Yagnapurushdasji at 1121–1128]: "When we think of the Hindu religion, we find it difficult, if not impossible, to define Hindu religion or even adequately describe it. Unlike other religions in the world, the Hindu religion does not claim any one God; it does not subscribe to any one dogma; it does not believe in one philosophic concept; it does not follow any one set of religious rites." Confronted with this amorphous entity, the Court concluded, “[I]t [Hinduism] does not appear to satisfy the narrow traditional features of any religion or creed. It may broadly be described as a way of life and nothing more.[31]
  3. ^ According to Gavin Flood, a scholar of Hinduism, the term "Hindutva" differs from "Hindu dharma". The latter term means Hinduism and its various sub-traditions, while the term Hindutva in Savarkar's ideology meant the "socio-political force to unite all Hindus against foreign influences," states Flood.[46] According to Klaus Klostermaier, a scholar of Hinduism, Hindutva has become more than the original search for Hinduness during the Indian freedom movement, and has morphed into "Hindutva movement" in the post-Independent India.[47] This movement – though reviled by Western and West-oriented Indian scholars – has been ongoing, according to Klostermaier, as a political ideology which "takes elements of Hindu tradition and reshapes them in the light of their own time so as to provide answers to the needs of their contemporaries."[47][48] In this historical and sociological context, Hindutva is an assertion of values and a non-aberrant response to the Indic experiences and memories of Islamic conquests, Christian imperialism, and the abuses of colonialism, according to Klostermaier.[47]
  4. ^ According to Julius Lipner, also a scholar of Hinduism, Hindutva is a Sanskrit word, which connotes "Hinduness", and the term first gained usage among the Bengali Indian intellectuals during the British colonial era. The term took roots in light of the description of Indic religions and the "western preconceptions about the nature of religion", which the Indian intellectuals disagreed with. This attempt to articulate what Hinduism is, coupled with emerging political and cultural beliefs, has evolved and contributed to the various meanings of the term, states Lipner.[49]
  5. ^ Savarkar's early writings and speeches on cultural nationalism contained an embryonic form of a two-nation theory. This embryo took a more detailed form with the Lahore Resolution of 1940 of the Muslim League, which declared, "India’s Muslims were a ‘separate nation’."[54] Mohammed Ali Jinnah explained the Indian Muslims demand by asserting a cultural distinctiveness of Islam and this "constituted the rationale for a separate nation-state of ‘Pakistan’." Jinnah's speech and rationale confirmed Savarkar's beliefs and his early Hindutva's narrative.[54] The historian Prabhu Bapu quotes and summarises the ideas of the Muslim leaders in British India around 1940: "there were two nations in India, Hindu and Muslim", said Jinnah, British India should be partitioned into "Pakistan and Hindustan". According to Jinnah, "the differences between Hindus and Muslims in India were not merely religious, but entirely different ways of life and thought. [...] The two communities were distinct peoples, with different religious philosophies, social customs, literatures, and histories. [...] For more than a thousand years, the bulk of Muslims in India had lived in a different world, in a different society, in a different philosophy and a different faith. [...] Muslims must have a state of their own in which they would establish their own constitution and make their own laws."[54] According to Prabhu, such ideas and rationale fuelled the Hindutva narrative for a radical exclusivist Hindu nation, and became "the apologia for the two-nation theory of the 1940s".[55]
  6. ^ According to the Political Scientist Christophe Jaffrelot, in the pre-1947 period, the two nationalism and separatist movements in South Asia influenced each other. This history is an example of the Ernest Gellner theory of nationalism, states Jaffrelot.[56] The Gellner theory states that nationalistic movements arise when there exist two groups, one privileged and other under-privileged. When the privilege-power equation is threatened by the social forces of history, "culture, skin pigmentation" and such ethnic markers become a basis to presume inferiority of the other and a pretext to manipulate the situation. Using a language of nationalism, one group tries to maintain the status quo, while the other seeks to overthrow it. In British India, states Jaffrelot, Muslim nationalism and separatism "certainly did not develop" from feelings of having been discriminated against, but their mobilisation came from "the fear of decline and marginalization" of their historic privilege among the Muslim elites in British India.[56] They deployed Islamic cultural symbols and pressed for Perso-Arabic script-based Urdu language for their separatist and nationalist rationale, while Hindu nationalists deployed Hindu cultural symbols and pressed for the use of Indic script-based (Hindi) language – both languages nearly similar when spoken. The mutual use of identity symbols helped crystallise the other's convictions and fuel each other's fears.[56] These identity symbols and the continued mutual use of such ideological statements fuel the nationalistic discourse in contemporary India and Pakistan. They have been and remain central to organisations such as the BJP and the Sangh Parivar associated with the Hindutva ideology, according to Jean-Luc Racine, a scholar of nationalisms and separatisms with a focus on South Asia.[57]
  7. ^ Primordialism is the belief that the deep historical and cultural roots of nations is a quasi‐objective phenomenon, by which outsiders identify individuals of an ethnic group and what contributes to how an individual forms a self-identity.[59][60]
  8. ^ For example, the "writings of Giuseppe Mazzini made a profound impression on Savarkar", states Thomas Hansen.[51]
  9. ^ As of November 2020, "love jihad" is a term not recognized by the Indian legal system.[94]
  10. ^ The Hindutva organisations were not exclusively criticised in the 1940s by the Indian political leaders. The Muslim League was also criticised for "its creed of Islamic exclusiveness, its cult of communal hatred" and called a replica of the German Nazis.[170]
  11. ^ For further elaboration on the primacy of state in fascism, see Walter Laqueur.[180] For further elaboration on the primacy of race in Nazism, see Richard Bessel.[181]

References

Citations

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  215. ^ Rehbar, Quratulain. "'Hindutva pop': The singers producing anti-Muslim music in India". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 3 May 2023.

General sources

  • Andersen, Walter K.; Damle, Shridhar D. (1987) [Originally published by Westview Press]. The Brotherhood in Saffron: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism. Delhi: Vistaar Publications.
  • Augustine, Sali (2009). "Religion and Cultural Nationalism: Socio-Political Dynamism of Communal Violence in India". In Erich Kolig; Vivienne S. M. Angeles; Sam Wong (eds.). Identity in Crossroad Civilisations. Amsterdam University Press. pp. 65–83. ISBN 978-90-8964-127-4.
  • Bharat Prakashan (1955). Shri Guruji: The Man and His Mission, On the Occasion of His 51st Birthday. Delhi: Bharat Prakashan. OCLC 24593952.
  • Elst, Koenraad (1997). Bharatiya Janata Party Vis-a-vis Hindu Resurgence. Voice of India. ISBN 978-8185990477.
  • Frykenberg, Robert (2008). "Hindutva as a Political Religion: An Historical Perspective". In R. Griffin; R. Mallett and J. Tortorice (eds.). The Sacred in Twentieth-Century Politics: Essays in Honour of Professor Stanley G. Payne. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 178–200. ISBN 978-0-230-24163-3.
  • Golwalkar, M. S. (2007) [first published in 1939 by Bharat Prakashan]. "We, or our Nationhood Defined (Extracts)". In Christophe Jaffrelot (ed.). Hindu Nationalism - A Reader. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-13097-2.
  • Goyal, Des Raj (1979). Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Delhi: Radha Krishna Prakashan. ISBN 978-0836405668.
  • Graham, B. D. (1968), "Syama Prasad Mookerjee and the communalist alternative", in D. A. Low (ed.), Soundings in Modern South Asian History, University of California Press, ASIN B0000CO7K5
  • Jaffrelot, Christophe (1996). The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 978-1850653011.
  • Katju, Manjari (2013). Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics. Orient Blackswan. ISBN 978-81-250-2476-7.
  • Keer, Dhananjay (1988). Veer Savarkar. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. ISBN 9780861321827. OCLC 221231727.
  • Krishna, Ananth V. (2011). India since Independence: Making Sense of Indian Politics. Pearson Education India. ISBN 978-8131734650.
  • Pandey, Gyanendra (1993). "Which of Us are Hindus?". In Gyanendra Pandey (ed.). Hindus and Others: The Question of Identity in India Today. New Delhi: Viking. pp. 238–272.
  • Panikkar, K. N. (1993). "Culture and Communalism". Social Scientist. 21 (3/4): 24–31. doi:10.2307/3517629. JSTOR 3517629.
  • Panikkar, K. N. (13 March 2004). "In the Name of Nationalism". Frontline. Retrieved 20 February 2015.
  • Parvathy, A. A. (1994). Secularism and Hindutva, A Discursive Study. Codewood Process & Printing. ASIN B0006F4Y1A.

Further reading

Articles
  • Andersen, Walter K., "Bharatiya Janata Party: Searching for the Hindu Nationalist Face", In The New Politics of the Right: Neo–Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies, ed. Hans–Georg Betz and Stefan Immerfall (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998), pp. 219–232. (ISBN 0-312-21134-1 or ISBN 0-312-21338-7)
  • Desai, Radhika (30 August 2014). "A latter day fascism". Economic and Political Weekly. Sameeksha Trust (India). 49 (35): 48–58.
  • Embree, Ainslie T., ‘The Function of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: To Define the Hindu Nation’, in Accounting for Fundamentalisms, The Fundamentalism Project 4, ed. Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 617–652. (ISBN 0-226-50885-4)
  • Gold, Daniel, "Organised Hinduisms: From Vedic Truths to Hindu Nation" in: Fundamentalisms Observed: The Fundamentalism Project Vol. 4, eds. M. E. Marty, R. S. Appleby, University of Chicago Press (1994), ISBN 978-0-226-50878-8, pp. 531–593.
  • Poonacha, Veena (13 March 1993). "Hindutva's hidden agenda: why women fear religious fundamentalism". Economic and Political Weekly. Sameeksha Trust (India). 28 (11): 438–439.
Books
  • Banerjee, Partha, In the Belly of the Beast: The Hindu Supremacist RSS and BJP of India (Delhi: Ajanta, 1998). ISBN 978-8120205048
  • Bhatt, Chetan, Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths, Berg Publishers (2001), ISBN 1-85973-348-4.
  • Chaturvedi, Vinayak, Hindutva and Violence: V. D. Savarkar and the Politics of History (Albany: SUNY, 2022).
  • Hansen, Thomas Blom; Roy, Srirupa, eds. (2022). Saffron Republic: Hindu Nationalism and State Power in India. Cambridge University Press.
  • Desai, Radhika. Slouching Towards Ayodhya: From Congress to Hindutva in Indian Politics (2nd ed.), New Delhi: Three Essays, 2004.
  • Nanda, Meera, The God Market: How Globalization Is Making India More Hindu, Noida, Random House India. 2009. ISBN 978-81-8400-095-5.
  • Nussbaum, Martha C., The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence and India's Future, Harvard University Press, 2007. ISBN 978-0-674-03059-6
  • Puniyani, Ram, ed. (2005). Religion, power & violence: expression of politics in contemporary times. New Delhi; Thousand Oaks, Cal.: Sage. ISBN 9780761933380.
  • Sampath, Vikram (2019). Savarkar: Echoes from a Forgotten Past (First ed.). Penguin Viking. ISBN 9780670090303.
  • Ruthven, Malise, Fundamentalism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, USA (2007), ISBN 978-0-19-921270-5.
  • Sharma, Jyotirmaya, Hindutva: Exploring the Idea of Hindu Nationalism, Penguin Global (2004), ISBN 0-670-04990-5.
  • Smith, David James, Hinduism and Modernity, Blackwell Publishing ISBN 0-631-20862-3
  • Webb, Adam Kempton, Beyond the global culture war: Global horizons, CRC Press (2006), ISBN 978-0415953139.
Hindu nationalist sources

External links

  • Hindutva Harassment Field Manual—On what to do in cases of Hindutva harassment

July 30, 2023
hindutva, hindu, ness, political, ideology, encompassing, cultural, justification, hindu, nationalism, political, ideology, formulated, vinayak, damodar, savarkar, 1922, used, rashtriya, swayamsevak, sangh, vishva, hindu, parishad, bharatiya, janata, party, ot. Hindutva lit Hindu ness is a political ideology encompassing the cultural justification of Hindu nationalism 1 2 3 The political ideology was formulated by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in 1922 4 5 It is used by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh RSS the Vishva Hindu Parishad VHP the Bharatiya Janata Party BJP 6 7 and other organisations collectively called the Sangh Parivar Inspired by European fascism 8 9 the Hindutva movement has been described as a variant of right wing extremism 10 and as almost fascist in the classical sense adhering to a concept of homogenised majority and cultural hegemony 11 12 Some have also described Hindutva as a separatist ideology 13 14 Some analysts dispute the identification of Hindutva with fascism and suggest Hindutva is an extreme form of conservatism or ethnic absolutism 15 Contents 1 Definitions 1 1 Tertiary sources 1 2 Savarkar 1 3 Supreme Court of India 2 History 2 1 Ideology 2 2 Adoption 2 3 Growth 2 4 Hindutva under Modi 2014 present 2 4 1 Abrogation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir 2 4 2 Ayodhya dispute 2 4 3 Forced conversion bans 3 Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bharatiya Janata Party 4 Concepts and issues 4 1 Uniform Civil Code 4 2 Protection of Hindu interests 5 Organisations 6 Hindutva violence 6 1 Cow vigilantism 7 Criticism and apologetics 7 1 Fascist and Nazi undertones 7 2 Upper casteism 7 3 Ahistorical premises separatism 7 4 Threats to academic freedom 8 Hindutva pop 9 See also 10 Notes 11 References 11 1 Citations 11 2 General sources 12 Further reading 13 External linksDefinitionsTertiary sources According to the Oxford English Dictionary OED Hindutva is Originally the state or quality of being Hindu Hinduness Now an ideology advocating or movement seeking to establish the hegemony of Hindus and Hinduism within India Hindu nationalism 16 Its etymology according to the OED is from modern Sanskrit hindutva Hindu qualities Hindu identity from hindu from Hindi hindu see Hindu n classical Sanskrit tva suffix forming abstract nouns after Hindi hindupan in the same sense 16 The etymology and meaning of hindu according to the OED is Partly a borrowing from Hindi and Urdu Partly a borrowing from Persian Etymons Urdu hindu Persian hindu from i Hindi hindu and Urdu hindu originally denoting a person from India now specifically a follower of Hinduism and its etymon ii Persian hindu in the same senses Middle Persian hindug denoting a person from India apparently formed already in Old Persian hindu denoting an eastern province of the Achaemenid empire 17 According to Merriam Webster s Encyclopedia of World Religions Hindutva is a concept of Indian cultural national and religious identity 18 The term conflates a geographically based religious cultural and national identity a true Indian is one who partakes of this Hindu ness Some Indians insist however that Hindutva is primarily a cultural term to refer to the traditional and indigenous heritage of the Indian nation state and they compare the relationship between Hindutva and India to that of Zionism and Israel 18 This view as summarised by Merriam Webster s Encyclopedia of World Religions holds that even those who are not religiously Hindu but whose religions originated in India Jains Buddhists Sikhs and others share in this historical cultural and national essence Those whose religions were imported to India meaning primarily the country s Muslim and Christian communities may fall within the boundaries of Hindutva only if they subsume themselves into the majority culture 18 According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations Hindutva translated as Hinduness refers to the ideology of Hindu nationalists stressing the common culture of the inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent Modern politicians have attempted to play down the racial and anti Muslim aspects of Hindutva stressing the inclusiveness of the Indian identity but the term has Fascist undertones 1 According to The Dictionary of Human Geography Hindutva encapsulates the cultural justification of Hindu nationalism a Hinduness allegedly shared by all Hindus 3 According to A Political and Economic Dictionary of South Asia One of the main purposes behind the concept of Hindutva was to construct a collective identity to support the cause of Hindu unity Hindu Sanghatan and to avoid too narrow a definition of Hinduism which had the consequence of excluding Buddhists Sikhs and Jains from the Hindu community Later Hindu nationalist ideologues transformed the concept into a strategy to include non Hindus in order to widen their social base and for political mobilization 19 According to Encyclopaedia Britannica s article on Vinayak Damodar Savarkar a Hindu and Indian nationalist 20 Hindutva Hinduness sought to define Indian culture as a manifestation of Hindu values this concept grew to become a major tenet of Hindu nationalist ideology 20 According to the Encyclopedia of Hinduism Hindutva as defined in the classic statement of its ideology is the culture of the Hindu race where Hinduism is but an element and Hindu dharma is a religion practiced by Hindus as well as Sikhs and Buddhists The article further states proponents of Hindutva have sought to promote the identification of national identity with the religious and broader cultural heritage of Hindus Measures taken to achieve this end have included attempts to reclaim individuals judged to have taken up alien religions the pursuit of social cultural and philanthropic activities designed to strengthen awareness of Hindu belonging and direct political action through various organisations including recognized political parties such as the Bharatiya Janata Party BJP 21 Savarkar For Savarkar in Hindutva Who Is a Hindu Hindutva is an inclusive term of everything Indic The three essentials of Hindutva in Savarkar s definition were the common nation rashtra common race jati and common culture or civilisation sanskriti 22 Savarkar used the words Hindu and Sindhu interchangeably 22 23 Those terms were at the foundation of his Hindutva as geographic cultural and ethnic concepts and religion did not figure in his ensemble states Sharma 22 24 His elaboration of Hindutva included all Indic religions i e Hinduism Buddhism Jainism and Sikhism Savarkar restricted Hindu nationality to Indian religions in the sense that they shared a common culture and fondness for the land of their origin 22 23 Savarkar had made clear distinction between Hinduism and Hindutva that they are not same things as Hindutva does not concern religion or rituals but the basis of India s national character 25 26 According to Christophe Jaffrelot a political scientist specialising in South Asia Savarkar declaring himself as an atheist minimizes the importance of religion in his definition of Hindu and instead emphasises an ethnic group with a shared culture and cherished geography 23 24 To Savarkar states Jaffrelot a Hindu is first and foremost someone who lives in the area beyond the Indus river between the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean 23 Savarkar composed his ideology in reaction to the pan Islamic mobilization of the Khilafat movement where Indian Muslims were pledging support to the Istanbul based Caliph of the Ottoman Empire and to Islamic symbols his thoughts predominantly reflect deep hostility to Islam and its followers To Savarkar states Jaffrelot Muslims were the real enemies not the British because their Islamic ideology posed a threat to the real nation namely Hindu Rashtra in his vision 23 All those who reject this historic common culture were excluded by Savarkar He included those who had converted to Christianity or Islam but accepted and cherished the shared Indic culture considering them as those who can be re integrated 23 According to Chetan Bhatt a sociologist specialising in Human Rights and Indian nationalism Savarkar distances the idea of Hindu and of Hindutva from Hinduism 27 a He describes Hindutva states Bhatt as one of the most comprehensive and bewildering synthetic concepts known to the human tongue and Hindutva is not a word but a history not only the spiritual or religious history of our people as at times it is mistaken to be by being confounded with the other cognate term Hinduism but a history in full 27 Savarkar s notion of Hindutva formed the foundation for his Hindu nationalism 22 It was a form of ethnic nationalism per the criteria set by Clifford Geertz Lloyd Fallers and Anthony D Smith 29 23 Supreme Court of India The definition and the use of Hindutva and its relationship with Hinduism has been a part of several court cases in India In 1966 the Chief Justice Gajendragadkar wrote for the Supreme Court of India in Yagnapurushdasji AIR 1966 SC 1127 that Hinduism is impossible to define 30 b The court adopted Radhakrishnan s submission that Hinduism is complex and the theist and atheist the sceptic and agnostic may all be Hindus if they accept the Hindu system of culture and life 30 The Court judged that Hinduism historically has had an inclusive nature and it may broadly be described as a way of life and nothing more 30 The 1966 decision has influenced how the term Hindutva has been understood in later cases in particular the seven decisions of the Supreme Court in the 1990s that are now called the Hindutva judgments 30 32 According to Ram Jethmalani an Indian lawyer and a former president of its Supreme Court Bar Association the Supreme Court of India in 1995 ruled that Ordinarily Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism it is a fallacy and an error of law to proceed on the assumption that the use of words Hindutva or Hinduism per se depicts an attitude hostile to all persons practising any religion other than the Hindu religion It may well be that these words are used in a speech to promote secularism or to emphasise the way of life of the Indian people and the Indian culture or ethos or to criticise the policy of any political party as discriminatory or intolerant 33 According to Jethmalani the Supreme Court has properly explained the true meaning of the term and Hindutva is not hostility to any organised religion nor does it proclaim its superiority of any religion to another According to him it is unfortunate that the communal propaganda machinery relentlessly disseminates Hindutva as a communal word something that has also become embedded in the minds and language of opinion leaders including politicians media civil society and the intelligentsia 33 The Indian lawyer Abdul Noorani disagrees and states that the Supreme Court in its 1995 ruling gave Hindutva a benign meaning calling Hindutva the same as Indianization etc and these were unnecessary digressions from the facts of the case and in doing so the court may have brought down the wall separating religion and politics 34 HistoryIdeology The word Hindutva was already in use by the late 1890s by Chandranath Basu 35 36 37 38 Basu s usage of the word was to merely portray a traditional Hindu cultural view in contrary to the formation of the political ideology by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar 39 40 Savarkar a right wing nationalist and Indian freedom activist wrote a book titled Hindutva Who is a Hindu in 1922 5 41 in which he outlined his ideology and the idea of a universal and essential Hindu identity The term Hindu identity is broadly interpreted and distinguished from ways of life and values of others 41 The contemporary meaning and usage of Hindutva largely derives from Savarkar s ideas as does the post 1980s nationalism and mass political activity in India 38 According to Jaffrelot Hindutva as outlined in Savarkar s writings perfectly illustrates an effort at identity building through the stigmatisation and emulation of threatening others In particular it was pan Islamism and similar Pan isms that he assumed made the Hindus vulnerable as he wrote O Hindus consolidate and strengthen Hindu nationality not to give wanton offence to any of our non Hindu compatriots in fact to any one in the world but in just and urgent defence of our race and land to render it impossible for others to betray her or to subject her to unprovoked attack by any of those Pan isms that are struggling forth from continent to continent Vinayak Damodar Savarkar quoted by Christophe Jaffrelot 42 The Hindutva ideology borrowed from European fascism 8 9 Parallels between Hindutva and European fascism are observed in the concepts such as repeated mobilisations appeals to a mythic past anti socialism and other concepts 43 Since Savarkar s time the Hindu identity and the associated Hindutva ideology has been built upon the perceived vulnerability of Indian religions culture and heritage from those who through orientalist construction have vilified them as inferior to a non Indian religion culture and heritage 44 In its nationalistic response Hindutva has been conceived primarily as an ethnic community concept states Jaffrelot then presented as cultural nationalism where Hinduism along with other Indian religions are but a part 22 45 c d According to Arvind Sharma a scholar of Hinduism Hindutva has not been a static and monolithic concept rather its meaning and context text and subtext has changed over time The struggles of the colonial era and the formulation of neo Hinduism by the early 20th century added a sense of ethnicity to the original Hinduness meaning of Hindutva 50 Its early formulation incorporated the racism and nationalism concepts prevalent in Europe during the first half of the 20th century and culture was in part rationalised as a result of shared blood and race Savarkar and his Hindutva colleagues adopted the social Darwinism theories prevalent by the 1930s 51 In the post independence period states Sharma the concept has suffered from ambiguity and its understanding aligned on two different axes one of religion versus culture another of nation versus state In general the Hindutva thought among many Indians has tried to align itself with the culture and nation axes 52 According to Prabhu Bapu a historian and scholar of Oriental Studies the term and the contextual meaning of Hindutva emerged from the Indian experience in the colonial era memories of its religious wars as the Mughal Empire decayed an era of Muslim and Christian proselytisation a feeling that their traditions and cultures were being insulted whereby the Hindu intellectuals formulated Hindutva as a Hindu identity as a prelude to a national resurgence and a unified Indian nation against the foreign invaders 53 The development of religious nationalism and the demand by the Muslim leaders on the Indian subcontinent for the partition of British India into Muslim and non Muslim nations during the first half of the 20th century confirmed its narrative of geographical and cultural nationalism based on Indian culture and religions 50 e f According to Chetan Bhatt the various forms of Hindu nationalism including the recent cultural nationalist form of Hindutva have roots in the second half of the 19th century 58 These are a dense cluster of ideologies of primordialism g and they emerged from the colonial experiences of the Indian people in conjunction with ideas borrowed from European thinkers but thereafter debated adapted and negotiated These ideas included those of a nation nationalism race Aryanism Orientalism Romanticism and others 58 61 h Decades before he wrote his treatise on Hindutva Savarkar was already famous in colonial India for his version of 1857 Mutiny history He studied in London between 1906 and 1910 There he discussed and evolved his ideas of what constituted a Hindu identity made friends with Indian student groups as well as non Indian groups such as the Sinn Fein 58 62 He was a part of the underground home rule and liberation movement of Indians before getting arrested for anti British activities His political activities and intellectual journeys through the European publications according to Bhatt influenced him his future writings and the 20th century Hindutva ideology that emerged from his writings 58 62 Adoption Savarkar s Hindutva ideology reached Keshav Baliram Hedgewar in Nagpur Maharashtra in 1925 and he found Savarkar s Hindutva inspirational 63 64 He visited Savarkar in Ratnagiri shortly after and discussed with him methods for organising the Hindu nation 65 66 Savarkar and Hedgewar discussions led in September that year to Hedgewar starting Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh RSS lit National Volunteer Society with this mission This organisation rapidly grew to become the largest Hindu nationalist movement 64 However the term Hindutva was not used to describe the ideology of the new organisation it was Hindu Rashtra Hindu nation with one RSS publication stating it became evident that Hindus were the nation in Bharat and that Hindutva was Rashtriyatva nationalism 67 Hedgewar s RSS not only propagated Hindutva ideology it developed a grassroots organizational structure shakhas to reform the Hindu society Village level groups met for morning and evening physical training sessions martial training and Hindutva ideology lessons 64 Hedgewar kept RSS an ideologically active but an apolitical organisation This practice of keeping out of national and international politics was retained by his successor M S Golwalkar through the 1940s 64 Philosopher Jason Stanley states the RSS was explicitly influenced by European fascist movements its leading politicians regularly praised Hitler and Mussolini in the late 1930s and 1940s 68 In 1931 B S Moonje met with Mussolini and expressed a desire to replicate the fascist youth movement in India 69 According to Sali Augustine the core institution of Hindutva has been the RSS While the RSS states that Hindutva is different from Hinduism it has been linked to religion Therefore cultural nationalism is a euphemism states Augustine and it is meant to mask the creation of a state with a Hindu religious identity 70 According to Jaffrelot the regional heads of the RSS have included Indians who are Hindus as well as those who belong to other Indian religions such as Jainism 71 In parallel to the RSS Savarkar after his release from the colonial prison joined and became the president of Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha in 1937 There he used the terms Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra liberally according to Graham 72 Syama Prasad Mukherjee who served as its president in 1944 and joined the Jawaharlal Nehru Cabinet after independence was a Hindu traditionalist politician who wanted to uphold Hindu values but not necessarily to the exclusion of other communities He asked for the membership of Hindu Mahasabha to be thrown open to all communities When this was not accepted he resigned from the party and founded a new political party in collaboration with the RSS He understood Hinduism as a nationality rather than a community but realising that this is not the common understanding of the term Hindu he chose Bharatiya instead of Hindu to name the new party which came to be called the Bharatiya Jana Sangh 72 Growth The cabinet of the first prime minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru banned the RSS and arrested more than 200 000 RSS volunteers after Nathuram Godse a former volunteer of RSS assassinated Mahatma Gandhi 73 Nehru also appointed government commissions to investigate the assassination and related circumstances The series of investigations by these commissions states the political science scholar Nandini Deo later found the RSS leadership and the RSS innocent of a role in the assassination 74 The mass arrested RSS volunteers were released by the Indian courts and the RSS has ever since used this as evidence of being falsely accused and condemned 74 According to the historian Robert Frykenberg specialising in South Asian Studies the RSS membership enormously expanded in independent India In this period while RSS remained discretely out of politics Jan Sangh another Hindutva ideology based organisation entered the political arena The Jan Sangh had limited success in the Indian general elections between 1952 and 1971 75 76 This was in part because of its poor organisation and leadership its focus on the Hindutva sentiment did not appeal to the voters and its campaign lacked adequate social and economic themes 76 This was also in part because Congress party leaders such Indira Gandhi had co opted some of the key Hindutva ideology themes and fused it with socialist policies and her father s Jawaharlal Nehru Soviet style centrally controlled economic model 73 77 78 The RSS continued its grassroots operations between 1947 and early 1970s and its volunteers provided humanitarian assistance to Hindu and Sikh refugees from the partition of British India victims of war and violence and helped disaster victims to resettle economically 73 79 Between 1975 and 1977 Indira Gandhi declared and enforced Emergency with press censorship the arrests of opposition leaders and the suspension of many fundamental human rights of Indian citizens The abuses of Emergency triggered a mass resistance and the rapid growth of volunteers and political support to the Hindutva ideology 73 77 80 Indira Gandhi and her party were voted out of power in 1977 The Hindutva ideology based Jan Sangh members such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee Brij Lal Varma and Lal Krishna Advani gained national prominence and the Hindutva ideology sympathiser Morarji Desai became the prime minister of a coalition non Congress government 73 This coalition did not last past 1980 and from the consequent break up of coalition parties was founding of the Bharatiya Janata Party in April 1980 This new national political party relied on the Hindutva ideology based rural and urban grassroots organisations that had rapidly grown across India from the mid 1970s 73 Hindutva under Modi 2014 present Further information Narendra Modi Narendra Modi Since the 2014 Indian general election with the BJP winning the premiership of Narendra Modi and state based BJP governments have pushed parts of the Hindutva agenda Abrogation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir On 5 August 2019 the Modi administration revoked the special status or limited autonomy granted under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir 81 82 Ayodhya dispute On 9 November 2019 the Supreme Court of India passed resolution on creation of Ram Mandir on the disputed land of Ayodhya 83 84 85 86 The verdict also stated to provide 5 acres 20 000 m2 for creation of a mosque on another part of the land The land was given to the Sunni Waqf Board 87 On 5 August 2019 Narendra Modi held the Bhoomipujan at the Ayodhya He became the first prime minister to visit Ram Janmabhoomi and Hanuman Garhi 88 Forced conversion bans Indian states that prohibit forced conversions 2022 Many BJP ruled states such as Uttar Pradesh Madhya Pradesh Haryana and Karnataka have considered laws designed to prevent forced conversions from Hinduism to Islam through marriage Hindutva advocates call this love jihad and it is widely considered to be an Islamophobic conspiracy theory 89 90 91 In September 2020 Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath asked his government to come up with a strategy to prevent religious conversions in the name of love 92 93 On 31 October he announced that a law to curb love jihad i would be passed by his government The law which also includes provisions against unlawful religious conversion declares a marriage null and void if the sole intention was to change a girl s religion and both it and the one in Madhya Pradesh imposed sentences of up to 10 years in prison for those who broke the law 95 96 The ordinance came into effect on 28 November 2020 97 98 as the Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance In December 2020 Madhya Pradesh approved an anti conversion law similar to the Uttar Pradesh one 99 100 101 102 103 104 As of 25 November 2020 update Haryana and Karnataka were still in discussion over similar ordinances 90 91 In April 2021 the Gujarat Assembly amended the Freedom of Religion Act 2003 bringing in stringent provisions against forcible conversion through marriage or allurement with the intention of targeting love jihad 105 106 The Karnataka state cabinet also approved an anti conversion bill making it a law in December 2021 107 108 Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bharatiya Janata PartySee also Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bharatiya Janata Party The RSS established a number of affiliate organisations after Indian Independence to carry its ideology to various parts of the society Prominent among them is the Vishva Hindu Parishad which was set up in 1964 with the objective of protecting and promoting the Hindu religion It subscribed to Hindutva ideology which came to mean in its hands political Hinduism and Hindu militancy 109 A number of political developments in the 1980s caused a sense of vulnerability among the Hindus in India This was much discussed and leveraged by the Hindutva ideology organisations These developments include the mass killing of the Hindus by the militant Khalistan movement the influx of undocumented Bangladeshi immigration into Assam coupled with the expulsion of Hindus from Bangladesh the Congress led government s pro Muslim bias in the Shah Bano case as well as the Rushdie affair 110 The VHP and the BJP utilised these developments to push forward a militant Hindutva nationalist agenda leading to the Ram Janmabhoomi movement The BJP officially adopted Hindutva as its ideology in its 1989 Palampur resolution 6 7 The BJP claims that Hindutva represents cultural nationalism and its conception of Indian nationhood but not a religious or theocratic concept 111 It is India s identity according to the RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat 112 According to the anthropologist and South Asia Politics scholar Thomas Hansen Hindutva in the post Independence era has emerged as a political ideology and a populist form of Hindu nationalism 113 For Indian nationalists it has subsumed religious sentiments and public rituals into a larger discourse of national culture Bharatiya culture and the Hindu nation Hindu rashtra states Hansen 113 This notion has appealed to the masses in part because it connects meaningfully with everyday anxieties of security a sense of disorder in modern Indian life 113 The BJP has deployed the Hindutva theme in its election campaign since early 1991 as well as nominated candidates who are affiliated with organisations that support the Hindutva ideology 113 The campaign language of the Congress Party leader Rajiv Gandhi in the 1980s mirrored those of Hindutva proponents The political speeches and publications by Indian Muslim leaders have declared their Islamic religious identity being greater than any political ideology or national identity These developments states Hansen have helped Hindu nationalists spread essentialist constructions per contemporary Hindutva ideology 114 Concepts and issuesHindutva ideology has focused on the following issues Political representation of Hindu nationalists and in some cases exclusivist interests of the Hindus and Indic centered culture 115 116 Jammu and Kashmir as an integral inseparable part of India 117 Address Christian and Islamic proselytisation religious conversion practices and the arithmetic of religious communities in India 118 119 insist that Muslims and Christians accept its doctrine of equality of religions 120 Implement social justice reservations and rural Indic interests according to the Hindutva model 121 Textbook revision and educating Indian youth in the Hindutva version of Indian history 122 123 Ayodhya and other sites of historic religious disputes 124 Strengthen the defence forces of India 125 Replace pseudo secularism with true secularism the latter being the Western style separation of religion and state 126 116 Decentralize and reform the Indian economy end the socialist centrally planned state owned economic model 127 128 Represent the diaspora and its Indic cultural interests in the international forums 129 130 Uniform Civil Code Main article Uniform Civil Code The Hindutva leaders have sought a Uniform Civil Code for all the citizens of India where the same law applies to all its citizens irrespective of the individual s religion 131 132 They state that differential laws based on religion violate the Indian Constitution and have sowed the seeds of divisiveness between different religious communities 131 132 133 Under the current laws that were enacted in 1955 56 state John Hutchinson and Anthony D Smith the constitutionally directive principle of a Uniform Civil Code covers only non Muslims The Uniform Civil Code is opposed by the Muslim leaders 131 A Uniform Civil Code that applies equally to the Muslims in India is also opposed by political parties such as the Indian National Congress and the Communist Party 134 Protection of Hindu interests The followers of Hindutva are known for their criticism of the Indian government as too passive with regard to the exodus of Kashmiri Hindus by Kashmiri Muslim separatists and the 1998 Wandhama massacre and advocates of Hindutva wish a harder stance in Jammu and Kashmir 135 136 The supporters of Hindutva sought to protect the native Hindu culture and traditions especially those that symbolised the Hindu culture They believe that Indian culture is identical with the Hindu culture 137 These include animals language holy structures rivers and medicine 138 They opposed the continuation of Urdu being used as a vernacular language as they associated it with Muslims They felt that Urdu symbolised a foreign culture For them Hindi alone was the unifying factor for all the diverse forces in the country It even wanted to make Hindi as the official language of India and felt that it should be promoted at the expense of English and the other regional languages However this caused a state of tension and alarm in the non Hindi regions The non Hindi regions saw it as an attempt by the north to dominate the rest of the country Eventually this demand was put down in order to protect the cultural diversity of the country 139 OrganisationsMain articles Sangh Parivar and List of Hindu nationalist political parties Hindutva is the guiding ideology of the RSS and its affiliated family of organisations the Sangh Parivar 140 In general Hindutvavadis followers of Hindutva believe that they represent the well being of Hinduism Sikhism Buddhism Jainism and all other religions prominent in India citation needed Most nationalists are organised into political cultural and social organisations using the concept of Hindutva as a political tool The first Hindutva organisation formed was the RSS founded in 1925 A prominent Indian political party the BJP is closely associated with a group of organisations that advocate Hindutva They collectively refer to themselves as the Sangh Parivar or family of associations and include the RSS Bajrang Dal and the VHP citation needed Other organisations include Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh the overseas branch of the RSS Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh a workers union Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad a students union Bharatiya Kisan Sangh a farmers organisationPolitical parties that are independent from the Sangh Parivar s influence but that also espouse the Hindutva ideology include the Hindu Mahasabha Prafull Goradia s Akhil Bharatiya Jana Sangh 141 and the Marathi nationalist Shiv Sena 142 and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena The Shiromani Akali Dal SAD is a Sikh religious party that maintained ties with Hindutva organisations and political parties as they also represent Sikhism 143 By September 2020 SAD left the NDA over the farms bill 144 Hindutva violenceMain article Hindu terrorism In recent years there has been a notable increase in violence motivated by Hindutva ideology particularly towards Muslims 145 and includes acts of extremist terroristic violence 146 147 148 This has principally been perpetrated by or has implicated members or alleged members of Hindu nationalist organizations such as the RSS or Abhinav Bharat 149 150 151 The violence has also been condoned by the BJP politicians and used as an electoral strategy to garner support from the far right Hindu population 152 153 The veneration of cows as deities and restrictions on meat consumption have also been used by to justify violence against Muslims Christians Dalits and lower caste Hindus 154 Cow vigilantism Further information Cow vigilante violence in India Cow slaughter laws in various states in IndiaThere has been a rise in the number of incidents of cow vigilantism since the election of a BJP majority in the Parliament of India in 2014 The frequency and severity of cow vigilante violence has been described as unprecedented 155 Human Rights Watch has reported that there has been a surge in such violence since 2015 156 The surge is attributed to the recent rise in Hindu nationalism in India 155 157 Many vigilante groups say they feel empowered by the victory of the Hindu nationalist BJP in the 2014 election 158 159 According to a Reuters report there were 63 attacks in India between 2010 and mid 2017 resulting in 28 deaths 24 of them Muslim and 124 injuries Most attacks occurred after Narendra Modi took office in 2014 160 Many BJP states have passed laws against cattle slaughter such as 2017 sentence fragment Gujarat 161 162 163 164 6 June 2017 Uttar Pradesh s Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath directed the state police to take action against cow slaughter and cattle smuggling under the National Security Act and the Gangster Act 165 and in 2021 Assam Assembly passed a bill that prohibits the slaughter or sale of beef within a 5 kilometre 3 1 mi radius of any temple The legislation seeks to ensure that permission for slaughter is not granted to areas that are predominantly inhabited by Hindu Jain Sikh and other non beef eating communities or places that fall within a 5 kilometre 3 1 mi radius of a temple satra and any other institution as may be prescribed by the authorities Exemptions however might be granted for certain religious occasions 166 167 Criticism and apologeticsFascist and Nazi undertones See also Hindu nationalism The Hindutva ideology of organisations such as RSS have long been compared to fascism or Nazism An editorial published on 4 February 1948 for example in the National Herald the mouthpiece of the Indian National Congress party stated that it RSS seems to embody Hinduism in a Nazi form with the recommendation that it must be ended 168 Similarly in 1956 another Congress party leader compared Jana Sangh to the Nazis in Germany 169 j After the 1940s and 1950s a number of scholars have labelled or compared Hindutva to fascism 171 172 173 Marzia Casolari has linked the association and the borrowing of pre World War II European nationalist ideas by early leaders of Hindutva ideology 174 According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations the term Hindutva has fascist undertones 1 Many scholars have pointed out that early Hindutva ideologues were inspired by fascist movements in early 20th century Italy and Germany 175 176 177 178 The Indian Marxist economist and political commentator Prabhat Patnaik calls Hindutva almost fascist in the classical sense He states that the Hindutva movement is based on class support methods and programme 11 According to Patnaik Hindutva has the following fascist ingredients an attempt to create a unified homogeneous majority under the concept of the Hindus a sense of grievance against past injustice a sense of cultural superiority an interpretation of history according to this grievance and superiority a rejection of rational arguments against this interpretation and an appeal to the majority based on race and masculinity 11 According to Jaffrelot the early Hindutva proponents such as Golwalkar envisioned it as an extreme form of ethnic nationalism but the ideology differed from fascism and Nazism in three respects 179 First unlike fascism and Nazism it did not closely associate Hindutva with its leader Second while fascism emphasised the primacy of the state Hindutva considered the state to be a secondary Third while Nazism emphasised primacy of the race the Hindutva ideology emphasised primacy of the society over race 179 k According to Achin Vanaik several authors have labelled Hindutva as fascist but such a label requires establishing a fascist minimum Hindu nationalism states Vanaik is a specific Indian manifestation of a generic phenomenon of nationalism but not one that belongs to the genus of fascism 182 According to Mark Juergensmeyer a number of writers in India and outside India have variously described Hindutva as fundamentalist and India s flirtation with native fascism while others disagree 183 The debate on Hindutva is a matter of perspective The Indians debate it from the perspective of their own colonial past and their contemporary issues while the Euro American view considers it from the global issues their own experiences with fundamentalism in light of classic liberal and relativist positions states Juergensmeyer 183 Sociologists Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta have described difficulties in identifying Hindutva with fascism or Nazism because of Hindutva s embrace of cultural rather than racial nationalism its distinctively Indian character and the RSS s disavowal of the seizure of state power in preference for long term cultural labour in civil society They describe Hindutva as a form of revolutionary conservatism or ethnic absolutism 15 According to Thomas Hansen Hindutva represents a conservative revolution in postcolonial India and its proponents have been combining paternalistic and xenophobic discourses with democratic and universalist discourses on rights and entitlements based on desires anxieties and fractured subjectivities in India 184 Upper casteism When Prime Minister V P Singh launched the Mandal Commission to broaden reservations in government and public university jobs to a significant portion of the Shudras who were officially branded the Other Backward Classes OBC the mouthpiece of the Hindutva organisation RSS Organiser magazine wrote of an urgent need to build up moral and spiritual forces to counter any fallout from an expected Shudra revolution 185 186 According to social scientist and economist Jean Dreze the Mandal Commission angered the upper castes and threatened to distance the OBCs but the Babri Masjid s destruction and ensuing events helped to reduce this challenge and reunified Hindus on an anti Muslim stance He further claims The Hindutva project is a lifeboat for the upper castes in so far as it promises to restore the Brahminical social order and the potential enemies of this ideology is anybody whose acts or might hinder the process of restoring the Brahminic social order Dreze further claims that although Hindutva is known as a majoritarian movement it can be best expressed as an oppressive minority movement 187 According to Jaffrelot the Sangh Parivar organisations with their Hindutva ideology have strived to impose the belief structure of the upper caste Hindus 186 According to Dalit rights activist and political theorist Kancha Ilaiah Hindutva Is Nothing But Brahminism and that only Dalitisation can effectively counter the danger of Brahminical fascism disguised as Hindutva 188 According to sociologist Amritorupa Sen the privileges of the upper caste and especially Brahmins have become invisible There has been a cultural norm that Brahmins take care of the lower castes out of a moral responsibility but also out of human kindness 189 This creates an intrinsically unequal social structure citation needed Ahistorical premises separatism According to Jaffrelot the Hindutva ideology has roots in an era where the fiction in ancient Indian mythology and Vedic antiquity was presumed to be valid This fiction was used to give sustenance to Hindu ethnic consciousness 179 Its strategy emulated the Muslim identity politics of the Khilafat movement after World War I and borrowed political concepts from the West mainly German 179 Hindutva organizations treat events in Hindu mythology as history 190 191 192 193 Hindutva organizations have been criticized for their belief in statements or practices that they claim to be both scientific and factual but are incompatible with the scientific method 194 195 Hindutva ideology is also described to be separatist in its form Siddharth Varadarajan writes that Hindutva separatism seeks to depart from the philosophical cultural and civilization mores of the country including Hinduism itself 13 14 According to Anthony Parel a historian and political scientist Savarkar s Hindutva Who is a Hindu published in 1923 is a fundamental text of Hindutva ideology It asserts states Parel India of the past to be the creation of a racially superior people the Aryans They came to be known to the outside world as Hindus the people beyond the Indus River Their identity was created by their race jati and their culture sanskriti All Hindus claim to have in their veins the blood of the mighty race incorporated with and descended from the Vedic fathers They created a culture an ensemble of mythologies legends epic stories philosophy art and architecture laws and rites feasts and festivals They have a special relationship to India India is to them both a fatherland and a holy land The Savarkar s text presents the Hindu culture as a self sufficient culture not needing any input from other cultures which is an unhistorical narcissistic and false account of India s past states Parel 196 The premises of early Hindu nationalist thought states Chetan Bhatt reflected the colonial era European scholarship and Orientalism of its times 197 The idea of India as the cradle of civilization Voltaire Herder Kant Schlegel or as humanity s homeland and primal philosophy Herder Schlegel or the humanism in Hindu values Herder or of Hinduism offering redemption for contemporary humanity Schopenhauer along with the colonial era scholarship of Frederich Muller Charles Wilkins William Jones Alexander Hamilton and others were the natural intellectual matrix for Savarkar and others to borrow and germinate their Hindu nationalist ideas 197 Chakravarthi Ram Prasad a Fellow of the British Academy and a scholar of Politics and Philosophy of Religion states that Hindutva is a form of nationalism that is expounded differently by its opponents and its proponents 198 The opponents of Hindutva either consider it as a fundamentalist ideology that aims to regulate the working of civil society with the imperatives of Hindu religious doctrine or alternatively as another form of fundamentalism while accepting that Hinduism is a diverse collection of doctrines is complex and is different from other religions According to Ram Prasad the proponents reject these tags viewing it to be their right and a desirable value to cherish their religious and cultural traditions 198 The Hindutva ideology according to Savarkar states Ram Prasad is a geography race and culture based concept However the geography is not strictly territorial but is an ancestral homeland of a people and the race is not biogenetic but described as the historic descendants of the intermarriage of Aryans native inhabitants and different peoples who arrived over time 199 So the ultimate category for Hindutva is culture and this culture is not strictly speaking religious if by religion is meant a commitment to certain doctrines of transcendence he states 199 The proponents state that in the Hindutva thought there is a kernel of coherent and justifiable thesis about the Indian culture and history 198 Threats to academic freedom Hindutva ideology has been linked to threats to academics and students both in India and the United States 200 201 For instance in 2011 Hindutva activists successfully led a charge to remove an essay about the multiple narratives of Ramayanas from Delhi University s history syllabus 202 Romila Thapar one of India s most eminent historians has faced repeated Hindutva led attacks 203 The Hindu right has been responsible for pushback against scholars of South Asia and Hinduism based in North America including Wendy Doniger and Sheldon Pollock 204 Under BJP leadership the Indian state has been accused of monitoring scholars and denying some research access 205 Audrey Truschke is one such example who remains frequent target of their threats 206 207 In 2021 a group of North American based scholars of South Asia formed a collective and published the Hindutva Harassment Field Manual to they argue answer the Hindutva threat to their academic freedom 208 201 They documented further incidents of Hindutva harassment of academics in North America dating back to the 1990s 209 The Association for Asian Studies noted that Hindutva described as a majoritarian ideological doctrine different from Hinduism resorted to increasing attacks on numerous scholars artists and journalists who critically analyze its politics 210 A number of scholars and participants withdrew from the conference following the threats they received from ultranationalists and Hindutva supporters 211 212 213 Hindutva popMain article Hindutva pop Hindutva pop is a subgenre of Indian pop promoting Hindutva ideas It openly calls for violence against many non Hindu minorities especially Muslims 214 Hindutva pop artists defend their music as neither xenophobic nor Islamophobic arguing it promotes truth Popular Hindutva pop artists like Laxmi Dubey and Prem Krishnavanshi mainstream the xenophobic values of the genre 215 214 See alsoCommunalism South Asia Violence between ethnic or other communal groupsPages displaying short descriptions of redirect targets Indian nationalism Territorial nationalist movement Social conservatism Conservative political ideology advocating traditional values and power structures Saffronisation Policies to impose Hindu nationalist view of historyNotes According to sociologist Aparna Devare Savarkar distinguishes between Hindutva and Hinduism but includes it in his definition Savarkar wrote Hinduism is only a derivative a fraction a part of Hindutva 28 Sen writes Drawing primarily from English language sources the Court put forward the view that Hinduism was impossible to define quoting from the case file Yagnapurushdasji at 1121 1128 When we think of the Hindu religion we find it difficult if not impossible to define Hindu religion or even adequately describe it Unlike other religions in the world the Hindu religion does not claim any one God it does not subscribe to any one dogma it does not believe in one philosophic concept it does not follow any one set of religious rites Confronted with this amorphous entity the Court concluded I t Hinduism does not appear to satisfy the narrow traditional features of any religion or creed It may broadly be described as a way of life and nothing more 31 According to Gavin Flood a scholar of Hinduism the term Hindutva differs from Hindu dharma The latter term means Hinduism and its various sub traditions while the term Hindutva in Savarkar s ideology meant the socio political force to unite all Hindus against foreign influences states Flood 46 According to Klaus Klostermaier a scholar of Hinduism Hindutva has become more than the original search for Hinduness during the Indian freedom movement and has morphed into Hindutva movement in the post Independent India 47 This movement though reviled by Western and West oriented Indian scholars has been ongoing according to Klostermaier as a political ideology which takes elements of Hindu tradition and reshapes them in the light of their own time so as to provide answers to the needs of their contemporaries 47 48 In this historical and sociological context Hindutva is an assertion of values and a non aberrant response to the Indic experiences and memories of Islamic conquests Christian imperialism and the abuses of colonialism according to Klostermaier 47 According to Julius Lipner also a scholar of Hinduism Hindutva is a Sanskrit word which connotes Hinduness and the term first gained usage among the Bengali Indian intellectuals during the British colonial era The term took roots in light of the description of Indic religions and the western preconceptions about the nature of religion which the Indian intellectuals disagreed with This attempt to articulate what Hinduism is coupled with emerging political and cultural beliefs has evolved and contributed to the various meanings of the term states Lipner 49 Savarkar s early writings and speeches on cultural nationalism contained an embryonic form of a two nation theory This embryo took a more detailed form with the Lahore Resolution of 1940 of the Muslim League which declared India s Muslims were a separate nation 54 Mohammed Ali Jinnah explained the Indian Muslims demand by asserting a cultural distinctiveness of Islam and this constituted the rationale for a separate nation state of Pakistan Jinnah s speech and rationale confirmed Savarkar s beliefs and his early Hindutva s narrative 54 The historian Prabhu Bapu quotes and summarises the ideas of the Muslim leaders in British India around 1940 there were two nations in India Hindu and Muslim said Jinnah British India should be partitioned into Pakistan and Hindustan According to Jinnah the differences between Hindus and Muslims in India were not merely religious but entirely different ways of life and thought The two communities were distinct peoples with different religious philosophies social customs literatures and histories For more than a thousand years the bulk of Muslims in India had lived in a different world in a different society in a different philosophy and a different faith Muslims must have a state of their own in which they would establish their own constitution and make their own laws 54 According to Prabhu such ideas and rationale fuelled the Hindutva narrative for a radical exclusivist Hindu nation and became the apologia for the two nation theory of the 1940s 55 According to the Political Scientist Christophe Jaffrelot in the pre 1947 period the two nationalism and separatist movements in South Asia influenced each other This history is an example of the Ernest Gellner theory of nationalism states Jaffrelot 56 The Gellner theory states that nationalistic movements arise when there exist two groups one privileged and other under privileged When the privilege power equation is threatened by the social forces of history culture skin pigmentation and such ethnic markers become a basis to presume inferiority of the other and a pretext to manipulate the situation Using a language of nationalism one group tries to maintain the status quo while the other seeks to overthrow it In British India states Jaffrelot Muslim nationalism and separatism certainly did not develop from feelings of having been discriminated against but their mobilisation came from the fear of decline and marginalization of their historic privilege among the Muslim elites in British India 56 They deployed Islamic cultural symbols and pressed for Perso Arabic script based Urdu language for their separatist and nationalist rationale while Hindu nationalists deployed Hindu cultural symbols and pressed for the use of Indic script based Hindi language both languages nearly similar when spoken The mutual use of identity symbols helped crystallise the other s convictions and fuel each other s fears 56 These identity symbols and the continued mutual use of such ideological statements fuel the nationalistic discourse in contemporary India and Pakistan They have been and remain central to organisations such as the BJP and the Sangh Parivar associated with the Hindutva ideology according to Jean Luc Racine a scholar of nationalisms and separatisms with a focus on South Asia 57 Primordialism is the belief that the deep historical and cultural roots of nations is a quasi objective phenomenon by which outsiders identify individuals of an ethnic group and what contributes to how an individual forms a self identity 59 60 For example the writings of Giuseppe Mazzini made a profound impression on Savarkar states Thomas Hansen 51 As of November 2020 love jihad is a term not recognized by the Indian legal system 94 The Hindutva organisations were not exclusively criticised in the 1940s by the Indian political leaders The Muslim League was also criticised for its creed of Islamic exclusiveness its cult of communal hatred and called a replica of the German Nazis 170 For further elaboration on the primacy of state in fascism see Walter Laqueur 180 For further elaboration on the primacy of race in Nazism see Richard Bessel 181 ReferencesCitations a b c Brown Garrett W McLean Iain McMillan Alistair 2018 The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations Oxford University Press pp 381 ISBN 978 0 19 254584 8 Haokip Jangkholam 2014 Can God Save My Village A Theological Study of Identity among the Tribal People of North East India with a Special Reference to the Kukis of Manipur Langham Monographs p 35 ISBN 978 1 78368 981 1 Retrieved 3 May 2023 Hindutva is a political ideology that does not necessarily represent the view of the majority of Hindus in India a b Gregory Derek Johnston Ron Pratt Geraldine Watts Michael Whatmore Sarah 2011 The Dictionary of Human Geography John Wiley amp Sons pp 1 ISBN 978 1 4443 5995 4 Ross M H 2012 Culture and Belonging in Divided Societies Contestation and Symbolic Landscapes Book collections on Project MUSE University of Pennsylvania Press Incorporated p 34 ISBN 978 0 8122 0350 9 a b Sweetman W Malik A 2016 Hinduism in India Modern and Contemporary Movements Hinduism in India SAGE Publishing p 109 ISBN 978 93 5150 231 9 a b The Hindutva road Frontline 4 December 2004 a b Krishna 2011 p 324 a b Patricia M Sant 1999 Indigeneity Construction and Re presentation Nova Science Publishers p 85 ISBN 978 1 56072 674 6 Hindutva especially in their early stages exemplify a process of ideological borrowing from both European fascism and a fabrication of Vedic Hinduism that defies the binarism of local global a b Chaitanya Krishna A G Noorani 2003 Fascism in India Faces Fangs and Facts Manak Publications p 4 ISBN 978 81 7827 067 8 the archival evidence presented by Marzia Casolari conclusively shows how much the proponents of Hindutva admired European fascism liberally borrowed from it and this influence continues even today Leidig Eviane 17 July 2020 Hindutva as a variant of right wing extremism Patterns of Prejudice 54 3 215 237 doi 10 1080 0031322X 2020 1759861 ISSN 0031 322X a b c Prabhat Patnaik 1993 Fascism of our times Social Scientist 21 3 4 69 77 doi 10 2307 3517631 JSTOR 3517631 Frykenberg 2008 pp 178 220 This essay attempts to show how from an analytical or from an historical perspective Hindutva is a melding of Hindu fascism and Hindu fundamentalism a b Anthony Parel 2000 Gandhi Freedom and Self rule Lexington Books p 133 ISBN 978 0 7391 0137 7 The agendas of Hindutva though strong on the issues of self identity and self definition have tended to be separatist a b Siddharth Varadarajan 2002 Gujarat the Making of a Tragedy Penguin Books p 20 ISBN 978 0 14 302901 4 a b Chetan Bhatt Parita Mukta May 2000 Hindutva in the West Mapping the Antinomies of Diaspora Nationalism Ethnic and Racial Studies 23 3 407 441 doi 10 1080 014198700328935 S2CID 143287533 Quote It is also argued that the distinctively Indian aspects of Hindu nationalism and the RSS s disavowal of the seizure of state power in preference for long term cultural labour in civil society suggests a strong distance from both German Nazism and Italian Fascism Part of the problem in attempting to classify Golwalkar s or Savarkar s Hindu nationalism within the typology of generic fascism Nazism racism and ethnic or cultural nationalism is the unavailability of an appropriate theoretical orientation and vocabulary for varieties of revolutionary conservatism and far right wing ethnic and religious absolutist movements in Third World countries a b Hindutva n Oxford English Dictionary Online Oxford University Press 2011 retrieved 17 November 2021 Hindu n Oxford English Dictionary Online Oxford University Press 2011 retrieved 17 November 2021 a b c Merriam Webster Inc Encyclopaedia Britannica 1999 Merriam Webster s Encyclopedia of World Religions Merriam Webster p 464 ISBN 978 0 87779 044 0 Schottli Jivanta Mitra Subrata K Wolf Siegried 2015 A Political and Economic Dictionary of South Asia Routledge pp 215 ISBN 978 1 135 35575 3 a b Vinayak Damodar Savarkar Hindu and Indian Nationalist Encyclopaedia Britannica Retrieved 9 May 2019 Cush Denise Robinson Catherine York Michael 2012 Encyclopedia of Hinduism Routledge pp 351 352 ISBN 978 1 135 18978 5 a b c d e f Sharma Arvind 2002 On Hindu Hindustan Hinduism and Hindutva Numen 49 1 22 23 1 36 doi 10 1163 15685270252772759 JSTOR 3270470 a b c d e f g Christophe Jaffrelot 2009 Hindu Nationalism A Reader Princeton University Press pp 14 15 86 93 ISBN 978 1 4008 2803 6 a b Martha Nussbaum 2009 The Clash Within Democracy Religious Violence and India s Future Harvard University Press pp 58 59 ISBN 978 0 674 04156 1 Quote Savarkar had long lived abroad and his Hindutva is a European product from its opening words on Savarkar was not a religious man for him traditional religious belief and practice did not lie at the heart of Hindutva He did however consider the religion s cultural traditions to be key markers of Hindutva along with geographical attachment to the motherland and a sense of oneself as a part of a race determined by a common origin possessing a common blood Purandare Vaibhav 22 August 2019 Hindutva is not the same as Hinduism said Savarkar Telegraph India Retrieved 30 March 2023 A G Noorani 2000 The RSS and the BJP A Division of Labour Green School Series LeftWord Books p 106 ISBN 978 81 87496 13 7 a b Chetan Bhatt 1997 Liberation and Purity Race New Religious Movements and the Ethics of Postmodernity Taylor amp Francis p 186 ISBN 978 1 85728 423 2 Aparna Devare 2013 History and the Making of a Modern Hindu Self Routledge pp 195 196 ISBN 978 1 136 19708 6 Jaffrelot 1996 pp 12 13 a b c d Ronojoy Sen 2007 Legalizing Religion The Indian Supreme Court and Secularism East West Center Washington pp 29 31 ISBN 978 1 932728 57 6 Ronojoy Sen 2006 Defining Religion The Indian Supreme Court and Hinduism PDF South Asia Institute Department of Political Science University of Heidelberg pp 15 16 Archived PDF from the original on 24 December 2015 Bidyut Chakrabarty 2018 Constitutional Democracy in India Taylor amp Francis pp 178 180 ISBN 978 1 351 37530 6 a b Hindutva is a secular way of life Archived 17 February 2015 at the Wayback Machine Ram Jethmalani The Sunday Guardian 5 March 2015 Noorani A G 2006 The Supreme Court on Hindutva1 The Supreme Court on Hindutva Oxford University Press pp 76 83 doi 10 1093 acprof oso 9780195678291 003 0076 ISBN 978 0 19 567829 1 Bhattacharya Snigdhendu 30 September 2020 Hindutva and idea that Hindus are in danger were born in Bengal ThePrint Retrieved 23 December 2020 Chadra Nath Basu s book Hindutva was published in 1892 by Gurudas Chatterjee The first recorded use of the word Hindutva at least in print is believed to have been made in this book NP Ullekh 28 March 2019 Will its Hindu revivalist past haunt West Bengal s future Open The Magazine Retrieved 29 October 2019 Gopal Sangita 1 July 2003 Hindu Buying Hindu Being Hindutva Online and the Commodity Logic of Cultural Nationalism South Asian Review 24 1 161 179 doi 10 1080 02759527 2003 11978304 ISSN 0275 9527 S2CID 158146106 a b Chetan Bhatt 2001 Hindu nationalism origins ideologies and modern myths Berg pp 77 context Chapter 4 ISBN 978 1 85973 343 1 Sen Amiya P 22 May 2014 Discourses Public Addresses and Informal Talks Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 acprof oso 9780198098966 001 0001 ISBN 9780199083015 Bhatt Chetan 2004 Majority ethnic claims and authoritarian nationalism the case of Hindutva In Kaufmann Eric P ed Rethinking Ethnicity Majority Groups and Dominant Minorities London Routledge doi 10 4324 9780203563397 ISBN 9780203563397 a b W J Johnson 2010 A Dictionary of Hinduism Oxford University Press p 142 ISBN 978 0 19 861026 7 Quote A term that first surfaces in literary form in the mid 1870s in Bankim Chandra Chatterjee s serialization of his novel Anandamaṭh in the journal Bangadarshan It was subsequently employed by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in his book Hindutva Who is a Hindu 1923 to convey the idea of a universal and essential Hindu identity As used by its author and other right wing nationalist ideologues it is predicated on an assumed consensus about what constitutes Hindu identity and distinguishes it from the ways of life and values of other implicitly foreign people and traditions especially Indian Muslims Christophe Jaffrelot 1999 The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925 to the 1990s Strategies of Identity building Implantation and Mobilisation with Special Reference to Central India Penguin pp 25 26 ISBN 978 0 14 024602 5 Economic and Political Weekly Volume 34 1999 p 712 Thomas Blom Hansen 1999 The Saffron Wave Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India Princeton University Press pp 60 65 69 70 77 79 ISBN 1 4008 2305 6 Christophe Jaffrelot 1999 The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925 to the 1990s Strategies of Identity building Implantation and Mobilisation with Special Reference to Central India Penguin pp 25 30 ISBN 978 0 14 024602 5 Gavin D Flood 1996 An Introduction to Hinduism Cambridge University Press p 262 ISBN 978 0 521 43878 0 The party s most vociferous leader was Vinayak Damodar Savarkar who made a distinction between Hindu Dharma the religion of the various traditions and Hindutva the socio political force to unite all Hindus against foreign influences a b c Klaus Klostermaier 2006 Anna King ed Indian Religions Renaissance and Renewal The Spalding Papers on Indic Studies Equinox pp 16 18 3 27 also see comments of Anna King at p xii ISBN 978 1 845 53169 0 Bauman Chad 2008 Indian Religions Renaissance and Renewal Numen Brill 55 2 343 347 doi 10 1163 156852708X284022 S2CID 142656106 Julius Lipner 2012 Hindus Their Religious Beliefs and Practices Routledge pp 11 12 ISBN 978 1 135 24060 8 a b Sharma Arvind 2002 On Hindu Hindustan Hinduism and Hindutva Numen 49 1 20 24 26 29 doi 10 1163 15685270252772759 JSTOR 3270470 a b Thomas Blom Hansen 1999 The Saffron Wave Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India Princeton University Press pp 77 79 ISBN 1 4008 2305 6 Sharma Arvind 2002 On Hindu Hindustan Hinduism and Hindutva Numen 49 1 26 27 doi 10 1163 15685270252772759 JSTOR 3270470 Prabhu Bapu 2012 Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India 1915 1930 Constructing Nation and History Routledge pp 62 67 70 71 ISBN 978 1 136 25500 7 a b c Prabhu Bapu 2013 Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India 1915 1930 Constructing Nation and History Routledge p 77 ISBN 978 0 415 67165 1 For additional context on the two nation theory history based on Hindu Muslim cultural conflicts and the partition Venkat Dhulipala 2015 Ch Introduction Nationalists Communalists and the 1937 Provincial Elections Creating a New Medina State Power Islam and the Quest for Pakistan in Late Colonial North India Cambridge University Press pp 1 24 25 28 360 367 ISBN 978 1 316 25838 5 Prabhu Bapu 2013 Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India 1915 1930 Constructing Nation and History Routledge pp 77 78 ISBN 978 0 415 67165 1 a b c Christophe Jaffrelot 2002 Pakistan Nationalism Without A Nation Zed Books pp 10 11 context 10 16 ISBN 978 1 84277 117 4 Jean Luc Racine 2002 Christophe Jaffrelot ed Pakistan Nationalism Without A Nation Zed Books pp 205 211 ISBN 978 1 84277 117 4 a b c d Chetan Bhatt 2001 Hindu nationalism origins ideologies and modern myths Berg pp 3 5 8 14 77 86 ISBN 978 1 85973 343 1 Coakley John 2017 Primordialism in nationalism studies theory or ideology Nations and Nationalism Wiley 24 2 327 context 328 347 doi 10 1111 nana 12349 S2CID 149288553 Tina Reuter 2012 Ethnic Conflict Encyclopaedia Britannica Deepa Reddy 2003 Review Hindu Nationalism by Chetan Bhatt American Ethnologist 30 1 170 a b Chetan Bhatt 1997 Liberation and Purity Race New Religious Movements and the Ethics of Postmodernity Taylor amp Francis pp 185 186 ISBN 978 1 85728 423 2 Andersen amp Damle 1987 p 34 a b c d Christophe Jaffrelot 2009 Hindu Nationalism A Reader Princeton University Press pp 15 17 96 97 179 183 ISBN 978 1 4008 2803 6 Keer 1988 p 170 cited in Jaffrelot 1996 p 33 Kelkar D V 4 February 1950 The R S S PDF Economic Weekly Archived PDF from the original on 8 November 2014 Retrieved 26 October 2014 Bharat Prakashan 1955 pp 24 25 quoted in Goyal 1979 p 58 Stanley Jason 2018 How Fascism Works The Politics of Us and Them New York Random House pp 14 15 ISBN 978 0 52551183 0 Teltumbde Anand 2019 Hindutva and Dalits SAGE p 38 Augustine 2009 pp 69 70 Christophe Jaffrelot 1999 The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925 to the 1990s Strategies of Identity building Implantation and Mobilisation with Special Reference to Central India Penguin pp 140 145 ISBN 978 0 14 024602 5 a b Graham 1968 pp 350 352 a b c d e f Frykenberg 2008 pp 193 196 a b Nandini Deo 2015 Mobilizing Religion and Gender in India The Role of Activism Routledge pp 54 55 ISBN 978 1 317 53067 1 Frykenberg 2008 pp 193 196 After Independence in 1947 the RSS saw an enormous expansion in numbers of new swayamsevaks and a proliferation of disciplined and drilled shakhas This occurred despite Gandhi s assassination January 30 1948 by Nathuram Vinayak Godse a former sevak and despite being outlawed p 193 Thus even as the RSS discretely stayed out of open politics and continued its campaign to convert more and more people to the cause of Hindutva its new party Jan Sangh engaged in political combat p 194 For the next two decades the Jan Sangh followed a narrowly focused agenda In 1971 despite softening its Hindutva voice and joining a grand alliance it was not successful p 195 a b Bruce Desmond Graham 2007 The Jana Sangh in electoral politics 1951 to 1967 Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics The Origins and Development of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh Cambridge University Press pp 196 198 context Chapter 7 ISBN 978 0 521 05374 7 Quote We have now considered the main factors which worked against the Jana Sangh s attempt to become a major party in Indian politics between 1951 and 1967 It was seriously handicapped in electoral competition by the limitations of its organization and leadership by its inability to gather support through appeals to Hindu nationalist sentiment and by its failure to establish a broad base of social and economic interests a b 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Brotherhood in Saffron The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism Delhi Vistaar Publications Augustine Sali 2009 Religion and Cultural Nationalism Socio Political Dynamism of Communal Violence in India In Erich Kolig Vivienne S M Angeles Sam Wong eds Identity in Crossroad Civilisations Amsterdam University Press pp 65 83 ISBN 978 90 8964 127 4 Bharat Prakashan 1955 Shri Guruji The Man and His Mission On the Occasion of His 51st Birthday Delhi Bharat Prakashan OCLC 24593952 Elst Koenraad 1997 Bharatiya Janata Party Vis a vis Hindu Resurgence Voice of India ISBN 978 8185990477 Frykenberg Robert 2008 Hindutva as a Political Religion An Historical Perspective In R Griffin R Mallett and J Tortorice eds The Sacred in Twentieth Century Politics Essays in Honour of Professor Stanley G Payne Palgrave Macmillan UK pp 178 200 ISBN 978 0 230 24163 3 Golwalkar M S 2007 first published in 1939 by Bharat Prakashan We or our Nationhood Defined Extracts In Christophe Jaffrelot ed Hindu Nationalism A Reader Princeton University Press ISBN 978 0 691 13097 2 Goyal Des Raj 1979 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Delhi Radha Krishna Prakashan ISBN 978 0836405668 Graham B D 1968 Syama Prasad Mookerjee and the communalist alternative in D A Low ed Soundings in Modern South Asian History University of California Press ASIN B0000CO7K5 Jaffrelot Christophe 1996 The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics C Hurst amp Co Publishers ISBN 978 1850653011 Katju Manjari 2013 Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics Orient Blackswan ISBN 978 81 250 2476 7 Keer Dhananjay 1988 Veer Savarkar Bombay Popular Prakashan ISBN 9780861321827 OCLC 221231727 Krishna Ananth V 2011 India since Independence Making Sense of Indian Politics Pearson Education India ISBN 978 8131734650 Pandey Gyanendra 1993 Which of Us are Hindus In Gyanendra Pandey ed Hindus and Others The Question of Identity in India Today New Delhi Viking pp 238 272 Panikkar K N 1993 Culture and Communalism Social Scientist 21 3 4 24 31 doi 10 2307 3517629 JSTOR 3517629 Panikkar K N 13 March 2004 In the Name of Nationalism Frontline Retrieved 20 February 2015 Parvathy A A 1994 Secularism and Hindutva A Discursive Study Codewood Process amp Printing ASIN B0006F4Y1A Further readingArticlesAndersen Walter K Bharatiya Janata Party Searching for the Hindu Nationalist Face In The New Politics of the Right Neo Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies ed Hans Georg Betz and Stefan Immerfall New York St Martin s Press 1998 pp 219 232 ISBN 0 312 21134 1 or ISBN 0 312 21338 7 Desai Radhika 30 August 2014 A latter day fascism Economic and Political Weekly Sameeksha Trust India 49 35 48 58 Embree Ainslie T The Function of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh To Define the Hindu Nation in Accounting for Fundamentalisms The Fundamentalism Project 4 ed Martin E Marty and R Scott Appleby Chicago The University of Chicago Press 1994 pp 617 652 ISBN 0 226 50885 4 Gold Daniel Organised Hinduisms From Vedic Truths to Hindu Nation in Fundamentalisms Observed The Fundamentalism Project Vol 4 eds M E Marty R S Appleby University of Chicago Press 1994 ISBN 978 0 226 50878 8 pp 531 593 Poonacha Veena 13 March 1993 Hindutva s hidden agenda why women fear religious fundamentalism Economic and Political Weekly Sameeksha Trust India 28 11 438 439 BooksBanerjee Partha In the Belly of the Beast The Hindu Supremacist RSS and BJP of India Delhi Ajanta 1998 ISBN 978 8120205048 Bhatt Chetan Hindu Nationalism Origins Ideologies and Modern Myths Berg Publishers 2001 ISBN 1 85973 348 4 Chaturvedi Vinayak Hindutva and Violence V D Savarkar and the Politics of History Albany SUNY 2022 Hansen Thomas Blom Roy Srirupa eds 2022 Saffron Republic Hindu Nationalism and State Power in India Cambridge University Press Desai Radhika Slouching Towards Ayodhya From Congress to Hindutva in Indian Politics 2nd ed New Delhi Three Essays 2004 Nanda Meera The God Market How Globalization Is Making India More Hindu Noida Random House India 2009 ISBN 978 81 8400 095 5 Nussbaum Martha C The Clash Within Democracy Religious Violence and India s Future Harvard University Press 2007 ISBN 978 0 674 03059 6 Puniyani Ram ed 2005 Religion power amp violence expression of politics in contemporary times New Delhi Thousand Oaks Cal Sage ISBN 9780761933380 Sampath Vikram 2019 Savarkar Echoes from a Forgotten Past First ed Penguin Viking ISBN 9780670090303 Ruthven Malise Fundamentalism A Very Short Introduction Oxford University Press USA 2007 ISBN 978 0 19 921270 5 Sharma Jyotirmaya Hindutva Exploring the Idea of Hindu Nationalism Penguin Global 2004 ISBN 0 670 04990 5 Smith David James Hinduism and Modernity Blackwell Publishing ISBN 0 631 20862 3 Webb Adam Kempton Beyond the global culture war Global horizons CRC Press 2006 ISBN 978 0415953139 Hindu nationalist sourcesElst Koenraad The Saffron Swastika The Notion of Hindu Fascism New Delhi Voice of India 2001 2 Vols ISBN 81 85990 69 7 IndiaStar Review of Books review Asianet review Elst Koenraad Decolonizing the Hindu Mind Ideological Development of Hindu Revivalism Rupa Delhi 2001 Goel Sita Ram Perversion of India s Political Parlance Archived 26 November 2005 at the Wayback Machine Voice of India Delhi 1984 Goel Sita Ram editor Time for Stock Taking Whither Sangh Parivar Voice of India Delhi 1997 ISBN 978 8185990484 Savarkar Vinayak Damodar Hindutva Bharati Sahitya Sadan Delhi 1989 1923 Tembarai Krishnamachari Rajesh Call for an intellectual kshatriya South Asia Analysis Group Paper 883 Jan 2004 External linksHindutva Harassment Field Manual On what to do in cases of Hindutva harassment Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Hindutva amp oldid 1167834787, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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