The Apache tribes fought the invading Spanish and Mexican peoples for centuries. The first Apache raids on Sonora appear to have taken place during the late 17th century. In 19th-century confrontations during the American Indian Wars, the U.S. Army found the Apache to be fierce warriors and skillful strategists.
The Plains Apache are located in Oklahoma, headquartered around Anadarko, and are federally recognized as the Apache Tribe of Oklahoma.[5]
The nine Apache tribes formed a nonprofit organization, the Apache Alliance. Tribal leaders convene at the Apache Alliance Summits, meetings hosted by a different Apache tribe each time.[10] The member tribes are the Apache Tribe of Oklahoma, Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation, Fort Sill Apache Tribe, Jicarilla Apache Tribe, Mescalero Apache Tribe, San Carlos Apache Tribe, Tonto Apache Tribe, White Mountain Apache Tribe, and Yavapai-Apache Nation.[10]
Name
Apaches first encountered European and African people, when they met conquistadors from the Spanish Empire, and thus the term Apache has its roots in the Spanish language. The Spanish first used the term Apachu de Nabajo (Navajo) in the 1620s, referring to people in the Chama region east of the San Juan River. By the 1640s, they applied the term to Southern Athabaskan peoples from the Chama on the east to the San Juan on the west. The ultimate origin is uncertain and lost to Spanish history.[citation needed]
The first known written record in Spanish is by Juan de Oñate in 1598. The most widely accepted origin theory suggests Apache was borrowed and transliterated from the Zuni word ʔa·paču meaning "Navajos" (the plural of paču "Navajo").[note 1][11]J. P. Harrington reports that čišše·kʷe can also be used to refer to the Apache in general.
Another theory suggests the term comes from Yavapaiʔpačə meaning "enemy".[12] The Zuni and Yavapai sources are less certain because Oñate used the term before he had encountered any Zuni or Yavapai.[13] A less likely origin may be from Spanish mapache, meaning "raccoon".[13]
Modern Apache people use the Spanish term to refer to themselves and tribal functions, and so does the US government. However, Apache language speakers also refer to themselves and their people in the Apache term Indé meaning "person" or "people". A related Southern Athabascan–speaking tribe, the Navajo, refer to themselves as the Diné.[14]
The fame of the tribes' tenacity and fighting skills, probably bolstered by dime novels, was widely known among Europeans. In early 20th century Parisian society, the word Apache was adopted into French, essentially meaning an outlaw.[15]
The term Apachean includes the related Navajo people.
Many of the historical names of Apache groups that were recorded by non-Apache are difficult to match to modern-day tribes or their subgroups. Over the centuries, many Spanish, French and English-speaking authors did not differentiate between Apache and other semi-nomadic non-Apache peoples who might pass through the same area. Most commonly, Europeans learned to identify the tribes by translating their exonym, what another group whom the Europeans encountered first called the Apache peoples. Europeans often did not learn what the peoples called themselves, their autonyms.
While anthropologists agree on some traditional major subgrouping of Apaches, they have often used different criteria to name finer divisions, and these do not always match modern Apache groupings. Some scholars do not consider groups residing in what is now Mexico to be Apache. In addition, an Apache individual has different ways of identification with a group, such as a band or clan, as well as the larger tribe or language grouping, which can add to the difficulties in an outsider comprehending the distinctions.
In 1900, the US government classified the members of the Apache tribe in the United States as Pinal Coyotero, Jicarilla, Mescalero, San Carlos, Tonto, and White Mountain Apache. The different groups were located in Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma.
In the 1930s, the anthropologist Greenville Goodwin classified the Western Apache into five groups (based on his informants' views of dialect and cultural differences): White Mountain, Cibecue, San Carlos, North Tonto, and South Tonto. Since then, other anthropologists (e.g. Albert Schroeder) consider Goodwin's classification inconsistent with pre-reservation cultural divisions. Willem de Reuse finds linguistic evidence supporting only three major groupings: White Mountain, San Carlos, and Dilzhe'e (Tonto). He believes San Carlos is the most divergent dialect, and that Dilzhe'e is a remnant, intermediate member of a dialect continuum that previously spanned from the Western Apache language to the Navajo.
John Upton Terrell classifies the Apache into western and eastern groups. In the western group, he includes Toboso, Cholome, Jocome, Sibolo or Cibola, Pelone, Manso, and Kiva or Kofa. He includes Chicame (the earlier term for Hispanized Chicano or New Mexicans of Spanish/Hispanic and Apache descent) among them as having definite Apache connections or names which the Spanish associated with the Apache.
In a detailed study of New Mexico Catholic Church records, David M. Brugge identifies 15 tribal names which the Spanish used to refer to the Apache. These were drawn from records of about 1,000 baptisms from 1704 to 1862.[16]
Tribes & Sub-groups
The list below is based on Foster and McCollough (2001), Opler (1983b, 1983c, 2001), and de Reuse (1983).
The term Apache refers to six major Apache-speaking groups: Chiricahua, Jicarilla, Lipan, Mescalero, Plains Apache, and Western Apache. Historically, the term was also used for Comanches, Mojaves, Hualapais, and Yavapais, none of whom speak Apache languages.
Chiricahua – Mimbreño – Ndendahe
Chiricahua historically lived in Southeastern Arizona. Chíshí (also Tchishi) is a Navajo word meaning "Chiricahua, southern Apaches in general".[17]
Ch'úúkʾanén, true Chiricahua (Tsokanende, also Č'ók'ánéń, Č'ó·k'anén, Chokonni, Cho-kon-nen, Cho Kŭnĕ́, Chokonen) is the Eastern Chiricahua band identified by Morris Opler. The name is an autonym from the Chiricahua language.
Gileño (also Apaches de Gila, Apaches de Xila, Apaches de la Sierra de Gila, Xileños, Gilenas, Gilans, Gilanians, Gila Apache, Gilleños) referred to several different Apache and non-Apache groups at different times. Gila refers to either the Gila River or the Gila Mountains. Some of the Gila Apaches were probably later known as the Mogollon Apaches, a Central Apache sub-band, while others probably coalesced into the Chiricahua proper. But, since the term was used indiscriminately for all Apachean groups west of the Rio Grande (i.e. in southeast Arizona and western New Mexico), the reference in historical documents is often unclear. After 1722, Spanish documents start to distinguish between these different groups, in which case Apaches de Gila refers to the Western Apache living along the Gila River (synonymous with Coyotero). American writers first used the term to refer to the Mimbres (another Central Apache subdivision).
Mimbreño are the Tchihende, not a Chiricahua band but a central Apache division sharing the same language with the Chiricahua and the Mescalero divisions, the name being referred to a central Apache division improperly considered as a section of Opler's "Eastern Chiricahua band", and to Albert Schroeder's Mimbres, or Warm Springs and Copper Mines "Chiricahua" bands[18] in southwestern New Mexico.
Copper Mines Mimbreño (also Coppermine) were located on upper reaches of Gila River, New Mexico, having their center in the Pinos Altos area. (See also Gileño and Mimbreño.)
Warm Springs Mimbreño (also Warmspring) were located on upper reaches of Gila River, New Mexico, having their center in the Ojo Caliente area. (See also Gileño and Mimbreño.)
Ndendahe were a division comprising the Bedonkohe (Mogollon) group and the Nedhni (Carrizaleño and Janero) group, incorrectly called, sometimes, Southern Chirichua.
Mogollon was considered by Schroeder to be a separate pre-reservation Chiricahua band, while Opler considered the Mogollon to be part of his Eastern Chiricahua band in New Mexico. This is not be confused with the precontact Mogollon culture.
Nedhni were the most southern group of the Central Apache, having their center in the Carrizal (Carrizaleño) and Janos (Janero) areas, in the Mexican state of Chihuahua.
Jicarilla primarily live in Northern New Mexico, Southern Colorado, and the Texas Panhandle. The term jicarilla comes from the Spanish word for "little gourd."
Carlana (also Carlanes, Sierra Blanca) is Raton Mesa in Southeastern Colorado. In 1726, they joined the Cuartelejo and Paloma, and by the 1730s, they lived with the Jicarilla. The Llanero band of the Jicarilla or the Dáchizh-ó-zhn Jicarilla (defined by James Mooney) might descendants of the Carlana, Cuartelejo, and Paloma. Parts of the group were called Lipiyanes or Llaneros. In 1812, the term Carlana was used to mean Jicarilla. The Flechas de Palo might have been a part of or absorbed by the Carlana (or Cuartelejo).
Lipan
Lipan (also Ypandis, Ypandes, Ipandes, Ipandi, Lipanes, Lipanos, Lipaines, Lapane, Lipanis, etc.) live in Western Texas today. They traveled from the Pecos River in Eastern New Mexico to the upper Colorado River, San Saba River and Llano River of central Texas across the Edwards Plateau southeast to the Gulf of Mexico. They were close allies of the Natagés. They were also called Plains Lipan (Golgahį́į́, Kó'l kukä'ⁿ, "Prairie Men"), not to be confused with Lipiyánes or Le Panis (French for the Pawnee). They were first mentioned in 1718 records as being near the newly established town of San Antonio, Texas.[13]
Pelones ("Bald Ones") lived far from San Antonio and far to the northeast of the Ypandes near the Red River of the South of North-Central Texas, although able to field 800 warriors, more than the Ypandes and Natagés together, they were described as less warlike because they had fewer horses than the Plains Lipan, their population were estimated between 1,600 and 2,400 persons, were the Forest Lipan division (Chishį́į́hį́į́, Tcici, Tcicihi – "People of the Forest", after 1760 the name Pelones was never used by the Spanish for any Texas Apache group, the Pelones had fled for the Comanche south and southwest, but never mixed up with the Plains Lipan division – retaining their distinct identity, so that Morris Opler was told by his Lipan informants in 1935 that their tribal name was "People of the Forest")
Faraones (also Apaches Faraone, Paraonez, Pharaones, Taraones, or Taracones) is derived from Spanish Faraón meaning "Pharaoh." Before 1700, the name was vague. Between 1720 and 1726, it referred to Apache between the Rio Grande, the Pecos River, the area around Santa Fe, and the Conchos River. After 1726, Faraones only referred to the groups of the north and central parts of this region. The Faraones like were part of the modern-day Mescalero or merged with them. After 1814, the term Faraones disappeared and was replaced by Mescalero.
Sierra Blanca Mescaleros were a northern Mescalero group from the Sierra Blanca Mountains, who roamed in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas.
Sacramento Mescaleros were a northern Mescalero group from the Sacramento and Organ Mountains, who roamed in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas.
Guadalupe Mescaleros. were a northern Mescalero group from the Guadalupe Mountains, who roamed in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas.
Limpia Mescaleros were a southern Mescalero group from the Limpia Mountains (later named as Davis Mountains) and roamed in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas.
Natagés (also Natagees, Apaches del Natafé, Natagêes, Yabipais Natagé, Natageses, Natajes) is a term used from 1726 to 1820 to refer to the Faraón, Sierra Blanca, and Siete Ríos Apaches of southeastern New Mexico. In 1745, the Natagé are reported to have consisted of the Mescalero (around El Paso and the Organ Mountains) and the Salinero (around Rio Salado), but these were probably the same group, were oft called by the Spanish and Apaches themselves true Apaches, had had a considerable influence on the decision making of some bands of the Western Lipan in the 18th century. After 1749, the term became synonymous with Mescalero, which eventually replaced it.
Plains Apache (Kiowa-Apache, Naisha, Naʼishandine) are headquartered in Southwest Oklahoma. Historically, they followed the Kiowa. Other names for them include Ná'įįsha, Ná'ęsha, Na'isha, Na'ishandine, Na-i-shan-dina, Na-ishi, Na-e-ca, Ną'ishą́, Nadeicha, Nardichia, Nadíisha-déna, Na'dí'į́shą́ʼ, Nądí'įįshąą, and Naisha.
Querechos referred to by Coronado in 1541, possibly Plains Apaches, at times maybe Navajo. Other early Spanish might have also called them Vaquereo or Llanero.
Western Apache
A Western Apache woman from the San Carlos group
Western Apache include Northern Tonto, Southern Tonto, Cibecue, White Mountain and San Carlos groups. While these subgroups spoke the same language and had kinship ties, Western Apaches considered themselves as separate from each other, according to Goodwin. Other writers have used this term to refer to all non-Navajo Apachean peoples living west of the Rio Grande (thus failing to distinguish the Chiricahua from the other Apacheans). Goodwin's formulation: "all those Apache peoples who have lived within the present boundaries of the state of Arizona during historic times with the exception of the Chiricahua, Warm Springs, and allied Apache, and a small band of Apaches known as the Apache Mansos, who lived in the vicinity of Tucson."[19]
Cibecue is a Western Apache group, according to Goodwin, from north of the Salt River between the Tonto and White Mountain Apache, consisting of Ceder Creek, Carrizo, and Cibecue (proper) bands.
San Carlos. A Western Apache group that ranged closest to Tucson according to Goodwin. This group consisted of the Apache Peaks, Arivaipa, Pinal, San Carlos (proper) bands.
Arivaipa (also Aravaipa) is a band of the San Carlos Apache. Schroeder believes the Arivaipa were a separate people in pre-reservation times. Arivaipa is a Hispanized word from the O'odham language. The Arivaipa are known as Tsézhiné ("Black Rock") in the Western Apache language.
Pinal (also Pinaleño). One of the bands of the San Carlos group of Western Apache, described by Goodwin. Also used along with Coyotero to refer more generally to one of two major Western Apache divisions. Some Pinaleño were referred to as the Gila Apache.
Tonto. Goodwin divided into Northern Tonto and Southern Tonto groups, living in the north and west areas of the Western Apache groups according to Goodwin. This is north of Phoenix, north of the Verde River. Schroeder has suggested that the Tonto are originally Yavapais who assimilated Western Apache culture. Tonto is one of the major dialects of the Western Apache language. Tonto Apache speakers are traditionally bilingual in Western Apache and Yavapai. Goodwin's Northern Tonto consisted of Bald Mountain, Fossil Creek, Mormon Lake, and Oak Creek bands; Southern Tonto consisted of the Mazatzal band and unidentified "semi-bands".
White Mountain are the easternmost group of the Western Apache, according to Goodwin, who included the Eastern White Mountain and Western White Mountain Apache.
Coyotero refers to a southern pre-reservation White Mountain group of the Western Apache, but has also been used more widely to refer to the Apache in general, Western Apache, or an Apache band in the high plains of Southern Colorado to Kansas.
Llanero is a Spanish-language borrowing meaning "plains dweller". The name referred to several different groups who hunted buffalo on the Great Plains. (See also Carlanas.)
Lipiyánes (also Lipiyán, Lipillanes). A coalition of splinter groups of Nadahéndé (Natagés), Guhlkahéndé, and Lipan of the 18th century under the leadership of Picax-Ande-Ins-Tinsle ("Strong Arm"), who fought the Comanche on the Plains. This term is not to be confused with Lipan.
History
Entry into the Southwest
Apache rawhide playing cards c. 1875–1885, collection of NMAI.
The Apache and Navajo tribal groups of the North American Southwest speak related languages of the Athabaskan language family.[20] Other Athabaskan-speaking people in North America continue to reside in Alaska, western Canada, and the Northwest Pacific Coast.[20] Anthropological evidence suggests that the Apache and Navajo peoples lived in these same northern locales before migrating to the Southwest sometime between AD 1200 and 1500.[20]
The Apaches' nomadic way of life complicates accurate dating, primarily because they constructed less substantial dwellings than other Southwestern groups.[21] Since the early 21st century, substantial progress has been made in dating and distinguishing their dwellings and other forms of material culture.[22] They left behind a more austere set of tools and material goods than other Southwestern cultures.[citation needed]
The Athabaskan-speaking group probably moved into areas that were concurrently occupied or recently abandoned by other cultures. Other Athabaskan speakers, perhaps including the Southern Athabaskan, adapted many of their neighbors' technology and practices in their own cultures. Thus sites where early Southern Athabaskans may have lived are difficult to locate and even more difficult to firmly identify as culturally Southern Athabaskan. Recent advances have been made in the regard in the far southern portion of the American Southwest.[citation needed]
There are several hypotheses about Apache migrations. One[who?] posits that they moved into the Southwest from the Great Plains. In the mid-16th century, these mobile groups lived in tents, hunted bison and other game, and used dogs to pull travois loaded with their possessions. Substantial numbers of the people and a wide range were recorded by the Spanish in the 16th century.[citation needed]
In April 1541, while traveling on the plains east of the Pueblo region, Francisco Coronado referred to the people as "dog nomads." He wrote:
After seventeen days of travel, I came upon a 'rancheria' of the Indians who follow these cattle (bison). These natives are called Querechos. They do not cultivate the land, but eat raw meat and drink the blood of the cattle they kill. They dress in the skins of the cattle, with which all the people in this land clothe themselves, and they have very well-constructed tents, made with tanned and greased cowhides, in which they live and which they take along as they follow the cattle. They have dogs which they load to carry their tents, poles, and belongings.[23]
The Spanish described Plains dogs as very white, with black spots, and "not much larger than water spaniels."[24] Plains dogs were slightly smaller than those used for hauling loads by modern Inuit and northern First Nations people in Canada. Recent experiments show these dogs may have pulled loads up to 50 lb (20 kg) on long trips, at rates as high as two or three miles per hour (3 to 5 km/h).[24] The Plains migration theory associates the Apache peoples with the Dismal River culture, an archaeological culture known primarily from ceramics and house remains, dated 1675–1725, which has been excavated in Nebraska, eastern Colorado, and western Kansas.[citation needed]
Although the first documentary sources mention the Apache, and historians have suggested some passages indicate a 16th-century entry from the north, archaeological data indicate they were present on the plains long before this first reported contact.[citation needed]
A competing theory[who?] posits their migration south, through the Rocky Mountains, ultimately reaching the American Southwest by the 14th century or perhaps earlier. An archaeological material culture assemblage identified in this mountainous zone as ancestral Apache has been referred to as the "Cerro Rojo complex".[25] This theory does not preclude arrival via a plains route as well, perhaps concurrently, but to date the earliest evidence has been found in the mountainous Southwest.[citation needed] The Plains Apache have a significant Southern Plains cultural influence.
When the Spanish arrived in the area, trade between the long established Pueblo peoples and the Southern Athabaskan was well established. They reported the Pueblo exchanged maize and woven cotton goods for bison meat, and hides and materials for stone tools. Coronado observed the Plains people wintering near the Pueblo in established camps. Later Spanish sovereignty over the area disrupted trade between the Pueblo and the diverging Apache and Navajo groups. The Apache quickly acquired horses, improving their mobility for quick raids on settlements. In addition, the Pueblo were forced to work Spanish mission lands and care for mission flocks; they had fewer surplus goods to trade with their neighbors.[26]
In 1540, Coronado reported that the modern Western Apache area was uninhabited, although some scholars have argued that he simply did not see the American Indians. Other Spanish explorers first mention "Querechos" living west of the Rio Grande in the 1580s. To some historians, this implies the Apaches moved into their current Southwestern homelands in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. Other historians note that Coronado reported that Pueblo women and children had often been evacuated by the time his party attacked their dwellings, and that he saw some dwellings had been recently abandoned as he moved up the Rio Grande. This might indicate the semi-nomadic Southern Athabaskan had advance warning about his hostile approach and evaded encounter with the Spanish. Archaeologists are finding ample evidence of an early proto-Apache presence in the Southwestern mountain zone in the 15th century and perhaps earlier. The Apache presence on both the Plains and in the mountainous Southwest indicate that the people took multiple early migration routes.[citation needed]
In general, the recently arrived Spanish colonists, who settled in villages, and Apache bands developed a pattern of interaction over a few centuries. Both raided and traded with each other. Records of the period seem to indicate that relationships depended on the specific villages and bands: a band might be friends with one village and raid another. When war occurred, the Spanish would send troops; after a battle both sides would "sign a treaty" and go home.
The traditional and sometimes treacherous relationships continued after the independence of Mexico in 1821. By 1835 Mexico had placed a bounty on Apache scalps (see scalping), but certain villages still traded with some bands. When Juan José Compà, the leader of the Copper Mines Mimbreño Apaches, was killed for bounty money in 1837, Mangas Coloradas (Red Sleeves) or Dasoda-hae (He just sits there) became the principal chief and war leader; also in 1837 Soldado Fiero (a.k.a. Fuerte), leader of the Warm Springs Mimbreño Apaches, was killed by Mexican soldiers near Janos, and his son Cuchillo Negro (Black Knife) became the principal chief and war leader. They (being now Mangas Coloradas the first chief and Cuchillo Negro the second chief of the whole Tchihende or Mimbreño people) conducted a series of retaliatory raids against the Mexicans. By 1856, authorities in horse-rich Durango would claim that Indian raids (mostly Comanche and Apache) in their state had taken nearly 6,000 lives, abducted 748 people, and forced the abandonment of 358 settlements over the previous 20 years.[27]
When the United States went to war against Mexico in 1846, many Apache bands promised U.S. soldiers safe passage through their lands. When the U.S. claimed former territories of Mexico in 1846, Mangas Coloradas signed a peace treaty with the nation, respecting them as conquerors of the Mexicans' land. An uneasy peace with U.S. citizens held until the 1850s. An influx of gold miners into the Santa Rita Mountains led to conflict with the Apache. This period is sometimes called the Apache Wars.
The United States' concept of a reservation had not been used by the Spanish, Mexicans or other Apache neighbors before. Reservations were often badly managed, and bands that had no kinship relationships were forced to live together. No fences existed to keep people in or out. It was common for a band to be allowed to leave for a short period of time. Other times a band would leave without permission, to raid, return to their homeland to forage, or to simply get away. The U.S. military usually had forts nearby to keep the bands on the reservations by finding and returning those who left. The reservation policies of the U.S. caused conflict and war with the various Apache bands who left the reservations for almost another quarter century.
War between the Apache peoples and Euro-Americans has led to a stereotypical focus on certain aspects of Apache cultures. These have often been distorted through misunderstanding of their cultures, as noted by anthropologistKeith Basso:
Of the hundreds of peoples that lived and flourished in native North America, few have been so consistently misrepresented as the Apacheans of Arizona and New Mexico. Glorified by novelists, sensationalized by historians, and distorted beyond credulity by commercial film makers, the popular image of 'the Apache'—a brutish, terrifying semi-human bent upon wanton death and destruction—is almost entirely a product of irresponsible caricature and exaggeration. Indeed, there can be little doubt that the Apache has been transformed from a native American into an American legend, the fanciful and fallacious creation of a non-Indian citizenry whose inability to recognize the massive treachery of ethnic and cultural stereotypes has been matched only by its willingness to sustain and inflate them.[28]
Forced removal
In 1875, United States military forced the removal of an estimated 1500 Yavapai and Dilzhe'e Apache (better known as Tonto Apache) from the Rio Verde Indian Reserve and its several thousand acres of treaty lands promised to them by the United States government. At the orders of Indian Commissioner L. E. Dudley, U.S. Army troops made the people, young and old, walk through winter-flooded rivers, mountain passes and narrow canyon trails to get to the Indian Agency at San Carlos, 180 miles (290 km) away. The trek killed several hundred people. The people were interned there for 25 years while white settlers took over their land. Only a few hundred ever returned to their lands. At the San Carlos reservation, the Buffalo soldiers of the 9th Cavalry Regiment—replacing the 8th Cavalry who were being stationed to Texas—guarded the Apaches from 1875 to 1881.[29]
Beginning in 1879, an Apache uprising against the reservation system led to Victorio's War between Chief Victorio's band of Apaches and the 9th Cavalry.
Defeat
Most United States' histories of this era report that the final defeat of an Apache band took place when 5,000 US troops forced Geronimo's group of 30 to 50 men, women and children to surrender on September 4, 1886, at Skeleton Canyon, Arizona.[30] The Army sent this band and the Chiricahua scouts who had tracked them to military confinement in Florida at Fort Pickens and, subsequently, Ft. Sill, Oklahoma.
Many books were written on the stories of hunting and trapping during the late 19th century. Many of these stories involve Apache raids and the failure of agreements with Americans and Mexicans. In the post-war era, the US government arranged for Apache children to be taken from their families for adoption by white Americans in assimilation programs.[31]
Pre-reservation culture
Social organization
Apache bride
All Apache peoples lived in extended family units (or family clusters); they usually lived close together, with each nuclear family in separate dwellings. An extended family generally consisted of a husband and wife, their unmarried children, their married daughters, their married daughters' husbands, and their married daughters' children. Thus, the extended family is connected through a lineage of women who live together (that is, matrilocal residence), into which men may enter upon marriage (leaving behind his parents' family).
When a daughter married, a new dwelling was built nearby for her and her husband. Among the Navajo, residence rights are ultimately derived from a head mother. Although the Western Apache usually practiced matrilocal residence, sometimes the eldest son chose to bring his wife to live with his parents after marriage. All tribes practiced sororate and levirate marriages.
Apache Indian girl carrying an olla (a water basket) on her head, c. 1900
Apache men practiced varying degrees of "avoidance" of his wife's close relatives, a practice often most strictly observed by distance between mother-in-law and son-in-law. The degree of avoidance differed by Apache group. The most elaborate system was among the Chiricahua, where men had to use indirect polite speech toward and were not allowed to be within visual sight of the wife's female relatives, whom he had to avoid. His female Chiricahua relatives through marriage also avoided him.
Several extended families worked together as a "local group", which carried out certain ceremonies, and economic and military activities. Political control was mostly present at the local group level. Local groups were headed by a chief, a male who had much influence due to his effectiveness and reputation. The position was not hereditary, and was often filled by members of different extended families. The chief's influence was as strong as he was evaluated to be—no group member was obliged to follow the chief. Western Apache criteria for a good chief included: industriousness, generosity, impartiality, forbearance, conscientiousness, and eloquence in language.
Many Apache peoples joined several local groups into "bands". Banding was strongest among the Chiricahua and Western Apache, and weak among the Lipan and Mescalero. The Navajo did not organize into bands, perhaps because of the requirements of the sheepherding economy. However, the Navajo did have "the outfit", a group of relatives that was larger than the extended family, but smaller than a local group community or a band.
On a larger level, Western Apache bands organized into what Grenville Goodwin called "groups". He reported five groups for the Western Apache: Northern Tonto, Southern Tonto, Cibecue, San Carlos, and White Mountain. The Jicarilla grouped their bands into "moieties", perhaps influenced by the northeastern Pueblo. The Western Apache and Navajo also had a system of matrilineal "clans" organized further into phratries (perhaps influenced by the western Pueblo).
The notion of "tribe" in Apache cultures is very weakly developed; essentially it was only a recognition "that one owed a modicum of hospitality to those of the same speech, dress, and customs."[32] The six Apache tribes had political independence from each other[33] and even fought against each other. For example, the Lipan once fought against the Mescalero.
Kinship systems
The Apache tribes have two distinctly different kinship term systems: a Chiricahua type and a Jicarilla type.[34] The Chiricahua-type system is used by the Chiricahua, Mescalero, and Western Apache. The Western Apache system differs slightly from the other two systems, and has some similarities to the Navajo system.
The Jicarilla type, which is similar to the Dakota–Iroquoiskinship systems, is used by the Jicarilla, Navajo, Lipan, and Plains Apache. The Navajo system is more divergent among the four, having similarities with the Chiricahua-type system. The Lipan and Plains Apache systems are very similar.
Chiricahua
Hide painting depicting Apache girl's puberty ceremony, by Naiche (Chiricahua Apache), c. 1900, Oklahoma History Center
The Chiricahua language has four words for grandparent: -chú[note 2] "maternal grandmother", -tsúyé "maternal grandfather", -chʼiné "paternal grandmother", -nálé "paternal grandfather". Additionally, a grandparent's siblings are identified by the same word; thus, one's maternal grandmother, one's maternal grandmother's sisters, and one's maternal grandmother's brothers are all called -chú. Furthermore, the grandchild terms are reciprocal, that is, one uses the same term to refer to their grandchild. For example, a person's maternal grandmother is called -chú and that grandmother also calls that granddaughter -chú (i.e. -chú can mean the child of either your own daughter or your sibling's daughter.)
Chiricahua cousins are not distinguished from siblings through kinship terms. Thus, the same word refers to either a sibling or a cousin (there are not separate terms for parallel-cousin and cross-cousin). The terms depend on the sex of the speaker (unlike the English terms brother and sister): -kʼis "same-sex sibling or same-sex cousin", -´-ląh "opposite-sex sibling or opposite-sex cousin". This means if one is a male, then one's brother is called -kʼis and one's sister is called -´-ląh. If one is a female, then one's brother is called -´-ląh and one's sister is called -kʼis. Chiricahuas in a -´-ląh relationship observed great restraint and respect toward that relative; cousins (but not siblings) in a -´-ląh relationship may practice total avoidance.
Two different words are used for each parent according to sex: -mááʼ "mother", -taa "father". Likewise, there are two words for a parent's child according to sex: -yáchʼeʼ "daughter", -gheʼ "son".
A parent's siblings are classified together regardless of sex: -ghúyé "maternal aunt or uncle (mother's brother or sister)", -deedééʼ "paternal aunt or uncle (father's brother or sister)". These two terms are reciprocal like the grandparent/grandchild terms. Thus, -ghúyé also refers to one's opposite-sex sibling's son or daughter (that is, a person will call their maternal aunt -ghúyé and that aunt will call them -ghúyé in return).
Jicarilla
Unlike the Chiricahua system, the Jicarilla have only two terms for grandparents according to sex: -chóó "grandmother", -tsóyéé "grandfather". They do not have separate terms for maternal or paternal grandparents. The terms are also used of a grandparent's siblings according to sex. Thus, -chóó refers to one's grandmother or one's grand-aunt (either maternal or paternal); -tsóyéé refers to one's grandfather or one's grand-uncle. These terms are not reciprocal. There is a single word for grandchild (regardless of sex): -tsóyí̱í̱.
There are two terms for each parent. These terms also refer to that parent's same-sex sibling: -ʼnííh "mother or maternal aunt (mother's sister)", -kaʼéé "father or paternal uncle (father's brother)". Additionally, there are two terms for a parent's opposite-sex sibling depending on sex: -daʼá̱á̱ "maternal uncle (mother's brother)", -béjéé "paternal aunt (father's sister).
Two terms are used for same-sex and opposite-sex siblings. These terms are also used for parallel-cousins: -kʼisé "same-sex sibling or same-sex parallel cousin (i.e. same-sex father's brother's child or mother's sister's child)", -´-láh "opposite-sex sibling or opposite parallel cousin (i.e. opposite-sex father's brother's child or mother's sister's child)". These two terms can also be used for cross-cousins. There are also three sibling terms based on the age relative to the speaker: -ndádéé "older sister", -´-naʼá̱á̱ "older brother", -shdá̱zha "younger sibling (i.e. younger sister or brother)". Additionally, there are separate words for cross-cousins: -zeedń "cross-cousin (either same-sex or opposite-sex of speaker)", -iłnaaʼaash "male cross-cousin" (only used by male speakers).
A parent's child is classified with their same-sex sibling's or same-sex cousin's child: -zhácheʼe "daughter, same-sex sibling's daughter, same-sex cousin's daughter", -gheʼ "son, same-sex sibling's son, same-sex cousin's son". There are different words for an opposite-sex sibling's child: -daʼá̱á̱ "opposite-sex sibling's daughter", -daʼ "opposite-sex sibling's son".
Apache lived in three types of houses. Teepees were common in the plains. Wickiups were common in the highlands; these were 8-foot-tall (2.4 m) framed of wood held together with yucca fibers and covered in brush. If a family member died, the wickiup would be burned. Apache of the desert of northern Mexico lived in hogans, an earthen structure for keeping cool.
Below is a description of Chiricahua wickiups recorded by anthropologist Morris Opler:
The home in which the family lives is made by the women and is ordinarily a circular, dome-shaped brush dwelling, with the floor at ground level. It is seven feet high at the center and approximately eight feet in diameter. To build it, long fresh poles of oak or willow are driven into the ground or placed in holes made with a digging stick. These poles, which form the framework, are arranged at one-foot intervals and are bound together at the top with yucca-leaf strands. Over them a thatching of bundles of big bluestem grass or bear grass is tied, shingle style, with yucca strings. A smoke hole opens above a central fireplace. A hide, suspended at the entrance, is fixed on a cross-beam so that it may be swung forward or backward. The doorway may face in any direction. For waterproofing, pieces of hide are thrown over the outer hatching, and in rainy weather, if a fire is not needed, even the smoke hole is covered. In warm, dry weather much of the outer roofing is stripped off. It takes approximately three days to erect a sturdy dwelling of this type. These houses are 'warm and comfortable, even though there is a big snow.' The interior is lined with brush and grass beds over which robes are spread ...
Chiricahua medicine man in wickiup with family
The woman not only makes the furnishings of the home but is responsible for the construction, maintenance, and repair of the dwelling itself and for the arrangement of everything in it. She provides the grass and brush beds and replaces them when they become too old and dry ... However, formerly 'they had no permanent homes, so they didn't bother with cleaning.' The dome-shaped dwelling or wickiup, the usual home type for all the Chiricahua bands, has already been described ... Said a Central Chiricahua informant.
Both the teepee and the oval-shaped house were used when I was a boy. The oval hut was covered with hide and was the best house. The more well-to-do had this kind. The tepee type was just made of brush. It had a place for a fire in the center. It was just thrown together. Both types were common even before my time ...
A house form that departs from the more common dome-shaped variety is recorded for the Southern Chiricahua as well:
... When we settled down, we used the wickiup; when we were moving around a great deal, we used this other kind ...[35]
Recent research has documented the archaeological remains of Chiricahua Apache wickiups as found on protohistoric and at historical sites, such as Canon de los Embudos where C. S. Fly photographed Geronimo, his people, and dwellings during surrender negotiations in 1886, demonstrating their unobtrusive and improvised nature."[36]
Food
Various Apache containers: baskets, bowls and jars. The women-made baskets could hold heavy loads and were made mainly from yucca or willow leaves or juniper bark.[37]
Apache people obtained food from four main sources:[38]
hunting wild animals,
gathering wild plants,
growing domesticated plants
trading with or raiding neighboring tribes for livestock and agricultural products.
Particular types of foods eaten by a group depending upon their respective environment.
Hunting
Hunting was done primarily by men, although there were sometimes exceptions depending on animal and culture (e.g. Lipan women could help in hunting rabbits and Chiricahua boys were also allowed to hunt rabbits).
Apache jug
Hunting often had elaborate preparations, such as fasting and religious rituals performed by medicine men before and after the hunt. In Lipan culture, since deer were protected by Mountain Spirits, great care was taken in Mountain Spirit rituals to ensure smooth hunting. Slaughter follows religious guidelines (many of which are recorded in religious stories) prescribing cutting, prayers, and bone disposal. Southern Athabascan hunters often distributed successfully slaughtered game. For example, among the Mescalero a hunter was expected to share as much as half of his kill with a fellow hunter and needy people at the camp. Feelings of individuals about this practice spoke of social obligation and spontaneous generosity.
The most common hunting weapon before the introduction of European guns was the bow and arrow. Various hunting techniques were used. Some involved wearing animal head masks as a disguise. Whistles were sometimes used to lure animals closer. Another technique was the relay method where hunters positioned at various points would chase the prey in turns in order to tire the animal. A similar method involved chasing the prey down a steep cliff.
Eating certain animals was taboo. Although different cultures had different taboos, common examples included bears, peccaries, turkeys, fish, snakes, insects, owls, and coyotes. An example of taboo differences: the black bear was a part of the Lipan diet (although less common as buffalo, deer, or antelope), but the Jicarilla never ate bear because it was considered an evil animal. Some taboos were a regional phenomenon, such as fish, which was taboo throughout the southwest (e.g. in certain Pueblo cultures like the Hopi and Zuni) and considered to resemble a snake (an evil animal) in physical appearance.[39][40]
Western Apache hunted deer and pronghorns mostly in the ideal late fall. After the meat was smoked into jerky around November, they migrated from the farm sites in the mountains along stream banks to winter camps in the Salt, Black, Gila river and even the Colorado River valleys.
The Chiricahua mostly hunted deer followed by pronghorn. Lesser game included cottontail rabbits (but not jack rabbits), opossums, squirrels, surplus horses, surplus mules, wapiti (elk), wild cattle and wood rats.
The Mescalero primarily hunted deer. Other game includes: bighorn sheep, buffalo (for those living closer to the plains), cottontail rabbits, elk, horses, mules, opossums, pronghorn, wild steers and wood rats. Beavers, minks, muskrats, and weasels were hunted for their hides but body parts but were not eaten.
The Jicarilla primarily hunted bighorn sheep, buffalo, deer, elk and pronghorn. Other game included beaver, bighorn sheep, chief hares, chipmunks, doves, ground hogs, grouse, peccaries, porcupines, prairie dogs, quail, rabbits, skunks, snow birds, squirrels, turkeys and wood rats. Burros and horses were only eaten in emergencies. Minks, weasels, wildcats and wolves were not eaten but hunted for their body parts.
The Lipan ate mostly buffalo with a three-week hunt during the fall and smaller hunts until the spring. The second most utilized animal was deer. Fresh deer blood was drunk for health. Other animals included beavers, bighorns, black bears, burros, ducks, elk, fish, horses, mountain lions, mourning doves, mules, prairie dogs, pronghorns, quail, rabbits, squirrels, turkeys, turtles and wood rats. Skunks were eaten only in emergencies.
Plains Apache hunters hunted primarily buffalo and deer. Other game were badgers, bears, beavers, fowls, geese, opossums, otters, rabbits and turtles.
Clothing
Influenced by the Plains Indians, Western Apaches wore animal hide decorated with seed beads for clothing. These beaded designs historically resembled that of the Great Basin Paiute and is characterized by linear patterning. Apache beaded clothing was bordered with narrow bands of glass seed beads in diagonal stripes of alternating colors.[41] They made buckskin shirts, ponchos, skirts and moccasins and decorated them with colorful beadwork.
Undomesticated plants and other food sources
Apache girl with basket, 1902
The gathering of plants and other food was primarily done by women. The men's job was usually to hunt animals such as deer, buffalo, and small game. However, men helped in certain gathering activities, such as of heavy agave crowns. Numerous plants were used as both food and medicine and in religious ceremonies. Other plants were used for only their religious or medicinal value.
In May, the Western Apache baked and dried agave crowns pounded into pulp and formed into rectangular cakes. At the end of June and beginning of July, saguaro, prickly pear, and cholla fruits were gathered. In July and August, mesquite beans, Spanish bayonet fruit, and Emory oakacorns were gathered. In late September, gathering was stopped as attention moved to harvesting cultivated crops. In late fall, juniper berries and pinyonnuts were gathered.
The most important plant food for the Chiricahua was the Century plant (also known as mescal or agave). The crowns (the tuberous base portion) were baked in large underground ovens and sun-dried. The shoots were also eaten. Other plants used by the Chiricahua include: agarita (or algerita) berries, alligator juniper berries, anglepod seeds, banana yucca (or datil, broadleaf yucca) fruit, chili peppers, chokecherries, cota (used for tea), currants, dropseed grass seeds, Gambel oak acorns, Gambel oak bark (used for tea), grass seeds (of various varieties), greens (of various varieties), hawthorne fruit, Lamb's-quarters leaves, lip ferns (used for tea), live oak acorns, locust blossoms, locust pods, maize kernels (used for tiswin), and mesquite beans.
The abundant agave (mescal) was also important to the Mescalero,[note 3] who gathered the crowns in late spring after reddish flower stalks appeared. The smaller sotol crowns were also important. The crowns of both plants were baked and dried. Other plants include: acorns, agarita berries, amole stalks (roasted and peeled), aspen inner bark (used as a sweetener), bear grass stalks (roasted and peeled), box elder inner bark (used as a sweetener), banana yucca fruit, banana yucca flowers, box elder sap (used as a sweetener), cactus fruits (of various varieties), cattail rootstocks, chokecherries, currants, dropseed grass seeds (used for flatbread), elderberries, gooseberries (Ribes leptanthum and R. pinetorum), grapes, hackberries, hawthorne fruit, and hops (used as condiment).
They also used horsemint (as a condiment), juniper berries, Lamb's-quarters leaves, locust flowers, locust pods, mesquite pods, mint (as a condiment), mulberries, pennyroyal (as a condiment), pigweed seeds (for flatbread), pine inner bark (as a sweetener), pinyon pine nuts, prickly pear fruit (dethorned and roasted), purslane leaves, raspberries, sage (as a condiment), screwbeans, sedge tubers, shepherd's purse leaves, strawberries, sunflower seeds, tumbleweed seeds (for flatbread), vetch pods, walnuts, western white pine nuts, western yellow pine nuts, white evening primrose fruit, wild celery (as a condiment), wild onion (as a condiment), wild pea pods, wild potatoes, and wood sorrel leaves.
The Jicarilla used acorns, chokecherries, juniper berries, mesquite beans, pinyon nuts, prickly pear fruit, yucca fruit, and many other kinds of fruits, acorns, greens, nuts, and seed grasses.
The Lipan heavily used agave (mescal) and sotol. Other plants include agarita, blackberries, cattails, devil's claw, elderberries, gooseberries, hackberries, hawthorn, juniper, Lamb's-quarters, locust, mesquite, mulberries, oak, palmetto, pecan, pinyon, prickly pears, raspberries, screwbeans, seed grasses, strawberries, sumac, sunflowers, Texas persimmons, walnuts, western yellow pine, wild cherries, wild grapes, wild onions, wild plums, wild potatoes, wild roses, yucca flowers, and yucca fruit. Other gathered food includes salt obtained from caves and honey.
The Plains Apache gathered chokecherries, blackberries, grapes, prairie turnips, wild onions, and wild plums, and many other fruits, vegetables, and tuberous roots.
Ethnobotany
A list of 198 ethnobotany plant uses for the Chiricahua can be found at http://naeb.brit.org/uses/tribes/11/, which also includes the Mescalero.
The Navajo practiced the most crop cultivation, the Western Apache, Jicarilla, and Lipan less. The one Chiricahua band (of Opler's) and the Mescalero practiced very little cultivation. The other two Chiricahua bands and the Plains Apache did not grow any crops.
Trade, raids, and war
Interchanges between the Apache and European-descended explorers and settlers included trading. The Apache found they could use European and American goods.
Apaches distinguished raiding from war. Raiding was done in small parties with a specific economic purpose. War was waged in large parties (often clan members), usually to achieve retribution. Raiding was traditional for the Apache, but Mexican settlers objected to their stock being stolen. As tensions grew between the Apache and settlers, the Mexican government passed laws offering cash rewards for Apache scalps.[43]
Religion
Apache religious stories relate to two culture heroes (one of the Sun/fire:"Killer-Of-Enemies/Monster Slayer", and one of Water/Moon/thunder: "Child-Of-The-Water/Born For Water") who destroy several creatures harmful to humankind.[44]
Another story is of a hidden ball game, where good and evil animals decide whether or not the world should be forever dark. Coyote, the trickster, is an important being that often has inappropriate behavior (such as marrying his own daughter, etc.) in which he overturns social convention. The Navajo, Western Apache, Jicarilla, and Lipan have an emergence or Creation Story, while this is lacking in the Chiricahua and Mescalero.[44]
Most Southern Athabascan gods are personified natural forces that run through the universe. They may be used for human purposes through ritual ceremonies. The following is a formulation by the anthropologistKeith Basso of the Western Apache's concept of diyí':
The term diyí' refers to one or all of a set of abstract and invisible forces which are said to derive from certain classes of animals, plants, minerals, meteorological phenomena, and mythological figures within the Western Apache universe. Any of the various powers may be acquired by man and, if properly handled, used for a variety of purposes.[45]
Medicine men learn the ceremonies, which can also be acquired by direct revelation to the individual. Different Apache cultures had different views of ceremonial practice. Most Chiricahua and Mescalero ceremonies were learned through the transmission of personal religious visions, while the Jicarilla and Western Apache used standardized rituals as the more central ceremonial practice. Important standardized ceremonies include the puberty ceremony (Sunrise Dance) of young women, Navajo chants, Jicarilla "long-life" ceremonies, and Plains Apache "sacred-bundle" ceremonies.
Certain animals—owls, snakes, bears, and coyotes—are considered spiritually evil and prone to cause sickness to humans.
Many Apache ceremonies use masked representations of religious spirits. Sandpainting is an important ceremony in the Navajo, Western Apache, and Jicarilla traditions, in which healers create temporary, sacred art from colored sands. Anthropologists believe the use of masks and sandpainting are examples of cultural diffusion from neighboring Pueblo cultures.[46]
The Apaches participate in many religious dances, including the rain dance, dances for the crop and harvest, and a spirit dance. These dances were mostly for influencing the weather and enriching their food resources.
The Southern Athabascan branch was defined by Harry Hoijer primarily according to its merger of stem-initial consonants of the Proto-Athabascan series *k̯ and *c into *c (in addition to the widespread merger of *č and *čʷ into *č also found in many Northern Athabascan languages).
Proto- Athabascan
Navajo
Western Apache
Chiricahua
Mescalero
Jicarilla
Lipan
Plains Apache
*k̯uʔs
"handle fabric-like object"
-tsooz
-tsooz
-tsuuz
-tsuudz
-tsoos
-tsoos
-tsoos
*ce·
"stone"
tsé
tséé
tsé
tsé
tsé
tsí
tséé
Hoijer (1938) divided the Apache sub-family into an eastern branch consisting of Jicarilla, Lipan, and Plains Apache and a Western branch consisting of Navajo, Western Apache (San Carlos), Chiricahua, and Mescalero based on the merger of Proto-Apachean *t and *k to k in the Eastern branch. Thus, as can be seen in the example below, when the Western languages have noun or verb stems that start with t, the related forms in the Eastern languages will start with a k:
Western
Eastern
Navajo
Western Apache
Chiricahua
Mescalero
Jicarilla
Lipan
Plains Apache
"water"
tó
tū
tú
tú
kó
kó
kóó
"fire"
kǫʼ
kǫʼ
kųų
kų
ko̱ʼ
kǫǫʼ
kǫʼ
He later revised his proposal in 1971 when he found that Plains Apache did not participate in the *k̯/*c merger to consider Plains Apache as a language equidistant from the other languages, now called Southwestern Apachean. Thus, some stems that originally started with *k̯ in Proto-Athabascan start with ch in Plains Apache while the other languages start with ts.
Proto- Athabascan
Navajo
Chiricahua
Mescalero
Jicarilla
Plains Apache
*k̯aʔx̣ʷ
"big"
-tsaa
-tsaa
-tsaa
-tsaa
-cha
Morris Opler (1975) has noted cultural similarities of Jicarilla and Lipan with Eastern Apache language speakers and differences from Western Apache speakers, supporting Hojier's initial classification. Other linguists, particularly Michael Krauss (1973), have noted that a classification based only on the initial consonants of noun and verb stems is arbitrary and when other sound correspondences are considered the relationships between the languages appear more complex.
Apache languages are tonal. Regarding tonal development, all Apache languages are low-marked, which means that stems with a "constricted" syllable rime in the proto-language developed low tone while all other rimes developed high tone. Other Northern Athabascan languages are high-marked: their tonal development is the reverse. In the example below, if low-marked Navajo and Chiricahua have a low tone, then the high-marked Northern Athabascan languages, Slavey and Chilcotin, have a high tone, and if Navajo and Chiricahua have a high tone, then Slavey and Chilcotin have a low tone.
Low-Marked
High-Marked
Proto- Athabascan
Navajo
Chiricahua
Slavey
Chilcotin
*taʔ
"father"
-taaʼ
-taa
-táʼ
-tá
*tu·
"water"
tó
tú
tù
tù
Notable historic Apache
Contemporary Apache people are listed under their specific tribes.
^"The American Community Survey". Retrieved 5 May 2023.
^"Aboriginal Population Profile, 2016 Census". Statistics Canada. 21 June 2018. Retrieved 31 December 2021.
^ ab"Apache". Ethnologue. SIL International. Retrieved 25 November 2015.
^"Apache". Museum of Northern Arizona. Retrieved 29 October 2023.
^ abcd"Tribal Governments by Area: Southern Plains." March 28, 2012, at the Wayback MachineNational Congress of American Indians. Retrieved 7 March 2012.
^"Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation". Inter Tribal Council of Arizona. Retrieved January 10, 2024.
^ abc"Tribal Governments by Area: Southwest." March 28, 2012, at the Wayback MachineNational Congress of American Indians. Retrieved 7 March 2012.
^ abcd"Tribal Governments by Area: Western." 2012-02-28 at the Wayback MachineNational Congress of American Indians. Retrieved 7 March 2012.
^"Apache, Lipan." Ethnologue. Retrieved 7 March 2012.
^ abBruce, Barbara (November 19, 2021). "13th Annual Apache Alliance held in San Carlos". White Mountain Independent. Retrieved 10 January 2024.
^Stanley Newman. (1958). Zuni dictionary. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Stanley Newman. (1965). Zuni grammar. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. (Newman, pp. 32, 63, 65; de Reuse, p. 385)
^"Johnson County Schools". Archived from the original on 2012-09-04.
^ abcRoberts, Susan A.; Roberts, Calvin A. (1998). A History of New Mexico. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press. pp. 48–49. ISBN0-8263-1792-8.
^"Stephanie Woodward, "Native Americans Expose the Adoption Era and Repair Its Devastation", Indian Country Today Media Network, Retrieved 3 March 2013.
^Bond, J. E.; Opell, B. D. (2002). "Phylogeny and taxonomy of the genera of south-western North American Euctenizinae trapdoor spiders and their relatives (Araneae: Mygalomorphae: Cyrtaucheniidae)". Zoological Journal of the Linnean Society. 136 (3): 487–534. doi:10.1046/j.1096-3642.2002.00035.x.
Explanatory notes
^Other Zuni words identifying specific Apache groups are wilacʔu·kʷe "White Mountain Apache" and čišše·kʷe "San Carlos Apache".
^All kinship terms in Apache languages are inherently possessed, which means they must be preceded by a possessive prefix. This is signified by the preceding hyphen.
^The name Mescalero is, in fact, derived from the word mescal, a reference to their use of this plant as food.
General bibliography
Soledad, Nell David S (2009). "Eastern Apache Wizardcraft", Mythical papers of the University of Cebu (No.14). Philippines: University Of Cebu Press,
Basso, Keith H. (1969). "Western Apache witchcraft", Anthropological papers of the University of Arizona (No. 15). Tucson: University of Arizona Press,
Brugge, David M. (1968). Navajos in the Catholic Church Records of New Mexico 1694–1875. Window Rock, Arizona: Research Section, The Navajo Tribe.
Brugge, David M. (1983). "Navajo prehistory and history to 1850", in A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 489–501). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Cordell, Linda S. Ancient Pueblo Peoples. St. Remy Press and Smithsonian Institution, 1994. ISBN0-89599-038-5.
Foster, Morris W; & McCollough, Martha. (2001). "Plains Apache", in R. J. DeMallie (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Plains (Vol. 13, pp. 926–939). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Gatewood, Charles B. (Edited by Louis Kraft). Lt. Charles Gatewood & His Apache Wars Memoir. University of Nebraska Press 2005. ISBN978-0-8032-2772-9.
Goodwin, Greenville (1969) [1941]. The Social Organization of the Western Apache. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press. LCCN 76-75453.
Gunnerson, James H. (1979). "Southern Athapaskan archeology", in A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 9, pp. 162–169). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Hammond, George P., & Rey, Agapito (Eds.). (1940). Narratives of the Coronado Expedition 1540–1542. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Henderson, Richard. (1994). "Replicating dog 'travois' travel on the northern plains", Plains Anthropologist, 39, 145–59.
Hodge, F. W. (Ed.). (1907). Handbook of American Indians. Washington.
Hoijer, Harry. (1938). "The southern Athapaskan languages", American Anthropologist, 40 (1), 75–87.
Hoijer, Harry. (1971). "The position of the Apachean languages in the Athapaskan stock", in K. H. Basso & M. E. Opler (Eds.), Apachean culture history and ethnology (pp. 3–6). Anthropological papers of the University of Arizona (No. 21). Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Huld, Martin E. (1983). "Athapaskan bears", International Journal of American Linguistics, 49 (2), 186–195.
Krauss, Michael E. (1973). "Na-Dene", in T. A. Sebeok (Ed.), Linguistics in North America (pp. 903–978). Current trends in linguistics (Vol. 10). The Hague: Mouton. (Reprinted 1976).
Landar, Herbert J. (1960). "The loss of Athapaskan words for fish in the Southwest", International Journal of American Linguistics, 26 (1), 75–77.
Miles, General Nelson Appleton. (1897). Personal Recollections and Observations of General Nelson A. Miles embracing a brief view of the Civil War, or, From New England to the Golden Gate : and the story of his Indian campaigns, with comments on the exploration, development and progress of our great western empire. Chicago: The Werner Company.
Opler, Morris E. (1936a). "A summary of Jicarilla Apache culture", American Anthropologist, 38 (2), 202–223.
Opler, Morris E. (1936b). "The kinship systems of the Southern Athapaskan-speaking tribes", American Anthropologist, 38 (4), 620–633.
Opler, Morris E. (1941). An Apache life-way: The economic, social, and religious institutions of the Chiricahua Indians. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Opler, Morris E. (1975). "Problems in Apachean cultural history, with special reference to the Lipan Apache", Anthropological Quarterly, 48 (3), 182–192.
Opler, Morris E. (1983a). "The Apachean culture pattern and its origins", in A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 368–392). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Opler, Morris E. (1983b). "Chiricahua Apache", in A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 401–418). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Opler, Morris E. (1983c). "Mescalero Apache", in A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 419–439). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Opler, Morris E. (2001). "Lipan Apache", in R. J. DeMallie (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Plains (Vol. 13, pp. 941–952). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Reuse, Willem J., de. (1983). "The Apachean culture pattern and its origins: Synonymy", in A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 385–392). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Schroeder, Albert H. (1963). "Navajo and Apache relationships west of the Rio Grande", El Palacio, 70 (3), 5–23.
Schroeder, Albert H. (1974a). "A study of the Apache Indian: Parts 1–3", in American Indian ethnology: Indians of the Southwest. New York: Garland.
Schroeder, Albert H. (1974b). "A study of the Apache Indian: Parts 4–5", American Indian ethnology: Indians of the Southwest. New York: Garland.
Schroeder, Albert H. (1974c). "The Jicarilla Apache", American Indian ethnology: Indians of the Southwest. New York: Garland.
Seymour, Deni J. (2004) "A Ranchería in the Gran Apachería: Evidence of Intercultural Interaction at the Cerro Rojo Site", Plains Anthropologist 49(190):153–192.
Seymour, Deni J. (2009a) "Nineteenth-Century Apache Wickiups: Historically Documented Models for Archaeological Signatures of the Dwellings of Mobile People", Antiquity 83(319):157–164.
Seymour, Deni J.(2009b) "Evaluating Eyewitness Accounts of Native Peoples along the Coronado Trail from the International Border to Cibola", New Mexico Historical Review 84(3):399–435.
Seymour, Deni J. (2010a) "Contextual Incongruities, Statistical Outliers, and Anomalies: Targeting Inconspicuous Occupational Events", American Antiquity 75(1):158–176.
Seymour, Deni J. (2010b) "Cycles of Renewal, Transportable Assets: Aspects of Ancestral Apache Housing", Plains Anthropologist (Spring or Summer issue)
Sweeney, Edwin R. (1998). Mangas Coloradas: Chief of the Chiricahua Apaches. University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN0-8061-3063-6
Terrell, John Upton. (1972). Apache chronicle. World Publishing. ISBN0-529-04520-6.
Tiller, Veronica E. (1983). "Jicarilla Apache", in A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 440–461). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Witherspoon, Gary. (1983). "Navajo social organization", in A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 524–535). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Worcester, Donald E. (1992). The Apaches: Eagles of the Southwest, University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN0-8061-1495-9.
Further reading
Conrad, Paul (2021). The Apache Diaspora: Four Centuries of Displacement and Survival. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN978-0-8122-9954-0.
Park, J. F. (1961). The Apaches in Mexican-American Relations, 1848-1861: A Footnote to the Gadsden Treaty. Arizona and the West, 3(2), 129-146.
External links
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Myths and Tales from the San Carlos Apache
Tribal websites
, archive of official website
Fort Sill Apache Tribe, official website
Jicarilla Apache Nation, official website
Mescalero Apache Tribe, official website
San Carlos Apache Tribe, official website
White Mountain Apache Tribe, official website
, official website
Other external links
Apache, Museum of Northern Arizona
Apache Indians, Texas State Historical Association
Apache Tribe of Oklahoma, Oklahoma Historical Society
Apache, Fort Sill, Oklahoma Historical Society
Apache, Lipan, Oklahoma Historical Society
Tonto Apache Tribe, Inter Tribal Council of Arizona
February 15, 2024
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This article is about the Native American peoples For the attack helicopter see Boeing AH 64 Apache For the web server software see Apache HTTP Server For the software foundation see The Apache Software Foundation For other uses see Apache disambiguation This article needs additional citations for verification Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources Unsourced material may be challenged and removed Find sources Apache news newspapers books scholar JSTOR January 2014 Learn how and when to remove this template message The Apache e ˈ p ae tʃ i e PATCH ee are several Southern Athabaskan language speaking peoples of the Southwest and the Southern Plains They are linguistically related to the Navajo They migrated from the Athabascan homelands in the north into the Southwest between 1000 and 1500 CE 4 ApacheTotal population194 715 self identified 1 Regions with significant populationsSouthwest United States Arizona New Mexico Colorado Texas Oklahoma and Northeast Mexico Coahuila and Tamaulipas citation needed Canada 825 Residents of Canada identified as having Apache Ancestry in the 2016 Canadian Census 2 LanguagesApache Jicarilla Plains Apache Lipan Apache Mescalero Chiricahua Western Apache 3 English and SpanishReligionNative American Church Christianity Indigenous religionRelated ethnic groupsNavajo and other Athabascan language speaking tribesApache bands include the Chiricahua Jicarilla Lipan Mescalero Mimbreno Salinero Plains and Western Apache Aravaipa Pinaleno Coyotero and Tonto Today Apache tribes and reservations are headquartered in Arizona New Mexico Texas and Oklahoma Each tribe is politically autonomous Historically the Apache homelands have consisted of high mountains sheltered and watered valleys deep canyons deserts and the southern Great Plains including areas in what is now Eastern Arizona Northern Mexico Sonora and Chihuahua and New Mexico West Texas and Southern Colorado These areas are collectively known as Apacheria The Apache tribes fought the invading Spanish and Mexican peoples for centuries The first Apache raids on Sonora appear to have taken place during the late 17th century In 19th century confrontations during the American Indian Wars the U S Army found the Apache to be fierce warriors and skillful strategists Contents 1 Contemporary tribes 2 Name 2 1 Difficulties in naming 3 Tribes amp Sub groups 3 1 Chiricahua Mimbreno Ndendahe 3 2 Jicarilla 3 3 Lipan 3 4 Mescalero 3 4 1 Ethnobotany 3 5 Plains Apache 3 6 Western Apache 3 6 1 Ethnobotany 3 7 Other terms 4 History 4 1 Entry into the Southwest 4 2 Conflict with Mexico and the United States 4 3 Forced removal 4 4 Defeat 5 Pre reservation culture 5 1 Social organization 5 1 1 Kinship systems 5 1 1 1 Chiricahua 5 1 1 2 Jicarilla 5 2 Housing 5 3 Food 5 3 1 Hunting 5 4 Clothing 5 5 Undomesticated plants and other food sources 5 5 1 Ethnobotany 5 6 Crop cultivation 5 7 Trade raids and war 5 8 Religion 6 Languages 7 Notable historic Apache 8 See also 9 Citations 10 Explanatory notes 11 General bibliography 12 Further reading 13 External links 13 1 Tribal websites 13 2 Other external linksContemporary tribes nbsp Southern Athabascan speaking tribes c 18th century WA Western ApacheN NavajoCh ChiricahuaM MescaleroJ JicarillaL LipanPl Plains Apache nbsp Present day primary locations of Apache and Navajo tribes scale and colors in map above Federally recognized Apache tribes are Apache Tribe of Oklahoma 5 Fort Sill Apache Tribe of Oklahoma 5 Oklahoma Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation Arizona 6 Jicarilla Apache Nation 7 New Mexico Mescalero Apache Tribe of the Mescalero Reservation 7 New Mexico San Carlos Apache Tribe of the San Carlos Reservation 8 Arizona Tonto Apache Tribe of Arizona 8 White Mountain Apache Tribe of the Fort Apache Reservation Arizona 8 Yavapai Apache Nation of the Camp Verde Indian Reservation Arizona 8 The Jicarilla are headquartered in Dulce New Mexico 7 while the Mescalero are headquartered in Mescalero New Mexico The Western Apache located in Arizona is divided into several reservations which crosscut cultural divisions The Western Apache reservations include the Fort Apache Indian Reservation San Carlos Apache Indian Reservation Camp Verde Indian Reservation and Tonto Apache Reservation The Chiricahua were divided into two groups after they were released from being prisoners of war The majority moved to the Mescalero Reservation and formed with the larger Mescalero political group the Mescalero Apache Tribe of the Mescalero Reservation along with the Lipan Apache 9 The other Chiricahua are enrolled in the Fort Sill Apache Tribe of Oklahoma headquartered in Apache Oklahoma 5 The Plains Apache are located in Oklahoma headquartered around Anadarko and are federally recognized as the Apache Tribe of Oklahoma 5 The nine Apache tribes formed a nonprofit organization the Apache Alliance Tribal leaders convene at the Apache Alliance Summits meetings hosted by a different Apache tribe each time 10 The member tribes are the Apache Tribe of Oklahoma Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation Fort Sill Apache Tribe Jicarilla Apache Tribe Mescalero Apache Tribe San Carlos Apache Tribe Tonto Apache Tribe White Mountain Apache Tribe and Yavapai Apache Nation 10 NameApaches first encountered European and African people when they met conquistadors from the Spanish Empire and thus the term Apache has its roots in the Spanish language The Spanish first used the term Apachu de Nabajo Navajo in the 1620s referring to people in the Chama region east of the San Juan River By the 1640s they applied the term to Southern Athabaskan peoples from the Chama on the east to the San Juan on the west The ultimate origin is uncertain and lost to Spanish history citation needed The first known written record in Spanish is by Juan de Onate in 1598 The most widely accepted origin theory suggests Apache was borrowed and transliterated from the Zuni word ʔa pacu meaning Navajos the plural of pacu Navajo note 1 11 J P Harrington reports that cisse kʷe can also be used to refer to the Apache in general Another theory suggests the term comes from Yavapai ʔpace meaning enemy 12 The Zuni and Yavapai sources are less certain because Onate used the term before he had encountered any Zuni or Yavapai 13 A less likely origin may be from Spanish mapache meaning raccoon 13 Modern Apache people use the Spanish term to refer to themselves and tribal functions and so does the US government However Apache language speakers also refer to themselves and their people in the Apache term Inde meaning person or people A related Southern Athabascan speaking tribe the Navajo refer to themselves as the Dine 14 The fame of the tribes tenacity and fighting skills probably bolstered by dime novels was widely known among Europeans In early 20th century Parisian society the word Apache was adopted into French essentially meaning an outlaw 15 The term Apachean includes the related Navajo people Difficulties in naming nbsp Kathy Kitcheyan chairwoman of the San Carlos ApacheThis section needs additional citations for verification Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section Unsourced material may be challenged and removed October 2013 Learn how and when to remove this template message Many of the historical names of Apache groups that were recorded by non Apache are difficult to match to modern day tribes or their subgroups Over the centuries many Spanish French and English speaking authors did not differentiate between Apache and other semi nomadic non Apache peoples who might pass through the same area Most commonly Europeans learned to identify the tribes by translating their exonym what another group whom the Europeans encountered first called the Apache peoples Europeans often did not learn what the peoples called themselves their autonyms nbsp Essa queta Plains Apache chiefWhile anthropologists agree on some traditional major subgrouping of Apaches they have often used different criteria to name finer divisions and these do not always match modern Apache groupings Some scholars do not consider groups residing in what is now Mexico to be Apache In addition an Apache individual has different ways of identification with a group such as a band or clan as well as the larger tribe or language grouping which can add to the difficulties in an outsider comprehending the distinctions In 1900 the US government classified the members of the Apache tribe in the United States as Pinal Coyotero Jicarilla Mescalero San Carlos Tonto and White Mountain Apache The different groups were located in Arizona New Mexico and Oklahoma In the 1930s the anthropologist Greenville Goodwin classified the Western Apache into five groups based on his informants views of dialect and cultural differences White Mountain Cibecue San Carlos North Tonto and South Tonto Since then other anthropologists e g Albert Schroeder consider Goodwin s classification inconsistent with pre reservation cultural divisions Willem de Reuse finds linguistic evidence supporting only three major groupings White Mountain San Carlos and Dilzhe e Tonto He believes San Carlos is the most divergent dialect and that Dilzhe e is a remnant intermediate member of a dialect continuum that previously spanned from the Western Apache language to the Navajo John Upton Terrell classifies the Apache into western and eastern groups In the western group he includes Toboso Cholome Jocome Sibolo or Cibola Pelone Manso and Kiva or Kofa He includes Chicame the earlier term for Hispanized Chicano or New Mexicans of Spanish Hispanic and Apache descent among them as having definite Apache connections or names which the Spanish associated with the Apache In a detailed study of New Mexico Catholic Church records David M Brugge identifies 15 tribal names which the Spanish used to refer to the Apache These were drawn from records of about 1 000 baptisms from 1704 to 1862 16 Tribes amp Sub groupsThe list below is based on Foster and McCollough 2001 Opler 1983b 1983c 2001 and de Reuse 1983 The term Apache refers to six major Apache speaking groups Chiricahua Jicarilla Lipan Mescalero Plains Apache and Western Apache Historically the term was also used for Comanches Mojaves Hualapais and Yavapais none of whom speak Apache languages Chiricahua Mimbreno Ndendahe Chiricahua historically lived in Southeastern Arizona Chishi also Tchishi is a Navajo word meaning Chiricahua southern Apaches in general 17 Ch uukʾanen true Chiricahua Tsokanende also C ok anen C o k anen Chokonni Cho kon nen Cho Kŭnĕ Chokonen is the Eastern Chiricahua band identified by Morris Opler The name is an autonym from the Chiricahua language Gileno also Apaches de Gila Apaches de Xila Apaches de la Sierra de Gila Xilenos Gilenas Gilans Gilanians Gila Apache Gillenos referred to several different Apache and non Apache groups at different times Gila refers to either the Gila River or the Gila Mountains Some of the Gila Apaches were probably later known as the Mogollon Apaches a Central Apache sub band while others probably coalesced into the Chiricahua proper But since the term was used indiscriminately for all Apachean groups west of the Rio Grande i e in southeast Arizona and western New Mexico the reference in historical documents is often unclear After 1722 Spanish documents start to distinguish between these different groups in which case Apaches de Gila refers to the Western Apache living along the Gila River synonymous with Coyotero American writers first used the term to refer to the Mimbres another Central Apache subdivision Mimbreno are the Tchihende not a Chiricahua band but a central Apache division sharing the same language with the Chiricahua and the Mescalero divisions the name being referred to a central Apache division improperly considered as a section of Opler s Eastern Chiricahua band and to Albert Schroeder s Mimbres or Warm Springs and Copper Mines Chiricahua bands 18 in southwestern New Mexico Copper Mines Mimbreno also Coppermine were located on upper reaches of Gila River New Mexico having their center in the Pinos Altos area See also Gileno and Mimbreno Warm Springs Mimbreno also Warmspring were located on upper reaches of Gila River New Mexico having their center in the Ojo Caliente area See also Gileno and Mimbreno Ndendahe were a division comprising the Bedonkohe Mogollon group and the Nedhni Carrizaleno and Janero group incorrectly called sometimes Southern Chirichua Mogollon was considered by Schroeder to be a separate pre reservation Chiricahua band while Opler considered the Mogollon to be part of his Eastern Chiricahua band in New Mexico This is not be confused with the precontact Mogollon culture Nedhni were the most southern group of the Central Apache having their center in the Carrizal Carrizaleno and Janos Janero areas in the Mexican state of Chihuahua Jicarilla nbsp Young Jicarilla Apache boy New Mexico 2009Jicarilla primarily live in Northern New Mexico Southern Colorado and the Texas Panhandle The term jicarilla comes from the Spanish word for little gourd Carlana also Carlanes Sierra Blanca is Raton Mesa in Southeastern Colorado In 1726 they joined the Cuartelejo and Paloma and by the 1730s they lived with the Jicarilla The Llanero band of the Jicarilla or the Dachizh o zhn Jicarilla defined by James Mooney might descendants of the Carlana Cuartelejo and Paloma Parts of the group were called Lipiyanes or Llaneros In 1812 the term Carlana was used to mean Jicarilla The Flechas de Palo might have been a part of or absorbed by the Carlana or Cuartelejo Lipan Lipan also Ypandis Ypandes Ipandes Ipandi Lipanes Lipanos Lipaines Lapane Lipanis etc live in Western Texas today They traveled from the Pecos River in Eastern New Mexico to the upper Colorado River San Saba River and Llano River of central Texas across the Edwards Plateau southeast to the Gulf of Mexico They were close allies of the Natages They were also called Plains Lipan Golgahį į Ko l kuka ⁿ Prairie Men not to be confused with Lipiyanes or Le Panis French for the Pawnee They were first mentioned in 1718 records as being near the newly established town of San Antonio Texas 13 Pelones Bald Ones lived far from San Antonio and far to the northeast of the Ypandes near the Red River of the South of North Central Texas although able to field 800 warriors more than the Ypandes and Natages together they were described as less warlike because they had fewer horses than the Plains Lipan their population were estimated between 1 600 and 2 400 persons were the Forest Lipan division Chishį į hį į Tcici Tcicihi People of the Forest after 1760 the name Pelones was never used by the Spanish for any Texas Apache group the Pelones had fled for the Comanche south and southwest but never mixed up with the Plains Lipan division retaining their distinct identity so that Morris Opler was told by his Lipan informants in 1935 that their tribal name was People of the Forest Mescalero Mescaleros primarily live in Eastern New Mexico Faraones also Apaches Faraone Paraonez Pharaones Taraones or Taracones is derived from Spanish Faraon meaning Pharaoh Before 1700 the name was vague Between 1720 and 1726 it referred to Apache between the Rio Grande the Pecos River the area around Santa Fe and the Conchos River After 1726 Faraones only referred to the groups of the north and central parts of this region The Faraones like were part of the modern day Mescalero or merged with them After 1814 the term Faraones disappeared and was replaced by Mescalero Sierra Blanca Mescaleros were a northern Mescalero group from the Sierra Blanca Mountains who roamed in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas Sacramento Mescaleros were a northern Mescalero group from the Sacramento and Organ Mountains who roamed in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas Guadalupe Mescaleros were a northern Mescalero group from the Guadalupe Mountains who roamed in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas Limpia Mescaleros were a southern Mescalero group from the Limpia Mountains later named as Davis Mountains and roamed in what is now eastern New Mexico and western Texas Natages also Natagees Apaches del Natafe Natagees Yabipais Natage Natageses Natajes is a term used from 1726 to 1820 to refer to the Faraon Sierra Blanca and Siete Rios Apaches of southeastern New Mexico In 1745 the Natage are reported to have consisted of the Mescalero around El Paso and the Organ Mountains and the Salinero around Rio Salado but these were probably the same group were oft called by the Spanish and Apaches themselves true Apaches had had a considerable influence on the decision making of some bands of the Western Lipan in the 18th century After 1749 the term became synonymous with Mescalero which eventually replaced it Ethnobotany A full list of documented plant uses by the Mescalero tribe can be found at http naeb brit org uses tribes 11 which also includes the Chiricahua 198 documented plant uses and http naeb brit org uses tribes 12 83 documented uses Plains Apache Plains Apache Kiowa Apache Naisha Naʼishandine are headquartered in Southwest Oklahoma Historically they followed the Kiowa Other names for them include Na įįsha Na esha Na isha Na ishandine Na i shan dina Na ishi Na e ca Na isha Nadeicha Nardichia Nadiisha dena Na di į sha ʼ Nadi įįshaa and Naisha Querechos referred to by Coronado in 1541 possibly Plains Apaches at times maybe Navajo Other early Spanish might have also called them Vaquereo or Llanero Western Apache nbsp A Western Apache woman from the San Carlos groupWestern Apache include Northern Tonto Southern Tonto Cibecue White Mountain and San Carlos groups While these subgroups spoke the same language and had kinship ties Western Apaches considered themselves as separate from each other according to Goodwin Other writers have used this term to refer to all non Navajo Apachean peoples living west of the Rio Grande thus failing to distinguish the Chiricahua from the other Apacheans Goodwin s formulation all those Apache peoples who have lived within the present boundaries of the state of Arizona during historic times with the exception of the Chiricahua Warm Springs and allied Apache and a small band of Apaches known as the Apache Mansos who lived in the vicinity of Tucson 19 Cibecue is a Western Apache group according to Goodwin from north of the Salt River between the Tonto and White Mountain Apache consisting of Ceder Creek Carrizo and Cibecue proper bands San Carlos A Western Apache group that ranged closest to Tucson according to Goodwin This group consisted of the Apache Peaks Arivaipa Pinal San Carlos proper bands Arivaipa also Aravaipa is a band of the San Carlos Apache Schroeder believes the Arivaipa were a separate people in pre reservation times Arivaipa is a Hispanized word from the O odham language The Arivaipa are known as Tsezhine Black Rock in the Western Apache language Pinal also Pinaleno One of the bands of the San Carlos group of Western Apache described by Goodwin Also used along with Coyotero to refer more generally to one of two major Western Apache divisions Some Pinaleno were referred to as the Gila Apache Tonto Goodwin divided into Northern Tonto and Southern Tonto groups living in the north and west areas of the Western Apache groups according to Goodwin This is north of Phoenix north of the Verde River Schroeder has suggested that the Tonto are originally Yavapais who assimilated Western Apache culture Tonto is one of the major dialects of the Western Apache language Tonto Apache speakers are traditionally bilingual in Western Apache and Yavapai Goodwin s Northern Tonto consisted of Bald Mountain Fossil Creek Mormon Lake and Oak Creek bands Southern Tonto consisted of the Mazatzal band and unidentified semi bands White Mountain are the easternmost group of the Western Apache according to Goodwin who included the Eastern White Mountain and Western White Mountain Apache Coyotero refers to a southern pre reservation White Mountain group of the Western Apache but has also been used more widely to refer to the Apache in general Western Apache or an Apache band in the high plains of Southern Colorado to Kansas Ethnobotany A full list of 134 ethnobotany plant uses for Western Apache can be found at http naeb brit org uses tribes 14 A full list of 165 ethnobotany plant uses for White Mountain Apache can be found at http naeb brit org uses tribes 15 A full list of 14 ethnobotany plant uses for the San Carlos Apache can be found at http naeb brit org uses tribes 13 Other terms Llanero is a Spanish language borrowing meaning plains dweller The name referred to several different groups who hunted buffalo on the Great Plains See also Carlanas Lipiyanes also Lipiyan Lipillanes A coalition of splinter groups of Nadahende Natages Guhlkahende and Lipan of the 18th century under the leadership of Picax Ande Ins Tinsle Strong Arm who fought the Comanche on the Plains This term is not to be confused with Lipan HistoryEntry into the Southwest nbsp Apache rawhide playing cards c 1875 1885 collection of NMAI The Apache and Navajo tribal groups of the North American Southwest speak related languages of the Athabaskan language family 20 Other Athabaskan speaking people in North America continue to reside in Alaska western Canada and the Northwest Pacific Coast 20 Anthropological evidence suggests that the Apache and Navajo peoples lived in these same northern locales before migrating to the Southwest sometime between AD 1200 and 1500 20 The Apaches nomadic way of life complicates accurate dating primarily because they constructed less substantial dwellings than other Southwestern groups 21 Since the early 21st century substantial progress has been made in dating and distinguishing their dwellings and other forms of material culture 22 They left behind a more austere set of tools and material goods than other Southwestern cultures citation needed The Athabaskan speaking group probably moved into areas that were concurrently occupied or recently abandoned by other cultures Other Athabaskan speakers perhaps including the Southern Athabaskan adapted many of their neighbors technology and practices in their own cultures Thus sites where early Southern Athabaskans may have lived are difficult to locate and even more difficult to firmly identify as culturally Southern Athabaskan Recent advances have been made in the regard in the far southern portion of the American Southwest citation needed There are several hypotheses about Apache migrations One who posits that they moved into the Southwest from the Great Plains In the mid 16th century these mobile groups lived in tents hunted bison and other game and used dogs to pull travois loaded with their possessions Substantial numbers of the people and a wide range were recorded by the Spanish in the 16th century citation needed In April 1541 while traveling on the plains east of the Pueblo region Francisco Coronado referred to the people as dog nomads He wrote After seventeen days of travel I came upon a rancheria of the Indians who follow these cattle bison These natives are called Querechos They do not cultivate the land but eat raw meat and drink the blood of the cattle they kill They dress in the skins of the cattle with which all the people in this land clothe themselves and they have very well constructed tents made with tanned and greased cowhides in which they live and which they take along as they follow the cattle They have dogs which they load to carry their tents poles and belongings 23 nbsp The Coronado Expedition 1540 1542The Spanish described Plains dogs as very white with black spots and not much larger than water spaniels 24 Plains dogs were slightly smaller than those used for hauling loads by modern Inuit and northern First Nations people in Canada Recent experiments show these dogs may have pulled loads up to 50 lb 20 kg on long trips at rates as high as two or three miles per hour 3 to 5 km h 24 The Plains migration theory associates the Apache peoples with the Dismal River culture an archaeological culture known primarily from ceramics and house remains dated 1675 1725 which has been excavated in Nebraska eastern Colorado and western Kansas citation needed Although the first documentary sources mention the Apache and historians have suggested some passages indicate a 16th century entry from the north archaeological data indicate they were present on the plains long before this first reported contact citation needed A competing theory who posits their migration south through the Rocky Mountains ultimately reaching the American Southwest by the 14th century or perhaps earlier An archaeological material culture assemblage identified in this mountainous zone as ancestral Apache has been referred to as the Cerro Rojo complex 25 This theory does not preclude arrival via a plains route as well perhaps concurrently but to date the earliest evidence has been found in the mountainous Southwest citation needed The Plains Apache have a significant Southern Plains cultural influence When the Spanish arrived in the area trade between the long established Pueblo peoples and the Southern Athabaskan was well established They reported the Pueblo exchanged maize and woven cotton goods for bison meat and hides and materials for stone tools Coronado observed the Plains people wintering near the Pueblo in established camps Later Spanish sovereignty over the area disrupted trade between the Pueblo and the diverging Apache and Navajo groups The Apache quickly acquired horses improving their mobility for quick raids on settlements In addition the Pueblo were forced to work Spanish mission lands and care for mission flocks they had fewer surplus goods to trade with their neighbors 26 In 1540 Coronado reported that the modern Western Apache area was uninhabited although some scholars have argued that he simply did not see the American Indians Other Spanish explorers first mention Querechos living west of the Rio Grande in the 1580s To some historians this implies the Apaches moved into their current Southwestern homelands in the late 16th and early 17th centuries Other historians note that Coronado reported that Pueblo women and children had often been evacuated by the time his party attacked their dwellings and that he saw some dwellings had been recently abandoned as he moved up the Rio Grande This might indicate the semi nomadic Southern Athabaskan had advance warning about his hostile approach and evaded encounter with the Spanish Archaeologists are finding ample evidence of an early proto Apache presence in the Southwestern mountain zone in the 15th century and perhaps earlier The Apache presence on both the Plains and in the mountainous Southwest indicate that the people took multiple early migration routes citation needed Conflict with Mexico and the United States Further information Apache Wars and Apache Mexico Wars In general the recently arrived Spanish colonists who settled in villages and Apache bands developed a pattern of interaction over a few centuries Both raided and traded with each other Records of the period seem to indicate that relationships depended on the specific villages and bands a band might be friends with one village and raid another When war occurred the Spanish would send troops after a battle both sides would sign a treaty and go home nbsp GeronimoThe traditional and sometimes treacherous relationships continued after the independence of Mexico in 1821 By 1835 Mexico had placed a bounty on Apache scalps see scalping but certain villages still traded with some bands When Juan Jose Compa the leader of the Copper Mines Mimbreno Apaches was killed for bounty money in 1837 Mangas Coloradas Red Sleeves or Dasoda hae He just sits there became the principal chief and war leader also in 1837 Soldado Fiero a k a Fuerte leader of the Warm Springs Mimbreno Apaches was killed by Mexican soldiers near Janos and his son Cuchillo Negro Black Knife became the principal chief and war leader They being now Mangas Coloradas the first chief and Cuchillo Negro the second chief of the whole Tchihende or Mimbreno people conducted a series of retaliatory raids against the Mexicans By 1856 authorities in horse rich Durango would claim that Indian raids mostly Comanche and Apache in their state had taken nearly 6 000 lives abducted 748 people and forced the abandonment of 358 settlements over the previous 20 years 27 When the United States went to war against Mexico in 1846 many Apache bands promised U S soldiers safe passage through their lands When the U S claimed former territories of Mexico in 1846 Mangas Coloradas signed a peace treaty with the nation respecting them as conquerors of the Mexicans land An uneasy peace with U S citizens held until the 1850s An influx of gold miners into the Santa Rita Mountains led to conflict with the Apache This period is sometimes called the Apache Wars The United States concept of a reservation had not been used by the Spanish Mexicans or other Apache neighbors before Reservations were often badly managed and bands that had no kinship relationships were forced to live together No fences existed to keep people in or out It was common for a band to be allowed to leave for a short period of time Other times a band would leave without permission to raid return to their homeland to forage or to simply get away The U S military usually had forts nearby to keep the bands on the reservations by finding and returning those who left The reservation policies of the U S caused conflict and war with the various Apache bands who left the reservations for almost another quarter century War between the Apache peoples and Euro Americans has led to a stereotypical focus on certain aspects of Apache cultures These have often been distorted through misunderstanding of their cultures as noted by anthropologist Keith Basso Of the hundreds of peoples that lived and flourished in native North America few have been so consistently misrepresented as the Apacheans of Arizona and New Mexico Glorified by novelists sensationalized by historians and distorted beyond credulity by commercial film makers the popular image of the Apache a brutish terrifying semi human bent upon wanton death and destruction is almost entirely a product of irresponsible caricature and exaggeration Indeed there can be little doubt that the Apache has been transformed from a native American into an American legend the fanciful and fallacious creation of a non Indian citizenry whose inability to recognize the massive treachery of ethnic and cultural stereotypes has been matched only by its willingness to sustain and inflate them 28 Forced removal In 1875 United States military forced the removal of an estimated 1500 Yavapai and Dilzhe e Apache better known as Tonto Apache from the Rio Verde Indian Reserve and its several thousand acres of treaty lands promised to them by the United States government At the orders of Indian Commissioner L E Dudley U S Army troops made the people young and old walk through winter flooded rivers mountain passes and narrow canyon trails to get to the Indian Agency at San Carlos 180 miles 290 km away The trek killed several hundred people The people were interned there for 25 years while white settlers took over their land Only a few hundred ever returned to their lands At the San Carlos reservation the Buffalo soldiers of the 9th Cavalry Regiment replacing the 8th Cavalry who were being stationed to Texas guarded the Apaches from 1875 to 1881 29 Beginning in 1879 an Apache uprising against the reservation system led to Victorio s War between Chief Victorio s band of Apaches and the 9th Cavalry Defeat Most United States histories of this era report that the final defeat of an Apache band took place when 5 000 US troops forced Geronimo s group of 30 to 50 men women and children to surrender on September 4 1886 at Skeleton Canyon Arizona 30 The Army sent this band and the Chiricahua scouts who had tracked them to military confinement in Florida at Fort Pickens and subsequently Ft Sill Oklahoma Many books were written on the stories of hunting and trapping during the late 19th century Many of these stories involve Apache raids and the failure of agreements with Americans and Mexicans In the post war era the US government arranged for Apache children to be taken from their families for adoption by white Americans in assimilation programs 31 Pre reservation cultureSocial organization nbsp Apache brideAll Apache peoples lived in extended family units or family clusters they usually lived close together with each nuclear family in separate dwellings An extended family generally consisted of a husband and wife their unmarried children their married daughters their married daughters husbands and their married daughters children Thus the extended family is connected through a lineage of women who live together that is matrilocal residence into which men may enter upon marriage leaving behind his parents family When a daughter married a new dwelling was built nearby for her and her husband Among the Navajo residence rights are ultimately derived from a head mother Although the Western Apache usually practiced matrilocal residence sometimes the eldest son chose to bring his wife to live with his parents after marriage All tribes practiced sororate and levirate marriages nbsp Apache Indian girl carrying an olla a water basket on her head c 1900Apache men practiced varying degrees of avoidance of his wife s close relatives a practice often most strictly observed by distance between mother in law and son in law The degree of avoidance differed by Apache group The most elaborate system was among the Chiricahua where men had to use indirect polite speech toward and were not allowed to be within visual sight of the wife s female relatives whom he had to avoid His female Chiricahua relatives through marriage also avoided him Several extended families worked together as a local group which carried out certain ceremonies and economic and military activities Political control was mostly present at the local group level Local groups were headed by a chief a male who had much influence due to his effectiveness and reputation The position was not hereditary and was often filled by members of different extended families The chief s influence was as strong as he was evaluated to be no group member was obliged to follow the chief Western Apache criteria for a good chief included industriousness generosity impartiality forbearance conscientiousness and eloquence in language Many Apache peoples joined several local groups into bands Banding was strongest among the Chiricahua and Western Apache and weak among the Lipan and Mescalero The Navajo did not organize into bands perhaps because of the requirements of the sheepherding economy However the Navajo did have the outfit a group of relatives that was larger than the extended family but smaller than a local group community or a band On a larger level Western Apache bands organized into what Grenville Goodwin called groups He reported five groups for the Western Apache Northern Tonto Southern Tonto Cibecue San Carlos and White Mountain The Jicarilla grouped their bands into moieties perhaps influenced by the northeastern Pueblo The Western Apache and Navajo also had a system of matrilineal clans organized further into phratries perhaps influenced by the western Pueblo The notion of tribe in Apache cultures is very weakly developed essentially it was only a recognition that one owed a modicum of hospitality to those of the same speech dress and customs 32 The six Apache tribes had political independence from each other 33 and even fought against each other For example the Lipan once fought against the Mescalero Kinship systems The Apache tribes have two distinctly different kinship term systems a Chiricahua type and a Jicarilla type 34 The Chiricahua type system is used by the Chiricahua Mescalero and Western Apache The Western Apache system differs slightly from the other two systems and has some similarities to the Navajo system The Jicarilla type which is similar to the Dakota Iroquois kinship systems is used by the Jicarilla Navajo Lipan and Plains Apache The Navajo system is more divergent among the four having similarities with the Chiricahua type system The Lipan and Plains Apache systems are very similar Chiricahua nbsp Hide painting depicting Apache girl s puberty ceremony by Naiche Chiricahua Apache c 1900 Oklahoma History CenterThe Chiricahua language has four words for grandparent chu note 2 maternal grandmother tsuye maternal grandfather chʼine paternal grandmother nale paternal grandfather Additionally a grandparent s siblings are identified by the same word thus one s maternal grandmother one s maternal grandmother s sisters and one s maternal grandmother s brothers are all called chu Furthermore the grandchild terms are reciprocal that is one uses the same term to refer to their grandchild For example a person s maternal grandmother is called chu and that grandmother also calls that granddaughter chu i e chu can mean the child of either your own daughter or your sibling s daughter Chiricahua cousins are not distinguished from siblings through kinship terms Thus the same word refers to either a sibling or a cousin there are not separate terms for parallel cousin and cross cousin The terms depend on the sex of the speaker unlike the English terms brother and sister kʼis same sex sibling or same sex cousin lah opposite sex sibling or opposite sex cousin This means if one is a male then one s brother is called kʼis and one s sister is called lah If one is a female then one s brother is called lah and one s sister is called kʼis Chiricahuas in a lah relationship observed great restraint and respect toward that relative cousins but not siblings in a lah relationship may practice total avoidance Two different words are used for each parent according to sex maaʼ mother taa father Likewise there are two words for a parent s child according to sex yachʼeʼ daughter gheʼ son A parent s siblings are classified together regardless of sex ghuye maternal aunt or uncle mother s brother or sister deedeeʼ paternal aunt or uncle father s brother or sister These two terms are reciprocal like the grandparent grandchild terms Thus ghuye also refers to one s opposite sex sibling s son or daughter that is a person will call their maternal aunt ghuye and that aunt will call them ghuye in return Jicarilla Unlike the Chiricahua system the Jicarilla have only two terms for grandparents according to sex choo grandmother tsoyee grandfather They do not have separate terms for maternal or paternal grandparents The terms are also used of a grandparent s siblings according to sex Thus choo refers to one s grandmother or one s grand aunt either maternal or paternal tsoyee refers to one s grandfather or one s grand uncle These terms are not reciprocal There is a single word for grandchild regardless of sex tsoyi i There are two terms for each parent These terms also refer to that parent s same sex sibling ʼniih mother or maternal aunt mother s sister kaʼee father or paternal uncle father s brother Additionally there are two terms for a parent s opposite sex sibling depending on sex daʼa a maternal uncle mother s brother bejee paternal aunt father s sister Two terms are used for same sex and opposite sex siblings These terms are also used for parallel cousins kʼise same sex sibling or same sex parallel cousin i e same sex father s brother s child or mother s sister s child lah opposite sex sibling or opposite parallel cousin i e opposite sex father s brother s child or mother s sister s child These two terms can also be used for cross cousins There are also three sibling terms based on the age relative to the speaker ndadee older sister naʼa a older brother shda zha younger sibling i e younger sister or brother Additionally there are separate words for cross cousins zeedn cross cousin either same sex or opposite sex of speaker ilnaaʼaash male cross cousin only used by male speakers A parent s child is classified with their same sex sibling s or same sex cousin s child zhacheʼe daughter same sex sibling s daughter same sex cousin s daughter gheʼ son same sex sibling s son same sex cousin s son There are different words for an opposite sex sibling s child daʼa a opposite sex sibling s daughter daʼ opposite sex sibling s son Housing nbsp Frame of Apache wickiupApache lived in three types of houses Teepees were common in the plains Wickiups were common in the highlands these were 8 foot tall 2 4 m framed of wood held together with yucca fibers and covered in brush If a family member died the wickiup would be burned Apache of the desert of northern Mexico lived in hogans an earthen structure for keeping cool Below is a description of Chiricahua wickiups recorded by anthropologist Morris Opler The home in which the family lives is made by the women and is ordinarily a circular dome shaped brush dwelling with the floor at ground level It is seven feet high at the center and approximately eight feet in diameter To build it long fresh poles of oak or willow are driven into the ground or placed in holes made with a digging stick These poles which form the framework are arranged at one foot intervals and are bound together at the top with yucca leaf strands Over them a thatching of bundles of big bluestem grass or bear grass is tied shingle style with yucca strings A smoke hole opens above a central fireplace A hide suspended at the entrance is fixed on a cross beam so that it may be swung forward or backward The doorway may face in any direction For waterproofing pieces of hide are thrown over the outer hatching and in rainy weather if a fire is not needed even the smoke hole is covered In warm dry weather much of the outer roofing is stripped off It takes approximately three days to erect a sturdy dwelling of this type These houses are warm and comfortable even though there is a big snow The interior is lined with brush and grass beds over which robes are spread nbsp Chiricahua medicine man in wickiup with familyThe woman not only makes the furnishings of the home but is responsible for the construction maintenance and repair of the dwelling itself and for the arrangement of everything in it She provides the grass and brush beds and replaces them when they become too old and dry However formerly they had no permanent homes so they didn t bother with cleaning The dome shaped dwelling or wickiup the usual home type for all the Chiricahua bands has already been described Said a Central Chiricahua informant Both the teepee and the oval shaped house were used when I was a boy The oval hut was covered with hide and was the best house The more well to do had this kind The tepee type was just made of brush It had a place for a fire in the center It was just thrown together Both types were common even before my time A house form that departs from the more common dome shaped variety is recorded for the Southern Chiricahua as well When we settled down we used the wickiup when we were moving around a great deal we used this other kind 35 Recent research has documented the archaeological remains of Chiricahua Apache wickiups as found on protohistoric and at historical sites such as Canon de los Embudos where C S Fly photographed Geronimo his people and dwellings during surrender negotiations in 1886 demonstrating their unobtrusive and improvised nature 36 Food nbsp Various Apache containers baskets bowls and jars The women made baskets could hold heavy loads and were made mainly from yucca or willow leaves or juniper bark 37 Apache people obtained food from four main sources 38 hunting wild animals gathering wild plants growing domesticated plants trading with or raiding neighboring tribes for livestock and agricultural products Particular types of foods eaten by a group depending upon their respective environment Hunting Hunting was done primarily by men although there were sometimes exceptions depending on animal and culture e g Lipan women could help in hunting rabbits and Chiricahua boys were also allowed to hunt rabbits nbsp Apache jugHunting often had elaborate preparations such as fasting and religious rituals performed by medicine men before and after the hunt In Lipan culture since deer were protected by Mountain Spirits great care was taken in Mountain Spirit rituals to ensure smooth hunting Slaughter follows religious guidelines many of which are recorded in religious stories prescribing cutting prayers and bone disposal Southern Athabascan hunters often distributed successfully slaughtered game For example among the Mescalero a hunter was expected to share as much as half of his kill with a fellow hunter and needy people at the camp Feelings of individuals about this practice spoke of social obligation and spontaneous generosity The most common hunting weapon before the introduction of European guns was the bow and arrow Various hunting techniques were used Some involved wearing animal head masks as a disguise Whistles were sometimes used to lure animals closer Another technique was the relay method where hunters positioned at various points would chase the prey in turns in order to tire the animal A similar method involved chasing the prey down a steep cliff Eating certain animals was taboo Although different cultures had different taboos common examples included bears peccaries turkeys fish snakes insects owls and coyotes An example of taboo differences the black bear was a part of the Lipan diet although less common as buffalo deer or antelope but the Jicarilla never ate bear because it was considered an evil animal Some taboos were a regional phenomenon such as fish which was taboo throughout the southwest e g in certain Pueblo cultures like the Hopi and Zuni and considered to resemble a snake an evil animal in physical appearance 39 40 Western Apache hunted deer and pronghorns mostly in the ideal late fall After the meat was smoked into jerky around November they migrated from the farm sites in the mountains along stream banks to winter camps in the Salt Black Gila river and even the Colorado River valleys The Chiricahua mostly hunted deer followed by pronghorn Lesser game included cottontail rabbits but not jack rabbits opossums squirrels surplus horses surplus mules wapiti elk wild cattle and wood rats The Mescalero primarily hunted deer Other game includes bighorn sheep buffalo for those living closer to the plains cottontail rabbits elk horses mules opossums pronghorn wild steers and wood rats Beavers minks muskrats and weasels were hunted for their hides but body parts but were not eaten The Jicarilla primarily hunted bighorn sheep buffalo deer elk and pronghorn Other game included beaver bighorn sheep chief hares chipmunks doves ground hogs grouse peccaries porcupines prairie dogs quail rabbits skunks snow birds squirrels turkeys and wood rats Burros and horses were only eaten in emergencies Minks weasels wildcats and wolves were not eaten but hunted for their body parts The Lipan ate mostly buffalo with a three week hunt during the fall and smaller hunts until the spring The second most utilized animal was deer Fresh deer blood was drunk for health Other animals included beavers bighorns black bears burros ducks elk fish horses mountain lions mourning doves mules prairie dogs pronghorns quail rabbits squirrels turkeys turtles and wood rats Skunks were eaten only in emergencies Plains Apache hunters hunted primarily buffalo and deer Other game were badgers bears beavers fowls geese opossums otters rabbits and turtles Clothing Influenced by the Plains Indians Western Apaches wore animal hide decorated with seed beads for clothing These beaded designs historically resembled that of the Great Basin Paiute and is characterized by linear patterning Apache beaded clothing was bordered with narrow bands of glass seed beads in diagonal stripes of alternating colors 41 They made buckskin shirts ponchos skirts and moccasins and decorated them with colorful beadwork Undomesticated plants and other food sources nbsp Apache girl with basket 1902The gathering of plants and other food was primarily done by women The men s job was usually to hunt animals such as deer buffalo and small game However men helped in certain gathering activities such as of heavy agave crowns Numerous plants were used as both food and medicine and in religious ceremonies Other plants were used for only their religious or medicinal value In May the Western Apache baked and dried agave crowns pounded into pulp and formed into rectangular cakes At the end of June and beginning of July saguaro prickly pear and cholla fruits were gathered In July and August mesquite beans Spanish bayonet fruit and Emory oak acorns were gathered In late September gathering was stopped as attention moved to harvesting cultivated crops In late fall juniper berries and pinyon nuts were gathered The most important plant food for the Chiricahua was the Century plant also known as mescal or agave The crowns the tuberous base portion were baked in large underground ovens and sun dried The shoots were also eaten Other plants used by the Chiricahua include agarita or algerita berries alligator juniper berries anglepod seeds banana yucca or datil broadleaf yucca fruit chili peppers chokecherries cota used for tea currants dropseed grass seeds Gambel oak acorns Gambel oak bark used for tea grass seeds of various varieties greens of various varieties hawthorne fruit Lamb s quarters leaves lip ferns used for tea live oak acorns locust blossoms locust pods maize kernels used for tiswin and mesquite beans Also eaten were mulberries narrowleaf yucca blossoms narrowleaf yucca stalks nipple cactus fruit one seed juniper berries onions pigweed seeds pinyon nuts pitahaya fruit prickly pear fruit prickly pear juice raspberries screwbean or tornillo fruit saguaro fruit spurge seeds strawberries sumac Rhus trilobata berries 42 sunflower seeds tule rootstocks tule shoots pigweed tumbleweed seeds unicorn plant seeds walnuts western yellow pine inner bark used as a sweetener western yellow pine nuts whitestar potatoes Ipomoea lacunosa wild grapes wild potatoes Solanum jamesii wood sorrel leaves and yucca buds unknown species Other items include honey from ground hives and hives found within agave sotol and narrowleaf yucca plants The abundant agave mescal was also important to the Mescalero note 3 who gathered the crowns in late spring after reddish flower stalks appeared The smaller sotol crowns were also important The crowns of both plants were baked and dried Other plants include acorns agarita berries amole stalks roasted and peeled aspen inner bark used as a sweetener bear grass stalks roasted and peeled box elder inner bark used as a sweetener banana yucca fruit banana yucca flowers box elder sap used as a sweetener cactus fruits of various varieties cattail rootstocks chokecherries currants dropseed grass seeds used for flatbread elderberries gooseberries Ribes leptanthum and R pinetorum grapes hackberries hawthorne fruit and hops used as condiment They also used horsemint as a condiment juniper berries Lamb s quarters leaves locust flowers locust pods mesquite pods mint as a condiment mulberries pennyroyal as a condiment pigweed seeds for flatbread pine inner bark as a sweetener pinyon pine nuts prickly pear fruit dethorned and roasted purslane leaves raspberries sage as a condiment screwbeans sedge tubers shepherd s purse leaves strawberries sunflower seeds tumbleweed seeds for flatbread vetch pods walnuts western white pine nuts western yellow pine nuts white evening primrose fruit wild celery as a condiment wild onion as a condiment wild pea pods wild potatoes and wood sorrel leaves The Jicarilla used acorns chokecherries juniper berries mesquite beans pinyon nuts prickly pear fruit yucca fruit and many other kinds of fruits acorns greens nuts and seed grasses The Lipan heavily used agave mescal and sotol Other plants include agarita blackberries cattails devil s claw elderberries gooseberries hackberries hawthorn juniper Lamb s quarters locust mesquite mulberries oak palmetto pecan pinyon prickly pears raspberries screwbeans seed grasses strawberries sumac sunflowers Texas persimmons walnuts western yellow pine wild cherries wild grapes wild onions wild plums wild potatoes wild roses yucca flowers and yucca fruit Other gathered food includes salt obtained from caves and honey The Plains Apache gathered chokecherries blackberries grapes prairie turnips wild onions and wild plums and many other fruits vegetables and tuberous roots Ethnobotany A list of 198 ethnobotany plant uses for the Chiricahua can be found at http naeb brit org uses tribes 11 which also includes the Mescalero A list of 54 ethnobotany plant uses for the uncategorized Apache can also be found here http naeb brit org uses tribes 10 Crop cultivation The Navajo practiced the most crop cultivation the Western Apache Jicarilla and Lipan less The one Chiricahua band of Opler s and the Mescalero practiced very little cultivation The other two Chiricahua bands and the Plains Apache did not grow any crops Trade raids and war Interchanges between the Apache and European descended explorers and settlers included trading The Apache found they could use European and American goods Apaches distinguished raiding from war Raiding was done in small parties with a specific economic purpose War was waged in large parties often clan members usually to achieve retribution Raiding was traditional for the Apache but Mexican settlers objected to their stock being stolen As tensions grew between the Apache and settlers the Mexican government passed laws offering cash rewards for Apache scalps 43 Religion Apache religious stories relate to two culture heroes one of the Sun fire Killer Of Enemies Monster Slayer and one of Water Moon thunder Child Of The Water Born For Water who destroy several creatures harmful to humankind 44 Another story is of a hidden ball game where good and evil animals decide whether or not the world should be forever dark Coyote the trickster is an important being that often has inappropriate behavior such as marrying his own daughter etc in which he overturns social convention The Navajo Western Apache Jicarilla and Lipan have an emergence or Creation Story while this is lacking in the Chiricahua and Mescalero 44 Most Southern Athabascan gods are personified natural forces that run through the universe They may be used for human purposes through ritual ceremonies The following is a formulation by the anthropologist Keith Basso of the Western Apache s concept of diyi The term diyi refers to one or all of a set of abstract and invisible forces which are said to derive from certain classes of animals plants minerals meteorological phenomena and mythological figures within the Western Apache universe Any of the various powers may be acquired by man and if properly handled used for a variety of purposes 45 Medicine men learn the ceremonies which can also be acquired by direct revelation to the individual Different Apache cultures had different views of ceremonial practice Most Chiricahua and Mescalero ceremonies were learned through the transmission of personal religious visions while the Jicarilla and Western Apache used standardized rituals as the more central ceremonial practice Important standardized ceremonies include the puberty ceremony Sunrise Dance of young women Navajo chants Jicarilla long life ceremonies and Plains Apache sacred bundle ceremonies Certain animals owls snakes bears and coyotes are considered spiritually evil and prone to cause sickness to humans Many Apache ceremonies use masked representations of religious spirits Sandpainting is an important ceremony in the Navajo Western Apache and Jicarilla traditions in which healers create temporary sacred art from colored sands Anthropologists believe the use of masks and sandpainting are examples of cultural diffusion from neighboring Pueblo cultures 46 The Apaches participate in many religious dances including the rain dance dances for the crop and harvest and a spirit dance These dances were mostly for influencing the weather and enriching their food resources LanguagesFurther information Southern Athabascan languages The five Apache languages are Apachean languages which in turn belong to the Athabaskan branch of the Eyak Athabaskan language family 3 All Apache languages are endangered Lipan is reported extinct The Southern Athabascan branch was defined by Harry Hoijer primarily according to its merger of stem initial consonants of the Proto Athabascan series k and c into c in addition to the widespread merger of c and cʷ into c also found in many Northern Athabascan languages Proto Athabascan Navajo WesternApache Chiricahua Mescalero Jicarilla Lipan PlainsApache k uʔs handle fabric like object tsooz tsooz tsuuz tsuudz tsoos tsoos tsoos ce stone tse tsee tse tse tse tsi tseeHoijer 1938 divided the Apache sub family into an eastern branch consisting of Jicarilla Lipan and Plains Apache and a Western branch consisting of Navajo Western Apache San Carlos Chiricahua and Mescalero based on the merger of Proto Apachean t and k to k in the Eastern branch Thus as can be seen in the example below when the Western languages have noun or verb stems that start with t the related forms in the Eastern languages will start with a k Western EasternNavajo WesternApache Chiricahua Mescalero Jicarilla Lipan PlainsApache water to tu tu tu ko ko koo fire kǫʼ kǫʼ kuu ku ko ʼ kǫǫʼ kǫʼHe later revised his proposal in 1971 when he found that Plains Apache did not participate in the k c merger to consider Plains Apache as a language equidistant from the other languages now called Southwestern Apachean Thus some stems that originally started with k in Proto Athabascan start with ch in Plains Apache while the other languages start with ts Proto Athabascan Navajo Chiricahua Mescalero Jicarilla PlainsApache k aʔx ʷ big tsaa tsaa tsaa tsaa chaMorris Opler 1975 has noted cultural similarities of Jicarilla and Lipan with Eastern Apache language speakers and differences from Western Apache speakers supporting Hojier s initial classification Other linguists particularly Michael Krauss 1973 have noted that a classification based only on the initial consonants of noun and verb stems is arbitrary and when other sound correspondences are considered the relationships between the languages appear more complex Apache languages are tonal Regarding tonal development all Apache languages are low marked which means that stems with a constricted syllable rime in the proto language developed low tone while all other rimes developed high tone Other Northern Athabascan languages are high marked their tonal development is the reverse In the example below if low marked Navajo and Chiricahua have a low tone then the high marked Northern Athabascan languages Slavey and Chilcotin have a high tone and if Navajo and Chiricahua have a high tone then Slavey and Chilcotin have a low tone Low Marked High MarkedProto Athabascan Navajo Chiricahua Slavey Chilcotin taʔ father taaʼ taa taʼ ta tu water to tu tu tuNotable historic ApacheContemporary Apache people are listed under their specific tribes Mangas Coloradas Chief Cochise Chief Victorio Chief Geronimo Leader Chatto scout Dahteste female warrior Gouyen female warrior Lozen female warrior Loco Chief Naiche Chief Nana Chief Taza Chief Eleven Medal of Honor recipients see List of Native American Medal of Honor recipients See alsoAthabascan languages Battle of Apache Pass Battle of Cieneguilla Camp Grant massacre Fort Apache a movie in the genre of historical fiction about encounters between the US Army and Cochise s band Neoapachella a monotypic genus of North American mygalomorph spiders in the Euctenizidae named in their honor 47 Citations The American Community Survey Retrieved 5 May 2023 Aboriginal Population Profile 2016 Census Statistics Canada 21 June 2018 Retrieved 31 December 2021 a b Apache Ethnologue SIL International Retrieved 25 November 2015 Apache Museum of Northern Arizona Retrieved 29 October 2023 a b c d Tribal Governments by Area Southern Plains Archived March 28 2012 at the Wayback Machine National Congress of American Indians Retrieved 7 March 2012 Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation Inter Tribal Council of Arizona Retrieved January 10 2024 a b c Tribal Governments by Area Southwest Archived March 28 2012 at the Wayback Machine National Congress of American Indians Retrieved 7 March 2012 a b c d Tribal Governments by Area Western Archived 2012 02 28 at the Wayback Machine National Congress of American Indians Retrieved 7 March 2012 Apache Lipan Ethnologue Retrieved 7 March 2012 a b Bruce Barbara November 19 2021 13th Annual Apache Alliance held in San Carlos White Mountain Independent Retrieved 10 January 2024 Stanley Newman 1958 Zuni dictionary Bloomington Indiana University Press Stanley Newman 1965 Zuni grammar Albuquerque University of New Mexico Press Newman pp 32 63 65 de Reuse p 385 Johnson County Schools Archived from the original on 2012 09 04 a b c de Reuse p 385 Hubbell Trading Post Frequently Asked Questions National Park Service U S Department of the Interior Retrieved 10 November 2018 apache Online Etymology Dictionary Brugge David M 1968 Navajos in the Catholic Church Records of New Mexico 1694 1875 Window Rock Arizona Research Section The Navajo Tribe Similar words occur in Jicarilla Chishin and Lipan Chishį į hį į Forest Lipan Opler lists three Chiricahua bands while Schroeder lists five Goodwin p 55 a b c Roberts Susan A Roberts Calvin A 1998 A History of New Mexico Albuquerque NM University of New Mexico Press pp 48 49 ISBN 0 8263 1792 8 Cordell p 148 Seymour 2004 2009 a 2009 b 2010 Hammond and Rey a b Henderson Seymour 2004 2009b 2010 Cordell p 151 DeLay Brian The War of a Thousand Deserts New Haven Yale U Press 2008 p 298 Basso p 462 Schubert Frank N 1997 Black Valor Buffalo Soldiers and the Medal of Honor 1870 1898 Scholarly Resources Inc pp 41 42 ISBN 9780842025867 Miles page 526 Stephanie Woodward Native Americans Expose the Adoption Era and Repair Its Devastation Indian Country Today Media Network Retrieved 3 March 2013 Opler 1983a p 369 Basso 1983 Opler 1936b Opler 1941 pp 22 23 385 386 Seymour 2009a 2010b Carolyn Casey The Apache Marshall Cavendish 2006 p 18 Information on Apache subsistence are in Basso 1983 467 470 Foster amp McCollough 2001 928 929 Opler 1936b 205 210 1941 316 336 354 375 1983b 412 413 1983c 431 432 2001 945 947 and Tiller 1983 441 442 Brugge p 494 Landar Western Apache Beaded Shirt History Jewelry Archived 2011 10 02 at the Wayback Machine Arizona State Museum retrieved 4 August 2011 Moerman Daniel E 2010 Native American Food Plants An Ethnobotanical Dictionary Timber Press p 215 ISBN 9781604691894 We Shall Remain Geronimo The American Experience PBS Archived from the original on 9 December 2009 Retrieved November 10 2009 a b Opler 1983a pp 368 369 Basso 1969 p 30 Opler 1983a pp 372 373 Bond J E Opell B D 2002 Phylogeny and taxonomy of the genera of south western North American Euctenizinae trapdoor spiders and their relatives Araneae Mygalomorphae Cyrtaucheniidae Zoological Journal of the Linnean Society 136 3 487 534 doi 10 1046 j 1096 3642 2002 00035 x Explanatory notes Other Zuni words identifying specific Apache groups are wilacʔu kʷe White Mountain Apache and cisse kʷe San Carlos Apache All kinship terms in Apache languages are inherently possessed which means they must be preceded by a possessive prefix This is signified by the preceding hyphen The name Mescalero is in fact derived from the word mescal a reference to their use of this plant as food General bibliographySoledad Nell David S 2009 Eastern Apache Wizardcraft Mythical papers of the University of Cebu No 14 Philippines University Of Cebu Press Basso Keith H 1969 Western Apache witchcraft Anthropological papers of the University of Arizona No 15 Tucson University of Arizona Press Brugge David M 1968 Navajos in the Catholic Church Records of New Mexico 1694 1875 Window Rock Arizona Research Section The Navajo Tribe Brugge David M 1983 Navajo prehistory and history to 1850 in A Ortiz Ed Handbook of North American Indians Southwest Vol 10 pp 489 501 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Cordell Linda S Ancient Pueblo Peoples St Remy Press and Smithsonian Institution 1994 ISBN 0 89599 038 5 Etulain Richard W New Mexican Lives A Biographical History University of New Mexico Center for the American West University of New Mexico Press 2002 ISBN 0 8263 2433 9 Foster Morris W amp McCollough Martha 2001 Plains Apache in R J DeMallie Ed Handbook of North American Indians Plains Vol 13 pp 926 939 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Gatewood Charles B Edited by Louis Kraft Lt Charles Gatewood amp His Apache Wars Memoir University of Nebraska Press 2005 ISBN 978 0 8032 2772 9 Goodwin Greenville 1969 1941 The Social Organization of the Western Apache Tucson Arizona University of Arizona Press LCCN 76 75453 Gunnerson James H 1979 Southern Athapaskan archeology in A Ortiz Ed Handbook of North American Indians Southwest Vol 9 pp 162 169 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Haley James L Apaches A History and Culture Portrait University of Oklahoma Press 1997 ISBN 0 8061 2978 6 Hammond George P amp Rey Agapito Eds 1940 Narratives of the Coronado Expedition 1540 1542 Albuquerque University of New Mexico Press Henderson Richard 1994 Replicating dog travois travel on the northern plains Plains Anthropologist 39 145 59 Hodge F W Ed 1907 Handbook of American Indians Washington Hoijer Harry 1938 The southern Athapaskan languages American Anthropologist 40 1 75 87 Hoijer Harry 1971 The position of the Apachean languages in the Athapaskan stock in K H Basso amp M E Opler Eds Apachean culture history and ethnology pp 3 6 Anthropological papers of the University of Arizona No 21 Tucson University of Arizona Press Huld Martin E 1983 Athapaskan bears International Journal of American Linguistics 49 2 186 195 Krauss Michael E 1973 Na Dene in T A Sebeok Ed Linguistics in North America pp 903 978 Current trends in linguistics Vol 10 The Hague Mouton Reprinted 1976 Landar Herbert J 1960 The loss of Athapaskan words for fish in the Southwest International Journal of American Linguistics 26 1 75 77 Miles General Nelson Appleton 1897 Personal Recollections and Observations of General Nelson A Miles embracing a brief view of the Civil War or From New England to the Golden Gate and the story of his Indian campaigns with comments on the exploration development and progress of our great western empire Chicago The Werner Company Opler Morris E 1936a A summary of Jicarilla Apache culture American Anthropologist 38 2 202 223 Opler Morris E 1936b The kinship systems of the Southern Athapaskan speaking tribes American Anthropologist 38 4 620 633 Opler Morris E 1941 An Apache life way The economic social and religious institutions of the Chiricahua Indians Chicago The University of Chicago Press Opler Morris E 1975 Problems in Apachean cultural history with special reference to the Lipan Apache Anthropological Quarterly 48 3 182 192 Opler Morris E 1983a The Apachean culture pattern and its origins in A Ortiz Ed Handbook of North American Indians Southwest Vol 10 pp 368 392 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Opler Morris E 1983b Chiricahua Apache in A Ortiz Ed Handbook of North American Indians Southwest Vol 10 pp 401 418 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Opler Morris E 1983c Mescalero Apache in A Ortiz Ed Handbook of North American Indians Southwest Vol 10 pp 419 439 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Opler Morris E 2001 Lipan Apache in R J DeMallie Ed Handbook of North American Indians Plains Vol 13 pp 941 952 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Plog Stephen 1997 Ancient peoples of the American Southwest London Thames and London LTD ISBN 0 500 27939 X Reuse Willem J de 1983 The Apachean culture pattern and its origins Synonymy in A Ortiz Ed Handbook of North American Indians Southwest Vol 10 pp 385 392 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Schroeder Albert H 1963 Navajo and Apache relationships west of the Rio Grande El Palacio 70 3 5 23 Schroeder Albert H 1974a A study of the Apache Indian Parts 1 3 in American Indian ethnology Indians of the Southwest New York Garland Schroeder Albert H 1974b A study of the Apache Indian Parts 4 5 American Indian ethnology Indians of the Southwest New York Garland Schroeder Albert H 1974c The Jicarilla Apache American Indian ethnology Indians of the Southwest New York Garland Seymour Deni J 2004 A Rancheria in the Gran Apacheria Evidence of Intercultural Interaction at the Cerro Rojo Site Plains Anthropologist 49 190 153 192 Seymour Deni J 2009a Nineteenth Century Apache Wickiups Historically Documented Models for Archaeological Signatures of the Dwellings of Mobile People Antiquity 83 319 157 164 Seymour Deni J 2009b Evaluating Eyewitness Accounts of Native Peoples along the Coronado Trail from the International Border to Cibola New Mexico Historical Review 84 3 399 435 Seymour Deni J 2010a Contextual Incongruities Statistical Outliers and Anomalies Targeting Inconspicuous Occupational Events American Antiquity 75 1 158 176 Seymour Deni J 2010b Cycles of Renewal Transportable Assets Aspects of Ancestral Apache Housing Plains Anthropologist Spring or Summer issue Sweeney Edwin R 1998 Mangas Coloradas Chief of the Chiricahua Apaches University of Oklahoma Press ISBN 0 8061 3063 6 Terrell John Upton 1972 Apache chronicle World Publishing ISBN 0 529 04520 6 Tiller Veronica E 1983 Jicarilla Apache in A Ortiz Ed Handbook of North American Indians Southwest Vol 10 pp 440 461 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Witherspoon Gary 1983 Navajo social organization in A Ortiz Ed Handbook of North American Indians Southwest Vol 10 pp 524 535 Washington D C Smithsonian Institution Worcester Donald E 1992 The Apaches Eagles of the Southwest University of Oklahoma Press ISBN 0 8061 1495 9 Further readingConrad Paul 2021 The Apache Diaspora Four Centuries of Displacement and Survival University of Pennsylvania Press ISBN 978 0 8122 9954 0 Park J F 1961 The Apaches in Mexican American Relations 1848 1861 A Footnote to the Gadsden Treaty Arizona and the West 3 2 129 146 External links nbsp Wikimedia Commons has media related to Apaches nbsp Wikisource has original text related to this article Myths and Tales from the San Carlos Apache Tribal websites Apache Tribe of Oklahoma archive of official website Fort Sill Apache Tribe official website Jicarilla Apache Nation official website Mescalero Apache Tribe official website San Carlos Apache Tribe official website White Mountain Apache Tribe official website Yavapai Apache Nation official websiteOther external links Apache Museum of Northern Arizona Apache Indians Texas State Historical Association Apache Tribe of Oklahoma Oklahoma Historical Society Apache Fort Sill Oklahoma Historical Society Apache Lipan Oklahoma Historical Society Tonto Apache Tribe Inter Tribal Council of Arizona Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Apache amp oldid 1206098589, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,
