Toʼabaita language
Toʼabaita, also known as Toqabaqita, Toʼambaita, Malu and Maluʼu, is a language spoken by the people living at the north-western tip of Malaita Island, of South Eastern Solomon Islands. Toʼabaita is an Austronesian language.[2]
| Toqabaqita | |
|---|---|
| Toʼabaita | |
| Maluʼu | |
| Native to | Solomon Islands |
| Region | Malaita Island |
Native speakers | (13,000 cited 1999)[1] |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | mlu |
| Glottolog | toab1237 |
Name edit
Based on Lichtenberk's grammar, the name Toqabaqita literally means "many people" (toqa "person" + baqita "big, many").
Overview edit
The website Ethnologue records the number of speakers of Toqabaqita as 12,600 in 1999.[3] Lichtenberk, who has written an extensive grammar of Toqabaqita reports that Toqabaqita may be part of a North Malaita group of dialects which includes Baeguu, Baelelae and Fataleka, and possibly Lau. Ethnologue however reports no known dialects of Toqabaqita, but reports that within this group of languages, they are mutually intelligible.[2] Lichtenberk points out that the speakers of Toqabaqita do recognize similarities across the whole island's languages, but the Toqabaqita people themselves do not have this conception of North Malaita being a language and Toqabaqita as a dialect within this group.[4]
Toqabaqita is classified as member of the Malayo-Polynesian, Oceanic, Central-Eastern Oceanic, Southeast Solomonic language family. Then there is a slight divergence in classification between Lichtenberk and Glottolog.[5] Lichetenberk classifies the next subgrouping as Longgu/Malaita/Makira (San Cristobal), whereas Glottolog does not include Longgu at this point, but instead as a sister subgroup to Malaita/Makira.[5]
The Wikipedia entry for Longgu, which is a Southeast Solomonic language spoken on Guadalcanal, is reported to be originally from Malaita. Lichtenberg then breaks the Malaita/Makira subgroup into the Central/Northern and Southern Malaita subgroups, then North Malaita subgroup itself, to which Toqabaqita belongs.[6] In contrast Glottolog breaks the subgroup Malaita/ San Cristobal (Makira) into two subgroups Malaita/Makira and Longgu, then to North and south Malaita subgroups, where the north includes the above listed putative dialects as well as the central Malaita languages.[5] The number of speakers of Toqabaqita is relatively high for a Solomon Islands language, although most speakers become bilingual in Pijin as they grow up. Toqabaqita has the status of first language for children, and is used in daily life. Many Toqabaqita speakers also speak some English, and this is the language of the schools, although only primary schools are available locally.[4] The literacy rate in Toqabaqita is 30-60%, and Latin script is used.[5]
Language Typology edit
Toqabaqita has as its basic constituent order Subject - Predicate – X, with X referring to other elements than the subject and predicate.[7] This can also be categorized as SVO (subject verb object) and SVX (subject verb other). Lynch in his review of Oceanic languages found that this constituent order is in fact the most widely geographically distributed pattern.[8]
Verbs in Toqabaqita can include a variety of affixes, both suffixes and prefixes, which mark other grammatical categories of tense aspect, sequentiality and negation. Lexical objects are usually indexed on the verb as a suffix. In Toqabaqita the basic noun phrase consists minimally of a noun or an independent personal pronoun. Noun phrases may contain modifiers, which are generally suffixes.[9] Lexical morphemes consist of at least two syllables in Toqabaqita. Where a monosyllabic word occurs, such as a grammatical morpheme, it then attaches as a clitic to the preceding word, with some notable exceptions. If speech is slow then the grammatical morpheme may have its vowel lengthened and take stress.[10]
Phonology edit
Toqabaqita phonemes consist of 17 consonants and 5 vowels.[4]
| Bilabial | Interdental | Dental | Velar | Labial-velar | Glottal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m | n | ŋ | ||||
| Stop | voiceless | t | k | k͡p | ʔ | ||
| voiced | b | d | g | g͡b | |||
| Fricative | ɸ | θ | s | ||||
| Approximant | w | ||||||
| Lateral | l | ||||||
| Trill | r | ||||||
/k͡p/ and /g͡b/ are doubly-articulated voiceless and voiced labial–velar stop consonants.[11] Pre-nasalization is a feature of particular Toqabaqita consonants, including all the voiced plosives, that is /b/, /d/, /g/ and /g͡b/, and for the glide /w/ . The degree of prenasalization varies and is determined by their position in the word.[11]
| front | central | back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| close | ɪ | ʊ | |
| open-mid | ɛ | ɔ | |
| open | a |
Vowels can be short or long, but adjacent vowels cannot both be long.[12]
Personal Pronouns and Person Markers edit
Independent Personal Pronouns edit
The Independent person pronouns in Toqabaqita are for single, dual and plural pronouns for first person exclusive, first person inclusive, second and third person categories. With only a few systematic exceptions the pronominal noun phrases are used in the same position as where a lexical noun phrase would occur. Lexical nouns are marked only as singular or plural in Toqabaqita.[13]
nau
1SG
ku
1SG.NFUT
thathami-a
want-3.OBJ
koro
DU(INCL)
koki
DU(INCL).FUT
"I want the two of us to eat."[14]
The variants in the table marked with (1) were used exclusively by women. Of these pronouns used only by women, only the first person inclusive plural pronoun kia is used at the present time. This is specifically in the context of referring to one's home, or one's home place or one's country most commonly when away from one's home area.[16] It is notable that although there are multiple plural personal pronouns some are used more commonly than others. Some alternatives are rarely used, specifically these are the first person exclusive kamaliqa, the third person plural kiiluqa, and the second person singular qoo. Both forms of the second person plural, kamuluqa and kamaluqa are commonly used. There are phonetic associations with specific person pronouns. The dual pronouns all contain r, and the plurals all contain l, with exception of the third person plural kera. Lichtenberk suggests that this is due to their associations with the numbers rua which glosses as two, and ulu which glosses as three, and also that perhaps the plurals were previously trial or paucal forms of pronouns.[4]
In some cases where the independent pronoun and a subject marker are identical (homophones) and occur in the same sentence one will be omitted, and Lichtenberk (2008) suggests it is the pronoun that is omitted. This occurs for koro, where it is both the inclusive dual inclusive independent personal pronoun and the dual inclusive nonfuture subject marker. Similarly kulu is both the plural inclusive independent plural pronoun and the plural inclusive nonfuture subject marker. Lichtenberk believes that most speakers would avoid the repetition.[17]
In the above example the first kulu would be deleted.
The independent personal pronouns, including the third person pronouns, are used with human reference, or with spirits, very rarely with animals. They may be used with mythological animals or with an animal that is in view.
Nia
3SG
ka
3SG.SEQ
riki-a
see.3SG.OBJ
ma
and
ka
3SG.SEQ
thathami-a
want-3.OBJ
kai
3.SG.FUT
lai
go
bii
COM
keeroqa
3DU
"He (a boy) saw it and wanted to go with them (his parents)" [18]
Nia
3SG
e
3SG.NFUT
mataqi
be.sick
nena
N.PAST.THERE
"It (a chicken) is sick (the chicken is in view)" [19] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
The third person pronoun can be used to specify subject topicalization, even with inanimate objects, as is:
dadaku)
Calophyllum.sp
qeri
that
nia
3SG
qe
3SG.NFUT
takwi
that
qi'
stand
laa
LOC
one
in sand
"The dadaku tree, it stood in the sand on the beach"[19]
There are numerous specific uses of the independent personal pronouns such as the third person singular pronoun being used to close off a story or a narration, in a verb-less statement:
Nia
3SG
bo-naqa
ASRT=PRF
neri
N.PAST>HERE
"That's all I have to say"[20] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
To emphasize a pronoun the same strategies that are used with lexical nouns are also employed, but with a specific pronominal foregrounder ni.
Here the emphasis is on the persons being spoken to.
The inclusive pronouns can be used in a way to include the addressee, to index personal closeness or in a jocular sense.
Nau
1SG
kwai
1SG.FUT
qasi-qaba
fall-hand
fas=i
PREC=LOC
laa
in
waki
basket
koro
DU(INCL)
wane
man
nau
1SG
"I am going to poke my hand into our basket, my friend (in the context of searching another's basket for tobacco or areca nut)[22]
Person Markers edit
Toqabaqita uses person markers with proper nouns that designate people, spirits, ogres, pets and domestic animals. They are gender differentiated, with tha used with male and ni with female people. When referring to gods and spirits and introduced Christian deities, tha is used. Tha is used to refer to all pets and domestic animals, both male and female. They are used for reference not for address, see examples 11 and 12, but even then they are not obligatory.[23]
Tha
PRSMKR
Kwaqengara
Kwaqengara
ka
3.SG.SEQ
thare-a
beget-3.OBJ
ni
PRSMKR
Kwakwanumae
Kwakwanumae
"Kwaqengara(male) begot Kwakwanumae(female)."[23]
Contrast the need for a person marker when talking about Ulufaala the named person in the narration, rather than when he arrives in person.
Ma
And
tha
PRSMKR
Ulufaalu
Ulufaalu
qe
3SG.NFUT
sifo
descend
"And Ulufaalu went down (to the coast?)."[24]
Qoko
2SG.SEQ
suqu-si-a
block-TR3.OBJ
raa-la-na
work.NMLZ.PERS
wane
man
queri
this
tha
PRSMKR
Saetana
Satan
"Block the workings of this man, Satan."[25] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
Tha is used with the nouns that refer to children, wela (child, young person), kale (offspring), or weleqi (adult males).
Tha is used for inanimate objects that actually have names.
Nini
bamboo.knife
qau
piece.of.bamboo
marakawa
be.green
nia
3SG
tha
PRSMKR
Raqafeqebasi
Raqafeqebasi
"His green bamboo knife is named Raqafeqebasi."[27]
Object Pronouns edit
In Toqabaqita there are two classes of transitive verbs, Class 1 and Class 2, and they index their pronominal direct objects differently. Class 1 transitives have object indexing suffixes only for the third person; -a for singular direct objects, -daroqa for dual categories and -da for plural objects.[28]
Toqabaqita doesn't index object status first and second person, but it is indicated by the appropriate independent personal pronoun as in (18).
Class 2 Transitive verbs have object indexing suffixes for all grammatical persons and numbers, and follow a similar pattern to the independent personal pronouns.[29]
| Singular | Dual | Plural | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1EXCL | -ku | -mareqa | -miliqa, -maliqa, -mi(1), miqa(1) |
| 1INCL | -karoqa | -kuluqa, -kaluqa, -ka(1) | |
| 2 | -mu | -maroqa | -muluqa, -maluqa, -miu(1) |
| 3 | -na, -a | -daroqa | -da, -daluqa |
Again there are forms that were previously used only by women, in women's speech, that are no longer used. For the third person singular there are two forms -na and -a, and their use is often phonologically determined, in particular so there are no sequences of three vowels.[29]
Nia
3SG
biinga
sleep
qa-na
SBEN-3SG.PERS
qe
3SG.NFUT
aqi
NEGV
si
know-3SG.OBJ
thaitoqoma-na
"He was asleep (and) didn't know (about) it."[28] Mismatch in the number of words between lines: 7 word(s) in line 1, 6 word(s) in line 2 (help);
The -na object pronoun is used here in (20) to follow the vowel a.
Subject Pronouns edit
Toqabaqita has subject indexing suffixes which appear on the verb and also indicate nonfuture tense, future tense, imperfect aspect, sequentiality, negative aspect, and dehortation.[30] There is some suffixes that are the same in the third person dual and plural categories. It is interesting to observe that there are no archaic women's speech forms noted by Lichtenberk.
| nonfuture | future/imperfect | sequential | negative | dehortive | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1SG | ku | kwai | kwa | kwasi | kwata |
| 2SG | qo, qoi | qoki | qoko | qosi | qoto |
| 3SG | qe, e | kai | ka | si | ta |
| 1DU(EXCL) | mere | meki | meka | mesi | meta |
| 1DU(INCL) | koro | koki | koka, koko | kosi | kota |
| 2DU | moro, mori | moki | moka, moko | mosi | mota |
| 3DU | kero | keki, kiki | keko, kiku | kesi, kisi | keto |
| 1PL(EXCL) | mili | miki | mika | misi | mita |
| 1PL(INCL) | kulu | kuki | kuka | kusi | kuta |
| 2PL | mulu | muki | muka, muku | musi | muta |
| 3L | kera, kere, kilu | keki, kiki | keka, kiku | kesi, kisi | keta |
.[31]
Mada
or
sa
IRR
mika
1PL(EXCL).SEQ
fula
arrive
qi
LOC
qusungadi
tomorrow
ka
3SG.SEQ
leqa
be.good
ba-na
LIM-3SG.PERS
"If we come tomorrow, will that be alright? (lit. will that only be good?)"[32]
Possession edit
Possession in Toqabaqita is relational in that there are two entities in the relationship the "possessor" and the "possessum". The possessor may own an item, it may be a body part, or a tool. But this also includes relationships with the person or item, including a kinship relationship. Lichtenberk prefers to term these "personal suffixes" as they not only index possession, but also with a transitive verb to index their subject, to indicate a recipient/beneficiary relationship, and to index a complement with a number of prepositions. These suffixes can be used with both lexical nouns and verbs. It can be seen that some of these suffixes are identical with the singular object pronoun suffixes, namely -ku, -na, and -a.[34]
| singular | dual | plural | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1EXCL | -ku | -mareqa | -miliqa, maliqa, -mi(1), -miqa(1) |
| 1INCL | -karoqa | -kuluqa, -kulaqa, -ka(1) | |
| 2 | -mu | -maroqa | -muluqa, -maluqa, -miu(1) |
| 3 | -na, -a | -daroqa | -da, -daluqa |
[34] Again there are forms previously used by women in speech, that are no longer used, marked (1). In terms of semantics the personal suffixes are used with relational nouns where the relationship is described as inalienable possession. This includes parts of a whole (24), body parts (23,27), products of a possessor (25,26), and integral contents such as blood of animal or juice of a fruit.[35]
From a phontactic point of view, words with l or r in the syllable use third person singular -na, as in example (27). Attributes as well as spatial and temporal relations of the possessor are also designated with these personal suffixes, as in example (28).[36]
Toqabaqita also employs the bare possessive noun phrase where there is no indexing of the possessor on the possessed noun. A Possessor noun phrase must be present, this may be a lexical noun or a pronoun. The two following examples display this, in that a possessor noun phrase is pronominal, and it is the independent personal pronoun that is employed. In this manner all the independent pronouns can be bare possessor nouns.[39]
Negation edit
There are a range of strategies that can be used to express negation in Toqabaqita. These are the simple negative, the negative verb, and the double negative construction.
Simple negative edit
Overview edit
The simple negative occurs when negation is achieved through means of the negative subject markers alone.[40] The negative subject markers in Toqabaqita are listed above.
Syntactically, the negative subject markers occur in the verb phrase, between the irrealis marker (where present) and preverbal particles (where present). The negative subject markers always precede the verb.[41]
The negative subject markers can be used to negate a range of clause types, such as declarative and imperative, shown in (31) and (32) below.
...
tha
PRSMKR
wela
child
baa
that
si
3SG.NEG
fula
arrive
naqa,
PRF
...
"[The people looked and looked (around),] (but) the boy had not arrived, ..."[40]
They also occur in clauses with future- and past-time reference, as in (33) and (34) below.
Nga
IDENT
wane
man
baa
that
ki
PL
kesi
3PL.NEG
lae
go
bo=mai
ASRT=VENT
i
LOC
qusungadi
tomorrow
"The men will not come tomorrow."[42]
Nga
IDENT
wane
man
baa
that
ki
PL
kesi
3PL.NEG
fula
arrive
boqo
ASRT
i
LOC
roqo
yesterday
"The men did not arrive yesterday."[42]
The simple negation and double negation strategies are often used interchangeably, although the double negative is more common.[42] However, there is one context in which only simple negation occurs; this is where the negated verb functions as a noun modifier[43] as in example (35).
fanua
place
si
NEG
rodo
be.dark
"place (that is) not dark', 'place without darkness" (referring to Christian heaven)[44]
"Negative additiveness" edit
The simple negative is also used in a multi-clausal construction referred to as "negative additiveness".[44] The first clause in this construction is positive while any subsequent clauses will be negated using the negative subject markers. The underlying subjects of each clause will typically have the same reference, but the negative clause(s) will not have an expressed subject phrase.[44]
Example (36) illustrates the negative additiveness construction. The subject of both clauses is nia, third person singular, but the second clause does not contain a subject phrase.
Nia
3SG
e
3SG.NFUT
lae
go
na-na
PRF-3SG.PERS
si
3SG.NEG
baqe
speak
laqu
ADD
"He went (away) without saying anything (lit. he did not also speak)."[44]
The negative additiveness construction does, however, allow distinct subject identities when its constituent clauses involve weather expressions.[45] For example, the subject of the first verb in (37), -qaru ‘fall,ʼ is dani ‘rain.ʼ However, the underlying subject of the second verb in (37), thato ‘be sunnyʼ, is fanua ‘placeʼ[45] as illustrated in (38). Nevertheless, the only expressed subject in (37) is that of the first clause.
Dani
rain
e
3SG.NFUT
qaa-qaru,
REDUP-fall
si
3SG.NEG
thato
be.sunny
naqa.
PRF
"It has been raining and raining, without any sun (lit. it has not become sunny)."[45]
The negative verb edit
Overview edit
The second major strategy to express negation in Toqabaqita is the use of the negative verb aqi. This verb has a range of meanings, including ‘not be so, not be the caseʼ in general uses, and ‘not exist; not be availableʼ in existential constructions.[45]
Aqi diverges from typical verbal behaviour in Toqabaqita in two key ways. Firstly, it only occurs with third person singular subject markers,[45] rather than the full range of subject markers. Secondly, it typically does not take subject noun phrases.[45]
Example (39) shows the use of the negative verb to describe the non-occurrence of a prayer service.
...
teqe
one
fa
CLF
Sandee
Sunday
kai
3SG.FUT
aqi,
not.be.so
rua-na
two-3.PERS
fa
CLF
Sandee
Sunday
ka
3SG.SEQ
faa-faqa-rongo-a
REDUP-CAUS-hear-3.OBJ
boqo
ASRT
tha
PRSMKR
Rongoomea
Rongoomea
kai
3SG.FUT
ngali
take.church.service
...
"... one Sunday there will be nothing, the following (lit. second) Sunday he will tell Rongoomea to take the service ..."[46]
Negative existential sentences edit
Negative existential sentences are used to express the non-existence of an entity[47] and aqi exhibits different syntactic behaviour when used in negative existential constructions.
Firstly, where aqi normally does not take subject noun phrases, it does take a subject noun phrase when used for negative existentials. Furthermore, in negative existentials, the subject phrase follows the verb, as shown in example (40) below. This is in contrast to the standard constituent order in Toqabaqita in which the subject precedes the verb,[48] shown in the non-negative existential sentence in example (41).
...
roo
two
kale-qe
baby-ASS
doo
thing
ii
exist
ba-n=i
LIM-3SG.PERS=LOC
ofi-na.
marsupium-3SG.PERS
'... (perhaps) there are two baby ones in its pouch.' (Wondering whether there are baby possums in an adult possum's marsupium.)[49]
Additionally, subject markers in negative existential constructions must be third person singular.[47] For example, in (42), below, it can be seen that although the subject phrase tai toqa ‘some peopleʼ is plural and human, the corresponding subject marker qe is third person singular.
Qe
3SG.NFUT
aqi
not.exist
tai
some.PL
toqa
people
qi
LOC
laa
INE
aququa
island
naqi
this
"There are no people (living) on (lit. in) this island."[46]
Double negative construction edit
The third strategy used to express negation in Toqabaqita is the double negative construction, which involves the negative verb aqi and negative subject markers in combination.[50] This construction is more common than the simple negative.[42]
Broadly speaking, the double negative involves two negative clauses used sequentially. The first of these may be considered a "mini-clause" involving a third person subject marker and the negative verb aqi. The second clause is a negative event clause that is negated using negative subject markers. The negative event clause does not include a subject phrase, however, a noun phrase corresponding to the subject of this event clause may optionally precede the mini-clause.[50]
Two subtypes of the double negative have been identified; these are referred to as the "general" and "sequential" double negative constructions respectively.
The general double negative edit
The general double negative is used to negate an event clause. It can be schematised as follows:
| (NP) | [qe aqi] | [negative.event.clause] [50] |
The NP is optional as indicated by parentheses, while the "mini-clause" qe aqi and the subsequent negative event clause are both obligatory. Example (43) shows the use of the general double negative construction without the optional noun phrase. Example (44) shows a general double negative with the subject noun phrase expressed, and example (45) shows the construction's ungrammaticality when the subject phrase occurs within the negative event clause.
The sequential double negative edit
The sequential double negative is different from the general double negative in its constituents, semantics, and the contexts in which it occurs.
Firstly, the subject marker in the mini-clause is the third person singular sequential marker, ka. Secondly, the sequential construction only occurs following another clause; the coordinating construction ma 'and' may be optionally used to mark the relationship between these clauses.[53] Finally, where the general double negative expresses a general negation of the event clause, the sequential double negative expresses "unfulfilled expectation."[53] In other words, it expresses that circumstances that might have been expected (based on preceding discourse) failed to come to pass.
The sequential double negative construction can be schematised thus:
| ... | (ma) | (NP) | [ka aqi] | ([negative.event.clause]) [53] |
Although this construction has been identified as a double negative, the negative event clause in this construction is grammatically optional. In which case, "in clauses expressing unfulfilled expectations aqi also functions as a lexical verb."[53]
Example (46) shows this construction with the negative event clause omitted.
Sa
IRR
keki
3PL.FUT
lae
go
mai,
VENT
ma
and
ka
3SG.SEQ
aqi
not.be.so
"They should have come but did not." "They were expected to come but did not."[53]
While the negative event clause is grammatically optional, many contexts can be found where it is expressed. Examples (47) and (48) below illustrate the use of this construction with an expressed negative event clause.
Kamiliqa
1PL(EXCL)
mili
1PL(EXCL).NFUT
lio,
look
ka
3SG.SEQ
aqi
NEGV
misi
1PL(EXCL).NEG
riki-a
see-3.OBJ
ta
some
wane
person
"We looked (but) did not see anybody."[53]
Demonstratives and spatial deictics edit
Toqabaqita boasts an array of demonstrative functions, with each category including its own formal criteria. These can be described under four basic categories:[54]
- Determiner demonstratives
- Qualifying demonstratives
- Locative demonstrative adverbs
- Situational demonstrative adverbs
A case can also be argued for a group of reiterative demonstrative pronominals, however, since there is no overlap in formal criteria with other demonstratives, these will not be discussed.[55] Indeed, these four basic categories are loosely defined on criteria outlined by Nikolaus P Himmelmann,[56] however this entire article will also briefly consider demonstrative type criteria as argued by Holger Diessel,[57] which draws on evidence from linguistic theories beyond typology, including child language acquisition, markedness theory, and grammaticalisation.[58]
A full list of all demonstrative forms is available below:
| Determiner demonstratives | Qualifying demonstratives | Locative demonstrative adverbs | Situational demonstrative adverbs | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Presentative | General | |||
| naqi/neqe | neqe | |||
| qeri | neri | |||
| qena | nena | nena | ||
| baa | nabaa | |||
| labaa | labaqa | labaa/libaa | ||
| lakoo/lokoo | lakoqo/lokoqo | lakoo/lokoo/likoo | ||
| loo | loqo | loori, taqabaa | ||
| fuu | fuqu | fuuri, fuubaa | ||
This section here aims to discuss how spatial deixis is negotiated in the use of Toqabaqita demonstratives, although demonstrative forms also perform a range of other functions, including temporal deixis,[59] forms of address,[60] and emphasis[60] which will not be discussed here.
Spatial distinctions edit
Toqabaqita, like many Austronesian languages,[61] makes distinctions between what will be termed 'spheres', wherein referent entities in a speech act may be considered members of the speaker's sphere (speaker proximal), the addressee's sphere (addressee proximal), or as belonging to neither (distal).[59] A further distinction can be made that refers to a speech act simply not belonging to the speaker's sphere.[62]
There is some flexibility in terms of which sphere a referent may be categorised, starting with the most apparent:
- physical proximity i.e. a referent that is physically closer to the addressee may be considered part of their sphere as opposed to the speaker's
- if the referent is a part of a whole, the referent will form part of the sphere to which the whole belongs e.g. a speaker's arms and legs are speaker proximal
- who is involved in a state of affairs, or else who is seen as central to the state of affairs being discussed in a speech act will also determine its sphere[59]
Additionally, spatial distinctions are often combined with temporal aspects in Toqabaqita, where the time of the speech act also approximates physical proximity to a speaker.[59]
The below table summarises this:
| Relative physical proximity | Time of the speech act |
|---|---|
| Part-whole relations where the speaker/addressee is the whole e.g. body parts, body liquids, bodily excretions/secretions | Time that includes the time of the speech act |
| The speaker/addressee's location or an area that includes the speaker/addressee's location | Time that is proximal to the time of the speech act |
| The state of affairs characterised by the speaker/addressee's involvement |
In addition to speaker relativity encoded by spheres, spatial distinctions are also made in terms of planar and elevational dimensions in Toqabaqita.[64] Primarily, the encoding of spheres correlates to the position of referents along a medial-distal plane, which contrasts with elevational, up-down distinctions which are described using qualifying demonstratives.
Exceptions to these distinctions are evident, which are later discussed, particularly in the elevational distinction.[65] It is also worth reiterating that spatial deixis can often be semantically combined with some notion of temporal deixis, however the full extent of these functions will not be discussed due to scope.[59]
Determiner demonstratives edit
Determiner demonstratives are modifiers within noun phrases. The internal structure of a noun phrase including a determiner demonstrative is illustrated below:
Their formal criteria are markedly different to that of the other demonstrative types listed in this section. Most saliently is their restriction in terms of syntactic use. Determiner demonstratives are the only identified type which can only apply within a noun phrase. In contrast, other demonstratives can apply as or can modify predicates, verbal predicates, and some take on extra functionality in that they are able to modify even obliques.[67]
For Toqabaqita nouns, the default is always that the referent is definite, unless specified as indefinite. The absence of determiners in Toqabaqita may be attributed to its use of postnominal markers. However this lack of definite marking helps assist in obscuring its distinctions as a demonstrative.
Example 49 shows how definite determiners are unmarked. It also includes use of an addressee proximal determiner demonstrative:
Wela
child
qe
3SG.NFUT
biinga;
be.asleep
qoko
2SG.SEQ
alu-a
put-3.OBJ
taunamo
mosquito.net
qena
that(2)
faafi-a.
SUPER-3SG.OBJ
"The child is asleep; put the mosquito net over him."[68] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
Note that the demonstrative occurs prior to the object marker. Additionally, that wela, is glossed as meaning 'the child', indicating a form of definiteness about the unmarked noun. Compare this to example 50 showing the use of the indefinite article marker, incidentally also the number one, alongside the use of a qualifying demonstrative:
Teqe
one
qerofulae
airplane
lo=e
upward=3SG.NFUT
tatha
pass.by
naq=i
PRF=LOC
mangaa.
air.space
"An airplane up there is passing by in the sky."[69]
Note that in this example the demonstrative has fused with the postnominal marker.
While the functionality of a qualifying demonstrative is broader in scope, and includes far less syntactic restriction than that of a determiner demonstrative (further discussion later), its usage in this example shows syntactic contrast with the prenominal indefinite article. For this reason, this example of a qualifying demonstrative is mentioned in this section, and shows that although the determiner demonstrative on its own can stray into conceptions of article functionality, it is, by formal criteria, a member of the demonstrative class.
When comparing features cross linguistically, the issue of comparability is often that there are no one-to-one correlations between languages.[56] Combining universal criteria from both Himmelmann[56] and Diessel,[57] there are arguments for and against including what are called here "determiner demonstratives" as a type of demonstrative as opposed to a type of determiner or article. The name for this type of functionality in Toqabaqita itself hints that they possess flavours from both camps.
See below for a full list of determiner demonstratives and their meanings:
| Determiner demonstratives | Meaning |
|---|---|
| naqi, neqe | speaker proximal: "this" |
| qeri | speaker proximal: "this"; also used endophorically |
| quena | addressee proximal: "that(2)" |
| lakoo, lokoo, labaa | distal: "that(3)" |
| baa | absent from speaker's sphere: "that"; also used endophorically |
Note that the numbers 2, and 3 in parentheses in the table exist to differentiate the addressee and the distal, since in English, there is no comparable distinction.
Determiner demonstratives can all function as exophoric markers, i.e. whose meaning refers to reference beyond the discourse, however only some may be used endophorically, i.e. referencing either an item previously mentioned (anaphoric) or that will be mentioned later in the discourse (cataphoric). There is further debate in typological linguistics as to whether endophorically referencing demonstratives are perhaps a different subgroup, in contrast to exophoric functionality which is widely considered core to the definition of demonstratives.[56][58] Since determiner demonstratives encode such a strong sense of spatial deixis in Toqabaqita, they have been included in this section, despite the increased level of syntactical restriction in typological formal criteria pertaining to its usage.
Speaker proximal determiner demonstratives edit
There are two phonologically varying forms of speaker proximal determiners; naqi and neqe; and qeri, which more commonly encodes temporal deixis, however can include some spatial deixis.
Speaker proximal determiners encompass speech acts which refer to the speaker sphere.
This is most straightforward in its use to signify the referent's proximity to the speaker as in example 51:
Nau
1SG
kwai
1SG.FUT
qono-toqo-na
sit-TEST-3.OBJ
fasi
PREC
sea
chair
naqi.
this
"I am going to try sitting in this chair now." or "I am going to test this chair now by sitting in it."[62] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
However the speaker proximal also applies to speech acts where the referent is a part of the speaker's whole e.g. if the speaker was referring to a body part in the speech act (see example 52).
Teqe
one
si
PRTT
qai
wood
qe
3SG.NFUT
toqe-a
prick-3.OBJ
qae
foot
nau
2SG
naqi.
this
"My foot, this one, got pricked on a stick." (lit. "A stick pricked this foot of mine.")[70] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
If the referent is the speaker's location, or an area that includes the speaker's location, the speaker proximal is also used. Note that in example 53, the less common variant, neqe, is used, however the meaning is the same and naqi, would be exactly interchangeable.
Si
PRTT
ku=neqe
place=this
e
3SG.NFUT
faqa-mamagu.
CAUS-consider.disgusting
"This place is disgusting."[70] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
Speaker proximal determiners can also be used when the referent involves the speaker's state of affairs, or else, that which refers to something within the speaker's vicinity (see example 54).
Kulu
PL(INCL).NFUT
faqa-aqi-a
CAUS-not.exist-3.OBJ
taqaa-laa
be.bad-NMLZ
naqi.
this
"Let's put an end to this unpleasantness (lit. badness).[70]
Addressee proximal determiner demonstratives edit
When the addressee proximal determiner is used, qena, the referent, or noun phrase to which qena modifies, is within the addressee sphere.
Example 55 illustrates physical proximity to the addressee:
Taa
what
n=o
FOC=2SG.NFUT
loge-tani-a
rummage.for-TR-3SG.OBJ
i
LOC
laa
INE
waqi
basket
qena?
that(2)
"What are you rummaging in that basket for?"[71]
Examples 56 and 57 demonstrate the addressee proximal forms used where the referent is part of the whole:
Losi-a
remove.nasal.mucus-3.OBJ
gwango
nasal.mucus
qena.
that(2)
"Get rid of your snot." (Said to a child with a snotty nose.)[71]
and lastly where the referent refers to the addressee's location or state of affairs:
As can be seen, the nature of the addressee proximal form also means it is often used in imperative forms.
Distal determiner demonstratives edit
These are used when the referent belongs to neither the speaker's nor the addressee's spheres, provided that the referent is not significantly displaced vertically with respect to the deictic centre. The distal determiner appears in three phonological variants, lakoo, lokoo, and labaa, however to some speakers, labaa applies to relatively great distances, as opposed to lakoo, and lokoo for short distances. Semantic nuance aside, the three forms are nonetheless grammatically interchangeable overall. Example 58 demonstrates the most common form, lokoo, in use, however it would be perfectly grammatical to substitute lokoo with either lakoo or labaa.
An exophoric determiner demonstrative: Signalling absence edit
There is yet one more type of determiner demonstrative, baa, which signals the absence of the referent from the speaker's sphere.[73] Unlike the other determiner demonstratives, baa, signals exophoric use which describes the absence rather than the location of a referent. Essentially, the use of baa doesn't tell us where the referent is, rather where it is not (the speaker's sphere). It is used to refer to entities which were once in the speaker's sphere, but which are no longer, for instance, it is commonly used in questions asking for where things are (see example 59).
Note that in example 59, baa has fused with the subject marker.
Although not discussed here, baa also signals temporal deixis.[75]
In Austronesian languages, the speaker and addressee sphere distinctions are common, and languages will usually also include one other sphere, that of the distal or the absence.[58] What is interesting about Toqabaqita is that it includes all four.[55]
Qualifying demonstratives edit
There are two qualifying demonstratives, together used to signal vertical displacement from the deictic centre:[76]
| Qualifying demonstratives | Meaning |
|---|---|
| loo | distal and higher than deictic centre: "upward" |
| fuu | distal and lower than deictic centre: "downward"; also used endophorically |
While these qualifying demonstratives can also indicate temporal deixis,[77] its discussion here will be limited to how spatial deixis is signalled.
There is some overlap in terms of formal criteria with the determiner demonstratives in that the qualifying demonstratives also occur as part of the noun phrase. However, only qualifying demonstratives may take third person pronouns as the head, as in example 60:[69]
Nia
3SG
lo=e
upward=3SG.NFUT
teo
lie
qa-na
SBEN-3SG.PERS
loqo.
up.there
"He up there (He who is upward) was lying up there."[69]
Note that, the qualifying demonstrative, loo, has fused with the subject marker.
Another formal difference which distinguishes the qualifying demonstratives from the determiner demonstratives is that the former are able to occur with indefinite, but referential noun phrases.[69] In these cases, the qualifying demonstrative needs to specify indefiniteness, otherwise the default is definite. Recall example 50 used in earlier discussion. This demonstrates how an indefinite head can be modified by a qualifying demonstrative:
Teqe
one
qerofulae
airplane
lo=e
upward=3SG.NFUT
tatha
pass.by
naq=i
PRF=LOC
mangaa.
air.space
"An airplane up there is passing by in the sky."[69]
This example also shows the use of a pronominal indefinite article, as well as a postnominal demonstrative.
Qualifying demonstratives are also able to be used alongside a determiner demonstrative when used anaphorically, and in these cases, both modify the same head noun.[78] The qualifying demonstrative occurs after the determiner, as in the example 61:
Wane
man
qeri
that
loo
upward
kai
3SG.IPFV
gau
pick.fruit.with.crook
keekene.
breadfruit
"The (aforementioned) man up there [in a tree] is picking breadfruit (hooking them with a crook and breaking them off)."[79]
It is clear the formal criteria used to distinguish qualifying demonstratives encompasses greater syntactic possibility, however its similarities to determiner demonstratives still attest to its typological classification as a demonstrative.
Locative demonstrative adverbs edit
These can be divided into two types. presentative adverbs, and general locative adverbs. Together they identify the location of an entity in space, or the presence, existence of an entity at a location.[80]
Locative demonstrative adverbs make distinctions between speaker and addressee spheres as well as elevation:
| Presentative adverbs | General locative adverbs | Meaning |
|---|---|---|
| neq(e) | speaker proximal: "here" | |
| nena | addressee proximal: "there(2)" | |
| lakoq(o), lokoq(o), labaq(a) | lakoo, lokoo, likoo, labaa, libaa | distal, planar: "there(3)" |
| loq(o) | loori, taqabaa | distal and higher than the deictic centre: "up there" |
| fuq(u) | fuuri, fuubaa | distal and lower than deictic centre: "down there" |
Note that the speaker proximal form, neq(e), also functions as an emphatic marker, however this function will not be discussed here.[81]
Despite diverging in formal criteria to the aforementioned demonstrative types, locative adverbs remain a form of demonstrative due to their function in distinguishing spatial deixis.[56] Furthermore, if we broaden our definition of demonstrative to beyond our conceptions of its functionality in English, we can conceive that it is possible for parts of speech other than the noun phrase, to take on demonstrative, deictic marking.
Presentative locative demonstrative adverbs edit
These are used when the referent is visible at that location, and can be pinpointed.[82]
Example 62 shows the speaker and addressee proximal presentative adverbs used in conversation between two speakers:
| 62 | |
|---|---|
A: Qoo, oh, teqe one thaqoro possum neqe. here "Oh, there is a possum here." | |
They are able to form part of a predicate, or as the predicate itself, the latter tending to be of emphatic use and often accompanied by relatively strong stress and higher pitch.[84] This formal criterion demarcates it from previously discussed demonstrative typology.
Example 63 illustrates how the presentative locative demonstrative adverb, neq(e), is used to modify the predicate. in this case in the relative clause, rather than the subject noun of the whole phrase, bauta:
Bauta
boat
kera
3PL
na
REL
mili
1PL(EXCL).NFUT
qaba-a
pull-3SG.OBJ
ka
3SG.SEQ
tea
lie
ba-na
LIM-3SG.PERS
neq.
here
"The boat of theirs, which we had pulled (out), came to rest (lit. lie here)."
Note that locative adverbs are not part of the noun phrase, and so they are not, for instance, followed by a postnominal marker, which has been a criterion of both determiner and qualifying demonstratives (see example 64).
While determiners are confined in use as part of a noun phrase, the use of the presentative locative demonstrative adverbs is far less restricted.[82] It can also be used with possessor phrases, where the determiner may be used alongside.
Kwa
1SG.SEQ
riki-a
see-3.OBJ
biikok
peacock
na
REL
kuki
PL(INCL).IPFV
rii-riki-a
REDUP-see-3.OBJ
nuu-na
picture-3SG.PERS
i
LOC
seqe-na
body-3.PERS
kaleko
clothees
qena
that(2)
ki
PL
nena,
there(2)
...
"[In the zoo] I saw peacocks, which we (only) see pictures of on those clothes there (literally: on the body of those clothes there; here: wraparounds, which often have colourful patterns)..." (The speaker points at the designs on some of the addressees' clothes.)[85]
The presentative adverb may also take on an oblique object, as in example 65:
Oli
return
faafi-a
CONF-3.OBJ
naifa
knife
wane
man
n=o
REL=2SG.NFUT
bili-a
steal-3.OBJ
mai
VENT
nena.
there(2)
"Take back (lit. return with) the man's knife that you stole (and brought), (the one) there (by you)."[86] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
General locative demonstrative adverbs edit
These are applicable when the entity or location referent is not visible, in contrast to the presentative adverb.[87] Likely due to this function, there are no speaker or addressee approximal forms.
Example 66 shows labaa in use:
General locative adverbs also show some flexibility in which clausal phrases they are able to modify, for instance they are able to capture prepositional phrases as seen in example 67:
Teqe
one
doo
thing
qe
3SG.NFUT
qisuqisu
move.rapidly.back.and.forth
qi
LOC
loori.
up.there
"There is something moving rapidly back and forth up there."[88]
There are other less common applications for general locative adverbs, however which are not included here due to scope restraints.[89]
Situational demonstrative adverbs edit
These encode spatial/temporal deixis with an emphatic-identifying function, of which there are three members.[90] They are listed below alongside their spatial meanings:[91]
- neri (speaker proximal)
- nena (non speaker proximal)
- nabaa (past temporal significance, sphere is irrelevant)
These are clause level constituents and occur clause finally. While their use does include functions beyond spatial deixis, discussion here will be limited due to scope.[92] For the same reasons, nabaa, although listed to provide an accurate summary, is not further discussed here.[93]
Example 68 shows the use of both neri and nena:
Nau
1SG
ku
1SG.NFUT
maqasi
wait.for
qoe
2SG
neri.
NPAST.HERE
"I'm waiting for you here."
[After a while] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
Maqasi
wait.for
nau
1SG
nena.
NPAST.THERE
"Wait for me there."[94] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
In this case, the speaker changes from neri to nena which is also an imperative (see example 69).
Manga
time
taa
what?
neri?
NPAST.HERE
"What time is it now?"[94] Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
Stylistic choices are also possible in that it is grammatical to choose a situational adverb depending on how the speaker wishes to contextualise the speech act. For instance, neri, the speaker proximal, can be used to describe an addressee's situation if that same referent also impacts the speaker. This could be due to physical proximity, however could be more abstract, as in example 70 which involves a mother reprimanding her children in response to an earlier event which could have impacted all of the, including the mother herself, and thus invoking the speaker proximal:
Conventions and Abbreviations edit
The following table lists the conventions and abbreviations used in this page.[96]
| 1 | first person |
| 2 | second person |
| 3 | third person |
| ADD | additive |
| ASRT | assertive |
| ASS | associative |
| CAUS | causative |
| CLF | classifier |
| COM | comitative |
| DU | dual |
| DVN | deverbal noun |
| EXCL | exclusive |
| FUT | future |
| GENP | general preposition |
| IDENT | identifier |
| INE | inessive |
| INCL | inclusive |
| IPFV | imperfective |
| IRR | irrealis |
| LIM | limiter |
| LOC | (general) locative |
| n. | noun |
| NEG | negative |
| NEGV | negative verb |
| NFUT | nonfuture |
| NMLZ | nominaliser |
| O | direct object |
| OBJ | object |
| PERS | personal |
| PL | plural |
| PREC | precedentive |
| PRF | perfect |
| PROFORE | prenominal foregrounder |
| PRSMKR | person marker |
| REDUP | reduplication |
| REL | relative clause/phrase marker |
| S, SUBJ | subject |
| SBEN | self-benefactive |
| SEQ | sequential |
| SG | singular |
| TR | transitive (suffix) |
| V | verb |
| VENT | ventive |
| X | 'other' constituent, e.g. adverbial |
| = | cliticisation |
| - | word-internal morpheme boundary |
Footnotes edit
- ^ Toqabaqita at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, 2008, p.1
- ^ Lewia, 2015
- ^ a b c d Lichtenberk 2008
- ^ a b c d Hammarström 2015
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.5
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.43
- ^ Lynch 2008, p.50
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.44
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.16
- ^ a b c Lichtenberk 2008, p.8
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, 2008, p.10
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.325
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.146
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.148
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, 2008, p.243
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.244
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.245
- ^ a b Lichtenberk 2008, p.246
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.247
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.248
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.249
- ^ a b c Lichtenberk 2008, p.250
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.251
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.328
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.252
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.253
- ^ a b c d e f Lichtenberk 2008, p.71
- ^ a b Lichtenberk 2008, p.114
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.143
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.144
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.147
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.151
- ^ a b Lichtenberk 2008, p.376
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.378
- ^ a b c d Lichtenberk 2008, p.379
- ^ a b Lichtenberk 2008, p.380
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p.390
- ^ a b c Lichtenberk 2008, p.384
- ^ a b Lichtenberk 2008, p. 735
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p. 54
- ^ a b c d e Lichtenberk 2008, p. 736
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p. 736-737
- ^ a b c d Lichtenberk 2008, p. 737
- ^ a b c d e f g Lichtenberk 2008, p. 738
- ^ a b Lichtenberk 2008, p. 739
- ^ a b c Lichtenberk 2008, p. 919
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p. 44
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p. 916
- ^ a b c d Lichtenberk 2008, p. 741
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p. 744
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p. 745
- ^ a b c d e f g Lichtenberk 2008, p. 742
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 603. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 649–654. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b c d e Fox, Barbara (1996). Studies in Anaphora. Nikolaus P Himmelmann. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins Pub. pp. 205–255. ISBN 1-55619-641-5. OCLC 34989998.
- ^ a b Diessel, Holger (March 2014). "Demonstratives, Frames of Reference, and Semantic Universals of Space: Demonstratives and Frames of Reference". Language and Linguistics Compass. 8 (3): 116–132. doi:10.1111/lnc3.12066.
- ^ a b c Cleary-Kemp, Jessica (2007). "Universal Uses of Demonstratives: Evidence from Four Malayo-Polynesian Languages". Oceanic Linguistics. 46 (2): 325–347. doi:10.1353/ol.2008.0008. ISSN 0029-8115. JSTOR 20172319. S2CID 143159943.
- ^ a b c d e Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 604–605. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 612. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Senft, Gunter (2004). Deixis and demonstratives in Oceanic languages. Malcolm D Ross. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies. pp. 175–200. ISBN 0-85883-551-7. OCLC 58532774.
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 606. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 604. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 604–617. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 619. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 229. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 603–649. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 228. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b c d e Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 617. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b c Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 607. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b c Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 611. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 614. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 614–615. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 615. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 615–616. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 616. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 621. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 617–618. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 618. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 631. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 636. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 632–637. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 633. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 632. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 635. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 635–636. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 637. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 638. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 637–639. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 639–340. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 639–640. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 643–649. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 643–645. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ a b Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 641. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk, Frantisek (2008). A grammar of Toqabaqita. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 642. ISBN 978-3-11-019906-2. OCLC 319967373.
- ^ Lichtenberk 2008, p. xxv-xxviii
External links edit
- Paradisec has a number of collections that include Toʼabaita language materials, including two collections of Arthur Capell's materials (AC1, AC2).
References edit
- Lichtenberk, F. 2008. A Grammar of Toqabaqita. De Gruyter:Berlin/Boston.
- Lewis, M. P., Simons, G. F., & Fennig, C. D. 2015. Ethnoloq. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Eighteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Available online at http://www.ethnologue.com Accessed 2015-03-23.)
- Lynch,J. 2002. Typological Overview in Oceanic Languages. Curzon.
- Hammarström, Harald & Forkel, Robert & Haspelmath, Martin & Bank, Sebastian. 2015. Glottolog 2.4. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://glottolog.org, Accessed on 2015-04-07.)