Illyrian religion

Illyrian religion refers to the religious beliefs and practices of the Illyrian peoples, a group of tribes who spoke the Illyrian languages and inhabited part of the western Balkan Peninsula from at least the 8th century BC until the 7th century AD.^[1][2] The available written sources are very tenuous. They consist largely of personal and place names, and a few glosses from Classical sources.^[3]

Still insufficiently studied, the most numerous traces of religious practices of the pre-Roman era are those relating to religious symbolism. Symbols are depicted in every variety of ornament and reveal that the chief object of the prehistoric cult of the Illyrians was the sun,^[4][5] worshipped in a widespread and complex religious system.^[6] Illyrian deities were mentioned in inscriptions on statues, monuments, and coins of the Roman period, and some interpreted by Ancient writers through comparative religion.^[7][3] To these can be added a larger body of inscriptions from the south-eastern Italian region of Apulia written in the Messapic language, which is generally considered to be related to Illyrian,^[3][8][2][9] although this has been debated as mostly speculative.^[10] There appears to be no single most prominent god for all the Illyrian tribes, and a number of deities evidently appear only in specific regions.^[7]

As pagans, Illyrians believed in supernatural powers and they attributed to the deities qualities that were reflected in everyday life, health and disease, natural abundance and natural disaster.^[11] A number of Illyrian toponyms and anthroponyms derived from animal names and reflected the beliefs in animals as mythological ancestors and protectors.^[12] The serpent was one of the most important animal totems.^[13] Illyrians believed in the force of spells and the evil eye, in the magic power of protective and beneficial amulets which could avert the evil eye or the bad intentions of enemies.^[14][7] The rich spectrum in religious beliefs and burial rituals that emerged in Illyria, especially during the Roman period, may reflect the variation in cultural identities in this region.^[15]

Certain aspects of the deities and beliefs of the Illyrians stem ultimately from Proto-Indo-European mythology.^[3] Alongside the Thracian and Dacian beliefs, it constitutes part of Paleo-Balkan mythologies.^[16] Albanians preserved traces of Illyrian religious symbolism,^[17][18] and ancient Illyrian religion is probably one of the underlying sources from which Albanian folk beliefs have drawn nourishment.^[19][20] One can also find several traces of Illyrian cults in the religious and superstitious beliefs among south Slavic peoples today.^[21]

Cults

Cults from the Neolithic tradition—especially those that were associated with the fertility of the earth and with agriculture in general—continued to be practised throughout the Bronze Age and at the beginning of the Iron Age in the Western Balkans. Those traditions included the cult of the Earth Mother, the cult of the sun, and the cult of the serpent.^[22][23] During the early Iron Age, the Illyrian art was geometric and non-representational, with the combination of concentric circles, rhomboids, triangles and broken lines.^[24] It was a severe type of art devoid of phantasy, intended for farmers and cattle breeders or warriors.^[25] The absence of figured ornament may reflect an apparent lack of anthropomorphic cults during the early Iron Age.^[26] The geometric art of the period, which reached its climax in the 8th century BC, seems to be the only common feature between the different Illyrian areas,^[27] as artistic ornaments found after the 6th century BC rather show an outside influence, mainly from archaic Greece and Etruscan Italy.^[28]

Archaeological evidence demonstrate the existence of two main cults based upon two roughly defined geographic criteria: the cult of the serpent appears to have occurred principally in the southern regions of Illyria, while the waterfowl and solar symbols predominated in the north.^[29] The serpent as the symbol of fertility, protector of the hearth and a chthonic animal, could also be connected with the cult of the sun.^[14]

Sun

 

 

A swastika in clockwise motion on a detail of the reproduction of a 5th century BC bronze belt plaque from Vače, Slovenia.^[30]

Many of the symbols found throughout Illyria were associated with the Sun, suggesting that the Sun worship was a cult common to Illyrian tribes. The solar deity was depicted as an animal figure, the likes of the birds, serpents and horses, or represented geometrically as a spiral, a concentric circle or a swastika. The latter, moving clockwise (卍), portrayed the solar movement.^[31]

Several bronze pendants widespread in the region have the shape of solar symbols such as a simple disk without rays, with four rays which form a cross, and with more rays. There are pendants that have more circles placed concentrically from the center to the periphery.^[32] Maximus of Tyre (2nd century AD) reported that the Paeonians worshipped the sun in the form of a small round disk fixed on the top of a pole.^[33] The sun-disk fixed on the top of a pole is also depicted in the coins of the Illyrian city of Damastion.^[34] Among the Liburnians and the Veneti, the sun-disk is depicted as a sun-boat borne across the firmament.^[11]

 

Representation of the most common Illyrian solar symbols: birds and circles with eight rays, on a 6th-century BC Glasinac bronze chariot; height 16.8 cm, length 20.4 cm.^[30]

Waterfowl are among the most frequent solar symbols of the Illyrians, especially in the north. A great number of pendants with waterfowl shapes have been found in the Glasinac plateau, in the regions of the Japodes in Lika, in Liburnia and in the Illyrian regions of present-day Albania and North Macedonia.^[34] At Noricum were found two Illyrian temples with sacrificial altars associated with the sun-cult and erected on mountain peaks.^[35] Evidence of a widespread cult of the sun among Thracians suggests a common ancient Balkan religious practice.^[35] Archaeological findings have shown that Illyrians and Thracians practiced ritual sacrifices to the sun in round temples built in high places.^[35] Among Illyrians, the deer was an important sun symbol as it was considered a main sacrificial animal offered to the Sun.^[14]

 

 

 

 

 

 

Some of the geometric Illyrian cult symbols depicted on metal and ceramic ware.^[36]

Remnants of the cult of the sun have been preserved among the Albanians until the 20th century in agricultural and livestock cults, in craftsmanship, in calendar rituals, in the oral folk traditions and in art. The solar deity was worshipped in the family life cycle, in the cult of hearth and fire, of water and the mountains; in oath swearing but also as a source of livelihood, of health and fertility, or simply as a useful protective object.^[37] A significant element of the sun-worship are the "fires of the year" (zjarret e vitit). Bonfires took place in Albania on the peaks of mountains, on hills and near homes, on Summer Day (beginning of March) or on June 24, sometimes in July, August or December 24.^[37] In the Albanian Songs of the Frontier Warriors, different events are influenced by the sun. The "Mountains of the Sun" (Bjeshkët e Diellit) are the places where the heroes (Kreshnikët) operate.^[37] The sun symbols are found in Albania in many decorative ornaments,^[35] and until the 20th century, the cult of the sun was displayed on tattoos practiced among northern Albanians and Catholics in Bosnia and Herzegovina.^[38]

Serpent

 

 

 

Illyrian lembs with figureheads of serpents depicted on Labeatan coins of the 2nd century BC; a serpent depicted on the reverse of an Amantian coin (c. 200 BC).^[13]

The serpent cult was widespread among Illyrians,^[13] especially in the south.^[39] The image of the serpent was a symbol of potency and fertility,^[40] and the protector of the domestic hearth.^[13][23] This mystic animal was connected with the cult of the ancestors and with the magical–religious complex of the fertility of the earth and of the woman.^[13] The Illyrian cult of the serpent is documented in ancient sources. An example is the mythological legend of Cadmus and his wife Harmonia, who, having come to the Illyrians and died in their homeland, continued to live after their death in the form of serpents. Their son Illyrios, the eponymous hero of the Illyrian lineage, also had the form of a serpent, and as such he can be considered as the supreme totem of the Illyrians.^[13][41]

The importance of the serpent in the symbolic and religious system of the Illyrians is reflected in numerous archaeological discoveries in their settlements and necropolises, especially in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia and Serbia.^[13] The serpent was used as a common terminal ornament for decorative items.^[7] A 3rd century BC silvered bronze belt buckle found inside the Illyrian Tombs of Selça e Poshtme near the Lake Ohrid shows a scene of warriors and horsemen in combat, with a giant serpent as a protector totem of one of the horsemen;^[42] a very similar belt was found also in the necropolis of Gostilj near the Lake Scutari.^[13] A Roman era statue of a local goddess of abundance was found in the locality of Qesarat; the goddess holds in her left hand a basket around which a snake is twisted. Figureheads of serpents appear on the ships depicted on Labeatan coins, which were found in the town of Çinamak, near Kukës. Other representations of the serpent are found in the Greek-Illyrian coins of Byllis, Apollonia, Dyrrhachion, Olympe and Amantia.^[13] In Dardania and Dalmatia there were dedicated altars to the serpentine pair Dracon and Dracaena/Dracontilla.^[7][43] In later times, the serpent was considered an obstacle to the Christian spiritual life.^[7]

The cult of the serpent has survived among Albanians throughout the Middle Ages and to the present days.^[44] All the beliefs, rites, and practices of magic associated with this cult have been well preserved in rural settlements by the elders until the last decades of the 20th century.^[45] The serpent is worshiped as a chthonic and water deity. It is also considered a healer and a totem protector of the family and the house.^{[46][note 1]} In Albania, the serpent appears in many decorative symbols, in toponyms and anthroponyms.^[48] In southern Dalmatia in particular, the serpent is found in carving, heraldry and anthroponyms.^[49] The cult of the serpent left traces in numerous similar ritual manifestations within Slavic mythology.^[50] At Sutomore in Montenegro, on the former Encheleian coast, the blavor ("snake-lizard") is considered a household protector, and it is a sin to kill it. The word blavor is related to Albanian bullar and Romanian balaur, which are pre-Slavic Balkanisms that show the continuity of the cult of the serpent among the peoples of the region.^[43]

Horseman

See also: Paleo-Balkan mythology § Horseman

The horsemen was a common Palaeo-Balkan hero.^[51] A 3rd-century BC silvered bronze belt buckle, found inside the Illyrian Tombs of Selça e Poshtme near the western shore of Lake Lychnidus in Dassaretan territory, depicts a scene of warriors and horsemen in combat, with a giant serpent as a protector totem of one of the horsemen; a very similar belt was found also in the necropolis of Gostilj near the Lake Scutari in the territory of the Labeatae, indicating a common hero-cult practice in those regions. Modern scholars suggest that the iconographic representation of the same mythological event includes the Illyrian cults of the serpent, of Cadmus, and of the horseman.^[51][52]

See also: Thracian horseman

 

A marble relief of a riding horseman of the Roman period, Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Croatia.

The reliefs of the Thracian horseman spread from the eastern Balkans into Illyria during the Roman era, appearing in the typical image of a hunter on horseback, riding from left to right.^[28] The Thracian horseman was portrayed on both votive and funeral monuments. A less used type of monument depicting a Thracian horseman was the medallion, found also at Sarajevo, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.^[53]

Deities by region

The study in the field of Illyrian religion is in several cases insufficient for a description even at the level of basic attributes of individual deities.^[54] The main source of information are inscriptions from the Roman period;^[54] some deities are also named by Roman and Greek writers in equation with the classical pantheon which they were familiar with. Based on the available list of deities, there seems to be no single or prominent god shared by all the Illyrian tribes, and a number of deities evidently appear only in specific regions.^[7] On the other hand, some derivatives and epithets of gods were more widespread among the different tribes: a lot of Illyrian personal names are similar to the Dardanian deity Andinus,^[55] and certain Illyrian and Messapian goddesses (some of them borrowed from Greek) shared the title Ana or Anna,^[56] which is plausibly interpreted as "Mother".^[57]

The Illyrian names of the gods were not different in grammatical structures from the personal names reserved for humans.^[56] The onomastic evidence demonstrates a general division between several cultural provinces, which can sometimes overlap: the southern region of Illyris, the middle Pannonian and Dalmatian provinces, and the northwestern regions of Liburnia and Istria.^[58] Other Illyrian gods are more scarcely attested in Moesia Superior (present-day North Macedonia),^[59] and the pantheon may be extended to the Iapygian deities if one follows the generally accepted Illyro-Messapic theory that postulates an Illyrian migration towards southeastern Italy (present-day Apulia) during the early first millennium BC.^[3][8][60]

Illyris

The lexicographer Hesychius of Alexandria (fifth or sixth century AD) mentioned a god named Dei-pátrous, worshiped in Tymphaea as the Sky Father (*Dyēus-Ph₂tḗr) and a cognate of the Vedic Dyáuṣ Pitṛ́, Greek Zeus Patēr and Roman Jupiter.^[61] According to linguist Émile Benveniste, the region of Tymphaea was inhabited by an Illyrian population that may have influenced the Doric form copied by Hesychius as "Deipáturos" (Δειπάτυροϛ).^[62] The tribe of the Parthini worshiped Jupiter Parthinus as a chief deity, identified with the chief Roman god Jupiter.^[63] Hesychius recorded that the Illyrians believed in satyr-like creatures called Deuadai, which has been interpreted as a diminutive of the inherited Indo-European word for a "god" (*deywós). Philologist Hans Krahe argued that Satyros (Σάτυρος) may be of Illyrian origin.^[64]

The name Redon appears in inscriptions found in Santa Maria di Leuca (present-day Lecce), and on coins minted by the Illyrian city of Lissos, suggesting that he was worshipped as the guardian deity of the city,^[65] and probably as a sea god.^[66] The fact that Redon was always depicted on coins wearing a petasos demonstrates a connection with travelling and sailing, which led historians to the conclusion that Redon was the deity protector of travellers and sailors.^[67] Indeed, the inscriptions of Santa Maria di Leuca were carved by the crews of two Roman merchant ships manned by Illyrians.^[68] Inscriptions mentioning Redon were also found on coins from the Illyrian cities of Daorson and Scodra, and even in archaeological findings from Dyrrhachium after the establishment of a Roman colony there.^[67] His name keeps on being used in the Albanian Kepi i Rodonit ("Cape of Rodon"), a headland located near Durrës which could be analysed as an Illyrian sanctuary dedicated to the god of the sailors in the past.^[69]

Prende was the Illyrian love-goddess and the consort of the sky and thunder-god Perëndi.^[70] The name Per-en-di is a possible cognate of the Proto-Indo-European weather god *Perk^wunos, deriving from the root *per- ("to strike"), and attached to the suffixes -en- and -di/dei, the Illyrian sky-god.^{[71][72][note 2]} The fire was deified as En (or *Enji), which has been interpreted as a cognate of the Vedic fire god Agni,^[74] descending from the root *H_xn̩g^wnis, the Proto-Indo-European divinised fire.^[75] En, Perendi and Prende were worshiped by Illyrians until the spread of Christianity in the region, after which En was demoted to demonic status, although his name survived in the Albanian language to refer to Thursday (enjte).^[76] Prende was similarly inherited as a root for Friday (premte) and Saint Venera (Shënepremte),^[77] while Perëndi was retained as the Name of God.^[78]

An Illyrian god named Medaurus is mentioned in a dedication from Lambaesis (Numidia) made by a Roman legatus native of the Illyrian city of Risinium (present-day Montenegro). The name is more scarcely attested on another inscription found in Risinium, engraved by the Peripolarchoi, the border guards of the city; and also in Santa Maria di Leuca, where Medaurus is the divine name given to a merchant ship.^[79] Portrayed as riding on horseback and carrying a lance, Medaurus was the protector deity of Risinium, with a monumental equestrian statue dominating the city from the acropolis.^[80] He was also possibly regarded as a war god among Illyrian soldiers fighting in the Roman legions along the limes, especially during the Marcomannic Wars (166–180 AD).^[81]

Dalmatia and Pannonia

Dalmatia and Pannonia were ruled by the Roman Empire and grouped together within the province of Illyricum from the creation of the empire in 27 BC until the reign of Vespasian in 69–79 AD, during which they got separated into two different provinces.^[82] From the beginning of the reign of Septimius Severus in 193, Pannonians began to adopt Roman deities or put emphasis on local gods compatible with Roman cults.^[83] Sedatus, Epona, Mars Latobius, Jupiter Optimus Maximus Teutanus, and other non-Illyrian deities were thus introduced by Roman and Celtic foreigners in the region, and local religion is hardly traceable before the Severan period.^[84]

Cult of Silvanus

 

Votive relief of Silvanus with iconography of Pan; from Split, Croatia, ca. 2nd–3rd century AD.

The cult of Silvanus, the Roman tutelary deity of the wild, woods and fields, was one of the most popular ritual traditions in Dalmatia and Pannonia during the Roman period.^[85] Silvanus was so familiar in the region that his name was often abbreviated on inscriptions.^[86] The way he was portrayed in Dalmatia differed from the rest of the Roman Empire, with various elements common only with Pannonia. Silvanus was depicted with attributes generally related to Pan, such as goat legs, horns, syrinx, pedum, grapes or other fruits, and he was escorted by a goat and female companions (Diana and the Nymphs).^[87] Several cognomina were attributed to Silvanus in particular, such as Domesticus when he was portrayed as a bearded countryman with his watch-dog, holding the knife of a wine-grower or gardener. Under Silvanus Messor, he was the protector of the harvest, while the epithet Silvestris, often paired with Diana and the Nymphs, depicted the hunter and the rural woodland identity.^[88]

Some scholars have interpreted those peculiarities from the point of the view that Silvanus was an indigenous deity resembling Pan, but recognized by Classical writers as 'Silvanus' through the eyes of interpretatio romana.^[89] They generally link the representations of Silvanus with an erect phallus to pre-Roman fertility cults found earlier in the region, especially local ithyphallic depictions of the Iron Age.^[90] The cult of Silvanus was also more frequent in the towns of the Dalmatian heartlands such as Vrlika than in the coastal Graeco-Roman colonies like Narona.^[91] An opposing view regards the cult of Silvanus in Dalmatia and Pannonia as a tradition of Italian origin eventually adopted by Balkanic populations living in romanized areas during the second century AD.^[92] The association of Silvanus with the Phrygian deity Attis also appears in Dalmatia and further north in Aquileia (Italia).^[91]

The Silvanae, a feminine plural of Silvanus, were featured on many dedications across Pannonia. As most of them were found in the western Balkans rather than in Italy, they may have represented Illyrian nymphs.^[93] In the hot springs of Topusko (Pannonia Superior), sacrificial altars were dedicated to Thana and Vidasus, whose names invariably stand side by side as companions.^[94] Vidasus is identified with Silvanus,^[95] and his name may derive from the PIE root *wid^hu- ("tree, forest"), with a possible cognate in the Norse god Víðarr, who is said to live amid long grass and brushwood.^[96] Thana, compared with the Roman goddess Diana, was the deity of forestry and hunting. Scholars have argued that Thana survived as Zana of Albanian mythology,^[97][98] and that she can be traced today in the image of "mother Yana" within Serbian folklore.^[50]

Cult of Liber

In Dalmatia, the Roman deity of wine, fertility and freedom Liber was worshipped with the attributes of Silvanus and those of Terminus, the god protector of boundaries.^[28] His cult was more widespread in the Balkanic province than in Italy, with prominent centres of cult in Salona and Narona.^[99] On the islands of Brattia and Corcyra Nigra, Liber was venerated under the epithet Torcle(n)sis as a god of the wine press.^[100] Certainly due to a mixing of local traditions under Hellenistic influence, he was often associated with the Greek god of wine, fertility and religious ecstasy Dyonisus. In Tragurium was erected a statue of Liber-Dionysus-Bacchus, and a relief from Omiš depicts him as an effeminate Dionysus wearing vine branches and holding a thyrsus.^[101] Another relief from Livno portrays him with a thyrsus and serpent, or with a vase and a dog, a possible syncretism with the Roman god of medicine Asclepius.^[101] A feminine version named Libera was also discovered in inscriptions from Hvar, Bihać, Zenica, Zemun and Humac.^[100]

Other deities

Tadenus was a Dalmatian deity bearing the identity or epithet of Apollo in inscriptions found near the source of the Bosna river.^[102] His identity is not known and the name may be of Thracian origin.^[28] A local ruler named Ionios appears on inscriptions carved on Dalmatian coins.^[103] His mythic dimensions have been highlighted by scholars, and it seems likely that he received his name from a mythical predecessor.^[104] The Delmatae also had Armatus as a war god in Delminium.^[28] Two altars were dedicated to him under the name Armatus Augustus in Dalmatia, and while he was recorded under a Latin name, the deity was likely of native origin.^[105]

Aecorna (or Arquornia) was a goddess worshipped exclusively in the Emona Basin, in the cities of Nauportus and Emona (Pannonia Superior), where she was the most important divinity next to Jupiter.^[106] The earlier testimony of her cult appears in inscriptions dated 50–30 BC, and she is most likely of native origin.^[107][108] Aecorna has been interpreted as a lake goddess, or as a patroness of the river traffic along the Ljubjanica.^[107] Laburus was also a local deity worshipped in Emona.^[109] His name was found on an altar erected at Fuzine, in a dangerous site for navigation near the rapids of the Ljubjanica river. Laburus may thus have been a deity protecting the boatmen sailing through those perilous rapids.^[110] Oriental Mithraic mysteries became also widespread in Pannonia during the Roman period, with an important centre of cult in Poetovio.^[111]

Liburnia and Istria

Iutossica and Anzotica, the latter identified with Venus, were worshipped in Liburnia.^[112] Some deities are known exclusively from Istria, such as Nebres, Malesocus, Iria, or Boria, a mountain-god (from Illyrian *bora, "mountain").^[113] Other local theonyms include Latra, Sentona, and the nymph Ica. In honour of Ica was erected a monument in the vicinity of a spring in Flanona, which still bears her name.^[94][114] Bindus, identified with Neptune, was worshiped among the Japodes as the guardian deity of springs and seas. Altars were dedicated to him by tribal leaders at the Privilica spring sources near Bihać.^[115] By the early 1st century AD, the Istrian goddess Heia was worshipped on the Pag island in a syncretism with the Roman goddess Bona Dea. She is also attested in the towns of Nesactium and Pula.^[116]

Moesia Superior

The region of Moesia Superior showed a great variety of cultural beliefs, as it lay on the cultural frontier between the Latin West and the Greek East.^[117] The debated identity of tribes such as the Dardanians, interpreted as either Illyrian or Thracian,^[118] or the Paeonians, likewise dwelling between the Dardanians and Macedonians,^[11] rests upon the fact that they inhabited an Illyrian-Thracian contact zone where both cultures intertwined over a long period.^[119]

The Dardanian deity Andinus was worshipped in a region dominated by Thracian gods. The only trace left is a name carved on an altar dedicated by a beneficiarus ("a foreigner"). Variants like Andia or Andio were also common among the Dardanians,^[117] and a lot of Illyrian personal names are found under the forms Andes, Andueia or Andena.^[55] The Paeonians worshiped a god named Dualos, the equivalent of Dionysus. His name has been compared with Albanian dej ("drunk") and Gothic dwals ("a madman"), reinforcing the association of the Paeonian deity with wine and intoxication.^[120]

Apulia

See also: Iapygians

Iapygian tribes (the Messapians, Daunians and Peucetians) all shared Messapic as a common language until the Roman conquest of Apulia from the late 4th century BC onwards.^[9] Messapic was probably related to the Illyrian languages spoken on the other side of the Adriatic Sea, as both ancient sources and modern scholars have described an Illyrian migration into Italy early in the first millennium BC.^[8][121] The pre-Roman religion of Iapygians appears as a substrate of indigenous elements mixed with Greek mythology.^[122] In fact, the Roman conquest probably accelerated the hellenisation of a region already influenced by contacts with Magna Grecia, a set of colonies Greeks had founded in southeastern Italy by the 8th century BC (Tarentum in particular), after first incursions centuries earlier during the Mycenaean period.^[122] Aphrodite and Athena were thus worshiped in Apulia as Aprodita and Athana, respectively.^[123]

Indigenous Iapygian beliefs featured the curative powers of the waters at the herõon of the god Podalirius and the fulfilling of oracles for anyone who slept wrapped in the skin of a sacrificed ewe.^[122] Menzanas was a local Messapian deity whose name literally translates as "Lord of Horses". He was often worshipped under the epithet Juppiter Menzanas, and horses were sacrificed to him by being thrown alive into a fire.^[124][125] Originally formed as *mendyo-no-, the name Menzanas derives from the root *mendyo- ("foal"),^{[note 3]} attached to the PIE suffix -nos ("controller of, lord of").^[127] The cult of Juppiter Menzanas, known at least since Verrius Flaccus (c. 55 BC–20 AD), is probably a native custom eventually influenced by neighbouring Italic peoples.^[128] In fact, the native sky-god of the Messapians, Zis (or Dis), was likewise worshipped under the aspect of Zis Menzanas.^[129] Attested by the early 6th century BC,^[130] Zis is not a loanword adapted from the Greek Zeus, but a parallel inheritance from the Proto-Indo-European sky-god *Dyēus (via an intermediate form *dyēs), and other cognates appear in Albanian Zojz, Vedic Dyáuṣ, Latin Jovis (*Djous) and Illyrian Dei(-pátrous).^[131] The Tarentine god Dís (Δίς) has probably been borrowed from their neighbouring Messapians.^[132]

The goddess Venas (< *wenos), also an inherited deity (cognate with Latin Venus or Old Indic vánas "desire"), is often invoked along with the sky-god Zis (kla(o)hi Zis Venas, "listen, Zis (and) Venas") and with an unknown god, Taotor (Θautour), probably related to the "tribe" or the "community" as his name stems from PIE *teutéh_a- ('people').^[132] Lahona was the name of a Messapian deity worshipped as an epithet attached to Aphrodite: ana aprodita lahona.^[109] She was featured in votive inscriptions found in Ceglie Messapica, and the dedication has been translated either as "To the goddess Aphrodite Lahona",^[133] or as "Mother Aphrodite Lahona".^[134] The theonym Thana, attested on Messapian inscriptions, is also found on Dalmatian altars.^[135]

The goddess Damatura (or Damatira) could be of Messapian origin rather than a borrowing from the Greek Demeter, with a form dā- ("earth", compare with Albanian: dhe) attached to -matura ("mother") and akin to the Illyrian god Dei-pátrous (dei-, "sky", attached to -pátrous, "father").^{[136][137][138]} This theory was supported by Pisani (1935) and Georgiev (1937), rejected by Kretschmer (1939),^[137] and more recently supported by Çabej, Demiraj (1997),^[139] and West (2007),^[136] although Beekes (2009) and De Simone (2017) rather see a borrowing from Greek.^[132][137] West further notes that "the formal parallelism between [Damatura and Deipaturos] may favour their having been a pair, but evidence of the liaison is lacking."^[140]

Mythology

Cosmology

The opinion^[11] according to which the Illyrians apparently did not develop a uniform cosmology on which to center their religious practices is incompatible with the discovery of a monument representing a round labyrinth that was dedicated to the "Dardanian Goddess" from Smira. This monument provides evidence for cosmogonic and cosmologic knowledges among the Dardani.^[141] The labyrinth was realized based on the concept of the trinity. There is used a numerological and geometric approach through a multidimensional holographic field, which illustrates the Dardanian perception of the cosmic order and the interconnection between the material world and the higher realm.^[142]

Legends

The absence of figured ornament during the early Iron Age may reflect an apparent lack of mythology among Illyrians in this period.^[26] The most deeply rooted mythological tradition among the populations of northwestern Balkans was the legend of Cadmus and Harmonia; other legends were those of Bato and of the Cadmeians.^[143] The myth of the heroic pair Cadmus and Harmonia was strictly connected to the Enchelei and the territory they inhabited: Boeotia and Illyria.^[144]

 

Coin from Apollonia bearing the inscription ΒΑΤΩΝ. The name Bato/Baton was very common among Illyrians, often related to legends, religion, and cults.

In Roman times Bato was one of the most notable Illyrian names, which perhaps was originally a nomen sacrum, and is outstandingly spread but condensed in Illyria, Thebes and Troas, with the presence of a temple dedicated to him at Argos, as recorded by Pausanias. In every region it is related to legends and religion, suggesting also an ancient cult.^[145] According to a legendary account reported by Polybius, cited by Stephanus of Byzantium, after Amphiaraus disappearance his carioteer Baton settled in Illyria, near the country of the Enchelei.^[146]

The meanings of compound personal names like Veskleves (lit. "good-fame", i.e. "possessing good fame") have been interpreted as an indicator of an oral epic tradition among the Illyrians.^[147][148]

According to a tradition reported by Appian, the Illyrian king Epidamnos was the eponymous founder of the homonym city. His grandson Dyrrhachos, son of Epidamnos' daughter Melissa and Poseidon, founded a harbor that was called Dyrrhachion. According to this legend, when Dyrrhachus was attacked by his own brothers, the hero Heracles, who was promised part of the Illyrian land, came to his aid, but in the fight the hero killed by mistake Ionius, the son of his ally Dyrrhachos. During the funeral Heracles cast the body into the sea, thereafter named Ionian Sea.^[149][150] The genealogy of the foundation of Dyrrhachium includes among the founders Illyrian men (the Illyrian king Epidamnos and his grandson Dyrrachos), Greek men (the Corinthian Falio, descendant of Heracles), heroes (Heracles who was given part of the lands) and gods (Poseidon, as father of Dyrrachos). The emergence of a mixed tradition with apparently divergent aspects (Heracles as a "god" and a Greek king on the one hand, Epidamnos and his grandson Dyrrachos as Illyrians on the other hand) was probably determined by the perception of a profane action carried out by the colonists, which only a new heroic and divine tradition could have justified. Considering the Hellenization process to which the Illyrian local aristocracies adhered early, this tradition can be conceivably considered as constructed both by the colonists and by the Hellenized Taulantian population.^[150]

It has been argued that the legend of Aeneas was transmitted in Italy and Rome through Illyrian intermediacy. Similarly it can also be explained the unclear Latin form Ulixes of the name Odysseus.^[151]

Totemism

Illyrian totemism is known almost exclusively from Illyrian tribal names, toponyms and anthroponyms, which were taken from the animal and plant world, reflecting a close relation of Illyrian peoples to nature.^[152][153] Such cases include: Enchelei, "people of the eel" (cf. Albanian: ngjalë, Ancient Greek: ἔγχελυς, Latin: anguilla); Taulanti, "people of the swallow" (cf. Albanian: tallandyshe, also reflected in the Greek translation χελῑδόν, khelīdṓn); Delmatai, "people of the sheep" (cf. Albanian: delmë); Dardani, "people of the pear" (cf. Albanian: dardhë); Peuketi, "people of the pine" (cf. Ancient Greek: πεύχη, peúkē, from PIE: *pewḱ-); Ulkinium, "city of the wolf" (cf. Albanian: ulk, from PIE: *wĺ̥k^wos); Delminium, "city of the sheep" (the same root of Delmatai).^{[154][11][153]} Many tribes believed in the protection of certain animals and plants, feeling also an ancestry link with them.^[152] Totemism may translate the ancient social relationships and religious conceptions held by Illyrians and their predecessors, a set of traditions that was still alive during the Roman period.^[12]

Magic and superstition

As recorded by ancient Roman writers, Illyrians believed in the force of spells and the evil eye.^[155] Many examples of objects with the shape of phallus, hand, leg, and animal teeth are indicators of a belief in the protective and beneficial force of amulets.^[156]

Burial and afterlife

During the Bronze Age both flat graves and tumuli were built. The tumulus-burial is considered to have been imported from the first Indo-European wave that spread throughout the Balkans towards the beginning of the Bronze Age. This form of burial practice, once it appeared, especially in central and southern Illyria, continued without interruption throughout the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age, becoming in this period a specific component of the Illyrian ethnic tradition. During the Bronze Age until the beginning of the Iron Age, the most common funerary practice was to lay out the body in a contracted position, a tradition continued from Neolithic times.^[22] The custom of burial in tumuli in the contracted position, which appeared also in southern Italy, especially in Apulia, suggest a movement of Illyrian peoples from the eastern Adriatic shore at the beginning of the first millennium BC.^[157] Cremation, on the other hand, was very rare, however it was not discontinuous by the Middle Bronze Age.^[22]

In the Iron Age, during the late 6th and early 5th century BC, the increase in cremation graves in the Glasinac culture has been interpreted as a possible collapse of the tribal structure which led to changes in the prevailing religious belief.^[158] The shift from inhumation to cremation is thought to be an evidence of the arrival of new people from the north.^[159] In fact, cremation became a more common rite among northern Illyrians, while inhumation persisted as the dominant rite in the south.^[160] The gradual transition from the rite of cremation to that of inhumation during the Roman period can be interpreted as a sign of greater concern for the afterlife.^[160] The rich spectrum in religious beliefs and burial rituals that emerged in Illyria, especially during the Roman period, is an indicator of the variation in cultural identities in this region.^[15]

See also

• Albanian folk beliefs
• Ancient Greek religion
• Paleo-Balkan mythology
• Proto-Indo-European mythology
• Religion in ancient Rome
• Slavic paganism
• Thracian religion

Notes

1. "In the ethnological tradition the totem of the Albanians and especially northern Albanians is the snake.".^[47]
2. The suffix -n- has reflexes in other Indo-European divine names like *peruh_xnos 'the one with the thunder stone', or Perun/Perunŭ, the Slavic thunder god. The suffix -di/dei derives from PIE *Dyēus.^[73]
3. Closely related to Albanian mëz, mënd; ultimately from PIE *mend-/mond- (perhaps *mn̥d-), "to suckle, feed, breast".^[126]

References

1. Stipčević 2002, pp. 46–47.
2. Mallory & Adams 1997, pp. 288–89.
3. West 2007, p. 15: "For the ancient Thracian and Illyrian peoples the source material is extremely scanty. It consists largely of personal and place names, a few glosses from Classical sources, and one or two inscriptions. To these can be added a larger body of inscriptions from south-east Italy in the Messapic language, which is generally considered to be Illyrian..."
4. Stipčević 1974, p. 182: "The most numerous traces of religious practices from the pre-Roman period are those which relate to religious symbolism. The finds of an extraordinarily large number of pendants having a symbolic meaning offer rich, until now insufficiently utilized, material for research into the little-known spiritual world of the prehistoric IIlyrians, also research for the purpose of identifying the spiritual currents which flowed from various sides and at different periods into the western Balkans. It is these tiny pendants and graphically presented symbols on clay or metal objects which reveal to us the chief object of the cult of the prehistoric Illyrians — the Sun."
5. Wilkes 1992, p. 244: "Symbolic forms appear in every variety of ornament. Most common of all is that of the sun, to which were related birds, serpents, horses and the swastika, which is seen to represent the solar movement."
6. Stipčević 1974, p. 182: "...all were connected with sun-worship, proving how very widespread it was. Such symbolic designs as swastikas, spirals or even horse-shaped pendants, images of birds, serpents, etc., reveal details of the very complex Illyrian Sun cult."
7. Wilkes 1992, p. 245.
8. Wilkes 1992, p. 68: "...the Messapian language recorded on more than 300 inscriptions is in some respects similar to Balkan Illyrian. This link is also reflected in the material culture of both shores of the southern Adriatic. Archaeologists have concluded that there was a phase of Illyrian migration into Italy early in the first millennium BC."
9. Small 2014, p. 18.
10. De Simone 2017, p. 1842–1843.
11. Wilkes 1992, p. 244.
12. Stipčević 1974, p. 197.
13. Stipčević 1976, p. 235.
14. Stipčević 1974, p. 182.
15. Brandt, Ingvaldsen & Prusac 2014, p. 249.
16. Leeming 2005, p. xvii.
17. Stipčević 1974, p. 74: "Ethnologists, too, studying the very rich and as yet insufficiently known Albanian ethnographical material, have found in it a series of elements which have descended directly from prehistoric Illyrian heritage. Particularly numerous are traces of Illyrian costume in present-day Albanian national costume, just as there are Illyrian traces in Albanian ornaments and in religious symbolism, folk dances, music anthroponymy, toponymy, etc."
18. Stipčević 1976, pp. 234–235: "Il fatto che questo simbolo lo troviamo connesso con l'altro simbolo solare — il cerchio, nelle necropoli medioevali in Albania può avere un significato solo, quello cioè del contenuto simbolico identico tra questi oggetti, un fatto che può servire da argomento in favore della tesi per la continuità spirituale tra gli Illiri preistorici e le genti albanesi dell'alto Medioevo. Altri simboli religiosi illirici e albanesi, studiati dal punto di vista che ci interessa in questa sede, non potranno non apportare nuove prove per la continuità spirituale illiro-albanese. Tra questi ricorderemo quello che possiamo senz'altro considerare il più importante di tutti — il serpente."
19. West 2007, p. 288: "Ancient Illyrian religion is perhaps one of the underlying sources from which Albanian legend and folklore have drawn nourishment."
20. Wilkes 1992, p. 280: "...the Albanian culture, as fascinating and varied as any in that quarter of Europe, is an inheritance from the several languages, religions and ethnic groups known to have inhabited the region since prehistoric times, among whom were the Illyrians."
21. Stipčević 2002, p. 75.
22. Boardman & Sollberger 1982, pp. 234–235.
23. Šašel Kos 1993, p. 125: "Serpent symbols appeared as ornamentation as early as the Stone Age, along with statuettes of snakes and serpent goddesses, and it is apparent that the snake, wherever it appeared, influenced the conceptions of primitive man who, as is indicated by finds, saw in it on the one hand the protector of the domestic hearths, and on the other a chthonic diety [sic] conferring fertility."
24. Stipčević 1974, p. 197; Wilkes 1992, p. 247
25. Stipčević 1974, p. 197: "Theirs is a severe kind of art, intended for cattle breeders and tillers of soil or warriors. It is an art devoid of phantasy, just as unchangeable throughout the centuries as the lives of those who created it and for whom it was created. Some isolated attempts at artistic deviation did not break the barriers of the dominating geometrical formulae."
26. Wilkes 1992, p. 247: "llyrian taste in artistic ornament was non-representational and geometric, with combinations of triangles, diamonds and diagonal lines incised on metal objects and pottery. The absence of figured ornament may reflect the apparent lack of mythology or anthropomorphic cults."
27. Stipčević 1974, p. 197: "The geometric art of the early Iron Age did not possess marked differences between one Illyrian area and another, as happened in the subsequent centuries."
28. Wilkes 1992, p. 247.
29. Stipčević 1974, p. 186: "The fact that the cult of the serpent seems to have existed exclusively in southern Illyria (one very rarely finds the serpent image in the northern regions) has enabled us to delineate with considerable clarity — however vaguely divided — two separate religious entities. In the southern one the cult of the serpent, in all its varied and rich manifestations, had a dominant role, and in the northern, the waterfowl and other symbols of the sun predominated."
30. Stipčević 1974, p. 191.
31. Stipčević 1974, pp. 182, 186; Wilkes 1992, p. 244
32. Stipčević 1976, p. 233.
33. Wilkes 1992, p. 244; Tirta 2004, pp. 77–79
34. Stipčević 1976, p. 234.
35. Tirta 2004, pp. 77–79.
36. Stipčević 1981, pp. 205–259.
37. Tirta 2004, pp. 68–70.
38. Tirta 2004, pp. 68–70; Durham 2004, p. 94
39. Stipčević 1974, p. 186.
40. Wilkes 1992, p. 245; Tirta 2004, pp. 166–170
41. Šašel Kos 1993, p. 113.
42. Tirta 2004, pp. 166–167.
43. Šašel Kos 1993, p. 125.
44. Stipčević 1976, pp. 234–236.
45. Tirta 2004, pp. 146–147.
46. Tirta 2004, pp. 149–156.
47. Sinani, Shaban. "Rikodifikimi i shenjës në romanin "Dranja". Një vështrim Antropologjik". In: Wir sind die Deinen: Studien zur albanischen Sprache, Literatur und Kulturgeschichte, dem Gedenken an Martin Camaj (1925–1992) gewidmet. Herausgegeben von Bardhyl Demiraj. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2010. p. 111. ISSN 0568-8957.
48. Tirta 2004, pp. 157–163.
49. Tirta 2004, pp. 162–163.
50. Stipčević 1974, p. 75.
51. Garašanin 1976, pp. 278–279.
52. Castiglioni 2010, pp. 93–95.
53. Hampartumian 1979, p. 10.
54. Stipčević 1974, p. 193.
55. Krahe 1946, p. 199; Wilkes 1992, p. 86
56. Krahe 1946, p. 199.
57. Benveniste 1969, p. 168; West 2007, p. 140
58. Wilkes 1992, p. 70.
59. Mócsy 1974, p. 254; Stipčević 1974, p. 84
60. Mallory & Adams 1997, pp. 288–89; Small 2014, p. 18
61. Mallory & Adams 2006, pp. 408–409; West 2007, p. 167
62. Benveniste 1969, p. 166: "In this region occupied by an ancient Illyrian population some part of the Illyrian heritage has survived in the Dorian dialect: the form Deipaturos may be a vocative of Illyrian origin."
63. Krahe 1946, p. 203; Ceka 2013, p. 348
64. West 2007, pp. 293–294.
65. Dyczek et al. 2014, pp. 82–83.
66. Ceka 2013, p. 348.
67. Ceka 2013, pp. 230, 348.
68. Ceka 2013, pp. 230, 348; Dyczek et al. 2014, pp. 82–83
69. Ceka 2013, p. 230.
70. Lurker 2005, pp. 150, 155.
71. West 2007, p. 243: "The Albanian Perëndi 'Heaven', 'God', has been analysed as a compound of which the first element is related to perunŭ and the second to *dyeus."
72. Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 582: "It is argued that the underlying meaning here is not oak but rather that the Norse and Baltic forms are from *per-kw-, an extension on the root *per- 'strike' [...] These would then be related to *peruh_xnos 'the one with the thunder stone' [...], and possibly Albanian peren-di..."
73. Mallory & Adams 1997, pp. 408–409; West 2007, p. 167
74. Tagliavini 1963, p. 103.
75. Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 203; West 2007, p. 266
76. Tagliavini 1963, p. 103; Lurker 2005, p. 57
77. Elsie 2001, p. 257.
78. Lurker 2005, p. 150.
79. Wilkes 1992, pp. 244–245; Dyczek et al. 2014, pp. 82–83
80. Dyczek et al. 2014, p. 81.
81. Ceka 2013, p. 414; Dyczek et al. 2014, pp. 82–83
82. Šašel Kos 2019, p. 26.
83. Mócsy 1974, p. 249.
84. Mócsy 1974, p. 253.
85. Mócsy 1974, p. 251; Dzino 2017, pp. 108
86. Dorcey 1992, p. 68.
87. Dzino 2017, pp. 108, 111; Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 87
88. Mócsy 1974, p. 252; Wilkes 1992, p. 259
89. Dzino 2017, pp. 109.
90. Mócsy 1974, p. 250; Wilkes 1992, p. 259
91. Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 87.
92. Mócsy 1974, pp. 251–252; Dorcey 1992, p. 68
93. West 2007, p. 288: "Another name is Silvanae, the feminine plural corresponding to Silvanus, god of the forest. Most of the dedications to them, however, come not from Italy but from Pannonia, and they may represent Illyrian rather than Italian nymphs."
94. Stipčević 1974, p. 194.
95. Wilkes 1992, pp. 244–45.
96. West 2007, p. 281.
97. Kuka, Benjamin (1984). Questions of the Albanian Folklore. 8 Nëntori.
98. Burton, Philip (1996). The Journal of Indo-European Studies. Journal of Indo-European Studies. p. 346.
99. Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 68.
100. Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 71.
101. Matijašič & Tassaux 2019, p. 69.
102. Krahe 1946, p. 203; Wilkes 1992, p. 247
103. Stipčević 1974, p. 158; Ceka 2013, p. 414
104. Cambi, Čače & Kirigin 2002, p. 114 (note 45).
105. Zaninović 2007, p. 219.
106. Krahe 1946, p. 199; Šašel Kos 2019, pp. 36, 38
107. Šašel Kos 2019, p. 37–38.
108. Mócsy 1974, p. 74.
109. Krahe 1946, p. 201.
110. Šašel Kos 2019, p. 32.
111. Mócsy 1974, p. 257.
112. Krahe 1946, p. 199; Wilkes 1992, pp. 244–245
113. Krahe 1946, pp. 200, 202; Wilkes 1992, pp. 244–245
114. Matijašić, Robert. "Goddess Ika / Ica of Plomin." Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 3, br. - (2016): 99-110. https://doi.org/10.15291/misc.1352
115. Wilkes 1992, p. 246.
116. Delplace 2019, p. 111.
117. Mócsy 1974, p. 254.
118. Mócsy 1974, p. 5.
119. Mócsy 1974, p. 254; Wilkes 1992, p. 85
120. Krahe 1946, p. 200; Stipčević 1974, p. 84
121. Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 278.
122. Pallottino 1992, p. 50.
123. Krahe 1946, p. 199–200.
124. Mallory & Adams 1997, p. 274.
125. Lamboley 2019, p. 138 (note 34): Festus, De verborum significatu (frg. p. 190 ed. Lindsay) : Et Sallentini, apud quos Menzanae Iovi dicatus uiuos conicitur in ignem [En témoignent aussi les Sallentins qui jettent vivant dans les flammes un cheval consacré à Jupiter Menzanas].
126. Pokorny 1959, p. 729; Orel 1998, pp. 260, 265
127. West 2007, pp. 137, 146.
128. Lamboley 2019, p. 130: "Le culte de Juppiter Menzanas mentionné par Festus renvoie assez clairement à un culte indigène antérieur connu au moins de Verrius Flaccus."
129. Gruen 2005, p. 279.
130. Marchesini 2009, p. 139.
131. Krahe 1946, p. 204; Gruen 2005, p. 279; West 2007, pp. 166–167; De Simone 2017, p. 1843; Søborg 2020, p. 74.
132. De Simone 2017, p. 1843.
133. De Simone 1989, p. 647.
134. West 2007, p. 140.
135. Pisani 1987, p. 506.
136. West 2007, p. 176: "The ∆α-, however, cannot be explained from Greek. But there is a Messapic Damatura or Damatira, and she need not be dismissed as a borrowing from Greek; she matches the Illyrian Deipaturos both in the agglutination and in the transfer to the thematic declension (-os, -a). (It is noteworthy that sporadic examples of a thematically declined ∆ημήτρα are found in inscriptions.) Damater/ Demeter could therefore be a borrowing from Illyrian. An Illyrian Dā- may possibly be derived from *D^hǵ^h(e)m-."
137. Beekes 2009, p. 324.
138. Pisani 1987, pp. 501, 506.
139. Orel 1998, p. 80.
140. West 2007, p. 182.
141. Shukriu 2008, pp. 22–23.
142. Shukriu 2008, p. 23.
143. Šašel Kos 1993, p. 113: "Of all the known legends connected to the northwestern Balkans, the one which was most deeply rooted among the population is the legend of the Theban heroic pair, Cadmus and Harmonia... In her opinion the legends of Cadmus, of Bato, and of the Cadmeians among the Enchelei..." p. 123: The popularity of the legend of Cadmus and Harmonia in Illyria was also manifested in other ways, in particular in the sphere of artistic creation." p. 124: "Bato, one of the most significant Illyrian names in the period of the Roman Empire, was originally, as is shown by Katičić, probably nomen sacrum...The name is unusually distributed, concentrated in Illyria, Thebes (or rather Argos), and Troas, everywhere connected to legends and religion which indicates ancient cult and religious relations..."
144. Katičić 1977, p. 5: "Die Encheleer erscheinen in der ältesten Landeskunde des östlichen Ufers der Adria, an sie knüpft sich der Mythos vom Ende des Kadmos und d er Harmonia. Bald ist es, als verträten sie in ältester Zeit für die Griechen das illyrische Volkstum schlechthin, manchmal erscheinen sie als eigene Volksgruppe n eben den Illyriern , meistens aber werden sie als einer unter den illyrischen Stämmen erwähnt. Das griechische Schrifttum kennt sie aber nicht nur als Bewohner der fernen adriatischen Gestade und der Täler im balkanischen F estland, es kennt sie auch im vertrauten Böotien, als Nachbarn Thebens, die eine Rolle in seiner Frühgeschichte gespielt haben. Encheleer werden demnachin allen Gegenden erwähnt, wo Kadmos und Harmonia verweilt haben: sowohl in Böotien, als auch im illyrischen. Lande. Die Verbindung des Heroenpaares mit diesem Volke erweist sich, dadurch als noch enger. Das Volk der Encheler hat somit zweifellos eine zen tra le Stellung in der ältesten illyrischen Geschichte."
145. Šašel Kos 1993, p. 124: "Bato, one of the most significant Illyrian names in the period of the Roman Empire, was originally, as is shown by Katičić, probably nomen sacrum; Pausanias mentions that he had a temple in Argos (II 23, 2), and it is very probable that he was also honoured as a hero in Harpya. The name is unusually distributed, concentrated in Illyria, Thebes (or rather Argos), and Troas, everywhere connected to legends and religion which indicates ancient cult and religious relations, which in Katičić's opinion extended far beyond linguistic and ethnic boundaris."
146. Cabanes 2008, pp. 157–158.
147. Šašel Kos 1993, p. 124: "The name would also correspond to compound names of the type of Veskleves, which R. Katičić defined as names whose meanings indicate an oral epic tradition among the Illyrians."
148. West 2007, p. 400: "There is a striking abundance of names containing the element *klewes- 'fame' or *kluto- 'famous', sometimes identical with poetic epithets or corresponding to poetic phrases. In the Rigveda we find, among others: Suśrávas- 'of good fame' (1. 53. 9 f., also as an epithet); compare Avestan Haosravah- (Yt. 5. 49, al.), which later became Xusrav (Chosroes); Greek Εὐκλεής; Illyrian Vescleves-."
149. Cabanes 2008, p. 157.
150. Sassi 2018, pp. 951–952.
151. Palmer 1988, pp. 40–41.
152. Stipčević 1974, p. 196.
153. Šašel Kos 1993, p. 119.
154. Stipčević 1974, pp. 196–197.
155. Wilkes 1992, p. 243: "At the more spiritual level Illyrians were certainly much taken with the force of spells or the evil eye. Pliny's story that there were among Illyrians those 'who could gaze with the evil eye, cast a spell and even kill someone' (N//7.16) is repeated in the following century by Aulus Gellius (9.4, 8) in his compendium of table-talk among Roman intellectuals."
156. Stipčević 1974, p. 182; Wilkes 1992, p. 245
157. Boardman & Sollberger 1982, p. 235.
158. Wilkes 1992, p. 44.
159. Wilkes 1992, pp. 54.
160. Wilkes 1992, p. 242.

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Further reading

• Falileyev, Alexander (2017). "Divine names from Latin inscriptions of Istria: some considerations". In Ralph Haeussler; Anthony C. King (eds.). Celtic religions in the Roman period: personal, local, and global. Vol. 20. Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications. pp. 419–440.
• Ferri, Naser (2012). "Vjerovanja i štovanje bogova u predkršćanskoj Dardaniji" [Cults and Beliefs in Pre-Christian Dardania]. Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja (in Bosnian) (41). Akademija Nauka i Umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine: 135–158. doi:10.5644/Godisnjak.CBI.ANUBiH-40.8.
• Lippert, Andreas; Matzinger, Joachim (2021). Die Illyrer: Geschichte, Archäologie und Sprache. Kohlhammer Verlag. ISBN 9783170377103.
• Mayer, Anton (1951). "Die Illyrischen Götter. Vidasus Und Thana". Glotta. 31 (3/4): 235–243. JSTOR 40265615. Accessed: May 7, 2020.
• Perinić, Ljubica (2016). The Nature and Origin of the Cult of Silvanus in the Roman Provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia. Archaeopress. doi:10.2307/j.ctv177tjgv. Accessed 3 Jan. 2023.
• Santoro, Ciro (1989). Il lessico del "divino" e della religione messapica (PDF). Quaderni dell'Archivio storico pugliese (in Italian). Vol. 31. Società di storia per la Puglia.
• Šašel Kos, Marjeta; Marco Simón, Francisco; Schörner, Günther (2023). "Pre-Roman Deities along the North-Eastern Adriatic: Continuity, Transformation, Identification". In Ralph Haeussler; Anthony King (eds.). Religious Individualisation: Archaeological, Iconographic and Epigraphic Case Studies from the Roman World. Oxbow Books. pp. 108–26. doi:10.2307/jj.1791896.11. ISBN 978-1-78925-965-0. JSTOR jj.1791896.11.
• Ţentea, Ovidiu (2016). "ASPECTS OF THE CULT OF SILVANUS AT ALBURNUS MAIOR". Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai - Historia. 61 (1): 136–151.