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Alberto Fujimori

Alberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto[1] (Spanish: [alˈβeɾto fuxiˈmoɾi, – fuʝiˈmoɾi]; born 28 July 1938)[2][3] is a Peruvian former politician, professor and engineer who was President of Peru from 28 July 1990 until 22 November 2000, though de facto leadership was reportedly held by head of the National Intelligence Service, Vladimiro Montesinos.[4] Frequently described as a dictator,[5] he remains a controversial figure in Peruvian politics. He is currently in prison, serving a 25-year sentence for human rights abuses during his presidency.

Alberto Fujimori
アルベルト・フジモリ (藤森 謙也)
Fujimori in October 1998
54th President of Peru
In office
28 July 1990 – 22 November 2000
Prime Minister
Vice President
Preceded byAlan García
Succeeded byValentín Paniagua
President of the Emergency and National Reconstruction Government
In office
5 April 1992 – 9 January 1993
Preceded byPost established
Succeeded byPost abolished
Personal details
Born
Alberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto

(1938-07-28) 28 July 1938 (age 85)
Miraflores, Lima, Peru
Political partyChange 90 (1990–1998)
Vamos Vecino (1998–2005)
Sí Cumple (2005–2010)
People's New Party (2007–2013)
Other political
affiliations
New Majority (1992–1998, non-affiliated member)
Peru 2000 (1999–2001)
Alliance for the Future (2005–2010)
Change 21 (2018–2019)
Spouse(s)
(m. 1974; div. 1995)

Satomi Kataoka
(m. 2006)
Children4, including Keiko and Kenji
RelativesSantiago Fujimori (brother)
EducationNational Agrarian University (BS)
University of Strasbourg
University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee (MS)
Signature
Criminal information
Criminal statusConvicted
Criminal chargeHuman rights abuses, murder, kidnapping, embezzlement, abuse of power, bribery and corruption
Penalty25 years in prison (Human rights abuses, murder and kidnapping charges)
Six years in prison (Abuse of power charges)
Seven and one-half years in prison (Embezzlement charges)
Six years in prison (Corruption and bribery charges)

A Peruvian of Japanese descent,[6] Fujimori studied to be an agricultural engineer and later obtain a master's degree in mathematics. From 1984 to 1989 he served as rector of the National Agrarian University before winning the presidency in the 1990 Peruvian general election.

In the 1992 Peruvian self-coup, Fujimori dissolved the Congress and assumed full legislative and judicial powers. He changed the constitution and served as a figurehead president under Montesinos and the Peruvian Armed Forces[4][7] and would reportedly adopt Plan Verde – a plan that involved the genocide of impoverished and indigenous Peruvians, the control or censorship of media in the nation and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta.[8][9][10][11][12] Fujimori won the presidential elections in 1995 and 2000.

During his tenure, his policies primarily received support from the military, Peru's upper class and international financial institutions, helping him maintain control of Peru.[13] His supporters credit his government with the creation of Fujimorism, defeating the Shining Path insurgency and restoring Peru's macroeconomic stability.[14][15][16][17] Even amid his later prosecution in 2008 for crimes against humanity relating to his presidency, two-thirds of Peruvians polled voiced approval for his leadership in that period.[18] Neoliberal policies and his political ideology of Fujimorism have influenced the governance of Peru into the present day through a cult of personality.[19]

In 2000, facing charges of corruption and human rights abuses, Fujimori fled Peru and took refuge in Japan.[20][21] He maintained a self-imposed exile until his arrest while visiting Chile in November 2005.[22] He was extradited to face criminal charges in Peru on 22 September 2007.[23] In December 2007, Fujimori was convicted of ordering an illegal search and seizure and was sentenced to six years imprisonment.[24][25][26] The Supreme Court upheld the decision on appeal.[27] In April 2009, Fujimori was convicted of human rights violations and sentenced to 25 years imprisonment for his role in kidnappings and murders by the Grupo Colina death squad during his government's battle against leftist guerrillas in the 1990s. Specifically, he was found guilty of murder, bodily harm and two cases of kidnapping.[28][29][30][31][32] The verdict marked the first time that an elected head of state has been extradited to his home country, tried, and convicted of human rights violations.

In July 2009, Fujimori was sentenced to seven and a half years imprisonment for embezzlement after he admitted to giving $15 million from the Peruvian treasury to Montesinos.[33] Two months later, he pleaded guilty in a fourth trial to bribery and received an additional six-year term.[34] Transparency International determined the money embezzled by the Fujimori government – about $600 million or about $861 million in 2021 – to be the seventh-most for a head of government active within 1984–2004.[35][36] Under Peruvian law, all the resultant sentences must run concurrently; thus, the maximum length of imprisonment remained 25 years.[37]

In December 2017, Fujimori was pardoned by President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, shortly after Fujimori's son, Congressman Kenji Fujimori, helped President Kuczynski survive an impeachment vote.[38][39] The pardon was overturned by Peru's Supreme Court on 3 October 2018, and Fujimori was sent back to prison in January 2019.[40][41][42] The Constitutional Court of Peru in a 4–3 ruling on 17 March 2022 reinstated the pardon.[43] On 8 April 2022, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights overruled the Constitutional Court and ordered Peru not to release Fujimori.[44]

In May 2023, Fujimori was summoned to appear before the Supreme Court of Chile to testify about forced sterilizations that occurred during his administration.[45]

His daughter Keiko Fujimori, who is active in Peruvian politics and has run for President several times, has said that she would pardon her father should she be elected.

Early life, education and early career

According to government records, Fujimori was born on 28 July 1938, in Miraflores, a district of Lima.[46] His parents, Naoichi Fujimori (original surname Minami, adopted by a childless relative; 1897–1971) and Mutsue Inomoto Fujimori (1913–2009), were natives of Kumamoto, Japan, who migrated to Peru in 1934.[47][48]

In July 1997, the news magazine Caretas alleged that Fujimori was born in Japan, in his father's hometown of Kawachi, Kumamoto Prefecture.[49] Because Peru's constitution requires the president to have been born in Peru, this would have made Fujimori ineligible to be president.[47] The magazine, which had been sued for libel by Vladimiro Montesinos seven years earlier,[50] reported that Fujimori's birth and baptismal certificates might have been altered.[49] Caretas also alleged that Fujimori's mother declared having two children when she entered Peru;[49] Fujimori is the second of four children.[51] Caretas' contentions were hotly contested in the Peruvian media; the magazine described the allegations as "pathetic" and "a dark page for [Peruvian] journalism".[52] Latin American scholars Cynthia McClintock and Fabián Vallas note that the issue appeared to have died down among Peruvians after the Japanese government announced in 2000 that "Fujimori's parents had registered his birth in the Japanese consulate in Lima".[47] The Japanese government determined that he was also a Japanese citizen because of his parents' registration in the koseki.[53]

Fujimori obtained his early education at the Colegio Nuestra Señora de la Merced[54] and La Rectora School.[55] Fujimori's parents were Buddhists, but he was baptized and raised Roman Catholic. Aside from Spanish, he also spoke Japanese, due to it being the primary language in his childhood home.[56] In 1956, Fujimori graduated from La Gran Unidad Escolar Alfonso Ugarte in Lima.[57]

He went on to undergraduate studies at the Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina in 1957, graduating in 1961 first in his class as an agricultural engineer. The following year he lectured on mathematics at the university. In 1964 he went to study physics at the University of Strasbourg in France. On a Ford scholarship, Fujimori also attended the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee[58] in the United States, where he obtained his master's degree in mathematics in 1969.

In 1974, he married Susana Higuchi, also Japanese-Peruvian. They had four children, including a daughter, Keiko, and a son, Kenji, who would later follow their father into politics.

In recognition of his academic achievements, the sciences faculty of the National Agrarian University offered Fujimori the deanship and in 1984 appointed him to the rectorship of the university, which he held until 1989. In 1987, Fujimori also became president of the National Commission of Peruvian University Rectors (Asamblea Nacional de Rectores), a position which he has held twice. He also hosted a TV show called "Concertando" from 1988 to 1989, on Peru's state-owned network, Channel 7.[59]

Presidency (1990–2000)

First term

1990 general election

During the presidency of Alan García, the economy had entered a period of hyperinflation and the political system was in crisis due to the country's internal conflict, leaving Peru in "economic and political chaos".[60] The Peruvian armed forces grew frustrated with the inability of the García administration to handle the nation's crises and began to draft Plan Verde as a plan to overthrow his government.[10][11] According to Rospigliosi, lawyer and friend of Fujimori, Vladimiro Montesinos, was not initially involved with Plan Verde, but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted with the armed forces tasking Montesinos with implementing the plan with Fujimori,[8] while Schulte-Bockholt would say that both General Nicolás de Bari Hermoza and Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the armed forces and Fujimori.[11] Mario Vargas Llosa later reported that United States Ambassador to Peru, Anthony C. E. Quainton, personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) purportedly being supportive of Fujimori's candidacy were authentic.[61] Rendón writes that the United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Montesinos, who had previously been charged with spying on the Peruvian military for the CIA.[11][61]

During the second round of elections, Fujimori originally received support from left-wing groups and those close to the García government, exploiting the popular distrust of the existing Peruvian political establishment and the uncertainty about the proposed neoliberal economic reforms of his opponent, novelist Mario Vargas Llosa.[62] Fujimori won the 1990 presidential election as a dark horse candidate under the banner of Cambio 90 ("cambio" means "change") defeating Vargas Llosa in a surprising upset. He capitalized on profound disenchantment with outgoing president Alan García and the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance party (APRA).

During the campaign, Fujimori was nicknamed El Chino, which translates to "the Chinese guy" or "the Chinaman"; it is common for people of any East Asian descent to be called chino in Peru, as elsewhere in Spanish Latin America, both derogatively and affectionately. Although he is of Japanese heritage, Fujimori has suggested that he was always pleased by the term, which he perceived as a term of affection.[63] With his election victory, he became just the second person of East Asian descent to become leader of a Latin American nation, after Fulgencio Batista (varied descent) of Cuba and the third of East Asian descent to govern a South American state, after Arthur Chung of Guyana and Henk Chin A Sen of Suriname.[64]

Economic shock

According to Oiga, the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup to be executed on 27 July 1990, the day prior to Fujimori's inauguration.[65] The magazine noted that in one of the scenarios, titled "Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori. Bases of negotiation: concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy", Fujimori was to be directed on accepting the military's plan at least twenty-four hours before his inauguration.[65] Rospigliosi states "an understanding was established between Fujimori, Montesinos and some of the military officers" involved in Plan Verde prior to Fujimori's inauguration.[12] Montesinos and SIN officials would ultimately assume the armed force's position in the plan, placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles.[8] Fujimori would go on to adopt many of the policies outlined in Plan Verde.[11][12]

After taking office, Fujimori abandoned the economic platform he promoted during his campaign, adopting more aggressive neoliberal policies than those espoused by his competitor in the election.[66] During his first term in office, Fujimori enacted wide-ranging neoliberal reforms, known as "Fujishock". It was Fujimori's stated objective to pacify the nation and restore economic balance. This program bore little resemblance to his campaign platform and was in fact more drastic than anything Vargas Llosa had proposed.[67] Hernando de Soto, the founder of one of the first neoliberal organizations in Latin America, Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD), began to receive assistance from Ronald Reagan's administration, with the National Endowment for Democracy's Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) providing his ILD with funding and education for advertising campaigns.[68][69][70] Between 1988 and 1995, de Soto and the ILD were mainly responsible for some four hundred initiatives, laws, and regulations that led to significant changes in Peru's economic system.[71][72] Under Fujimori, de Soto served as "the President's personal representative", with The New York Times describing de Soto as an "overseas salesman" for Fujimori in 1990, writing that he had represented the government when meeting with creditors and United States representatives.[71] Others dubbed de Soto as the "informal president" for Fujimori.[68] De Soto proved to be influential to Fujimori, who began to repeat de Soto's advocacy for deregulating the Peruvian economy.[73] The IMF was content with Peru's measures, and guaranteed loan funding for Peru.[74] Inflation rapidly began to fall and foreign investment capital flooded in.[74] Nonetheless, the Fujishock succeeded in restoring Peru to the global economy, though not without immediate social cost; international business participated in crony capitalism with the government.[75][76] The privatization campaign involved selling off of hundreds of state-owned enterprises, and replacing the country's troubled currency, the inti, with the Nuevo Sol.[60] Fujimori's initiative relaxed private sector price controls, drastically reduced government subsidies and government employment, eliminated all exchange controls, and also reduced restrictions on investment, imports, and capital.[75] Tariffs were radically simplified, the minimum wage was immediately quadrupled, and the government established a $400 million poverty relief fund.[75] The latter seemed to anticipate the economic agony to come: the price of electricity quintupled, water prices rose eightfold, and gasoline prices 3,000%.[67][75] Subsequent analysis has said that the description of Fujimori's economic achievements as a "Peruvian miracle" was exaggerated and that inequality in Peru persisted following his tenure.[77]

Military figurehead

During Fujimori's first term in office, APRA and Vargas Llosa's party, the FREDEMO, remained in control of both chambers of Congress, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, hampering the enactment of economic reform. Fujimori also had difficulty combatting the Maoist Shining Path (Spanish: Sendero Luminoso) guerrilla organization due largely to what he perceived as intransigence and obstructionism in Congress. By March 1992, the Congress met with the approval of only 17% of the electorate, according to one poll; in the same poll, the president's approval stood at 42%.[78]

Fujimori and his military handlers had planned for a coup during his preceding two years in office.[79][11][65] In response to the political deadlock, Fujimori, with the support of the military, on 5 April 1992, carried out a self-coup,[80] also known as the autogolpe (auto-coup) or Fujigolpe (Fuji-coup) in Peru. Congress was shut down by the military, the constitution was suspended and the judiciary was.[81] Without political obstacles, the military was able to implement the objectives outlined in Plan Verde[11][79][65] while Fujimori served as a figurehead leader to project an image that Peru was supporting a liberal democracy.[4][7] Montesinos would go on to adopt the actual function of Peru's government.[7]

According to numerous polls, the coup was welcomed by the public[82] as evidenced by favorable public opinion in several independent polls; in fact, public approval of the Fujimori administration jumped significantly in the wake of the coup.[82][83] Fujimori often cited this public support in defending the coup, which he characterized as "not a negation of real democracy, but on the contrary... a search for an authentic transformation to assure a legitimate and effective democracy."[82] Fujimori believed that Peruvian democracy had been nothing more than "a deceptive formality – a façade".[82] He claimed the coup was necessary in order to break with the deeply entrenched special interests that were hindering him from rescuing Peru from the chaotic state in which García had left it.[84]

Fujimori's coup was immediately met with near-unanimous condemnation from the international community.[82] The Organization of American States denounced the coup and demanded a return to "representative democracy",[85] despite Fujimori's claim that the coup represented a "popular uprising".[82] Foreign ministers of OAS member states reiterated this condemnation of the autogolpe.[83] They proposed an urgent effort to promote the reestablishment of "the democratic institutional order" in Peru.[86] Negotiations between the OAS, the government, and opposition groups initially led Alberto Fujimori to propose a referendum to ratify the auto-coup, but the OAS rejected this. Fujimori then proposed scheduling elections for a Democratic Constituent Congress (CCD), which would draft a new constitution to be ratified by a national referendum. Despite a lack of consensus among political forces in Peru regarding this proposal, an ad hoc OAS meeting of ministers nevertheless endorsed this scenario in mid-May. Elections for the Democratic Constituent Congress were held on 22 November 1992.[83]

Various states individually condemned the coup. Venezuela broke off diplomatic relations, and Argentina withdrew its ambassador. Chile joined Argentina in requesting Peru's suspension from the Organization of American States. International lenders delayed planned or projected loans, and the United States, Germany and Spain suspended all non-humanitarian aid to Peru. The coup appeared to threaten the reinsertion strategy for economic recovery, and complicated the process of clearing Peru's arrears with the International Monetary Fund.

Fujimori, in turn, would later receive most of the participants of the Venezuelan coup attempt of November 1992 as political asylees, who had fled to Peru after its failure.[87]

Peruvian–U.S. relations earlier in Fujimori's presidency had been dominated by questions of coca eradication and Fujimori's initial reluctance to sign an accord to increase his military's eradication efforts in the lowlands. Fujimori's autogolpe became a major obstacle to relations, as the United States immediately suspended all military and economic aid, with exceptions for counter-narcotic and humanitarian funds.[88] Two weeks after the self-coup, however, the George H.W. Bush administration changed its position and officially recognized Fujimori as the legitimate leader of Peru, partly because he was willing to implement economic austerity measures, but also because of his adamant opposition to the Shining Path.[89]

With FREDEMO dissolved and APRA leader Alan García exiled to Colombia, Fujimori sought to legitimize his position. He called elections for a Democratic Constitutional Congress, to serve as a legislature and as a constituent assembly. The APRA and Popular Action attempted a boycott of this election, but the Christian People's Party (PPC, not to be confused with PCP, Partido Comunista del Peru, or "Peruvian Communist Party") and many left-leaning parties participated in this election. Fujimori supporters won a majority of the seats in this body and drafted a new constitution in 1993. In a referendum, the coup and the Constitution of 1993 were approved by a margin of less than five percent.[90]

On 13 November 1993, General Jaime Salinas led a failed military coup. Salinas asserted that his intentions were to turn Fujimori over to be tried for violating the Peruvian constitution.[91]

In 1994, Fujimori separated from his wife Susana Higuchi in a noisy, public divorce. He formally stripped her of the title First Lady in August 1994, appointing their eldest daughter as First Lady in her stead. Higuchi publicly denounced Fujimori as a "tyrant" and claimed that his administration was corrupt. They formally divorced in 1995.[92]

In Fujimori's first term of office, over 3,000 Peruvians were killed in political murders.[93][needs context]

Second term

The 1993 Constitution allowed Fujimori to run for a second term, and in April 1995, at the height of his popularity, Fujimori easily won reelection with almost two-thirds of the vote. His major opponent, former UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, won only 21 percent of the vote. Fujimori's supporters won comfortable majority in the newly unicameral Congress. One of the first acts of the new congress was to declare an amnesty for all members of the Peruvian military or police accused or convicted of human rights abuses between 1980 and 1995.[94]

During his second term, Fujimori along with Ecuadorian President Sixto Durán Ballén, signed a peace agreement with Ecuador over a border dispute that had simmered for more than a century. The treaty allowed the two countries to obtain international funds for developing the border region. Fujimori also settled some issues with Chile, Peru's southern neighbor, which had been unresolved since the 1929 Treaty of Lima.[95]

The 1995 election was the turning point in Fujimori's career. Peruvians began to be more concerned about freedom of speech and the press. However, before he was sworn in for a second term, Fujimori stripped two universities of their autonomy and reshuffled the national electoral board. This led his opponents to call him "Chinochet," a reference to his previous nickname and to Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet.[96] Modeling his rule after Pinochet, Fujimori reportedly enjoyed this nickname.[97]

According to a poll by the Peruvian Research and Marketing Company conducted in 1997, 40.6% of Lima residents considered President Fujimori an authoritarian.[98][99][100]

In addition to the fate of democracy under Fujimori, Peruvians were becoming increasingly interested in the myriad allegations of criminality that involved Fujimori and his chief of the National Intelligence Service (SIN), Vladimiro Montesinos. Using SIN, Fujimori gained control of the majority of the armed forces, with Financial Times stating that "[i]n no other country in Latin America did a president have so much control over the armed forces".[93]

A 2002 report by Health Minister Fernando Carbone later suggested that Fujimori was involved in the forced sterilizations of up to 300,000 indigenous women between 1996 and 2000, as part of a population control program.[21] A 2004 World Bank publication said that in this period Montesinos' abuse of the power Fujimori granted him "led to a steady and systematic undermining of the rule of law".[101]

Third term

The 1993 constitution limited a presidency to two terms. Shortly after Fujimori began his second term, his supporters in Congress passed a law of "authentic interpretation" which effectively allowed him to run for another term in 2000. A 1998 effort to repeal this law by referendum failed.[102] In late 1999, Fujimori announced that he would run for a third term. Peruvian electoral bodies, which were politically sympathetic to Fujimori, accepted his argument that the two-term restriction did not apply to him, as it was enacted while he was already in office.[103]

Exit polls showed Fujimori fell short of the 50% required to avoid an electoral runoff, but the first official results showed him with 49.6% of the vote, just short of outright victory. Eventually, Fujimori was credited with 49.89%—20,000 votes short of avoiding a runoff. Despite reports of numerous irregularities, the international observers recognized an adjusted victory of Fujimori. His primary opponent, Alejandro Toledo, called for his supporters to spoil their ballots in the runoff by writing "No to fraud!" on them (voting is mandatory in Peru). International observers pulled out of the country after Fujimori refused to delay the runoff.

In the runoff, Fujimori won with 51.1% of the total votes. While votes for Toledo declined from 37.0% of the total votes cast in the first round to 17.7% of the votes in the second round, invalid votes jumped from 8.1% of the total votes cast in the first round to 31.1% of total votes in the second round.[104] The large percentage of invalid votes in this election suggests that many Peruvians took Toledo's advice and spoiled their ballots.

Candidate Party First round Second round
Votes % Votes %
Alberto Fujimori Peru 2000 5,528,568 49.9 6,041,685 74.3
Alejandro Toledo Possible Peru 4,460,895 40.2 2,086,215 25.7
Other candidates 1,096,407 9.9
Invalid or blank votes 980,359 3,672,410

Although Fujimori won the runoff with only a bare majority (but 3/4 valid votes), rumors of irregularities led most of the international community to shun his third swearing-in on 28 July. For the next seven weeks, there were daily demonstrations in front of the presidential palace. As a conciliatory gesture, Fujimori appointed former opposition candidate Federico Salas as prime minister. However, opposition parties in Congress refused to support this move, and Toledo campaigned vigorously to have the election annulled. At this point, a corruption scandal involving Vladimiro Montesinos broke out, and exploded into full force on the evening of 14 September 2000, when the cable television station Canal N broadcast footage of Montesinos apparently bribing opposition congressman Alberto Kouri for defecting to Fujimori's Peru 2000 party. The video was presented by Fernando Olivera, leader of the FIM (Independent Moralizing Front), who purchased it from one of Montesinos's closest allies[who?] (nicknamed by the Peruvian press El Patriota).

Fujimori's support virtually collapsed, and a few days later he announced in a nationwide address that he would shut down the SIN and call new elections, in which he would not be a candidate. On 10 November, Fujimori won approval from Congress to hold elections on 8 April 2001. On 13 November, Fujimori left Peru for a visit to Brunei to attend the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. On 16 November, Valentín Paniagua took over as president of Congress after the pro-Fujimori leadership lost a vote of confidence. On 17 November, Fujimori traveled from Brunei to Tokyo, where he submitted his presidential resignation via fax. Congress refused to accept his resignation, instead voting 62–9 to remove Fujimori from office on the grounds that he was "permanently morally disabled."

On 19 November, government ministers presented their resignations en bloc. Because Fujimori's first vice president, Francisco Tudela, who had broken with Fujimori and resigned a few days earlier, his successor, second vice president Ricardo Márquez Flores came to claim the presidency. Congress, however, refused to recognize him, as he was an ardent Fujimori loyalist; Márquez resigned two days later. Paniagua was next in line, and became interim president to oversee the April 2001 elections.

Corruption

Alberto Fujimori was accused of a series of embezzlement of public funds, abuse of power and corruption during almost 10 years as president (1990–2000), especially when he gained greater control after the self-coup. The network operated as a kleptocracy in three spheres: business, politics and the military.[105]

With multimillion-dollar annual expenditures in 1992 (five billion dollars in public spending plus another five billion in state enterprises),9 part of the funds were diverted to political and military institutions. According to the National Anti-Corruption Initiative (INA) in 2001, they corresponded to 30–35% of the average budget expenditure in each year, and 4% of the average annual GDP during the same period.[106]

One of those responsible for maintaining an image of apparent honesty and government approval was Vladimiro Montesinos, head of the National Intelligence Service (SIN), who systematically bribed politicians, judges and the media. That criminal network also involved authorities of his government; furthermore, due to privatisation and the arrival of foreign capital, companies close to the Ministry of Economy were allowed to use state money for public works tenders, as in the cases of AeroPerú, JJC Contratistas Generales (of the Camet Dickmann family) and the Banco de Crédito.[107]

Although in 1999 the opposition made a public denunciation that ended in the resignation of five ministers, this network was later revealed in 2000, just before the president resigned, when the Swiss embassy in Peru informed the then Minister of Justice Alberto Bustamante and the attorney general José Ugaz of more than 40 million dollars coming from Montesinos, in which he was denounced for "illicit enrichment to the detriment of the Peruvian state". Ugaz was in charge of the investigation until 2002.[107]

According to Transparency International in 2004, Fujimori was listed as the seventh most corrupt former leader in history.[108]

Counterterrorism efforts

When Fujimori came to power, much of Peru was dominated by the Maoist insurgent group Sendero Luminoso ("Shining Path"), and the Marxist–Leninist group Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA). In 1989, 25% of Peru's district and provincial councils opted not to hold elections, owing to a persistent campaign of assassination, over the course of which over 100 officials had been killed by the Shining Path in that year alone. That same year, more than one-third of Peru's courts lacked a justice of the peace due to Shining Path intimidation. Labor union leaders and military officials were also assassinated throughout the 1980s.[109]

 
Areas where Shining Path was active in Peru.

By the early 1990s, some parts of the country were under the control of the insurgents, in territories known as "zonas liberadas" ("liberated zones"), where inhabitants lived under the rule of these groups and paid them taxes.[110] When the Shining Path arrived in Lima, it organized "paros armados" ("armed strikes"), which were enforced by killings and other forms of violence. The leadership of the Shining Path largely consisted of university students and teachers.[111] Two previous governments, those of Fernando Belaúnde Terry and Alan García, at first neglected the threat posed by the Shining Path, then launched an unsuccessful military campaign to eradicate it, undermining public faith in the state and precipitating an exodus of elites.[112]

By 1992, Shining Path guerrilla attacks had claimed an estimated 20,000 lives over preceding 12 years.[citation needed] On 16 July 1992, the Tarata Bombing, in which several car bombs exploded in Lima's wealthiest district, killed over 40 people; the bombings were characterized by one commentator as an "offensive to challenge President Alberto Fujimori."[113] The bombing at Tarata was followed up with a "weeklong wave of car bombings ... Bombs hit banks, hotels, schools, restaurants, police stations and shops ... [G]uerrillas bombed two rail bridges from the Andes, cutting off some of Peru's largest copper mines from coastal ports."[114]

Fujimori has been credited by many Peruvians[who?] with ending the fifteen-year insurgency of the Shining Path. As part of his anti-insurgency efforts, Fujimori granted the military broad powers to arrest suspected insurgents and try them in secret military courts with few legal rights. This measure has often been criticized for compromising the fundamental democratic and human right to an open trial wherein the accused faces the accuser. Fujimori contended that these measures were both justified and also necessary. Members of the judiciary were too afraid to charge the alleged insurgents, and judges and prosecutors had very legitimate fears of reprisals against them or their families.[115] At the same time, Fujimori's government armed rural Peruvians, organizing them into groups known as "rondas campesinas" ("peasant patrols").

Insurgent activity was in decline by the end of 1992,[116] and Fujimori took credit for this abatement, claiming that his campaign had largely eliminated the insurgent threat. After the 1992 auto-coup, the intelligence work of the DINCOTE (National Counter-Terrorism Directorate) led to the capture of the leaders from MRTA and the Shining Path, including notorious Shining Path leader Abimael Guzmán. Guzmán's capture was a political coup for Fujimori, who used it to great effect in the press; in an interview with documentarian Ellen Perry, Fujimori even notes that he specially ordered Guzmán's prison jumpsuit to be white with black stripes, to enhance the image of his capture in the media.[117]

Critics charge that to achieve the defeat of the Shining Path, the Peruvian military engaged in widespread human rights abuses, and that the majority of the victims were poor highland countryside inhabitants caught in a crossfire between the military and insurgents. The final report of the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission, published on 28 August 2003, brought out that Peruvian armed forces were also guilty of destroying villages and murdering countryside inhabitants whom they suspected of supporting insurgents.

The Japanese embassy hostage crisis began on 17 December 1996, when fourteen MRTA militants seized the residence of the Japanese ambassador in Lima during a party, taking hostage some four hundred diplomats, government officials, and other dignitaries. The action was partly in protest of prison conditions in Peru. During the four-month standoff, the Emerretistas gradually freed all but 72 of their hostages. The government rejected the militants' demand to release imprisoned MRTA members and secretly prepared an elaborate plan to storm the residence, while stalling by negotiating with the hostage-takers.[118]

On 22 April 1997, a team of military commandos, codenamed "Chavín de Huantar", raided the building. One hostage, two military commandos, and all 14 MRTA insurgents were killed in the operation.[119] Images of President Fujimori at the ambassador's residence during and after the military operation, surrounded by soldiers and liberated dignitaries, and walking among the corpses of the insurgents, were widely televised. The conclusion of the four-month-long standoff was used by Fujimori and his supporters to bolster his image as tough on terrorism.[120]

Human rights violations

Several organizations criticized Fujimori's methods against the Shining Path and the MRTA. Amnesty International said "the widespread and systematic nature of human rights violations committed during the government of former head of state Alberto Fujimori (1990–2000) in Peru constitute crimes against humanity under international law."[121] Fujimori's alleged association with death squads is currently[when?] being studied by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, after the court accepted the case of "Cantuta vs Perú".[citation needed]

The 1991 Barrios Altos massacre by members of the death squad Grupo Colina, made up solely of members of the Peruvian armed forces, was one of the crimes that Peru cited in its request to Japan for his extradition in 2003.

Plan Verde

Reportedly following socioeconomic objectives calling for the "total extermination" of "culturally backward and economically impoverished groups" determined by the Peruvian military in Plan Verde,[122][123][124][125] from 1996 to 2000, the Fujimori government oversaw a massive forced sterilization campaign known as the National Program for Reproductive Health and Family Planning (PNSRPF). According to Back and Zavala, the plan was an example of ethnic cleansing as it targeted indigenous and rural women.[125] The United Nations and other international aid agencies supported this campaign. USAID provided funding and training until it was exposed by objections by churches and human rights groups.[126] The Nippon Foundation, headed by Ayako Sono, a Japanese novelist and personal friend of Fujimori, supported as well.[127][128] In the four-year Plan Verde period, over 215,000 people, mostly women, entirely indigenous, were forced or threatened into sterilization and 16,547 men were forced to undergo vasectomies during these years, most of them without a proper anesthetist, in contrast to 80,385 sterilizations and 2,795 vasectomies over the previous three years.[21]

The success of the military operation in the Japanese embassy hostage crisis was tainted by subsequent allegations that at least three and possibly eight of the insurgents were summarily executed by the commandos after surrendering. In 2002, the case was taken up by public prosecutors, but the Peruvian Supreme Court ruled that the military tribunals had jurisdiction. A military court later absolved them of guilt, and the "Chavín de Huantar" soldiers led the 2004 military parade. In response, in 2003 MRTA family members lodged a complaint with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) accusing the Peruvian state of human rights violations, namely that the MRTA insurgents had been denied the "right to life, the right to judicial guarantees and the right to judicial protection". The IACHR accepted the case and is currently[when?] studying it.[129] Peruvian Minister of Justice Maria Zavala has stated that this verdict[clarification needed] by the IACHR supports the Peruvian government's extradition of Fujimori from Chile. Though the IACHR verdict does not directly implicate Fujimori, it does fault the Peruvian government for its complicity in the 1992 Cantuta University killings.[130]

Post-presidency (2000–present)

Resignation, arrest, and trial

Alberto Fujimori left Peru in November 2000 to attend a regional summit in Brunei. He then traveled on to Japan. Once there, he announced plans to remain in the country and faxed his resignation letter to Congress.

After Congress rejected Fujimori's faxed resignation, they relieved Fujimori of his duties as president and banned him from Peruvian politics for a decade. He remained in self-imposed exile in Japan,[131] where he resided with his friend, the famous Catholic novelist Ayako Sono.[132] Several senior Japanese politicians have supported Fujimori,[133] partly because of his decisive action in ending the 1996–97 Japanese embassy crisis.

Alejandro Toledo, who assumed the Peruvian presidency in 2001, spearheaded the criminal case against Fujimori. He arranged meetings with the Supreme Court, tax authorities, and other powers in Peru to "coordinate the joint efforts to bring the criminal Fujimori from Japan." His vehemence in this matter at times compromised Peruvian law: forcing the judiciary and legislative system to keep guilty sentences without hearing Fujimori's defense; not providing Fujimori with representation when Fujimori was tried in absentia; and expelling pro-Fujimori congressmen from the parliament without proof of the accusations against those congressmen. These expulsions were later reversed by the judiciary.[134]

The Peruvian Congress authorized charges against Fujimori in August 2001. Fujimori was alleged to be a coauthor, along with Vladimiro Montesinos, of the death-squad killings at Barrios Altos in 1991 and La Cantuta in 1992, respectively.[135] At the behest of Peruvian authorities, Interpol issued an arrest order for Fujimori on charges that included murder, kidnapping, and crimes against humanity.

Meanwhile, the Peruvian government found that Japan was not amenable to the extradition of Fujimori; a protracted diplomatic debate ensued, when Japan showed itself unwilling to accede to the extradition request. Fujimori had been granted Japanese citizenship after his arrival in the country, and the Japanese government maintained that Japanese citizens would not be extradited.[136]

In September 2003, Congressman Dora Dávila, joined by Minister of Health Luis Soari, denounced Fujimori and several of his ministers for crimes against humanity, for allegedly having overseen forced sterilizations during his regime. In November, Congress approved an investigation of Fujimori's involvement in the airdrop of Kalashnikov rifles into the Colombian jungle in 1999 and 2000 for guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Fujimori maintained he had no knowledge of the arms-trading, and blamed Montesinos. By approving the charges, Congress lifted the immunity granted to Fujimori as a former president, so that he could be criminally charged and prosecuted.

Congress also voted to support charges against Fujimori for the detention and disappearance of 67 students from the central Andean city of Huancayo and the disappearance of several residents from the northern coastal town of Chimbote during the 1990s. It also approved charges that Fujimori mismanaged millions of dollars from Japanese charities, suggesting that the millions of dollars in his bank account were far too much to have been accumulated legally.[137]

In 2004, the Special Prosecutor established to investigate Fujimori released a report alleging that the Fujimori administration had obtained US$2 billion though graft.[138] Most of this money came from Vladimiro Montesinos' web of corruption.[138] The Special Prosecutor's figure of two billion dollars is considerably higher than the one arrived at by Transparency International, an NGO that studies corruption. Transparency International listed Fujimori as having embezzled an estimated US$600 million or about $861 million in 2021, which would rank seventh in the list of money embezzled by heads of government active within 1984–2004.[35][36][139]

Fujimori dismissed the judicial proceedings underway against him as "politically motivated", citing Toledo's involvement. Fujimori established a new political party in Peru, Sí Cumple, working from Japan. He hoped to participate in the 2006 presidential elections, but in February 2004, the Constitutional Court dismissed this possibility, because the ex-president was specifically barred by Congress from holding any office for ten years. Fujimori saw the decision as unconstitutional, as did his supporters such as ex-congress members Luz Salgado, Martha Chávez and Fernán Altuve, who argued it was a "political" maneuver and that the only body with the authority to determine the matter was the Jurado Nacional de Elecciones (JNE). Valentín Paniagua disagreed, suggesting that the Constitutional Court finding was binding and that "no further debate is possible".[140][141]

Fujimori's Sí Cumple (roughly translated, "He Keeps His Word") received more than 10% in many country-level polls, contending with APRA for the second place slot,[142] but did not participate in the 2006 elections after its participation in the Alliance for the Future (initially thought as Alliance Sí Cumple) had not been allowed.

By March 2005, it appeared that Peru had all but abandoned its efforts to extradite Fujimori from Japan. In September of that year, Fujimori obtained a new Peruvian passport in Tokyo and announced his intention to run in the upcoming 2006 national election.[136] He arrived in Chile in November 2005, but hours after his arrival there he was arrested. Peru then requested his extradition.

While under house arrest in Chile, Fujimori announced plans to run in Japan's Upper House elections in July 2007 for the far-right People's New Party.[143][144][145][146] Fujimori was extradited from Chile to Peru in September 2007.

On 7 April 2009, a three-judge panel convicted Fujimori on charges of human rights abuses, declaring that the "charges against him have been proven beyond all reasonable doubt".[147] The panel found him guilty of ordering the Grupo Colina death squad to commit the November 1991 Barrios Altos massacre and the July 1992 La Cantuta Massacre, which resulted in the deaths of 25 people,[148] as well as for taking part in the kidnappings of Peruvian opposition journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer.[149][150] As of 2009 Fujimori's conviction is the only instance of a democratically elected head of state being tried and convicted of human rights abuses in his own country.[151] Later on 7 April, the court sentenced Fujimori to 25 years in prison.[29] Likewise, the Court found him guilty of aggravated kidnapping, under the aggravating circumstance of cruel treatment, to the detriment of journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer Ampudia. The Special Criminal Chamber determined that the sentence had expired on February 10, 2032.[152] On January 2, 2010, the sentence to 25 years in prison for human rights violations was confirmed.[153]

Further trials

He faced a third trial in July 2009 over allegations that he illegally gave $15 million in state funds to Vladimiro Montesinos, former head of the National Intelligence Service, during the two months prior to his fall from power. Fujimori admitted paying the money to Montesinos but claimed that he had later paid back the money to the state.[154] On 20 July, the court found him guilty of embezzlement and sentenced him to a further seven and a half years in prison.[154][155]

A fourth trial took place in September 2009 in Lima.[155] Fujimori was accused of using Montesinos to bribe and tap the phones of journalists, businessmen and opposition politicians – evidence of which led to the collapse of his government in 2000.[155][156] Fujimori admitted the charges but claimed that the charges were made to damage his daughter's presidential election campaign.[156] The prosecution asked the court to sentence Fujimori to eight years imprisonment with a fine of $1.6 million plus $1 million in compensation to ten people whose phones were bugged.[156] Fujimori pleaded guilty and was sentenced to six years' imprisonment on 30 September 2009.[155] Under Peruvian law, all prison sentences run concurrently.

On May 3, 2016, the Constitutional Court of Peru rejected the nullity of Alberto Fujimori's conviction. Alberto Fujimori will continue to be sentenced for 25 years, which was imposed on him for responsibility in the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta massacres.

Pardon requests

Press reports in late 2012 indicated that Fujimori was suffering from tongue cancer and other medical problems. His family asked President Ollanta Humala for a pardon.[157] President Humala rejected a pardon in 2013, saying that Fujimori's condition was not serious enough to warrant it.[158] In July 2016, with three days left in his term, President Humala said that there was insufficient time to evaluate a second request to pardon Fujimori, leaving the decision to his successor Pedro Pablo Kuczynski.[159][160] On 24 December 2017, President Kuczynski pardoned him on health grounds.[161] Kuczynski's office stated that the hospitalized 79-year-old Fujimori had a "progressive, degenerative and incurable disease". The pardon kicked off at least two days of protests and led at least three congressmen to resign from Kuczynski's party. A spokesman for Popular Force alleged there was a pact that, in exchange for the pardon, Popular Force members helped Kuczynski fight ongoing impeachment proceedings.[38]

On February 20, 2018, the National Criminal Chamber ruled that it did not apply the resolution that granted Fujimori the right of grace for humanitarian reasons. Therefore, the former president had to face the process for the Pativilca Case with a simple appearance.[162] On 3 October 2018, the Peruvian Supreme Court reversed Fujimori's pardon and ordered his return to prison.[163] He was rushed to a hospital and returned to prison on 23 January 2019.[41] His pardon was formally annulled on 13 February 2019.[42]

The Constitutional Court of Peru, in a 4–3 ruling on 17 March 2022, reinstated the pardon, though it was not clear if or when he may be released.[43] Those ruling in approval of Fujimori's release argued that a pardon, no matter how unconstitutional it may be, can be issued by the President of Peru and that previous rulings annulling the pardon were "subjective".[164] Constitutional Court judges ruling in favor of releasing Fujimori ignored the Inter-American Court of Human Rights' opinion that criticized Kuczynski's reported pardon pact with Fujimori's son and pointed out that the disease cited in the pardon was possibly diagnosed by Fujimori's personal doctor, not an independent physician.[164]

On April 8, 2022, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights overruled the Constitutional Court and ordered Peru not to release Fujimori.[44]

Forced sterilizations trial

In May 2023, the Supreme Court of Chile ordered Fujimori to testify regarding forced sterilizations that occurred between 1996 and 2000 during his government, with Chile attempting to decide if they would expand extradition charges against Fujimori to include the sterilizations, which would allow him to be prosecuted in Peru.[45] On 19 May 2023, Fujimori participated in a video call from Barbadillo Prison with justice officials in Chile defending his actions regarding sterilizations.[165]

Legacy

Economics

Fujimori is credited by many Peruvians for bringing stability to the country after the violence and hyperinflation of the García years. While it is generally agreed that the "Fujishock" brought short/middle-term macroeconomic stability, the long-term social impact of Fujimori's free market economic policies is still hotly debated.

Neoliberal reforms under Fujimori took place in three distinct phases: an initial "orthodox" phase (1990–92) in which technocrats dominated the reform agenda; a "pragmatic" phase (1993–98) that saw the growing influence of business elites over government priorities; and a final "watered-down" phase (1999–2000) dominated by a clique of personal loyalists and their clientelist policies that aimed to secure Fujimori a third term as president. Business was a big winner of the reforms, with its influence increasing significantly within both the state and society.[166]

High growth during Fujimori's first term petered out during his second term. "El Niño" phenomena had a tremendous impact on the Peruvian economy during the late 1990s.[167] Nevertheless, total GDP growth between 1992 and 2001, inclusive, was 44.60%, that is, 3.76% per annum; total GDP per capita growth between 1991 and 2001, inclusive, was 30.78%, that is, 2.47% per annum. Also, studies by INEI, the national statistics bureau[168] show that the number of Peruvians living in poverty increased dramatically (from 41.6% to more than 70%) during Alan García's term, but decreased greatly (from more than 70% to 54%) during Fujimori's term. Furthermore, FAO reported Peru reduced undernourishment by about 29% from 1990–92 to 1997–99.[169]

Peru was reintegrated into the global economic system, and began to attract foreign investment. The mass selloff of state-owned enterprises led to improvements in some service industries, notably local telephone, mobile telephone, and internet services, respectively. For example, before privatization, a consumer or business had to wait up to 10 years to get a local telephone line installed by the state-run telephone company at a cost of $607 for a residential line.[170][171] A couple of years after privatization, the wait was reduced to just a few days. Peru's Physical land based telephone network had a dramatic increase in telephone penetration from 2.9% in 1993 to 5.9% in 1996 and 6.2% in 2000,[172] and a dramatic decrease in the wait for a telephone line. Average wait went from 70 months in 1993 (before privatization) to two months in 1996 (after privatization).[173] Privatization also generated foreign investment in export-oriented activities such as mining and energy extraction, notably the Camisea gas project and the copper and zinc extraction projects at Antamina.[174]

Criticism

Fujimori has been described as a "dictator".[5][175] His government was permeated by a network of corruption organized by his associate Montesinos.[176][177][178] Fujimori's style of government has also been described as "populist authoritarianism". Numerous governments[179] and human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, welcomed the extradition of Fujimori to face human rights charges.[180] As early as 1991, Fujimori had himself vocally denounced what he called "pseudo-human rights organizations" such as Amnesty International and Americas Watch, for allegedly failing to criticize the insurgencies targeting civilian populations throughout Peru against which his government was struggling.[181]

Some analysts state that some of the GDP growth during the Fujimori years actually reflects a greater rate of extraction of nonrenewable resources by transnational companies; these companies were attracted by Fujimori by means of near-zero royalties, and, by the same fact, little of the extracted wealth has stayed in the country.[182][183][184][185] Peru's mining legislation, they claim, has served as a role model for other countries that wish to become more mining-friendly.[186]

Fujimori's privatization program also remains shrouded in controversy and opposed by many Peruvians. A congressional investigation in 2002, led by socialist opposition congressman Javier Diez Canseco, stated that of the US$9 billion raised through the privatizations of hundreds of state-owned enterprises, only a small fraction of this income ever benefited the Peruvian people.[citation needed]

The sole instance of organized labor's success in impeding reforms, namely the teacher's union resistance to education reform, was based on traditional methods of organization and resistance: strikes and street demonstrations.[166]

In the 2004 Global Corruption Report, Fujimori made into the list of the World's Most Corrupt Leaders. He was listed seventh and he was said to have amassed $600 million, but despite years of incarceration and investigation, none of these supposed stolen funds have ever been located in any bank account anywhere in the world.[187][188]

Support

Fujimori did have support within Peru. The Universidad de Lima March 2003 poll, taken while he was in Japan, found a 41% approval rating for his administration.[189] A poll conducted in March 2005 by the Instituto de Desarrollo e Investigación de Ciencias Económicas (IDICE) indicated that 12.1% of the respondents intended to vote for Fujimori in the 2006 presidential election.[190] A poll conducted on 25 November 2005, by the Universidad de Lima indicated a high approval (45.6%) rating of the Fujimori period between 1990 and 2000, attributed to his counterinsurgency efforts (53%).[191] An article from La Razon, a Peruvian newspaper, stated in 2003 that: "Fujimori is only guilty of one big crime and it is that of having been successful in a country of failed politicians, creators of debt, builders of mirages, and the downright opportunistic."

According to a more recent Universidad de Lima survey, Fujimori still retains public support, ranking fifth in personal popularity among other political figures. Popular approval for his decade-long presidency (1990–2000) has reportedly grown (from 31.5% in 2002 to 49.5% in May 2007).[192] Despite accusations of corruption and human rights violations, nearly half of the individuals interviewed in the survey approved of Fujimori's presidential regime.[citation needed] In a 2007 Universidad de Lima survey of 600 Peruvians in Lima and the port of Callao, 82.6% agreed that the former president should be extradited from Chile to stand trial in Peru.[193]

The Lima-based newspaper Perú 21 ran an editorial noting that even though the Universidad de Lima poll results indicate that four out of every five interviewees believe that Fujimori is guilty of some of the charges against him, he still enjoys at least 30% of popular support and enough approval to restart a political career.

In the 2006 congressional elections, his daughter Keiko was elected to the congress with the highest vote count. She came in second place in the 2011 Peruvian presidential election with 23.2% of the vote,[194] and lost the June runoff against Ollanta Humala.[195] She again ran for President in the 2016 election, narrowly losing the runoff to Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, and again in the 2021 election, losing the runoff to Pedro Castillo.

See also

References

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Further reading

  • H.W. Wilson Company, Current Biography Yearbook, Volume 57, H.W. Wilson, 1996

External links

Party political offices
New political party Cambio 90 nominee for President of Peru
1990, 1995, 2000
Vacant
Title next held by
Martha Chávez
Vamos Vecino nominee for President of Peru
2000
Succeeded by
New political alliance New Majority nominee for President of Peru
1995, 2000
Vacant
Title next held by
Martha Chávez
Peru 2000 nominee for President of Peru
2000
Alliance dissolved
Political offices
Preceded by President of Peru
1990–1992
Succeeded by
President of the Emergency and National Reconstruction Government of Peru
1992–1993
President of Peru
1993–2000

alberto, fujimori, this, spanish, name, first, paternal, surname, fujimori, second, maternal, family, name, inomoto, alberto, kenya, fujimori, inomoto, spanish, alˈβeɾto, fuxiˈmoɾi, fuʝiˈmoɾi, born, july, 1938, peruvian, former, politician, professor, engineer. In this Spanish name the first or paternal surname is Fujimori and the second or maternal family name is Inomoto Alberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto 1 Spanish alˈbeɾto fuxiˈmoɾi fuʝiˈmoɾi born 28 July 1938 2 3 is a Peruvian former politician professor and engineer who was President of Peru from 28 July 1990 until 22 November 2000 though de facto leadership was reportedly held by head of the National Intelligence Service Vladimiro Montesinos 4 Frequently described as a dictator 5 he remains a controversial figure in Peruvian politics He is currently in prison serving a 25 year sentence for human rights abuses during his presidency Alberto Fujimoriアルベルト フジモリ 藤森 謙也 Fujimori in October 199854th President of PeruIn office 28 July 1990 22 November 2000Prime MinisterSee list Juan Carlos Hurtado MillerCarlos Torres y Torres LaraAlfonso de los Herososcar de la Puente RaygadaAlfonso BustamanteEfrain GoldenbergDante Cordova BlancoAlberto PandolfiJavier Valle RiestraVictor Joy WayAlberto Bustamante BelaundeFederico SalasVice PresidentSee list Maximo San RomanRicardo Marquez FloresFrancisco TudelaPreceded byAlan GarciaSucceeded byValentin PaniaguaPresident of the Emergency and National Reconstruction GovernmentIn office 5 April 1992 9 January 1993Preceded byPost establishedSucceeded byPost abolishedPersonal detailsBornAlberto Kenya Fujimori Inomoto 1938 07 28 28 July 1938 age 85 Miraflores Lima PeruPolitical partyChange 90 1990 1998 Vamos Vecino 1998 2005 Si Cumple 2005 2010 People s New Party 2007 2013 Other politicalaffiliationsNew Majority 1992 1998 non affiliated member Peru 2000 1999 2001 Alliance for the Future 2005 2010 Change 21 2018 2019 Spouse s Susana Higuchi m 1974 div 1995 wbr Satomi Kataoka m 2006 wbr Children4 including Keiko and KenjiRelativesSantiago Fujimori brother EducationNational Agrarian University BS University of StrasbourgUniversity of Wisconsin Milwaukee MS SignatureCriminal informationCriminal statusConvictedCriminal chargeHuman rights abuses murder kidnapping embezzlement abuse of power bribery and corruptionPenalty25 years in prison Human rights abuses murder and kidnapping charges Six years in prison Abuse of power charges Seven and one half years in prison Embezzlement charges Six years in prison Corruption and bribery charges A Peruvian of Japanese descent 6 Fujimori studied to be an agricultural engineer and later obtain a master s degree in mathematics From 1984 to 1989 he served as rector of the National Agrarian University before winning the presidency in the 1990 Peruvian general election In the 1992 Peruvian self coup Fujimori dissolved the Congress and assumed full legislative and judicial powers He changed the constitution and served as a figurehead president under Montesinos and the Peruvian Armed Forces 4 7 and would reportedly adopt Plan Verde a plan that involved the genocide of impoverished and indigenous Peruvians the control or censorship of media in the nation and the establishment of a neoliberal economy controlled by a military junta 8 9 10 11 12 Fujimori won the presidential elections in 1995 and 2000 During his tenure his policies primarily received support from the military Peru s upper class and international financial institutions helping him maintain control of Peru 13 His supporters credit his government with the creation of Fujimorism defeating the Shining Path insurgency and restoring Peru s macroeconomic stability 14 15 16 17 Even amid his later prosecution in 2008 for crimes against humanity relating to his presidency two thirds of Peruvians polled voiced approval for his leadership in that period 18 Neoliberal policies and his political ideology of Fujimorism have influenced the governance of Peru into the present day through a cult of personality 19 In 2000 facing charges of corruption and human rights abuses Fujimori fled Peru and took refuge in Japan 20 21 He maintained a self imposed exile until his arrest while visiting Chile in November 2005 22 He was extradited to face criminal charges in Peru on 22 September 2007 23 In December 2007 Fujimori was convicted of ordering an illegal search and seizure and was sentenced to six years imprisonment 24 25 26 The Supreme Court upheld the decision on appeal 27 In April 2009 Fujimori was convicted of human rights violations and sentenced to 25 years imprisonment for his role in kidnappings and murders by the Grupo Colina death squad during his government s battle against leftist guerrillas in the 1990s Specifically he was found guilty of murder bodily harm and two cases of kidnapping 28 29 30 31 32 The verdict marked the first time that an elected head of state has been extradited to his home country tried and convicted of human rights violations In July 2009 Fujimori was sentenced to seven and a half years imprisonment for embezzlement after he admitted to giving 15 million from the Peruvian treasury to Montesinos 33 Two months later he pleaded guilty in a fourth trial to bribery and received an additional six year term 34 Transparency International determined the money embezzled by the Fujimori government about 600 million or about 861 million in 2021 to be the seventh most for a head of government active within 1984 2004 35 36 Under Peruvian law all the resultant sentences must run concurrently thus the maximum length of imprisonment remained 25 years 37 In December 2017 Fujimori was pardoned by President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski shortly after Fujimori s son Congressman Kenji Fujimori helped President Kuczynski survive an impeachment vote 38 39 The pardon was overturned by Peru s Supreme Court on 3 October 2018 and Fujimori was sent back to prison in January 2019 40 41 42 The Constitutional Court of Peru in a 4 3 ruling on 17 March 2022 reinstated the pardon 43 On 8 April 2022 the Inter American Court of Human Rights overruled the Constitutional Court and ordered Peru not to release Fujimori 44 In May 2023 Fujimori was summoned to appear before the Supreme Court of Chile to testify about forced sterilizations that occurred during his administration 45 His daughter Keiko Fujimori who is active in Peruvian politics and has run for President several times has said that she would pardon her father should she be elected Contents 1 Early life education and early career 2 Presidency 1990 2000 2 1 First term 2 1 1 1990 general election 2 1 2 Economic shock 2 1 3 Military figurehead 2 2 Second term 2 3 Third term 2 4 Corruption 2 4 1 Counterterrorism efforts 2 4 2 Human rights violations 2 4 3 Plan Verde 3 Post presidency 2000 present 3 1 Resignation arrest and trial 3 2 Further trials 3 3 Pardon requests 3 4 Forced sterilizations trial 4 Legacy 4 1 Economics 4 2 Criticism 4 3 Support 5 See also 6 References 7 Further reading 8 External linksEarly life education and early career EditAccording to government records Fujimori was born on 28 July 1938 in Miraflores a district of Lima 46 His parents Naoichi Fujimori original surname Minami adopted by a childless relative 1897 1971 and Mutsue Inomoto Fujimori 1913 2009 were natives of Kumamoto Japan who migrated to Peru in 1934 47 48 In July 1997 the news magazine Caretas alleged that Fujimori was born in Japan in his father s hometown of Kawachi Kumamoto Prefecture 49 Because Peru s constitution requires the president to have been born in Peru this would have made Fujimori ineligible to be president 47 The magazine which had been sued for libel by Vladimiro Montesinos seven years earlier 50 reported that Fujimori s birth and baptismal certificates might have been altered 49 Caretas also alleged that Fujimori s mother declared having two children when she entered Peru 49 Fujimori is the second of four children 51 Caretas contentions were hotly contested in the Peruvian media the magazine Si described the allegations as pathetic and a dark page for Peruvian journalism 52 Latin American scholars Cynthia McClintock and Fabian Vallas note that the issue appeared to have died down among Peruvians after the Japanese government announced in 2000 that Fujimori s parents had registered his birth in the Japanese consulate in Lima 47 The Japanese government determined that he was also a Japanese citizen because of his parents registration in the koseki 53 Fujimori obtained his early education at the Colegio Nuestra Senora de la Merced 54 and La Rectora School 55 Fujimori s parents were Buddhists but he was baptized and raised Roman Catholic Aside from Spanish he also spoke Japanese due to it being the primary language in his childhood home 56 In 1956 Fujimori graduated from La Gran Unidad Escolar Alfonso Ugarte in Lima 57 He went on to undergraduate studies at the Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina in 1957 graduating in 1961 first in his class as an agricultural engineer The following year he lectured on mathematics at the university In 1964 he went to study physics at the University of Strasbourg in France On a Ford scholarship Fujimori also attended the University of Wisconsin Milwaukee 58 in the United States where he obtained his master s degree in mathematics in 1969 In 1974 he married Susana Higuchi also Japanese Peruvian They had four children including a daughter Keiko and a son Kenji who would later follow their father into politics In recognition of his academic achievements the sciences faculty of the National Agrarian University offered Fujimori the deanship and in 1984 appointed him to the rectorship of the university which he held until 1989 In 1987 Fujimori also became president of the National Commission of Peruvian University Rectors Asamblea Nacional de Rectores a position which he has held twice He also hosted a TV show called Concertando from 1988 to 1989 on Peru s state owned network Channel 7 59 Presidency 1990 2000 EditFirst term Edit 1990 general election Edit Main article 1990 Peruvian general electionSee also Plan Verde During the presidency of Alan Garcia the economy had entered a period of hyperinflation and the political system was in crisis due to the country s internal conflict leaving Peru in economic and political chaos 60 The Peruvian armed forces grew frustrated with the inability of the Garcia administration to handle the nation s crises and began to draft Plan Verde as a plan to overthrow his government 10 11 According to Rospigliosi lawyer and friend of Fujimori Vladimiro Montesinos was not initially involved with Plan Verde but his ability to resolve issues for the military resulted with the armed forces tasking Montesinos with implementing the plan with Fujimori 8 while Schulte Bockholt would say that both General Nicolas de Bari Hermoza and Montesinos were responsible for the relationship between the armed forces and Fujimori 11 Mario Vargas Llosa later reported that United States Ambassador to Peru Anthony C E Quainton personally told him that allegedly leaked documents of the Central Intelligence Agency CIA purportedly being supportive of Fujimori s candidacy were authentic 61 Rendon writes that the United States supported Fujimori because of his relationship with Montesinos who had previously been charged with spying on the Peruvian military for the CIA 11 61 During the second round of elections Fujimori originally received support from left wing groups and those close to the Garcia government exploiting the popular distrust of the existing Peruvian political establishment and the uncertainty about the proposed neoliberal economic reforms of his opponent novelist Mario Vargas Llosa 62 Fujimori won the 1990 presidential election as a dark horse candidate under the banner of Cambio 90 cambio means change defeating Vargas Llosa in a surprising upset He capitalized on profound disenchantment with outgoing president Alan Garcia and the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance party APRA During the campaign Fujimori was nicknamed El Chino which translates to the Chinese guy or the Chinaman it is common for people of any East Asian descent to be called chino in Peru as elsewhere in Spanish Latin America both derogatively and affectionately Although he is of Japanese heritage Fujimori has suggested that he was always pleased by the term which he perceived as a term of affection 63 With his election victory he became just the second person of East Asian descent to become leader of a Latin American nation after Fulgencio Batista varied descent of Cuba and the third of East Asian descent to govern a South American state after Arthur Chung of Guyana and Henk Chin A Sen of Suriname 64 Economic shock Edit According to Oiga the armed forces finalized plans on 18 June 1990 involving multiple scenarios for a coup to be executed on 27 July 1990 the day prior to Fujimori s inauguration 65 The magazine noted that in one of the scenarios titled Negotiation and agreement with Fujimori Bases of negotiation concept of directed Democracy and Market Economy Fujimori was to be directed on accepting the military s plan at least twenty four hours before his inauguration 65 Rospigliosi states an understanding was established between Fujimori Montesinos and some of the military officers involved in Plan Verde prior to Fujimori s inauguration 12 Montesinos and SIN officials would ultimately assume the armed force s position in the plan placing SIN operatives into military leadership roles 8 Fujimori would go on to adopt many of the policies outlined in Plan Verde 11 12 After taking office Fujimori abandoned the economic platform he promoted during his campaign adopting more aggressive neoliberal policies than those espoused by his competitor in the election 66 During his first term in office Fujimori enacted wide ranging neoliberal reforms known as Fujishock It was Fujimori s stated objective to pacify the nation and restore economic balance This program bore little resemblance to his campaign platform and was in fact more drastic than anything Vargas Llosa had proposed 67 Hernando de Soto the founder of one of the first neoliberal organizations in Latin America Institute for Liberty and Democracy ILD began to receive assistance from Ronald Reagan s administration with the National Endowment for Democracy s Center for International Private Enterprise CIPE providing his ILD with funding and education for advertising campaigns 68 69 70 Between 1988 and 1995 de Soto and the ILD were mainly responsible for some four hundred initiatives laws and regulations that led to significant changes in Peru s economic system 71 72 Under Fujimori de Soto served as the President s personal representative with The New York Times describing de Soto as an overseas salesman for Fujimori in 1990 writing that he had represented the government when meeting with creditors and United States representatives 71 Others dubbed de Soto as the informal president for Fujimori 68 De Soto proved to be influential to Fujimori who began to repeat de Soto s advocacy for deregulating the Peruvian economy 73 The IMF was content with Peru s measures and guaranteed loan funding for Peru 74 Inflation rapidly began to fall and foreign investment capital flooded in 74 Nonetheless the Fujishock succeeded in restoring Peru to the global economy though not without immediate social cost international business participated in crony capitalism with the government 75 76 The privatization campaign involved selling off of hundreds of state owned enterprises and replacing the country s troubled currency the inti with the Nuevo Sol 60 Fujimori s initiative relaxed private sector price controls drastically reduced government subsidies and government employment eliminated all exchange controls and also reduced restrictions on investment imports and capital 75 Tariffs were radically simplified the minimum wage was immediately quadrupled and the government established a 400 million poverty relief fund 75 The latter seemed to anticipate the economic agony to come the price of electricity quintupled water prices rose eightfold and gasoline prices 3 000 67 75 Subsequent analysis has said that the description of Fujimori s economic achievements as a Peruvian miracle was exaggerated and that inequality in Peru persisted following his tenure 77 Military figurehead Edit Main article 1992 Peruvian self coup During Fujimori s first term in office APRA and Vargas Llosa s party the FREDEMO remained in control of both chambers of Congress the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate hampering the enactment of economic reform Fujimori also had difficulty combatting the Maoist Shining Path Spanish Sendero Luminoso guerrilla organization due largely to what he perceived as intransigence and obstructionism in Congress By March 1992 the Congress met with the approval of only 17 of the electorate according to one poll in the same poll the president s approval stood at 42 78 Fujimori and his military handlers had planned for a coup during his preceding two years in office 79 11 65 In response to the political deadlock Fujimori with the support of the military on 5 April 1992 carried out a self coup 80 also known as the autogolpe auto coup or Fujigolpe Fuji coup in Peru Congress was shut down by the military the constitution was suspended and the judiciary was 81 Without political obstacles the military was able to implement the objectives outlined in Plan Verde 11 79 65 while Fujimori served as a figurehead leader to project an image that Peru was supporting a liberal democracy 4 7 Montesinos would go on to adopt the actual function of Peru s government 7 According to numerous polls the coup was welcomed by the public 82 as evidenced by favorable public opinion in several independent polls in fact public approval of the Fujimori administration jumped significantly in the wake of the coup 82 83 Fujimori often cited this public support in defending the coup which he characterized as not a negation of real democracy but on the contrary a search for an authentic transformation to assure a legitimate and effective democracy 82 Fujimori believed that Peruvian democracy had been nothing more than a deceptive formality a facade 82 He claimed the coup was necessary in order to break with the deeply entrenched special interests that were hindering him from rescuing Peru from the chaotic state in which Garcia had left it 84 Fujimori s coup was immediately met with near unanimous condemnation from the international community 82 The Organization of American States denounced the coup and demanded a return to representative democracy 85 despite Fujimori s claim that the coup represented a popular uprising 82 Foreign ministers of OAS member states reiterated this condemnation of the autogolpe 83 They proposed an urgent effort to promote the reestablishment of the democratic institutional order in Peru 86 Negotiations between the OAS the government and opposition groups initially led Alberto Fujimori to propose a referendum to ratify the auto coup but the OAS rejected this Fujimori then proposed scheduling elections for a Democratic Constituent Congress CCD which would draft a new constitution to be ratified by a national referendum Despite a lack of consensus among political forces in Peru regarding this proposal an ad hoc OAS meeting of ministers nevertheless endorsed this scenario in mid May Elections for the Democratic Constituent Congress were held on 22 November 1992 83 Various states individually condemned the coup Venezuela broke off diplomatic relations and Argentina withdrew its ambassador Chile joined Argentina in requesting Peru s suspension from the Organization of American States International lenders delayed planned or projected loans and the United States Germany and Spain suspended all non humanitarian aid to Peru The coup appeared to threaten the reinsertion strategy for economic recovery and complicated the process of clearing Peru s arrears with the International Monetary Fund Fujimori in turn would later receive most of the participants of the Venezuelan coup attempt of November 1992 as political asylees who had fled to Peru after its failure 87 Peruvian U S relations earlier in Fujimori s presidency had been dominated by questions of coca eradication and Fujimori s initial reluctance to sign an accord to increase his military s eradication efforts in the lowlands Fujimori s autogolpe became a major obstacle to relations as the United States immediately suspended all military and economic aid with exceptions for counter narcotic and humanitarian funds 88 Two weeks after the self coup however the George H W Bush administration changed its position and officially recognized Fujimori as the legitimate leader of Peru partly because he was willing to implement economic austerity measures but also because of his adamant opposition to the Shining Path 89 With FREDEMO dissolved and APRA leader Alan Garcia exiled to Colombia Fujimori sought to legitimize his position He called elections for a Democratic Constitutional Congress to serve as a legislature and as a constituent assembly The APRA and Popular Action attempted a boycott of this election but the Christian People s Party PPC not to be confused with PCP Partido Comunista del Peru or Peruvian Communist Party and many left leaning parties participated in this election Fujimori supporters won a majority of the seats in this body and drafted a new constitution in 1993 In a referendum the coup and the Constitution of 1993 were approved by a margin of less than five percent 90 On 13 November 1993 General Jaime Salinas led a failed military coup Salinas asserted that his intentions were to turn Fujimori over to be tried for violating the Peruvian constitution 91 In 1994 Fujimori separated from his wife Susana Higuchi in a noisy public divorce He formally stripped her of the title First Lady in August 1994 appointing their eldest daughter as First Lady in her stead Higuchi publicly denounced Fujimori as a tyrant and claimed that his administration was corrupt They formally divorced in 1995 92 In Fujimori s first term of office over 3 000 Peruvians were killed in political murders 93 needs context Second term Edit Main article 1995 Peruvian general election The 1993 Constitution allowed Fujimori to run for a second term and in April 1995 at the height of his popularity Fujimori easily won reelection with almost two thirds of the vote His major opponent former UN Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar won only 21 percent of the vote Fujimori s supporters won comfortable majority in the newly unicameral Congress One of the first acts of the new congress was to declare an amnesty for all members of the Peruvian military or police accused or convicted of human rights abuses between 1980 and 1995 94 During his second term Fujimori along with Ecuadorian President Sixto Duran Ballen signed a peace agreement with Ecuador over a border dispute that had simmered for more than a century The treaty allowed the two countries to obtain international funds for developing the border region Fujimori also settled some issues with Chile Peru s southern neighbor which had been unresolved since the 1929 Treaty of Lima 95 The 1995 election was the turning point in Fujimori s career Peruvians began to be more concerned about freedom of speech and the press However before he was sworn in for a second term Fujimori stripped two universities of their autonomy and reshuffled the national electoral board This led his opponents to call him Chinochet a reference to his previous nickname and to Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet 96 Modeling his rule after Pinochet Fujimori reportedly enjoyed this nickname 97 According to a poll by the Peruvian Research and Marketing Company conducted in 1997 40 6 of Lima residents considered President Fujimori an authoritarian 98 99 100 In addition to the fate of democracy under Fujimori Peruvians were becoming increasingly interested in the myriad allegations of criminality that involved Fujimori and his chief of the National Intelligence Service SIN Vladimiro Montesinos Using SIN Fujimori gained control of the majority of the armed forces with Financial Times stating that i n no other country in Latin America did a president have so much control over the armed forces 93 A 2002 report by Health Minister Fernando Carbone later suggested that Fujimori was involved in the forced sterilizations of up to 300 000 indigenous women between 1996 and 2000 as part of a population control program 21 A 2004 World Bank publication said that in this period Montesinos abuse of the power Fujimori granted him led to a steady and systematic undermining of the rule of law 101 Third term Edit Main article 2000 Peruvian general election The 1993 constitution limited a presidency to two terms Shortly after Fujimori began his second term his supporters in Congress passed a law of authentic interpretation which effectively allowed him to run for another term in 2000 A 1998 effort to repeal this law by referendum failed 102 In late 1999 Fujimori announced that he would run for a third term Peruvian electoral bodies which were politically sympathetic to Fujimori accepted his argument that the two term restriction did not apply to him as it was enacted while he was already in office 103 Exit polls showed Fujimori fell short of the 50 required to avoid an electoral runoff but the first official results showed him with 49 6 of the vote just short of outright victory Eventually Fujimori was credited with 49 89 20 000 votes short of avoiding a runoff Despite reports of numerous irregularities the international observers recognized an adjusted victory of Fujimori His primary opponent Alejandro Toledo called for his supporters to spoil their ballots in the runoff by writing No to fraud on them voting is mandatory in Peru International observers pulled out of the country after Fujimori refused to delay the runoff In the runoff Fujimori won with 51 1 of the total votes While votes for Toledo declined from 37 0 of the total votes cast in the first round to 17 7 of the votes in the second round invalid votes jumped from 8 1 of the total votes cast in the first round to 31 1 of total votes in the second round 104 The large percentage of invalid votes in this election suggests that many Peruvians took Toledo s advice and spoiled their ballots Candidate Party First round Second roundVotes Votes Alberto Fujimori Peru 2000 5 528 568 49 9 6 041 685 74 3Alejandro Toledo Possible Peru 4 460 895 40 2 2 086 215 25 7Other candidates 1 096 407 9 9Invalid or blank votes 980 359 3 672 410 Although Fujimori won the runoff with only a bare majority but 3 4 valid votes rumors of irregularities led most of the international community to shun his third swearing in on 28 July For the next seven weeks there were daily demonstrations in front of the presidential palace As a conciliatory gesture Fujimori appointed former opposition candidate Federico Salas as prime minister However opposition parties in Congress refused to support this move and Toledo campaigned vigorously to have the election annulled At this point a corruption scandal involving Vladimiro Montesinos broke out and exploded into full force on the evening of 14 September 2000 when the cable television station Canal N broadcast footage of Montesinos apparently bribing opposition congressman Alberto Kouri for defecting to Fujimori s Peru 2000 party The video was presented by Fernando Olivera leader of the FIM Independent Moralizing Front who purchased it from one of Montesinos s closest allies who nicknamed by the Peruvian press El Patriota Fujimori s support virtually collapsed and a few days later he announced in a nationwide address that he would shut down the SIN and call new elections in which he would not be a candidate On 10 November Fujimori won approval from Congress to hold elections on 8 April 2001 On 13 November Fujimori left Peru for a visit to Brunei to attend the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum On 16 November Valentin Paniagua took over as president of Congress after the pro Fujimori leadership lost a vote of confidence On 17 November Fujimori traveled from Brunei to Tokyo where he submitted his presidential resignation via fax Congress refused to accept his resignation instead voting 62 9 to remove Fujimori from office on the grounds that he was permanently morally disabled On 19 November government ministers presented their resignations en bloc Because Fujimori s first vice president Francisco Tudela who had broken with Fujimori and resigned a few days earlier his successor second vice president Ricardo Marquez Flores came to claim the presidency Congress however refused to recognize him as he was an ardent Fujimori loyalist Marquez resigned two days later Paniagua was next in line and became interim president to oversee the April 2001 elections Corruption Edit Alberto Fujimori was accused of a series of embezzlement of public funds abuse of power and corruption during almost 10 years as president 1990 2000 especially when he gained greater control after the self coup The network operated as a kleptocracy in three spheres business politics and the military 105 With multimillion dollar annual expenditures in 1992 five billion dollars in public spending plus another five billion in state enterprises 9 part of the funds were diverted to political and military institutions According to the National Anti Corruption Initiative INA in 2001 they corresponded to 30 35 of the average budget expenditure in each year and 4 of the average annual GDP during the same period 106 One of those responsible for maintaining an image of apparent honesty and government approval was Vladimiro Montesinos head of the National Intelligence Service SIN who systematically bribed politicians judges and the media That criminal network also involved authorities of his government furthermore due to privatisation and the arrival of foreign capital companies close to the Ministry of Economy were allowed to use state money for public works tenders as in the cases of AeroPeru JJC Contratistas Generales of the Camet Dickmann family and the Banco de Credito 107 Although in 1999 the opposition made a public denunciation that ended in the resignation of five ministers this network was later revealed in 2000 just before the president resigned when the Swiss embassy in Peru informed the then Minister of Justice Alberto Bustamante and the attorney general Jose Ugaz of more than 40 million dollars coming from Montesinos in which he was denounced for illicit enrichment to the detriment of the Peruvian state Ugaz was in charge of the investigation until 2002 107 According to Transparency International in 2004 Fujimori was listed as the seventh most corrupt former leader in history 108 Counterterrorism efforts Edit This section s factual accuracy is disputed Relevant discussion may be found on Talk Alberto Fujimori Please help to ensure that disputed statements are reliably sourced July 2017 Learn how and when to remove this template message Main article Internal conflict in Peru See also Tarata bombing and Japanese embassy hostage crisis When Fujimori came to power much of Peru was dominated by the Maoist insurgent group Sendero Luminoso Shining Path and the Marxist Leninist group Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement MRTA In 1989 25 of Peru s district and provincial councils opted not to hold elections owing to a persistent campaign of assassination over the course of which over 100 officials had been killed by the Shining Path in that year alone That same year more than one third of Peru s courts lacked a justice of the peace due to Shining Path intimidation Labor union leaders and military officials were also assassinated throughout the 1980s 109 Areas where Shining Path was active in Peru By the early 1990s some parts of the country were under the control of the insurgents in territories known as zonas liberadas liberated zones where inhabitants lived under the rule of these groups and paid them taxes 110 When the Shining Path arrived in Lima it organized paros armados armed strikes which were enforced by killings and other forms of violence The leadership of the Shining Path largely consisted of university students and teachers 111 Two previous governments those of Fernando Belaunde Terry and Alan Garcia at first neglected the threat posed by the Shining Path then launched an unsuccessful military campaign to eradicate it undermining public faith in the state and precipitating an exodus of elites 112 By 1992 Shining Path guerrilla attacks had claimed an estimated 20 000 lives over preceding 12 years citation needed On 16 July 1992 the Tarata Bombing in which several car bombs exploded in Lima s wealthiest district killed over 40 people the bombings were characterized by one commentator as an offensive to challenge President Alberto Fujimori 113 The bombing at Tarata was followed up with a weeklong wave of car bombings Bombs hit banks hotels schools restaurants police stations and shops G uerrillas bombed two rail bridges from the Andes cutting off some of Peru s largest copper mines from coastal ports 114 Fujimori has been credited by many Peruvians who with ending the fifteen year insurgency of the Shining Path As part of his anti insurgency efforts Fujimori granted the military broad powers to arrest suspected insurgents and try them in secret military courts with few legal rights This measure has often been criticized for compromising the fundamental democratic and human right to an open trial wherein the accused faces the accuser Fujimori contended that these measures were both justified and also necessary Members of the judiciary were too afraid to charge the alleged insurgents and judges and prosecutors had very legitimate fears of reprisals against them or their families 115 At the same time Fujimori s government armed rural Peruvians organizing them into groups known as rondas campesinas peasant patrols Insurgent activity was in decline by the end of 1992 116 and Fujimori took credit for this abatement claiming that his campaign had largely eliminated the insurgent threat After the 1992 auto coup the intelligence work of the DINCOTE National Counter Terrorism Directorate led to the capture of the leaders from MRTA and the Shining Path including notorious Shining Path leader Abimael Guzman Guzman s capture was a political coup for Fujimori who used it to great effect in the press in an interview with documentarian Ellen Perry Fujimori even notes that he specially ordered Guzman s prison jumpsuit to be white with black stripes to enhance the image of his capture in the media 117 Critics charge that to achieve the defeat of the Shining Path the Peruvian military engaged in widespread human rights abuses and that the majority of the victims were poor highland countryside inhabitants caught in a crossfire between the military and insurgents The final report of the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission published on 28 August 2003 brought out that Peruvian armed forces were also guilty of destroying villages and murdering countryside inhabitants whom they suspected of supporting insurgents The Japanese embassy hostage crisis began on 17 December 1996 when fourteen MRTA militants seized the residence of the Japanese ambassador in Lima during a party taking hostage some four hundred diplomats government officials and other dignitaries The action was partly in protest of prison conditions in Peru During the four month standoff the Emerretistas gradually freed all but 72 of their hostages The government rejected the militants demand to release imprisoned MRTA members and secretly prepared an elaborate plan to storm the residence while stalling by negotiating with the hostage takers 118 On 22 April 1997 a team of military commandos codenamed Chavin de Huantar raided the building One hostage two military commandos and all 14 MRTA insurgents were killed in the operation 119 Images of President Fujimori at the ambassador s residence during and after the military operation surrounded by soldiers and liberated dignitaries and walking among the corpses of the insurgents were widely televised The conclusion of the four month long standoff was used by Fujimori and his supporters to bolster his image as tough on terrorism 120 Human rights violations Edit See also Barrios Altos massacre La Cantuta massacre and Operation Chavin de Huantar Several organizations criticized Fujimori s methods against the Shining Path and the MRTA Amnesty International said the widespread and systematic nature of human rights violations committed during the government of former head of state Alberto Fujimori 1990 2000 in Peru constitute crimes against humanity under international law 121 Fujimori s alleged association with death squads is currently when being studied by the Inter American Court of Human Rights after the court accepted the case of Cantuta vs Peru citation needed The 1991 Barrios Altos massacre by members of the death squad Grupo Colina made up solely of members of the Peruvian armed forces was one of the crimes that Peru cited in its request to Japan for his extradition in 2003 Plan Verde Edit Reportedly following socioeconomic objectives calling for the total extermination of culturally backward and economically impoverished groups determined by the Peruvian military in Plan Verde 122 123 124 125 from 1996 to 2000 the Fujimori government oversaw a massive forced sterilization campaign known as the National Program for Reproductive Health and Family Planning PNSRPF According to Back and Zavala the plan was an example of ethnic cleansing as it targeted indigenous and rural women 125 The United Nations and other international aid agencies supported this campaign USAID provided funding and training until it was exposed by objections by churches and human rights groups 126 The Nippon Foundation headed by Ayako Sono a Japanese novelist and personal friend of Fujimori supported as well 127 128 In the four year Plan Verde period over 215 000 people mostly women entirely indigenous were forced or threatened into sterilization and 16 547 men were forced to undergo vasectomies during these years most of them without a proper anesthetist in contrast to 80 385 sterilizations and 2 795 vasectomies over the previous three years 21 The success of the military operation in the Japanese embassy hostage crisis was tainted by subsequent allegations that at least three and possibly eight of the insurgents were summarily executed by the commandos after surrendering In 2002 the case was taken up by public prosecutors but the Peruvian Supreme Court ruled that the military tribunals had jurisdiction A military court later absolved them of guilt and the Chavin de Huantar soldiers led the 2004 military parade In response in 2003 MRTA family members lodged a complaint with the Inter American Commission on Human Rights IACHR accusing the Peruvian state of human rights violations namely that the MRTA insurgents had been denied the right to life the right to judicial guarantees and the right to judicial protection The IACHR accepted the case and is currently when studying it 129 Peruvian Minister of Justice Maria Zavala has stated that this verdict clarification needed by the IACHR supports the Peruvian government s extradition of Fujimori from Chile Though the IACHR verdict does not directly implicate Fujimori it does fault the Peruvian government for its complicity in the 1992 Cantuta University killings 130 Post presidency 2000 present EditResignation arrest and trial Edit Main article Alberto Fujimori s arrest and trialAlberto Fujimori left Peru in November 2000 to attend a regional summit in Brunei He then traveled on to Japan Once there he announced plans to remain in the country and faxed his resignation letter to Congress After Congress rejected Fujimori s faxed resignation they relieved Fujimori of his duties as president and banned him from Peruvian politics for a decade He remained in self imposed exile in Japan 131 where he resided with his friend the famous Catholic novelist Ayako Sono 132 Several senior Japanese politicians have supported Fujimori 133 partly because of his decisive action in ending the 1996 97 Japanese embassy crisis Alejandro Toledo who assumed the Peruvian presidency in 2001 spearheaded the criminal case against Fujimori He arranged meetings with the Supreme Court tax authorities and other powers in Peru to coordinate the joint efforts to bring the criminal Fujimori from Japan His vehemence in this matter at times compromised Peruvian law forcing the judiciary and legislative system to keep guilty sentences without hearing Fujimori s defense not providing Fujimori with representation when Fujimori was tried in absentia and expelling pro Fujimori congressmen from the parliament without proof of the accusations against those congressmen These expulsions were later reversed by the judiciary 134 The Peruvian Congress authorized charges against Fujimori in August 2001 Fujimori was alleged to be a coauthor along with Vladimiro Montesinos of the death squad killings at Barrios Altos in 1991 and La Cantuta in 1992 respectively 135 At the behest of Peruvian authorities Interpol issued an arrest order for Fujimori on charges that included murder kidnapping and crimes against humanity Meanwhile the Peruvian government found that Japan was not amenable to the extradition of Fujimori a protracted diplomatic debate ensued when Japan showed itself unwilling to accede to the extradition request Fujimori had been granted Japanese citizenship after his arrival in the country and the Japanese government maintained that Japanese citizens would not be extradited 136 In September 2003 Congressman Dora Davila joined by Minister of Health Luis Soari denounced Fujimori and several of his ministers for crimes against humanity for allegedly having overseen forced sterilizations during his regime In November Congress approved an investigation of Fujimori s involvement in the airdrop of Kalashnikov rifles into the Colombian jungle in 1999 and 2000 for guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia FARC Fujimori maintained he had no knowledge of the arms trading and blamed Montesinos By approving the charges Congress lifted the immunity granted to Fujimori as a former president so that he could be criminally charged and prosecuted Congress also voted to support charges against Fujimori for the detention and disappearance of 67 students from the central Andean city of Huancayo and the disappearance of several residents from the northern coastal town of Chimbote during the 1990s It also approved charges that Fujimori mismanaged millions of dollars from Japanese charities suggesting that the millions of dollars in his bank account were far too much to have been accumulated legally 137 In 2004 the Special Prosecutor established to investigate Fujimori released a report alleging that the Fujimori administration had obtained US 2 billion though graft 138 Most of this money came from Vladimiro Montesinos web of corruption 138 The Special Prosecutor s figure of two billion dollars is considerably higher than the one arrived at by Transparency International an NGO that studies corruption Transparency International listed Fujimori as having embezzled an estimated US 600 million or about 861 million in 2021 which would rank seventh in the list of money embezzled by heads of government active within 1984 2004 35 36 139 Fujimori dismissed the judicial proceedings underway against him as politically motivated citing Toledo s involvement Fujimori established a new political party in Peru Si Cumple working from Japan He hoped to participate in the 2006 presidential elections but in February 2004 the Constitutional Court dismissed this possibility because the ex president was specifically barred by Congress from holding any office for ten years Fujimori saw the decision as unconstitutional as did his supporters such as ex congress members Luz Salgado Martha Chavez and Fernan Altuve who argued it was a political maneuver and that the only body with the authority to determine the matter was the Jurado Nacional de Elecciones JNE Valentin Paniagua disagreed suggesting that the Constitutional Court finding was binding and that no further debate is possible 140 141 Fujimori s Si Cumple roughly translated He Keeps His Word received more than 10 in many country level polls contending with APRA for the second place slot 142 but did not participate in the 2006 elections after its participation in the Alliance for the Future initially thought as Alliance Si Cumple had not been allowed By March 2005 it appeared that Peru had all but abandoned its efforts to extradite Fujimori from Japan In September of that year Fujimori obtained a new Peruvian passport in Tokyo and announced his intention to run in the upcoming 2006 national election 136 He arrived in Chile in November 2005 but hours after his arrival there he was arrested Peru then requested his extradition While under house arrest in Chile Fujimori announced plans to run in Japan s Upper House elections in July 2007 for the far right People s New Party 143 144 145 146 Fujimori was extradited from Chile to Peru in September 2007 On 7 April 2009 a three judge panel convicted Fujimori on charges of human rights abuses declaring that the charges against him have been proven beyond all reasonable doubt 147 The panel found him guilty of ordering the Grupo Colina death squad to commit the November 1991 Barrios Altos massacre and the July 1992 La Cantuta Massacre which resulted in the deaths of 25 people 148 as well as for taking part in the kidnappings of Peruvian opposition journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer 149 150 As of 2009 Fujimori s conviction is the only instance of a democratically elected head of state being tried and convicted of human rights abuses in his own country 151 Later on 7 April the court sentenced Fujimori to 25 years in prison 29 Likewise the Court found him guilty of aggravated kidnapping under the aggravating circumstance of cruel treatment to the detriment of journalist Gustavo Gorriti and businessman Samuel Dyer Ampudia The Special Criminal Chamber determined that the sentence had expired on February 10 2032 152 On January 2 2010 the sentence to 25 years in prison for human rights violations was confirmed 153 Further trials Edit He faced a third trial in July 2009 over allegations that he illegally gave 15 million in state funds to Vladimiro Montesinos former head of the National Intelligence Service during the two months prior to his fall from power Fujimori admitted paying the money to Montesinos but claimed that he had later paid back the money to the state 154 On 20 July the court found him guilty of embezzlement and sentenced him to a further seven and a half years in prison 154 155 A fourth trial took place in September 2009 in Lima 155 Fujimori was accused of using Montesinos to bribe and tap the phones of journalists businessmen and opposition politicians evidence of which led to the collapse of his government in 2000 155 156 Fujimori admitted the charges but claimed that the charges were made to damage his daughter s presidential election campaign 156 The prosecution asked the court to sentence Fujimori to eight years imprisonment with a fine of 1 6 million plus 1 million in compensation to ten people whose phones were bugged 156 Fujimori pleaded guilty and was sentenced to six years imprisonment on 30 September 2009 155 Under Peruvian law all prison sentences run concurrently On May 3 2016 the Constitutional Court of Peru rejected the nullity of Alberto Fujimori s conviction Alberto Fujimori will continue to be sentenced for 25 years which was imposed on him for responsibility in the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta massacres Pardon requests Edit Main article Pardon of Alberto Fujimori Press reports in late 2012 indicated that Fujimori was suffering from tongue cancer and other medical problems His family asked President Ollanta Humala for a pardon 157 President Humala rejected a pardon in 2013 saying that Fujimori s condition was not serious enough to warrant it 158 In July 2016 with three days left in his term President Humala said that there was insufficient time to evaluate a second request to pardon Fujimori leaving the decision to his successor Pedro Pablo Kuczynski 159 160 On 24 December 2017 President Kuczynski pardoned him on health grounds 161 Kuczynski s office stated that the hospitalized 79 year old Fujimori had a progressive degenerative and incurable disease The pardon kicked off at least two days of protests and led at least three congressmen to resign from Kuczynski s party A spokesman for Popular Force alleged there was a pact that in exchange for the pardon Popular Force members helped Kuczynski fight ongoing impeachment proceedings 38 On February 20 2018 the National Criminal Chamber ruled that it did not apply the resolution that granted Fujimori the right of grace for humanitarian reasons Therefore the former president had to face the process for the Pativilca Case with a simple appearance 162 On 3 October 2018 the Peruvian Supreme Court reversed Fujimori s pardon and ordered his return to prison 163 He was rushed to a hospital and returned to prison on 23 January 2019 41 His pardon was formally annulled on 13 February 2019 42 The Constitutional Court of Peru in a 4 3 ruling on 17 March 2022 reinstated the pardon though it was not clear if or when he may be released 43 Those ruling in approval of Fujimori s release argued that a pardon no matter how unconstitutional it may be can be issued by the President of Peru and that previous rulings annulling the pardon were subjective 164 Constitutional Court judges ruling in favor of releasing Fujimori ignored the Inter American Court of Human Rights opinion that criticized Kuczynski s reported pardon pact with Fujimori s son and pointed out that the disease cited in the pardon was possibly diagnosed by Fujimori s personal doctor not an independent physician 164 On April 8 2022 the Inter American Court of Human Rights overruled the Constitutional Court and ordered Peru not to release Fujimori 44 Forced sterilizations trial Edit In May 2023 the Supreme Court of Chile ordered Fujimori to testify regarding forced sterilizations that occurred between 1996 and 2000 during his government with Chile attempting to decide if they would expand extradition charges against Fujimori to include the sterilizations which would allow him to be prosecuted in Peru 45 On 19 May 2023 Fujimori participated in a video call from Barbadillo Prison with justice officials in Chile defending his actions regarding sterilizations 165 Legacy EditEconomics Edit Further information Economic policy of the Alberto Fujimori administration Fujimori is credited by many Peruvians for bringing stability to the country after the violence and hyperinflation of the Garcia years While it is generally agreed that the Fujishock brought short middle term macroeconomic stability the long term social impact of Fujimori s free market economic policies is still hotly debated Neoliberal reforms under Fujimori took place in three distinct phases an initial orthodox phase 1990 92 in which technocrats dominated the reform agenda a pragmatic phase 1993 98 that saw the growing influence of business elites over government priorities and a final watered down phase 1999 2000 dominated by a clique of personal loyalists and their clientelist policies that aimed to secure Fujimori a third term as president Business was a big winner of the reforms with its influence increasing significantly within both the state and society 166 High growth during Fujimori s first term petered out during his second term El Nino phenomena had a tremendous impact on the Peruvian economy during the late 1990s 167 Nevertheless total GDP growth between 1992 and 2001 inclusive was 44 60 that is 3 76 per annum total GDP per capita growth between 1991 and 2001 inclusive was 30 78 that is 2 47 per annum Also studies by INEI the national statistics bureau 168 show that the number of Peruvians living in poverty increased dramatically from 41 6 to more than 70 during Alan Garcia s term but decreased greatly from more than 70 to 54 during Fujimori s term Furthermore FAO reported Peru reduced undernourishment by about 29 from 1990 92 to 1997 99 169 Peru was reintegrated into the global economic system and began to attract foreign investment The mass selloff of state owned enterprises led to improvements in some service industries notably local telephone mobile telephone and internet services respectively For example before privatization a consumer or business had to wait up to 10 years to get a local telephone line installed by the state run telephone company at a cost of 607 for a residential line 170 171 A couple of years after privatization the wait was reduced to just a few days Peru s Physical land based telephone network had a dramatic increase in telephone penetration from 2 9 in 1993 to 5 9 in 1996 and 6 2 in 2000 172 and a dramatic decrease in the wait for a telephone line Average wait went from 70 months in 1993 before privatization to two months in 1996 after privatization 173 Privatization also generated foreign investment in export oriented activities such as mining and energy extraction notably the Camisea gas project and the copper and zinc extraction projects at Antamina 174 Criticism Edit Fujimori has been described as a dictator 5 175 His government was permeated by a network of corruption organized by his associate Montesinos 176 177 178 Fujimori s style of government has also been described as populist authoritarianism Numerous governments 179 and human rights organizations such as Amnesty International welcomed the extradition of Fujimori to face human rights charges 180 As early as 1991 Fujimori had himself vocally denounced what he called pseudo human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Americas Watch for allegedly failing to criticize the insurgencies targeting civilian populations throughout Peru against which his government was struggling 181 Some analysts state that some of the GDP growth during the Fujimori years actually reflects a greater rate of extraction of nonrenewable resources by transnational companies these companies were attracted by Fujimori by means of near zero royalties and by the same fact little of the extracted wealth has stayed in the country 182 183 184 185 Peru s mining legislation they claim has served as a role model for other countries that wish to become more mining friendly 186 Fujimori s privatization program also remains shrouded in controversy and opposed by many Peruvians A congressional investigation in 2002 led by socialist opposition congressman Javier Diez Canseco stated that of the US 9 billion raised through the privatizations of hundreds of state owned enterprises only a small fraction of this income ever benefited the Peruvian people citation needed The sole instance of organized labor s success in impeding reforms namely the teacher s union resistance to education reform was based on traditional methods of organization and resistance strikes and street demonstrations 166 In the 2004 Global Corruption Report Fujimori made into the list of the World s Most Corrupt Leaders He was listed seventh and he was said to have amassed 600 million but despite years of incarceration and investigation none of these supposed stolen funds have ever been located in any bank account anywhere in the world 187 188 Support Edit Fujimori did have support within Peru The Universidad de Lima March 2003 poll taken while he was in Japan found a 41 approval rating for his administration 189 A poll conducted in March 2005 by the Instituto de Desarrollo e Investigacion de Ciencias Economicas IDICE indicated that 12 1 of the respondents intended to vote for Fujimori in the 2006 presidential election 190 A poll conducted on 25 November 2005 by the Universidad de Lima indicated a high approval 45 6 rating of the Fujimori period between 1990 and 2000 attributed to his counterinsurgency efforts 53 191 An article from La Razon a Peruvian newspaper stated in 2003 that Fujimori is only guilty of one big crime and it is that of having been successful in a country of failed politicians creators of debt builders of mirages and the downright opportunistic According to a more recent Universidad de Lima survey Fujimori still retains public support ranking fifth in personal popularity among other political figures Popular approval for his decade long presidency 1990 2000 has reportedly grown from 31 5 in 2002 to 49 5 in May 2007 192 Despite accusations of corruption and human rights violations nearly half of the individuals interviewed in the survey approved of Fujimori s presidential regime citation needed In a 2007 Universidad de Lima survey of 600 Peruvians in Lima and the port of Callao 82 6 agreed that the former president should be extradited from Chile to stand trial in Peru 193 The Lima based newspaper Peru 21 ran an editorial noting that even though the Universidad de Lima poll results indicate that four out of every five interviewees believe that Fujimori is guilty of some of the charges against him he still enjoys at least 30 of popular support and enough approval to restart a political career In the 2006 congressional elections his daughter Keiko was elected to the congress with the highest vote count She came in second place in the 2011 Peruvian presidential election with 23 2 of the vote 194 and lost the June runoff against Ollanta Humala 195 She again ran for President in the 2016 election narrowly losing the runoff to Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and again in the 2021 election losing the runoff to Pedro Castillo See also EditJudiciary reform in Peru under Alberto Fujimori History of Peru Peruvian internal conflict Japanese Peruvians List of presidents of Peru Politics of Peru Peruvian national election 2006 Vladimiro MontesinosReferences Edit General Data Infogob in Spanish Archived from the original on 25 April 2012 Archived copy Archived from the original on 11 April 2019 Retrieved 15 November 2017 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint archived copy as title link LR Redaccion 22 May 2019 Fujimori saco DNI con fecha falsa sobre su nacimiento larepublica pe in Spanish Retrieved 12 August 2019 a b c McMillan John Zoido Pablo Autumn 2004 How to Subvert Democracy Montesinos in Peru The Journal of Economic Perspectives 18 4 69 doi 10 1257 0895330042632690 S2CID 219372153 In the 1990s Peru was run by its secret police chief Vladimiro Montesinos Torres Llosa Mario Vargas 27 March 1994 Ideas amp Trends In His Words Unmasking the Killers in Peru Won t Bring Democracy Back to Life The New York Times ISSN 0362 4331 Retrieved 24 March 2023 The coup of April 5 1992 carried out by high ranking military felons who used the President of the Republic himself as their figurehead had as one of its stated objectives a guaranteed free hand for the armed forces in the anti subversion campaign the same armed forces for whom the democratic system a critical Congress an independent judiciary a free press constituted an intolerable obstacle Spymaster Australian Broadcasting Corporation August 2002 Retrieved 29 March 2023 Lester Though few questioned it Montesinos was a novel choice Peru s army had banished him for selling secrets to America s CIA but he d prospered as a defence lawyer for accused drug traffickers Lester Did Fujmori control Montesinos or did Montesinos control Fujimori Shifter As information comes out it seems increasingly clear that Montesinos was the power in Peru Keller Paul 26 October 2000 Fujimori in OAS talks PERU CRISIS UNCERTAINTY DEEPENS AFTER RETURN OF EX SPY CHIEF Financial Times Mr Montesinos and his military faction for the moment has chosen to keep Mr Fujimori as its civilian figurehead THE CRISIS OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN THE ANDES PDF Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 2001 Retrieved 25 March 2023 Alberto Fujimori as later events would seem to confirm merely the figurehead of a regime governed for all practical purposes by the Intelligence Service and the leadership of the armed forces Questions And Answers Mario Vargas Llosa Newsweek 9 January 2001 Retrieved 25 March 2023 Fujimori became a kind of well a figurehead a b Burt Jo Marie Youngers Coletta A 2010 Peruvian precedent the Fujimori conviction and the ongoing struggle for justice NACLA Report on the Americas 43 2 6 doi 10 1080 10714839 2010 11722203 S2CID 157981443 Peru s vibrant human rights community which fought tirelessly to confront impunity end the Fujimori dictatorship Contesse Jorge July 2019 Inter American Court of Human Rights presidential pardon anti impunity conventionality control American Journal of International Law 113 3 568 doi 10 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Ignacio Fall 2017 Why Asia and Latin America Verge Studies in Global Asias 3 2 1 doi 10 5749 vergstudglobasia 3 2 0001 S2CID 166028670 former Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori often dressed as a samurai and as an Inca as part of his campaign publicity Collyns Dan 3 June 2021 Leftist teacher takes on dictator s daughter as Peru picks new president The Guardian Retrieved 6 June 2021 Fujimori secures Japanese haven BBC News 12 December 2000 Retrieved 29 December 2007 a b c Calderon Bentin Sebastian January 2018 The Politics of Illusion The Collapse of the Fujimori Regime in Peru Theatre Survey 59 1 84 107 doi 10 1017 S0040557417000503 S2CID 233360593 a b c Rospigliosi Fernando 1996 Las Fuerzas Armadas y el 5 de abril la percepcion de la amenaza subversiva como una motivacion golpista Lima Peru Instituto de Estudios Peruanos pp 46 47 Gaussens Pierre 2020 The forced serilization of indigenous population in Mexico in the 1990s Canadian Journal of Bioethics 3 3 180 doi 10 7202 1073797ar S2CID 234586692 a government plan developed by the Peruvian army between 1989 and 1990s to deal with the Shining Path insurrection later known as the Green Plan whose unpublished text expresses in explicit terms a genocidal intention a b Burt Jo Marie September October 1998 Unsettled accounts militarization and memory in postwar Peru NACLA Report on the Americas Taylor amp Francis 32 2 35 41 doi 10 1080 10714839 1998 11725657 the military s growing frustration over the limitations placed upon its counterinsurgency operations by democratic institutions coupled with the growing inability of civilian politicians to deal with the spiraling economic crisis and the expansion of the Shining Path prompted a group of military officers to devise a coup plan in the late 1980s The plan called for the dissolution of Peru s civilian government military control over the state and total elimination of armed opposition groups The plan developed in a series of documents known as the Plan Verde outlined 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Washington D C p 33 OCLC 53067610 Buckman Robert T 2010 The World Today Series Latin America 2010 Harpers Ferry West Virginia Stryker Post Publications ISBN 978 1 935264 12 5 Periodista peruano A Fujimori le gustaba que lo llamaran Chinochet Cooperativa in Spanish 2 May 2014 Retrieved 30 November 2018 Cathleen Caron Judiciary Firmly Under Control in Fujimori s Peru Archived 7 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine Human Rights Brief Volume 6 Issue 1 1999 p 9 et seq Roger Atwood Democratic Dictators Authoritarian Politics in Peru from Leguia to Fujimori SAIS Review vol 21 no 2 2001 p 167 doi 10 1353 sais 2001 0030 Kurt Weyland Neopopulism and Neoliberalism in Latin America Unexpected Affinities Studies in Comparative International Development vol 31 no 3 1996 State Society Interactions as Sources of Persistence and Change in Inequality in Inequality in Latin America Breaking With History World Bank Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints David De Ferranti et al World Bank Publications 2004 p 139 David R Mares 2001 Violent Peace Militarized Interstate Bargaining in Latin America New York Columbia University Press p 161 Clifford Krauss Peru s Chief to Seek 3rd Term Capping a Long Legal Battle New York Times 28 December 1999 Retrieved 26 September 2006 Nohlen D 2005 Elections in the Americas A data handbook Volume II p 454 ISBN 978 0 19 928358 3 Ioris Antonio A R 2016 La Plata Llega Sola Dialogos Latinoamericanos 17 25 17 doi 10 7146 dl v17i25 112904 S2CID 255055066 El Pacto Infame a b Corrupcion mas alla de la ley Serie Peru Hoy Nº 36 Junio 2020 Desco Retrieved 11 March 2023 Fujimori y Aleman entre los ex lideres mas corruptos Clarin 26 March 2004 Retrieved 11 March 2023 Freeman Michael Freedom Or Security The Consequences for Democracies Using Emergency Powers 2003 p 150 Freeman Michael Freedom Or Security The Consequences for Democracies Using Emergency Powers 2003 p 148 Freeman Michael Freedom Or Security The Consequences for Democracies Using Emergency Powers 2003 p 159 By the time Fujimori was elected you had a population in the cities and particularly in Lima that was living in fear The Fall of Fujimori Peru s war on terror 6 July 2006 Car Bomb Blasts in Peru Kill 18 And Hurt 140 in Wealthy Sector 18 July 1992 Peruvian Guerrillas Test Government With Bombs 23 July 1992 Fujimori advances this argument in Ellen Perry s documentary film The Fall of Fujimori Stern Steve J Shining and Other Paths War and Society in Peru 1980 1995 1998 p 307 Ellen Perry s The Fall of Fujimori Brewer Paul The Lima Embassy Siege and Latin American Terrorism 2006 p 12 Japanese embassy hostage crisis in Peru started 10 years ago Archived 6 January 2007 at the Wayback Machine 18 December 2006 Retrieved 26 December 2006 Conaghan Catherine M Fujimori s Peru Deception in the Public Sphere 2006 p 129 Bring Former President Fujimori to Justice Amnesty International Retrieved 26 September 2006 Gaussens Pierre 2020 The forced serilization of indigenous population in Mexico in the 1990s Canadian Journal of Bioethics 3 3 180 doi 10 7202 1073797ar a government plan developed by the Peruvian army between 1989 and 1990s to deal with the Shining Path insurrection later known as the Green Plan whose unpublished text expresses in explicit terms a genocidal intention El Plan Verde Historia de una traicion Oiga 647 12 July 1993 Cameron Maxwell A June 1998 Latin American Autogolpes Dangerous Undertows in the Third Wave of Democratisation Third World Quarterly Taylor amp Francis 19 2 228 230 doi 10 1080 01436599814433 The Plan Verde bore a striking resemblance to the government outlined by Fujimori in his speech on 5 April 1992 It called for a market economy within a framework of a directed democracy that would be led by the armed forces after they dissolved the legislature and executive The authors of the Plan Verde also stated that relations with the USA revolved more around the issue of drug trafficking than democracy and human rights and thus made the fight against drug trafficking the number two strategic goal a b Back Michele Zavala Virginia 2018 Racialization and Language Interdisciplinary Perspectives From Peru Routledge pp 286 291 Retrieved 4 August 2021 At the end of the 1980s a group of military elites secretly developed an analysis of Peruvian society called El cuaderno verde This analysis established the policies that the following government would have to carry out in order to defeat Shining Path and rescue the Peruvian economy from the deep crisis in which it found itself El cuaderno verde was passed onto the national press in 1993 after some of these policies were enacted by President Fujimori It was a program that resulted in the forced sterilization of Quechua speaking women belonging to rural Andean communities This is an example of ethnic cleansing justified by the state which claimed that a properly controlled birth rate would improve the distribution of national resources and thus reduce poverty levels The Peruvian state decided to control the bodies of culturally backward women since they were considered a source of poverty and the seeds of subversive groups Insight News TV Peru Fujimori s Forced Sterilization Campaign Archived from the original on 6 January 2011 Missing Page Redirect www cwnews com Peru Plans a Hot Line to Battle Forced Sterilizations The Archived 18 January 2009 at the Wayback Machine ZENET Lima 2 September 2001 Report Nº 13 04 Petition 136 03 Admissibility Eduardo Nicolas Cruz Sanchez et al Peru 27 February 2004 on the Inter American Commission on Human Rights IACHR site Retrieved 26 September 2006 Verdict made by IACHR favors extradition of Peru s Fujimori 21 December 2006 Retrieved 26 December 2006 Fate of indemnity clauses Let the public decide Archived 28 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine 12 April 2006 Fujimori s uncertain status 28 November 2000 via news bbc co uk David Pilling Peru tiring of bid to secure Fujimori return Financial Times 31 March 2005 Retrieved 26 September 2006 in Spanish Valle Riestra Pedido de extradicion de Fujimori sera rechazado por Chile Archived 24 November 2005 at the Wayback Machine RPP Noticias 16 November 2005 Retrieved 26 September 2006 McClintock Cynthia and Vallas Fabian The United States and Peru Cooperation at a Cost 2003 p 163 a b Peru s Fujimori Enters Election CBS News 6 October 2005 New Evidence in Fujimori Scandal BBC 2 October 2004 a b Forero Juan Peruvians Fight Graft One Case At a Time The New York Times 5 April 2004 Suharto Tops World Corruption League Archived from the original on 17 July 2004 Retrieved 2 April 2005 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint bot original URL status unknown link 25 March 2004 Laksamana Net Jakarta in Spanish No hay nada mas que discutir sobre candidatura de Fujimori Noticias on terra com peru 27 February 2006 credited to Andina Retrieved 26 September 2006 in Spanish Salgado JNE debe ser quien defina postulacion de Fujimori Noticias on terra com peru 21 February 2005 credited to Expreso Retrieved 26 September 2006 Brooke James An Ex President of Peru Plots His Return The New York Times 24 February 2004 Still wanted in Peru Alberto Fujimori runs for office in Japan Christian Science Monitor 25 July 2007 ISSN 0882 7729 Retrieved 25 October 2018 CHILE PERU Decision to Extradite Fujimori Sets International Precedent Inter Press Service 21 September 2007 Archived from the original on 26 December 2021 Retrieved 26 December 2021 Millonarios japoneses al rescate de Fujimori El Tiempo in Spanish 11 August 2007 Archived from the original on 26 December 2021 Retrieved 26 December 2021 The Decline and Fall of Yukio Hatoyama Washington Examiner 2 June 2010 Archived from the original on 26 December 2021 Retrieved 26 December 2021 Peru s Fujimori convicted of human rights crimes Reuters 7 April 2009 Retrieved 7 April 2009 William Neuman 8 January 2015 Peru Jailed Ex President Is Convicted of Corruption The New York Times Peru court finds Fujimori guilty Agence France Presse 7 April 2009 Retrieved 7 April 2009 Mapstone Naomi 7 April 2009 Fujimori convicted of human rights crimes The Financial Times Archived from the original on 10 December 2022 Retrieved 7 April 2009 Peru s Fujimori guilty of murder Toronto Associated Press 7 April 2009 Retrieved 7 April 2009 Poder Judicial del Peru Sala Penal Especial 30 April 2009 Archived from the original on 30 April 2009 Retrieved 13 May 2021 Cordero Jaime 3 January 2010 Fujimori preso hasta 2032 El Pais in Spanish ISSN 1134 6582 Retrieved 14 May 2021 a b Fujimori convicted of corruption BBC News 20 July 2009 Retrieved 3 October 2009 a b c d Fujimori sentenced for corruption BBC News 30 September 2009 Retrieved 3 October 2009 a b c Fujimori pleads guilty to bribery BBC News 28 September 2009 Retrieved 3 October 2009 Fujimori Family Requests Pardon for Former Peruvian President by William Neuman New York Times 11 October 2012 Peru president rules out pardon for ex leader Fujimori BBC 26 July 2016 Retrieved 7 August 2016 Alberto Fujimori Files New Request for Presidential Pardon Andean Air Mail amp Peruvian Times Lima Eleanor Griffis 25 July 2016 Retrieved 7 August 2016 The Presidential Pardons Commission met this Monday to begin evaluating a request filed on Friday July 22 by ex President Alberto Fujimori who is serving a 25 year prison sentence for crimes against humanity Taj Mitra 26 July 2016 Fernandez Clarence ed Peru s Humala rules out pardoning Fujimori during his term Reuters Retrieved 7 August 2016 Humala who will be replaced by centrist President elect Pedro Pablo Kuczynski on Thursday said in a broadcast interview that a serious evaluation of Fujimori s pardon request would take at least a couple months Dan Collyns 24 December 2017 Peru s jailed ex president Alberto Fujimori pardoned sparking protests The Guardian Retrieved 24 December 2017 Caso Pativilca cronologia del caso por el que se procesara a Alberto Fujimori Politica Noticias El Comercio Peru in Spanish 20 February 2018 Retrieved 11 May 2021 Collyns Dan 3 October 2018 Peru s high court overturns pardon of former strongman Fujimori the Guardian Retrieved 25 October 2018 a b Ponencia del TC a favor de Fujimori desconoce fallo de Corte IDH y competencia del juez penal Ojo Publico in Spanish 23 March 2022 Retrieved 29 March 2022 Peru Former President Fujimori participates in forced sterilizations hearing Andina in Spanish 19 May 2023 Retrieved 21 May 2023 a b Arce Moises 2005 Market Reform in Society Post Crisis Politics and Economic Change in Authoritarian Peru University Park PA Penn State University Press ISBN 978 0 271 02542 1 Gaston Antonio Zapata Velasco Kenneth Broad et al Peru Country Case Study Impacts and Responses to the 1997 98 El Nino Event Archived 5 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine Peru Country Case Study supported by the International Research Institute for Climate and Society IRI and NOAA s Office of Global Programs as a contribution to the UNEP NCAR WMO UNU ISDR study for the UN Foundation Retrieved 27 September 2006 El Entorno Archived 11 April 2005 at the Wayback Machine Atlas Internet Peru Red Cientifica Peruana 2003 Retrieved 26 September 2006 Undernourishment around the world Reductions in undernourishment over the past decade part of The state of food insecurity in the world 2001 FAO Corporate Document Repository Retrieved 26 September 2006 in Spanish Las Privatizaciones y la Pobreza en el Peru Resultados y Desafios Archived 21 July 2006 at the Wayback Machine PowerPoint presentation unsigned undated on the site of El Area de Economia de la Regulacion Centro de Investigacion de la Universidad del Pacifico CIUP Retrieved 27 September 2006 Peru after Privatization Are Telephone Consumers Better Off Archived 16 November 2016 at the Wayback Machine Maximo Torero Enrique Schroth and Alberto Pasco Font Retrieved 4 October 2006 Lineas en servicio y densidad en la telefonia fija y movil 1993 2006 Archived 25 October 2006 at the Wayback Machine Excel spreadsheet on the site of Peru s Ministry of Transport and Communications Retrieved 28 September 2006 The Information Revolution in Latin America The Case of Peru PDF 6 December 1999 Student group paper from Stanford University Retrieved 28 September 2006 McClintock Cynthia and Vallas Fabian The United States and Peru Cooperation at a Cost 2003 pages 105 6 Charles D Kenney 2004 Fujimori s Coup and the Breakdown of Democracy in Latin America Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies University of Notre Dame Press ISBN 0 268 03172 X Julio F Carrion ed 2006 The Fujimori Legacy The Rise of Electoral Authoritarianism in Peru Pennsylvania State University Press ISBN 0 271 02748 7 Catherine M Conaghan 2005 Fujimori s Peru Deception in the Public Sphere Pitt Latin American Series University of Pittsburgh Press ISBN 0 8229 4259 3 in Spanish Esteban Cuya La dictadura de Fujimori marionetismo corrupcion y violaciones de los derechos humanos Centro de Derechos Humanos de Nuremberg July 1999 Retrieved 22 October 2006 Resolucion del Parlamento Europeo apoyando la extradicion de Fujimori Strasbourg 19 January 2006 Chile Opts to Extradite Fujimori World Press 23 September 2007 Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch World Report 1992 1991 p 314 Chile Peru How much do mining companies contribute The debate on royalties is not over yet Latinamerica Press Special Edition The Impact of Mining Latinamerica Press Vol 37 No 2 26 January 2005 ISSN 0254 203X Accessible online Archived 16 April 2005 at the Wayback Machine as a Microsoft Word document Retrieved 26 September 2006 There appears to be a separate HTML copy of the article on the site of Carrefour Amerique Latine CAL Retrieved 27 September 2006 Peru Public consultation says NO to mining in Tambogrande pp 14 15 in WRM Bulletin 59 June 2002 World Rainforest Movement English edition Accessible online Archived 10 March 2005 at the Wayback Machine as Rich Text Format RTF document Retrieved 26 September 2006 Jeffrey Bury Livelihoods in transition transnational gold mining operations and local change in Cajamarca Peru The Geographical Journal Royal Geographic Society Vol 170 Issue 1 March 2004 p 78 Link leads to a pay site allowing access to this paper Investing in Destruction The Impacts of a WTO Investment Agreement on Extractive Industries in Developing Countries Oxfam America Briefing Paper June 2003 Retrieved 27 September 2006 A Backwards Upside Down Kind of Development Global Actors Mining and Community Based Resistance in Honduras and Guatemala Archived 3 November 2005 at the Wayback Machine Rights Action February 2005 Retrieved 27 September 2006 World s Ten Most Corrupt Leaders Infoplease com Source Transparency International Global Corruption Report 2004 Retrieved 6 August 2009 Global Corruption Report PDF Transparency International Retrieved 6 August 2009 Natalie Obiko Pearson 20 July 2003 In Japan Fujimori Covets Post in Peru Disgraced president plots his return to power in a land that accuses him of murder treason and embezzlement Associated Press Retrieved 3 June 2016 Garcia Fujimori Top Candidates In Peru Archived 25 October 2005 at the Wayback Machine Angus Reid Global Monitor Angus Reid Consultants 30 March 2005 Accessed 27 September 2006 in Spanish Estudio 293 Barometro Lima Metropolitana y Callao Sabado 19 y Domingo 20 de Noviembre de 2005 Archived 8 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine Grupo de Opinion Publica de la Universidad de Lima Retrieved 27 September 2006 GESTIoN NOTICIAS 18 July 2016 Fujimori lidera como mejor presidente pero tambien como el mas corrupto en 25 anos PERU Gestion in Spanish Retrieved 29 October 2021 Peruvians Call for Fujimori s Extradition Angus Reid Global Monitor Angus Reid Consultants 12 May 2007 Retrieved 19 May 2007 Resumen Nacion de Elecciones Presidenciales 2011 Archived from the original on 11 April 2011 Retrieved 11 April 2011 Rafael Romo Helena DeMoura 6 June 2011 Left leaning Humala wins Peruvian presidential election CNN Retrieved 3 June 2016 Further reading EditH W Wilson Company Current Biography Yearbook Volume 57 H W Wilson 1996External links Edit Media related to Alberto Fujimori at Wikimedia Commons Biography and tenure by CIDOB Foundation Archived 11 July 2010 at the Wayback Machine in Spanish Appearances on C SPAN Alberto Fujimori on Charlie Rose Alberto Fujimori at IMDb Alberto Fujimori collected news and commentary at The New York Times The Fall of Fujimori on POV at PBS 2006 State of Fear a documentary of Peru s war on terror based on the findings of the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation CommissionParty political officesNew political party Cambio 90 nominee for President of Peru1990 1995 2000 VacantTitle next held byMartha ChavezVamos Vecino nominee for President of Peru2000 Succeeded byCarlos BolonaNew political alliance New Majority nominee for President of Peru1995 2000 VacantTitle next held byMartha ChavezPeru 2000 nominee for President of Peru2000 Alliance dissolvedPolitical officesPreceded byAlan Garcia President of Peru1990 1992 Succeeded byValentin PaniaguaPresident of the Emergency and National Reconstruction Government of Peru1992 1993President of Peru1993 2000Portal Peru Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Alberto Fujimori amp oldid 1170426788, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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