Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland
Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (Polish: Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej,[50] SRP) is a nationalist,[51] socialist,[16][17][52][53] populist,[54][55][56] and agrarian[57][58] political party and trade union in Poland. The party promotes agrarian socialist and Catholic socialist[59] economic policies combined with a left-wing populist, anti-globalization and anti-neoliberal rhetoric.[16] The party describes itself as left-wing, although it stresses that it belongs to the "patriotic left" and follows Catholic social teaching.[25] The party is sympathetic to Communist Poland, which led political scientists to label the party as neocommunist,[2] post-communist,[38] and far-left.[60]
Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej | |
|---|---|
| Abbreviation | SRP[1] |
| Leader | Krzysztof Prokopczyk |
| Founder | Andrzej Lepper |
| Founded | 10 January 1992 |
| Registered | 12 June 1992[2] |
| Headquarters | Aleje Jerozolimskie 30, 00-024 Warsaw |
| Youth wing | OMOS RP[3] |
| Membership (2012) | 100,000 (party)[4] 500,000 (trade union)[5] |
| Ideology | Agrarian socialism[6] Catholic socialism[7] Catholic left[8] Environmentalism[9] Anti-neoliberalism[10] Anti-globalization[11] Left-wing populism[12] Left-wing nationalism[13] |
| Political position | Left-wing[nb 1] to far-left[nb 2] |
| Religion | Roman Catholic[42] |
| Colours | Yellow Navy blue Green[nb 3] |
| Slogan | We choose red and white[46] Polish: Wybieramy biało-czerwonych |
| Anthem | This country is ours and yours[47] Polish: Ten kraj jest nasz i wasz |
| European parliamentary group | UEN Group (2004-09) PES Group (2004-09) |
| Sejm | 0 / 460 |
| Senate | 0 / 100 |
| European Parliament | 0 / 51 |
| Regional assemblies | 0 / 552 |
| City presidents | 0 / 117 |
| Website | |
| https://samoobronarp.org/(party) http://samoobrona.net.pl/(trade union) | |
New logo of the party, adopted in 2010.[48][49] | |
Though considered a "political chameleon",[17] Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland is generally regarded as a left-wing party by historians and political scientists.[61] According to Andrzej Antoszewski, Self-Defence was a radical left-wing party that by postulating the need to stop privatisation and protect workers' interests, often overlapped with neo-communist parties.[62] In English-language literature, the party is described as a radical left-populist party. In the wake of the SLD's electoral defeat in 2005, Self-Defence was sometimes referred to as the "new left".[63] It was also called a left-wing party with a populist-agrarian face.[64] Political scientists also described it as socialist, allowing it to form alliances with the Democratic Left Alliance. On the other hand, its anti-neoliberal and nationalist narrative also allowed it to briefly cooperate with PiS and LPR in 2005.[65]
Founded by Andrzej Lepper in 1992, the party initially fared poorly, failing to enter the Sejm. However, it was catapulted to prominence in the 2001 parliamentary election, winning 53 seats, after which it gave confidence and supply to the Democratic Left Alliance government. It elected six MEPs at the 2004 European election, with five joining the Union for Europe of the Nations and one joining the PES Group.
It switched its support to Law and Justice (PiS) after the 2005 election, in which it won 56 seats in the Sejm and three in the Senate. Lepper was appointed Deputy Prime Minister in the coalition government with PiS and the League of Polish Families. In 2007, he was dismissed from his position and the party withdrew from the coalition. This precipitated a new election, at which the party collapsed to just 1.5% of the vote: losing all its seats. On August 5, 2011, the Party's leader, Andrzej Lepper, was found dead in his party's office in Warsaw. His death was ruled a suicide by hanging.
History edit
Beginnings edit
The origins of Samoobrona date back to a spontaneous protest movement of farmers from Western Pomerania (the Darlowo area is the hometown of A. Lepper) and the Zamojszczyzna region, which developed into a trade union. The very creation of the political party was originally aimed solely at supporting the 'Samoobrona' Trade Union of Agriculture (ZZR 'Samoobrona'), which had played a leading role for a long time.[2]
As Lepper reported many years later. Lepper, the idea to create a trade union, and then a political movement, was born after a meeting with Deputy Prime Minister Leszek Balcerowicz in the autumn of 1991: "Everything that happened afterwards - with me and Samoobrona - I therefore owe, to some extent, to that two hours long conversation of 10 years ago".[2] In January 1992, the Trade Union of Agriculture "Samoobrona" was registered. The political party, which initially appeared under the name Przymierze "Samoobrona", was registered on 12 June 1992. In addition to representatives of ZZR "Samoobrona", it also included activists from the Metalworkers' Trade Union and a Green faction headed by J. Bryczkowski.[2]
Andrzej Lepper's Self-Defence Party (Samoobrona) emerged in the early 1990s as a local protest movement of farmers caught in a debt trap with rapidly rising interest rates. As the movement expanded beyond its original local base in the north-western region of Poland as a result of high-profile violent protests in Warsaw, it became an actor beyond regional politics. While new regional offshoots emerged, Self-Defence was also involved in attempts to build a viable national protest movement. Its main allies in these ultimately futile efforts were extreme nationalist groups such as the Stronnictwo Narodowe „Ojczyzna”. Their joint demonstration in Warsaw on 2 April 1993, for example, turned violent and led to clashes with the police.[66]
The emergence of Self-Defence as an organised political group was somewhat clouded by the alleged active involvement of former members of the communist security services who acted as advisers or activists, especially in the early days. In this context, the involvement of Soviet and Russian intelligence was also alleged. This led to calls for a parliamentary enquiry into the origins of the party and possibly its hidden agendas. One of the most striking features of Self-Defence was undoubtedly its clear longing for the former regime, which was identified with social stability and prosperity.[67]
The leaders of the party frequently got into legal clashes and confrontations with the police and the judiciary because of their unruly protests. A joke became popular among Polish youth: "I wish you as much luck as the number of convictions of Lepper". At the same time, they were also invited to negotiations by the country's leaders. Self-Defence used its formal dual status as a party and a trade union, which allowed it to put on whatever hat was appropriate at the time. In the late 1990s, Lepper reportedly maintained a particularly close relationship with Artur Balazs, an agriculture minister who led the liberal-conservative Conservative People's Party, which was part of the ruling AWS. Over the years, Balazs and Lepper together built up an extensive network of patronage in the state agricultural authorities. Balazs again served as a bridge between Lepper and the conservative right in 2005.[68]
In the government edit
The party first started in parliamentary elections in 1993, gaining 2.78% votes and failing to enter the Sejm. In the 1995 elections Andrzej Lepper ran for president and gained 1.32% of the votes; in parliamentary elections in 1997, the party took 0.08%. In 2000 Samoobrona organized a campaign of blocking major roads in order to get media attention. Lepper gained 3.05% votes in the presidential elections.
At the end of January/beginning of February 1999, the whole of Poland was paralysed by road blockades and border crossings organised by farmers supporting the party. In addition to an increase in the purchase price of pork livestock, they demanded extensive government intervention in the cereal, meat and milk markets. The agreement concluded with the government on 8 February 1999 only emboldened the head of Samoobrona to further excesses. In June 1999, on the radio in Łódź, Andrzej Lepper called the then government "an anti-Polish and anti-human regime" and Deputy Prime Minister Tomaszewski "a bandit from Pabianice". The prosecution proceedings initiated in this case ended in a failure after less than a year: when Lepper was returning from a trade union congress in India, he was spectacularly arrested after crossing the border in Kudowa (4 April 2000) and then released after three hours.[22]
The parliamentary elections in 2001 gave the party 53 seats in the Sejm, with 10.5% support, making it the third largest political force. Although officially a member of the opposition, Samoobrona backed the ruling social democratic Democratic Left Alliance in a number of key votes, giving them the majority needed to stay in power. The party has also marked its presence in the Sejm by unconventional disruptive behavior.
The 2001 election was a huge trump for the party, which unexpectedly became the third political force in Poland. The support for Lepper's organisation in the Koszaliński district reached 23%; over 15% was recorded in the Sieradź, Chełm and Piotrków districts. Samoobrona still had weak support in big cities: in Warsaw it received 3%, in the Poznań district 5%, and in the districts of Gdańsk, Gliwice and Katowice - 6% each. The campaign itself was characterised by a much calmer tone and much less aggression. A breakthrough in the ratings of the Lepper movement occurred at the beginning of September, when it reached a borderline 4-5% support in polls, which jumped to 8-9% after just a few weeks.[22]
Lepper achieved only 3 percent nationwide among voters with a university degree and only 8 percent among voters with a high school diploma, even though the majority of students trusted him, according to surveys. Surprisingly, 9.4 percent of the self-employed voters - i.e. those doing private business - voted for Samoobrona, most of them being small entrepreneurs who feared economic competition in the event of Poland joining the EU. Overall, Lepper was elected by eleven percent of male and seven percent of female voters. He received eight per cent of the votes from voters aged 18 to 24, ten per cent from 25 to 59 and seven per cent from voters over 60. Samoobrona received 16 per cent of the vote in rural areas, eight per cent in towns with up to 50,000 inhabitants, seven per cent in towns between 50,000 and 200,000 and five per cent in towns with over 200,000 inhabitants. Samoobrona was particularly popular after the 2001 election - the survey conducted for "Rzeczpospolita" showed that in March 2002, 11 percent of Poles supported Samoobrona. In May 2002, 17 percent of Poles wanted the party to take power. The analyses of the Pentor Institute show that in April 2002, 18 percent of those questioned, i.e. almost one in five Poles, supported Samoobrona. From January to May 2002, the party's acceptance and popularity rose considerably from 9 to 17 per cent.[69]
The involvement of Piotr Tymochowicz's professional image creation company resulted, among other things, in a more attractive appearance for Andrzej Lepper (a solarium tan to mask blushing in moments of nervousness, well-tailored suits). He was also given lessons in rhetoric, eristic and retorting, and his tone of voice was lowered. The Self-Defence candidates appeared in the media wearing distinctive white and red ties, which not only made political identification easier for the voters, but also encouraged them to perceive the party as a strong and cohesive patriotic team. According to contemporary newspapers, election spots of the Lepper movement were also among the best presented in the campaign by all parties.[22]
Among their numerous exploits there are such diverse incidents as using their own loudspeakers after being cut off for exceeding the permitted time, or claiming that the largest opposition party (Civic Platform) met with members of the Taliban in Klewki (a village near Olsztyn) to sell them anthrax.[70] Several Samoobrona members of parliament were subject to criminal investigations on charges ranging from forgery to banditry.
In the 2005 elections Samoobrona received a total of 56 seats with 11.4% support. Andrzej Lepper ran for president of Poland in the 2005 election. He received third place and 15% of the vote, a great improvement over his past performances. After the elections, Samoobrona temporarily shelved its most radical demands and along with the League of Polish Families entered into a coalition with the center-right Law and Justice party.
Despite being a part of a right-wing government, the party doubled down on its left-wing rhetoric. Jarosław Tomasiewicz wrote: "This joint front with the right, however, did not mean a turn of the SRP to the right. On the contrary, Lepper's plan was for Samoobrona to take over the hegemony on the left".[34] On the next party convention, Lepper stated: "I set myself the aim to convince the electorate of the left in such a way that they understand that the only left-wing, pro-social and patriotic party is currently Samoobrona".[34]
To this end, the party started cooperating with minor left-wing parties such as the Democratic Left Party, the Working People's Movement and the National Party of Retirees and Pensioners. The ranks of Self-Defence included activists from the Democratic Left Alliance (e.g. Grzegorz Tuderek, Bolesław Borysiuk) and the Labour Union (Andrzej Aumiller). To a large extent, Lepper's plan succeeded - while right-leaning voters defected to the League of Polish Families, this was compensated by further gains amongst left-wing voters - mainly pensioners, workers of bankrupt workplaces and former officers of the uniformed services.[34]
According to contemporary polls, Self-Defence overtook Democratic Left Alliance in terms of popularity. Contemporary commentators speculated that Self-Defence might emerge as the new main left-wing party in Poland.[31] Parallel to its parliamentary activity, the SRP tried to be active in the social sphere. The party started to cooperate with organisations of disabled people (even appointing a special plenipotentiary for contacts with them) and the circles of single mothers. However, scandals that rocked the party made its popularity collapse.[34]
In December 2006 a scandal broke out when Aneta Krawczyk, a local party ex-leader accused Samoobrona leaders, notably Andrzej Lepper and Stanisław Łyżwiński of sexual harassment.[71] Subsequently, the accusation was supported by other females from within the party ranks and the issue of gaining governmental posts in exchange for sex produced a major outcry after Gazeta Wyborcza published the claims. Krawczyk also claimed her then 3-year-old daughter was Stanisław Łyżwiński's child, which proved to be incorrect following DNA testing.
The criminal trial in this case began in 2008 before the District Court of District Court in Piotrków Trybunalski, which in February 2010 sentenced Lepper to two years and three months' imprisonment and Łyżwiński to five years of imprisonment. Both have maintained that they were innocent. In March 2011, the Court of Appeal in Łódź overturned the verdict against Lepper in the sex affair and referred the case for retrial by the Regional Court. Afterwards, Aneta Krawczyk filed a court accusation that Lepper was the father of her youngest child. However, an examination of his DNA ruled out this allegation. These events caused not only politicians, but also the public public condemned the Samoobrona activists. It lost a part of its electorate. Lepper almost disappeared from the media. Rarely invited to interviews, he generally focused on criticising the right-wing Law and Justice party.[72]
At the beginning of July 2007, then Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński named Lepper as a person in the circle of suspicion in connection with the so-called "land affair". This concerned a CBA (Central Anti-Corruption Bureau) operation concerning the controlled payment of bribes to two people accused of citing influence in the Ministry of Agriculture. They offered a substituted CBA agent, for a bribe, the de-agglomeration of land in Muntów in the municipality of Mrągowo. The operation ended inconsistently with the CBA's plan, because - as the prosecution initially assumed - Lepper had been warned about the action and cancelled the meetings. However, at the request of Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński, President Lech Kaczyński dismissed Lepper from the post of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Agriculture. This decision marked the end of the coalition.[72]
The party's position towards the scandal was that it was a "coup attempt", as the presence of Samoobrona in the government supposedly thratened powerful "interest groups", including corporations controlling large-format shops, investment fund owners, land speculators and property development groups. Lepper also argued that the scandals and investigations started against him were aimed at eliminating competition for Lech Kaczyński for future presidential elections.[73] After unsuccessful attempts of Law and Justice to convince some of the Samoobrona MPs to defect, the PiS-Samoobrona-LPR coalition was officially dissolved on 5 August 2007. Reasons cited were ideological differences between PiS and Samoobrona on fundamental levels.[74]
Downfall edit
Following the collapse of the ruling coalition, a proposal of a joint front between Samoobrona and right-wing League of Polish Families was born, known as League and Self-Defence (Polish: Liga i Samoobrona). The Polish abbreviation for this party was LiS ("fox" in Polish), and leaders of both parties brought a plush fox to the press conference, which was shown as the mascot of the new party.[75] However, despite their populist character, LPR and Samoobrona were fundamentally different from each other, as Samoobrona was left-wing and aligned with socialist ideals, while LPR was a National-Catholic, far-right party. Andrzej Lepper himself admitted that the alliance was a bad idea, and argued that the alliance was purely situation and tactical in nature.[74]
The idea was highly unpopular amongst Samoobrona supporters, as a majority of them identified as left-wing[40] and desired a return to a socialist economy.[39] A chunk of the Catholic socialist wing of the party known as Social Movement seceded to form a new party called Self-Defence Social Movement (Polish: Samoobrona Ruch Społeczny), which then became Self-Defence Rebirth.[76]
The idea of the LiS party was then soon abandoned, and the party doubled down on its left-wing rhetoric, inviting Leszek Miller and the leader of the New Left, Piotr Ikonowicz, to its electoral lists. Despite this, numerous scandals heavily damaged the image of the party, while forming a government with right-wing parties and the LiS caused distrust among the party's overwhelmingly left-wing electorate.[23] As a result, the party gained less than 2% of the popular vote in the 2007 Polish parliamentary election, failing to win any seats and being excluded from government funding.[77]
In November 2007, the regionalist wing of the party seceded and formed Party of Regions, further weakening local structures of the party. Lepper accepted responsibility for the party's electoral defeat and announced an extraordinary congress of Self-Defence in the first half of 2008. Lepper also announced that he did not intend to challenge or clash with the Party of Regions. In party congress, Lepper stressed that Samoobrona's goals from the time when it was a classic protest party, such as the reversal of privatisation processes, had not been realised and were still a political task for the party.[78]
The party also reestablished its reputation as an unequivocally left-wing party.[79] Talks were initiated with the Polish Socialist Party led by Piotr Ikonowicz and the democratic-socialist National Party of Retirees and Pensioners, proposing to establish "a worker–peasant alliance".[80] There was also an attempt to establish a new party that would represent socialist left, with a view to prepare for the 2009 European Parliament election in Poland. However, the party went bankrupt by the end of 2007 as it was unable to pay for its 2007 electoral campaign. The party was also unable to cover its bills, and electricity and the alarm system were disconnected from the party headquarters. Lepper founded a new party known as "Self-Defence" (as opposed to "Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland") in 2010, which sustained itself solely on membership fees and had no commitments.[81]
In 2010, Lepper started suffering from depression and began to lose faith that the tables would turn. In February 2010, he was inconvicably sentenced to two years and three months in prison for the sex affair. The leader of Self-Defence was also plagued by the troubles of his son Tomasz - in October 2010, the bank sold the agricultural machinery for non-payment of the lease. On 5 August 2011, Lepper committed suicide.[82] According to the official investigation, Lepper was planning to return to Polish politics. Co-workers of Lepper such as Janusz Maksymiuk also confirmed that the politician was already planning an election campaign for his party.[83] On the day of his suicide, the television in his room showed a paused frame from a conference between Donald Tusk and the Minister of National Defence at 13:14. The caption on the news bar read: "It's time for the campaign to begin".[81]
In August 2011, news of the death of Andrzej Lepper reached the public. According to media reports, the leader of Samoobrona was to have hanged himself in his office, which was the party's headquarters. Before Lepper's funeral took place, the media eagerly reconstructed his last moments and the accompanying circumstances and alleged reasons for his suicide. Journalists' attention was particularly absorbed by the last hours of Lepper's life.[72]
After 2011 edit
After Lepper's death, the political significance of the party greatly declined, even though formally the party still existed. The party was never able to recover from the loss of its leader, and did not develop further - Samoobrona's socio-economic program posted on its website is still signed by Andrzej Lepper, and the ideology of the party greatly narrowed to continuing the legacy of Lepper.[25]
Political scientists and media highly speculated about the effect that Samoobrona's downfall had on Polish politics, with many speculating that most of the party's former voters went to right-wing populist Law and Justice. However , according to Radosław Markowski, roughly half of Samoobrona voters stopped voting in elections. Amongst the other half that continued voting, only a quarter switched to Law and Justice, while the majority went to social-democratic SLD and agrarian PSL. Markowski argues that amongst all political parties, it is PSL that benefited the most from the collapse of Samoobrona.[85]
In 2014, SLD gained a substantial amount of the party's voters after the son of Andrzej Lepper, Tomasz Lepper, agreed to run on its electoral list.[86] Tomasz Lepper failed to gain a seat, despite winning the highest share of votes in his powiat.[87] In February 2016, the party signed a cooperation agreement with the ruling party in Belarus, Belaya Rus.[88]
In 2018, a new political party AGROunia was founded, which is an agrarian socialist party aiming to appeal to farmers and rural voters disillusioned with Law and Justice.[89] The leader of the party Michał Kołodziejczak called his party a spiritual successor to Samoobrona and openly admitted that his political career is inspired by Andrzej Lepper.[90] Kołodziejczak argued that the downfall of Samoobrona left an empty space in Polish political scene and resulted in voters having no left-wing party to vote for, dismissing Lewica as "urban, secular left" that no longer represents the working class. He presented AGROunia as a "normal, real left, which represents trade unions, represents workers and demands their rights" and called Lepper a "prophet", stating: "Andrzej Lepper turned out to be a prophet of what will happen in Poland. What we see today - high prices, lack of housing, hard work that unfortunately does not equal a decent salary, and still the same bunch of thieves at the trough, which has not changed since then. Lepper talked about all this in detail, and he did it in a very effective way, which we appreciate very much today."[91]
On 5 August 2023, the 12th anniversary of Lepper's death, Kołodziejczak visited the grave of Andrzej Lepper together with the remaining members of Samoobrona and announced a Samoobrona-AGROunia coalition for the 2023 Polish parliamentary election.[92] Announcing a join electoral list with Samoobrona, Kołodziejczak argued: "Today it is necessary to avenge what Law and Justice did to Andrzej Lepper. This is one of the motives of the people who work and operate with us."[93] He also released a statement praising Lepper and promising to uphold his legacy: "Let us forever remember him who, when others were turned away, stood up for the Poles and their rights. He was supremely brave, though many lacked decency and courage. He was honourable, among politicians without honour. He served Poland, though many served only themselves and big business. He was with us, true to principle, in a world full of hatred and betrayal."[94]
The coalition fell apart on 16 August as AGROunia announced its cooperation with the Civic Coalition under the leadership of Donald Tusk and his Civic Platform. The alliance was formally anounced during the National Council meeting of the Civic Platform. Polish political scientist Rafał Chwedoruk praised this decision, arguing that a coalition with AGROunia will help the Civic Platform appeal to rural voters, who hitherto considered the party elitist and urban-centric. Kołodziejczak argued that the coalition is necessary to prevent vote splitting and to ensure the defeat of the United Right government; Kołodziejczak stated: "No vote must go to waste, and we must show everyone in Poland that, despite our different views, we are looking in one direction - towards a future Poland that will be strong, rich and here people will build it together. This is what I am here for, I believe in it and I will do everything: we will win with PiS, we will take back the countryside from PiS".[95]
The party registered an electoral list for the 2023 Polish parliamentary election, but did not field any candidates for the Sejm or Senate seats. On 13 October 2023, the chairman of the party Krzysztof Prokopczyk published a statement declaring that Samoobrona does not endorse any political party and asked its supporters and sympathizers to vote according to their own conscience. The party also encouraged its supporters to participate in the 2023 Polish referendum. Despite stating its neutrality, Samoobrona also made a remark referencing the 2005 Polish presidential election: "Samoobrona RP remembers how Andrzej Lepper, winning 15% of the vote in the presidential elections, handed it over to Lech Kaczyński, who won those elections. We all remember how it ended."[96] This remark referenced the ill-fated PiS-LPR-Samoobrona government coalition that lasted from 2005 to 2007; by the 2007 Polish parliamentary election, PiS had expelled Samoobrona from the coalition and is credited with causing the electoral downfall of Samoobrona, as PiS effectively overshadowed Samoobrona's socialist appeal with its social populist rhetoric.[97]
Ideology edit
The party's views are populist and isolationist.[98] It has also been described as nationalist.[99] Political scientists such as Sarah de Lange, Gerrit Voerman, Klaus Bachmann and Rafał Pankowski also described the party as socialist.[16][17][100] The party was described as socialist by the media as well, such as the Gość Niedzielny,[101] Newsweek Polska,[102] and The Guardian.[103] The socialism of the party was also subclassed by some political scientists and the media - Sarah de Lange classified the party as agrarian socialist,[16] while others also described the party as Christian socialist.[104][105][59] Other classifications include "farmer socialism",[106] and "peasant socialism" comparable to that of István Csurka, described as a mixture of "ultra-left-wing" and nationalist elements.[107] Samoobrona was also described as socialist-populist,[108] and compared to the Communist Party of Slovakia in that regard.[109] Additionally, the party was described as patriotic socialist as to encompass the nationalist and socialist nature of the party,[110] as well as to fit the party's self-description; Samoobrona describes itself as "patriotic left".[25] Similarly, Jarosław Tomasiewicz described Samoobrona as socialist nationalist, classifying the party as one of the post-communist successors of the Polish United Workers' Party, explaining that Samoobrona became the party national communists found refuge in.[111] The party rejects capitalism altogether and demands state-funded agriculture, expansive social programs, an end to repayments of the foreign debt, additional transaction taxes and the use of financial reserves to obtain funding, as well as the nationalisation of foreign capital.[112] Samoobrona consistently emphasised its left-wing identity, referring to itself as "patriotic, progressive and modern left",[113] "national left",[114] "Catholic left",[115] and also "socialist left".[116][117] The party's leader Andrzej Lepper stated that "the traditions from which Samoobrona draws are the pre-war Polish Socialist Party and the Polish People's Party "Wyzwolenie", so the parties of the patriotic left, that this grassroots movement of Poles who have been wronged for 20 years wants to represent on the Polish political scene".[25]
Party's ideology is heavily disputed by political observers and the popular society at large. Samoobrona has been described as left-wing,[118] "ultra-leftist",[119] "left-nationalist",[120] populist, "combining socialism and agrarian populism",[121] "radical peasant",[122] "leftist-populist"[123] and "populist-nationalist".[124] Polish political scientist Olga Wysocka describes Samoobrona as "social populists (. . .) [who] combine socialism and populism, and represent a form of left-wing populism". Leaders and members of the party generally described Samoobrona as a broad patriotic social movement based on Catholic social teaching, with some using labels such as "left-patriotic", "patriotic", "progressive", "nationalist" and even "genuinely centrist" as well.[17] Andrzej Lepper himself ultimately described himself as left-wing, stating "I have always been and will always be a man of the left".[125] Marek Borowski, a left-wing politician, criticised Samoobrona as a "political chameleon", but described the party as socialist and nationalist.[28] German political scientist Nikolaus Werz described Samoobrona as an anti-globalist and anti-capitalist party that promotes protectionist, socialist and nationalist policies, combined with "a noticeable nostalgia for the People's Republic of Poland".[126]
Political scientists of both English-language and Polish-language literature also described the party as far-left.[127][128][129] Paul G. Lewis and Zdenka Mansfeldová categorised Samoobrona as a post-communist Eastern European party with communist and socialist leanings, comparing it to the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, Hungarian Labour Party and the Communist Party of Slovakia.[127] Polish political scientist Andrzej Antoszewski argues that the postulates of Samoobrona are consistent with those of other neocommunist parties, although the party shows unique ethical socialist and Christian socialist leanings not found in other far-left parties of Eastern Europe. The party's program proposes a 'great national programme of economic revival', marked by a retreat from "satanic values" defined as the pursuit of maximum profits, getting rich, ruthless competition, degenerate consumerism, total commercialisation and contempt for the weak. The party also calls for the abandonment of "savage capitalism, the free market, fiscal terror and monetarist-bank parasitism"; Antoszewski described this rhetoric as particularly characteristic of neo-communist parties.[130]
Ryszard Herbut compares Samoobrona to a fellow far-left populist and agrarian party Union of the Workers of Slovakia - both parties praised "the economic and social principles of communism (while verbally dissociating itself from some of the mistakes of the past), criticised the capitalist development model adopted after 1989, negatively assessed the process of political, economic and military integration of Europe and protested against globalisation".[131] Samoobrona was known for its positive attitude towards Communist Poland;[132] Sławomir Drelich called the party "the most post-communist party on the Polish political scene".[38] Bartek Pytlas argues that Samoobrona did not draw back to historical nationalist parties and movements in its political tradition, but rather looked to communist Poland and continued its socialist legacy. At the same time, the party sought to define itself as Catholic.[110]
Some media reports tended to call Samoobrona right-wing, often to equate it with the League of Polish Families, a fellow anti-establishment and populist party in Poland.[14][15] However, most political scientists classified Samoobrona as left-wing.[16][17][22][23] Sarah de Lange and Gerrit Voerman stated that Samoobrona formed a distinct form of left-wing populism and agrarian socialism, drifting towards conventional left in mid-2000s.[16] Comparing Samoobrona to the League of Polish Families, Rafał Pankowski argued that Samoobrona voters were most concerned about economic hardship and supported the party over economic issues, while the right-wing LPR attracted motivated by nationalist values instead; LPR supporters were by far,the most religious group of all Polish party constituencies, while supporters of Samoobrona reported the lowest income.[30] Olga Wysocka also points out that Samoobrona aspired to be a "voice of the disadvantaged", and focused on economic issues.[133]
Despite claiming to be following the Catholic social teaching, Samoobrona also promoted progressive social causes such as legalising marijuana, legalising same-sex partnerships in Poland and improving animal welfare, ultimately undermining its agrarian image and changing the stance of nationalist circles towards it from ambivalent to hostile.[80] Karol Kostrzębski argues that Samoobrona had much more in common with other post-communist left-wing parties than right-wing ones such as LPR or PiS, classifying as a staunchly left-wing party.[22] Kostrzębski also highlights that Samoobrona was heavily involved in trade unions, was the most popular party amongst Polish unionised workers and called for abolition of capitalism.[22] Polish columnist Marek Migalski classifies Samoobrona as a left-wing "populist-etatist" party,[18] while Polish political scientist Andrzej Antoszewski places Samoobrona among the Central European extreme left and "neo-communist" groupings, although at the same time he emphasises that Samoobrona is the only case in this group with a non-communist origin.[21] Tadeusz Piskorski highlights that in the 2000s Samoobrona transitioned from a protest party to a "stabilised left-wing party", which competed with other left-wing parties for voters.[33] In a 2005 survey of Samoobrona members, over 50% identified as politically left-wing , while only 26% members identified as right-wing.[40]
Rafał Pankowski classified Samoobrona as a left-wing populist party that utilised anti-globalisation and anti-liberal rhetoric to appeal to those left behind by the Polish transition to capitalism and integration with Western markets. Pankowski wrote: "it was first of all a voice of social protest against liberalism, appealing to those who were economically worse off as a result of the capitalist transition". While researching the party and its ideology in the 2000s, Ola Wysocka recalls: "in 2006 at the V National Congress of Self-Defence, I asked members of the party to indicate who the party represented. Most of them pointed to “the people”. When prompted to be more specific, they added “disadvantaged people”".[133]
Poland's June 2003 referendum on membership of the European Union was an uncomfortable experience for Samoobrona. On one hand, the party's isolationism and Euroscepticism led it to call officially for a "no" vote.[134] On the other hand, most political observers believed (correctly) that the Polish would vote in favour of membership, and as a populist party Samoobrona was unhappy about the likelihood of being on the losing side. In the end, the party fought a rather ambiguous campaign, with its posters carrying the slogan "the decision belongs to you". As a result, Andrzej Lepper promoted a flexible stance on the European Union where he often criticised the organisation, yet was not inherently opposed to joining it; he explained:
I have never said we are against the integration because of any threats to Catholic faith or to national identity. We are not like the LPR who incite fear of such things among people. My point is that the conditions for membership as negotiated by the government are unfavourable. That is why we are going to adopt a negative position on the accession at the congress. However, we do not call anybody to vote “No”. Our slogan is “The choice is yours”.[135]
In 2005, Samoobrona was a founding member of the EUDemocrats pan-European political party, which professes to unite "centrist" "EU-critical" parties committed to increased democratization.
Samoobrona sought support from these social groups that found themselves impoverished in the new capitalist, post-community Polish economy. As such, low-skilled workers, those living in rural or impoverished areas and unemployed were the main base of the party. The support of the party was strongest in rural and agricultural areas.[136] Samoobrona failed to win the support of strongly conservative constituencies, and a significant amount of Samoobrona were left-wing or formerly socialist.[53] Agricultural and blue-collar workers built the backbone of the party's voting base, while white-collar workers generally held negative views of the party. A correlation to religion was also found - devout Catholics were much more likely to vote for Samoobrona than atheists or those with ambigous attitude towards religion.[136]
Economics edit
Samoobrona had a protectionist attitude toward the country's economy. They wanted to take higher custom tariffs on foreign goods. Party opted for controlling of Narodowy Bank Polski by Sejm. Additionally, the party's leader Andrzej Lepper was in favor of reintroducing PGRs which were state-owned and controlled homesteads existing during the communist era in Poland.[137] Samoobrona called itself "the voice of all social groups which, as a result of the reforms of the 1990s, have found themselves on the edge of poverty and despair" and in 2002, Andrzej Lepper stated: "I am the voice of the poor, deprived and humiliated … Self-Defence and Andrzej Lepper never were, are not, and never will be ‘them’. We are ‘us’."[138]
The party also expressed vehement opposition to capitalism, stating that "capitalism is the primacy of capital and profit over labour and man" and arguing that "capitalism is that system which has already outlived itself". Lepper declared that Samoobrona was an anti-capitalist party, arguing that capitalism results in "degenerate consumerism".[139] Samoobrona stated that it desires "a strong state that will deservedly command the respect of all citizens, as a guarantor of their security, and thus create a structure with which they will want to identify".[25] The party promotes an economic program that mixes agrarianism with economic nationalism, socialism, and religious elements.[140] Central to the party's economic agenda is its complete rejection of capitalism - Samoobrona rejects both commerce and the market itself. According to Vít Hloušek and Lubomír Kopeček, the program of the party also incorporates anarchist elements.[112] The party is very close ideologically to radical left-wing agrarian formations from the era of Second Polish Republic. Rhetorically, Samoobrona also includes a strongly Catholic moralist message, calling for a return of supposedly abandoned Catholic and humanitarian values, and wishes to fight "satanic" values in society such as consumerism.[112]
According to Luke March, the party promoted a radical anti-globalisation and anti-neoliberal rhetoric and closely embraced trade unions, with the resulting economic program being an agrarian socialist and left-wing populist vision. Samoobrona promoted a highly interventionist system and wanted to replace materialism and consumerism with a closer relationship with the natural environment, including "the preservation of small-scale family farms and a humane treatment of animals". Party members made reference to terms such as "eco-development" and "econology", which aimed to promote ecology, Catholic ethics and morality in both economics and politics. The main concept of the party's economic ideology was social justice; in its 1999 manifesto the party stated: "We want a Poland, in which there will not be such drastic material differences: no so-called ‘ocean of destitution’ with tiny islands of wealth and well-being".[141]
In 1994, the program of Samoobrona stated: "Capitalism is not a perpetual system. It must give way to new concepts of human relations, to a new ecological morality. A new post-capitalist era is already being born".[142] The postulates of Andrzej Lepper and his party were egalitarian, emphasising above all the need for a fair redistribution of wealth and the subordination of the economy and its mechanisms to serve social and common good. The party strongly demanded state intervention in the economy, and stressed the need to apply protectionist customs aimed at protecting the interests of domestic producers. Lepper argued that in the light of the experience of capitalist countries, it was dangerous to "succumb to dogmatic thinking consisting in an unwavering belief in the superiority of capitalist free market mechanisms in all areas of economic life". Samoobrona argued that the adherence of post-communist Polish governments to dogmatic capitalism had led to the abandonment of the basic tasks of the state and the violation of essential human rights.[143]
The party is generally considered to have been the most critical, and even negative, of the post-1989 transition into a market economy. Samoobrona strongly opposed deregulation and privatisation, and wanted to reverse these actions. Samoobrona also promoted anti-globalization rhetoric, believing that neoliberal economics first and foremost serves the international financial institutions and leads to a situation where "a few hundred companies in the world want to dominate everything". Referring to the Marxist doctrine, Lepper believed that "he who has power has ownership of the means of production".[144] The party believed that public ownership should have supremacy over any kind of private property, arguing that "private property cannot be treated as privileged, sacred and inviolable". The party also proposed restoration of state monopolies, including total state ownership of raw materials, mining industries, the energy sector, armaments, transport infrastructure, banking and insurance, as well as lottery, spirits and tobacco industry, regarded by the party as important sources of budget revenue.[145]
Samoobrona attributed great importance to trade unions and cooperatives, arguing that its heritage dating back to the 19th century was destroyed in 1990. The party accused Polish politicians of destroying Polish cooperatives, including entities with such long-standing traditions as "Społem" and "Samopomoc Chłopska", arguing that individual governments did not try to counteract the discriminatory practices applied to cooperatives by banks and other institutions.[146] Co-operatives, according to Samoobrona, should benefit from fiscal facilities and the state should undertake the task of stimulating the dying co-operative movement. Samoobrona argued that trade unions and rural cooperatives are to fulfill a very important economic role, and credited these groups with enforcing several pro-worker reforms in Western countries.[147]
One of the key properties of the party's economic ideology was its positive assessment of socialism and communism. Lepper believed that there is no point in "ritual condemnations of Soviet Communism" and argued that the atrocities of Joseph Stalin should be seen as degeneration of communist doctrine rather than the result of it. In regards to the Polish People's Republic, Lepper stated: "...I do not agree (...) that those 45 years were lost for Poland, that today we are starting from scratch".[132] The party had a particularly high opinion of Edward Gierek's rule, which was regarded as a time of modernisation based on Western models. The intransigent critics of the communist period, located in the Law and Justice party and the Solidarity movement, were described by Samoobrona as "extreme right-wing". Mirosław Karwat considered Samoobrona to be "probably the only political party that speaks well of Communist Poland".[36]
Social issues edit
Because of the diverse nature of the party that tried to mix Catholic, socialist, agrarian and populist currents, Samoobrona often avoided taking a clear stance on social issues.[148] Samoobrona was based on the social teaching of Catholic Church, but at the same time presented an eclectic stance on social issues and tried to incorporate both political Catholic and socially left-wing thought. As the result, the program of the party was not linked to an authoritarian position on socio-cultural matters, and the leader of the party claimed to support freedom of religion and conscience.[149] Samoobrona opposed death penalty, citing the need to follow Catholic social teaching.[150] The party had a nearly identical attitude towards euthanasia, opposing it on the basis of Catholicism as well.[151] At the same time, the party had an unclear stance towards abortion, and avoided taking a clear stance by arguing that the problem of abortion should not be solved through legal regulations, but by improving material conditions for women.[152] This ambivalence was also demonstrated by the leader of the party Andrzej Lepper, who considered abortion "permissible".[153] The party had more defined, leftist positions on other matters. Samoobronna was declared in its party platform to legalize civil unions to same-sex couples. Alongside SLD it was the only party who voted in favor of a bill embracing civil unions in 2004.[154] In its campaign in 2007 Samoobrona called for a complete legalization of marijuana. That was the first party which brought up this theme in published Polish debate.[155][156] The party also opposed decommunization policies,[157] with both members and supporters of Samoobrona being most opposed to decommunization out of all parties.[158] This made the party be considered as the "most post-communist" party in Polish politics.[159]
On social issues, Samoobrona was considered to be highly flexible; Lepper mainly focused on pressing his anti-establishment credentials, promoting Catholic social values and courting Catholic media such as Radio Maryja. At the same time, Lepper expressed his support for legalizing marijuana and same-sex partnerships, an anathema to Christian conservatives. Lepper also made overtures with left-wing parties such as the Polish Socialist Party led by Piotr Ikonowicz and the democratic-socialist National Party of Retirees and Pensioners, proposing to establish "a worker–peasant alliance". Perhaps the best illustration of the Samoobrona's ideological flexibility is that despite leading an agrarian and anti-liberal movement, Lepper also promoted environmentalism. Lepper received the Albert Schweitzer Medal from New York-based Animal Welfare Institute in the early 2000s, and Samoobrona was praised by American animal activists. Lepper stated that animals must be "treated with respect, dignity and sympathy" and condemned modern methods of meat production as "concentration camps for animals".[80]
Because of the overwhelmingly diverse electorate and the impossibility of developing a unified position in the most intense debates regarding ethics and religion within the party, Samoobrona tries not to proclaim an unequivocal view on social issues, often simply avoiding taking any position in the public debate. Lepper only emphasised that Catholic ethics and the achievements of the Church are an important element of the cultural heritage shaping national and regional identity. Mateusz Piskorski argued that on social matters, Samoobrona often presented moderate or centre-left views.[160] The party had the most left-wing electorate out of all Polish political parties, including social-democratic and socialist ones.[161] The party made constant appeals to social justice and poor living conditions while dismissing complaints of moral decline as false and alarmist.[162] The party supported milder sentences and argued that it is pointless to see the new generation and cultural currents as the source of crime; instead, Samoobrona stated that crime is caused "no education, no job, no vision for the future" and decried capitalist transition in Poland for creating a "criminogenic" environment.[163]
One of the most debates social topics in Polish politics was the issue of abortion. Samoobrona's position on this issue is rather moderate; as in many other cases, Andrzej Lepper, while avoiding a clear answer, pointed to the social sources of the large number of abortions, related to social exclusion and poverty. Jacek Raciborski argues that statements by the leader of Samoobrona indicated that he was closer to a moderate liberal position on this issue.[164] As such, Samoobrona made statements regarding not only the ethical aspects of the issue, but also the demographic dimension of the problem was emphasised. In 2005, the party was in favour of retaining the wording of the abortion legislation at the time, considering it a valuable compromise reached on this issue. The contemporary system for the protection of children's rights and the prevention of domestic violence has also provoked discussions on the possibility of additional criminalisation of violence against children. Samoobrona in 2005 supported a bill prepared by the offices of the Commissioner for Equal Status of Women and Men to introduce a ban on physical punishment of minors.[162]
Regarding the issue of the LGBT community, Piskorski argued that "it is rather difficult to find any homophobic themes in the program enunciations and speeches of Samoobrona politicians".[165] Lepper stressed that he was in favour of allowing the organisation of pride parades, although he stipulated that they should not provide an opportunity for speech that could be considered "demoralising".[113] Lepper argued that the existence of sexual minorities was a normal phenomenon that there was no point in stigmatising in any way, and stated his neutrality on the issue of granting homosexual couples the possibility to marry and adopt children.[166] Unlike politicians of the far right, Lepper did not regard homosexuality as a disease, and called it "a certain genetic predisposition that occurs in every era". Nevertheless, the problem of sexual minorities was sometimes consciously marginalised by Samoobrona politicians; it was argued that some left-wing formations gave it too much importance, and thus pushed far more important issues concerning the social and economic rights of the majority of citizens into the background.[167]
Although Samoobrona has repeatedly been accused of nationalist or even xenophobic tendencies, the party did not devote much space in its public activities to the issue of national and ethnic minorities.[168] The understanding of the nation preferred by the party leaders was not ethnocentric and exclusivist in nature; the national community was treated as "a collectivity constituted by ties of culture, tradition and history, and not by common origin". Lepper argued for the necessity of equal rights for all minorities with other Polish citizens, deeming property claims based on nationality to be unjustified. The party also had a notable regionalist movement, and some Samoobrona politicians discussed the problem of Silesians, regarded as a nation on its own that was often marginalised or suppressed.[169] The regionalist wing split off from Samoobrona in 2007, creating the Party of Regions.[170]
The party also spoke in favour of gender equality while in the Sejm, surprising political commentators with its progressive stance, as the party assigned the blame for social ills on systemic problems, rather than the decline of the traditional family. In 2004, Samoobrona's member of parliament Włodzimierz Czechowski said:
The circumstances for family development are so stressful and harmful nowadays that we should be surprised anyone is still having children. Being laid off is a failure and loss of one's life's work, the dissolution and pathology of the family. It's only thanks to the wisdom of Polish women that impoverished families haven't started selling their children yet. Dear ladies! It's not men who discriminate against women, it's Poland's nasty liberal policy, which results in unemployment levels unheard of in Europe. Isn't it hypocrisy to appoint special institutions that fight for women's right without taking care of the country's economic development? The legal system is discriminating against you, women. Subsidies, child support and welfare payments have been fixed at below the biological minimum.[171]
In regards to electoral law, the party was a staunch supporter of proportional representation. Samoobrona spoke on 2000s attempts to reform the Polish electoral law by right-wing Law and Justice (PiS); in July 2006, PiS submitted the electoral reform to the Speaker of the Sejm - the law introduced blocks of lists in municipalities with over 20 000 inhabitants, with the simultaneous application of the d'Hondt method in the intra-group distribution of votes for seats and the rule that groups of lists which received at least 10% of the validly cast votes could participate in the distribution of seats at all levels of local government elections. This law was criticised for undeservedly favouring the strongest parties of the bloc, giving them a significant over-representation in future councils and assemblies. Despite forming a coalition government with PiS at the time, Samoobrona also opposed this law, and called for abandonment of the D'Hondt method in favour of a more proportional apportionment method; Sainte-Laguë method used in the 2001 Polish parliamentary election was seen as the best and more proportional alternative at the time.[172]
Foreign policy edit
One of the leading demands of Samoobrona in the field of foreign policy was the demand for its full economisation. This process was to involve a move away from ideological principles to a calculation based solely on estimating the benefits of trade with specific countries. The political assessment of a foreign economic partner was not to be given any importance; the only binding criterion for assessing foreign policy should be the growth of Polish exports and the possibilities for Polish entities to derive financial benefits.[173]
An additional, complementary field of action for diplomacy was to combat negative stereotypes of Poles in other countries, described by Samoobrona as anti-Polish. According to the party, it should be the duty of Polish diplomats, as well as politicians sitting in the European Parliament, to oppose negative stereotypes and historical falsifications, such as the use of the phrase "Polish concentration camps" in foreign journalism. An important role as ambassador of Polish interests abroad was attributed to the Polish diasporas scattered around the world.[174] It was postulated that Polish diasporas should be covered by state aid and be given the opportunity to return to their homeland. Samoobrona supported a bill providing the possibility for representatives of the Polish minority abroad to obtain Karta Polaka, arguing that the survival of Polish culture and language should be a reason for respect for Poles living abroad. The repatriation operation of Kazakhstan residents of Polish origin also met with the party's support.[175]
Many authors and commentators, both Polish and foreign ones, considered Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland to be a Eurosceptic party.[176] This was due to the party's protectionist and nationalist program, which many commentators considered Eurosceptic by nature.[177] According to some authors, labelling Samoobrona as an Eurosceptic party was legitimate given opinion polls, which showed that in terms of opposition to Poland's accession to the EU, Samoobrona were only slightly less hostile to EU than the LPR voters.[178] However, while for the LRP the issue of European integration was one of the most important ones, in the case of Samoobrona, the issue of EU did not play an important role.[179]
Lepper argued that Samoobrona's criticism of the EU accession was exclusively related to the conditions of Poland's membership in the Union, and not a negation of the purposefulness of integration processes as such. The basis of Samoobrona's position was based on a set of beliefs characteristic of the so-called economic Euroscepticism. The party's declared pragmatism in assessing the consequences of possible membership was characteristic, and the inconsistency of views and assessments on European integration was most likely linked to the existence of diverse attitudes on the issue among both party members and supporters themselves, which became particularly evident after 1 May 2004, when some Samoobrona members became beneficiaries of the EU Common Agricultural Policy. Because of the lack of decisive and conclusive enunciations on Poland's membership in the Union, J. Sielski described the party's position on European integration as "Euro-populist".[180]
The leader of Samoobrona himself preferred to call his stance on Poland's participation in the European integration process "Eurorealism", and directed his criticism of the unfavourable provisions of the Accession Treaty at Polish governments and negotiators rather than European Commission officials. According to Piskorski, given the presence of a number of features which would indeed make it possible to classify the party into the Eurorealist camp (an ambivalent attitude to the accession, the secondary role of this issue in programme pronouncements, variability of rhetoric resulting from the assessment of the mood of the electorate), "such self-identification seems to be largely justified".[181]
The party took a moderately sceptical stance on the introduction of a common European currency in Poland. According to Lepper, accession to the Monetary Union would be advisable only on the condition that Poland achieves a level of economic development similar to that of Western European countries; otherwise, depriving the National Bank of Poland of the ability to shape monetary policy poses a threat to the country's sovereignty in this fundamental area. In addition, it was argued that the price effects of the introduction of the euro would be unacceptable to Polish society. The party's experts argued that the countries that had not decided to join the euro area maintained a higher level of economic development while avoiding the price increases that the introduction of the common currency would have caused.[182]
The party declared its support for the process of further enlargement of the European Union, in contrast to right-wing parties, allowing membership to be granted not only to Ukraine, but also to Turkey.[183] The commencement of negotiations with the latter country was supported by the majority of Samoobrona MEPs, who voted in favour of the relevant resolution. Unlike some right-wing parties, Samoobrona did not make support for a country's EU membership dependent on its cultural face and civilisational affiliation, but only on the fulfilment of formal membership conditions. On the other hand, it declared that the country's admission to the EU should not be at the expense of the funds allocated to Poland, which led R. Czarnecki to conclude that rather unhurried negotiations were necessary.[184]
The participation of Polish soldiers in the NATO operation in Afghanistan was consistently contested by Samoobrona. The main arguments cited were the cost of warfare and the risk of loss of life of Polish soldiers. Samoobrona was very consistently and strongly opposed to the Iraq War.[185] It was the only Polish party which as late as at the turn of 2002 and 2003 (before the invasion began) stated its expression to war.[186] After the invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Hussein's government, Lepper suggested that the forces of the international coalition should be replaced by peacekeeping formations operating under the aegis of the United Nations. In a petition addressed to then President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, Samoobrona also drew attention to the contradictory nature of the operation in Iraq against international law. It was emphasised that a sovereign country, posing no threat, even potential, to Poland's security, had been attacked. The war in Iraq was described as "aggressive" and constituting a violation of international standards.[187]
Religion edit
Samoobrona strongly emphasised its attachment to Roman Catholicism, particularly valuing the authority of Pope John Paul II; the leader of Samoobrona highlighted his visits to the Vatican, emphasising that he considered the Pope to be anmoral unquestionable authority. In numerous party programme documents issued over the course of several years, there were frequent references to the achievements of John Paul II and attempts to interpret Polish socio-economic reality in terms of the pope's proposed ethical standards. In interpreting the Pope's teaching, Samoobrona particularly accentuated those that included criticism of capitalism.[25]
The party was particularly attached to the declaration of Pope John Paul II from 1991, stating: "It is unacceptable to claim that, after the defeat of real socialism, capitalism remained the only model of economic organisation". Samoobrona often repeated and highlighted this quote. The party argued that the downfall of communist Poland was not caused by its socialist economy, but rather by state atheism and its hostility towards the Catholic Church and its social teaching.[25] Samoobrona contrasted this with its own socialism, which it described as based on agrarianism, patriotism and the Catholic social teaching. The party believed that this kind of Polish socialism, based on nationalist and religious tradition, would be the best possible system for Poland. The party promoted an utopian vision of "Polish socialism" based on small family farms, rural co-operatives, an end to the exploitation of the countryside and nationalised industry, with peasants being considered the "healthiest element of society, both biologically and morally".[141]
In the party's program there is a whole series of declarations and sometimes direct references to the concepts proclaimed by Catholic social teaching.[188] In 1995, Lepper declared that "the indications in the Encyclicals of John Paul II, especially in the Encyclical Laborem Exercens, became an inspiration for us in the formulation of our professional and social programmes", lamenting the insufficient presentation of the achievements of Catholic social teaching in the mass media. The social teaching of the Church was to provide an alternative to capitalism and neoliberalism; in this case, reference was made not only to papal encyclicals, but also to the sermons of Cardinal Wyszyński, in which the postulate of Poland's embarking on its own path of social and economic development, resulting from its specific tradition, was found. The party's program from 2003 also stated: "The Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland is guided by the social teaching of the Church and fully shares the indications of the greatest moral authority of our times, Pope John Paul II, contained in his encyclicals".[189]
Samoobrona also self-identified as Christian left, claiming to represent a broad group of both Catholic and secular left; Lepper stated: "A social economy, free education, culture, education and health care, decent living conditions for pensioners, blocking the negative effects of globalisation, caring for the environment - these are just selected examples of leftism in state policy." However, the party rejected National Catholicism, and Lepper rejected the view of National Catholic circles that the Church and Roman Catholics are being discriminated and excluded from the public life of Poland, calling such criticisms "too alarmist and exaggerated".[162]
The party used a lot of religious rhetoric in regards to economic issues, presenting anti-capitalist, anti-liberal, anti-"cosmopolitan" and anti-market ideas. The key foundation of economic ideology of Samoobrona was a combination of socialism with the principles of Catholic social teaching, rejecting capitalism as "fiscal repression and total commercialisation" while also strongly attacking a "reductionist" economic-theoretical approach, typical of the "Anglo-Germanic mentality" and based on the "Protestant dogma of predestination". As a counter-proposal, the party praised "econology", defined as the prioritisation of ecology in economic thinking. The post-1989 socioeconomic situation in Poland was described as "socio-economic satanism" or "economic genocide", and the party manifesto read: "All the tragedies that the Poles are experiencing ... are the consequence of the loss of their own sovereignty and the subordination of the country to foreign interests, as carried out by a group of venal politicians who, thanks to political fraud and by lying to the Polish people, have been able to make their own decisions. are the consequence of the loss of their own sovereignty and the subordination of the country to foreign interests, as carried out by a group of venal politicians who have brought themselves to power thanks to political fraud and by lying to the voters."[190] However, Samoobrona is explicitly socialist and not only sympathises with the former People's Republic of Poland, but openly identifies with its communist form of society and socialist ideals.[191]
Despite its attachment to Catholicism, the party also made statements critical of the church. Lepper deplored the attitude of a part of the Catholic hierarchy, for example by criticising the lack of interest of Primate Józef Glemp in a meeting with the party's delegation.[192] During the transformation period, the Polish bishops were accused of lacking social sensitivity, and of being materialistic and building a financial empire; Lepper went as far as stating that "they value money more than God". Glemp was criticised by Samoobrona for his lack of concern for the fate of Polish farmers, above all in the context of the Primate's statements suggesting support for police interventions against participants of agricultural blockades.[193] Additionally, Andrzej Lepper expressed some understanding for the demands appearing in the 1990s in the circles of secular left for excluding religious instruction from public schools.[194]
Political scientists compared Samoobrona to socialist and far-left movements of Latin America. Paweł Przyłęcki argued that the party "had all the main elements of the populist and socialist policies pursued in Latin American countries, particularly Argentina".[195] One of the elements typical for far-left Latin American political discourse that Samoobrona was seen as incorporating is liberation theology.[196] While conceptually communism was considered incompatible with Catholicism as it disrupted sociocultural traditions that the Church relied on, the relationship of between Catholicism and communist policies was complex and widely differed depending on the attitude of the local regime towards religion. While liberation theology was much less influential in Poland than in Latin America, highly popular Polish Pope John Paul II espoused liberation theology that avoided Marxist language.[197] Gerald J. Beyer wrote in The American Journal of Economics and Sociology that social teaching of John Paul II echoed central points of liberation theology; John Paul II wrote that the Church tradition is “in clear opposition to capitalism as a socioeconomic system as well as a general system of values” and affirmed that despite its flaws, communism correctly recognizes humans as social being while condemning liberalism for seeing humans as “isolated” being who enter into relationships only for “egocentric interests”. While rejecting its atheistic and materialistic characteristics, John Paul II stated that Marxism had a “kernel of truth” regarding the need for common possession of goods and rejection of capitalism as an inherently inhumane and exploitative system.[198] Samoobrona represented a radicalized version of papal teaching, fully endorsing the social teaching of John Paul II on one hand, while praising the communist Polish People's Republic on the other.[199]
On the other hand, the group supported the ratification of the concordat with the Holy See, accepting "the unique position of the Catholic Church vis-à-vis other confessions in Poland". Given the much higher level of religiosity in rural areas, Samoobrona's leaders often appeared at religious ceremonies without political risk and even gained some support, for example on the occasion of the Jasna Góra Harvest Festival.[200] This did not prevent them from criticising those representatives of the Episcopate who were critical of the agricultural protests co-organised by Samoobrona.[201] On the other hand, party politicians emphasised that they boasted the sympathy of a large proportion of parish priests in rural parishes. The party's electorate, according to available surveys, was heterogeneous on issues related to the desirable nature of state-church relations. While it was possible to discern among party sympathisers supporters of limiting the role of the Church as an institution in public life (e.g. those advocating the abolition of the Church Fund), anticlerical sentiments did not turn into attempts to negate the ethical message of the Roman Catholic Church.[194]
Ecology edit
In 1993, Andrzej Lepper took part in an interview with journalists Jan Ul and Henryk Gaworski, where Lepper introduced Samoobrona and the ideology of the party. Lepper identified with the rebel faction of the Polish United Workers' Party that opposed the leading "Jaruzelski-Rakowski" wing and wanted to prevent the "policy of selling out genuinely socialist ideals and values". He also stated that Samoobrona wished to replace the capitalism of Balcerowicz with "a system that would satisfy human needs, that would prioritise man over labour and labour over capital, and would not be a system of the market but a system of social control over economic life through the state and trade unions"; Lepper admitted that this system would be socialist, but stressed the "indigenous", nationalist, "patriotic" and Catholic character of Samoobrona's socialism, one that was to be inspired by Catholic social teaching and agrarian-socialist pre-WW2 peasant movements.[202] He also made remarks towards green socialism, sparking further questions about the nature of the party.[203]
Lepper shocked the interviewers by stressing the environmentalist character of the party, explaining that he founded Samoobrona "because the spectre of economic and biological doom is staring us in the face". In the interview, he stated:
It is a personal dream of mine that we clean up this common Poland of ours, tidy up its roads, regulate its rivers, build reservoirs, remove dirt and rubbish dumps, broken fences, potholed pavements and derelict buildings - in short, take a serious and effective approach to the environment and ecology. Then we would all breathe easier. For these reasons, our Samoobrona movement is akin to the Greens, with whom we will gladly cooperate.
— Andrzej Lepper, Samoobrona - Dlaczego? Przed czym?, (Warsaw 1993), p. 42
Despite its agrarian character, Samoobrona also identified with the green movement, and environmentalists were an important part of Lepper's social and political circle; Samoobrona was founded not only by agrarian trade unions, but a minor Polish green party as well.[204] Party's program promoted the concepts of "eco-development" and "econology", which were described as replacement of consumerism and materialism in favour of "a closer relationship with the natural environment, the preservation of small-scale family farms and a humane treatment of animals". Samoobrona stated that it desired to introduce new ways of thinking into Polish economics that would encompass ecology, social ethics and Catholic morality. Concrete environmentalist proposals included in the party's program were opposition to agroindustrial development and 'intensive farming methods'.[205]
Rafal Soborski listed Samoobrona as an example of an anti-globalist environmentalist movement, using rhetoric aligned with green movements - Samoobrona attacked corporations for pursuing profit-driven policies that are harmful to both the environment and the well-being of the society. Both greens and Samoobrona considered international corporations responsible for global inequality and exploitation, imprisoning "the majority of people in impoverished enclaves [in order to] move production there". This anti-corporation rhetoric also had cultural and nationalist themes, as anti-globalist and ecological movements attacked the progressing "McDonaldization of society" that contradicted and threatened national and local identities. Samoobrona mixed environmentalist undertones with agrarian issues, accusing big companies of destroying Polish farming by flooding the Polish market with foreign, poor-quality products. The party campaigned for expelling foreign capital in Poland in order to protect native farms and local products.[206]
In 1999, Samoobrona entered a coalition with the American-based Animal Welfare Institute against Smithfield Foods, American food company that wanted to enter the Polish market. After years of the neoliberal "shock therapy" that allowed foreign companies to outcompete Polish farms, the discontent of Polish farmers resulted in mass protests in 1999 organised by Samoobrona. The protests grew to 8000 protesting farmers and resulted in a total of 120 blockades. Samoobrona protesters became militant and clashed with the police, often resulting in confrontations which forced the police to use tear gas and water cannons. The Polish government capitulated to protesters' demands after a month, reforming its agricultural policy and imposing high tariffs on food imports. Surveys at the time showed that 75 percent of Polish population supported Samoobrona's protests, and the party continued its protests and decided to participate in the "Trojan Pig Tour" organised by AWI.[207]
Lepper agreed to make anti-Smithfield lobbying a key plank of his presidential campaign, while also organising protests against Smithfield's expansion into the Polish market. While Lepper only won 3 percent of the popular vote in the 2000 Polish presidential election, he succeeded in setting the stage for Samoobrona's electoral success in 2001 parliamentary elections, and his anti-Smithfield campaigning mobilised Polish farmers against the company. Samoobrona organised a conference together with AWI in May 2000, promoting ecology and alternatives to industrial farming. At the same time, Samoobrona steadily incorporated more ecological and animal welfare themes into its program. Later in 2000, AWI-Samoobrona movement was endorsed by the president of Polish National Veterinary Chamber, Bartosz Winiecki, who recruited Polish veterinarians to the anti-Smithfield coalition. In the end, six thousands Polish doctors of veterinary medicine and twenty thousand veterinary technicians joined the coalition's protests.[208]
Environmental activism of Samoobrona and AWI bore fruit in July 2000, when Polish Minister of Agriculture, Artur Balazs, declared that the government will oppose Smithfield's plans to introduce corporate farming in Poland. Smithfield conceded later that months, announcing that it was abandoning its plans to expand its activities into Poland. Samoobrona's activities proved crucial to bringing about a corporate farming ban in Poland; according to Joe Bandy and Jackie Smith, "the coalition between AWI and Samoobrona represents one of the successful cases in the emerging global justice movement".[209] For his environmental activism, Lepper was awarded the Albert Schweitzer Medal in 2000. The leader of Samoobrona stated his commitment to animal welfare, stressing that animals must be treated "with respect, dignity and sympathy" and condemning modern meat industry as "concentration camps for animals".[80]
Election results edit
Sejm edit
| Election year | # of votes | % of vote | # of overall seats won | +/– | Government |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1991 | 3,247 | 0.03 (#70) | 0 / 460 | Extra-parliamentary | |
| 1993 | 383,967 | 2.8 (#12) | 0 / 460 | Extra-parliamentary | |
| 1997 | 10,073 | 0.1 (#14) | 0 / 460 | Extra-parliamentary | |
| 2001 | 1,327,624 | 10.2 (#3) | 53 / 460 | 53 | SLD-UP-PSL (2001-2003) |
| SLD-UP (2003-2004) | |||||
| SLD-UP-SDPL (2004-2005) | |||||
| 2005 | 1,347,355 | 11.4 (#3) | 56 / 460 | 3 | PiS Minority (2005-2006) |
| PiS–SRP–LPR (2006-2007) | |||||
| PiS Minority (2007) | |||||
| 2007 | 247,335 | 1.5 (#5) | 0 / 460 | 56 | Extra-parliamentary |
| 2011[210] | 9,733 | 0.1 (#11) | 0 / 460 | Extra-parliamentary | |
| 2015[211] | 4,266 | 0.03 (#15) | 0 / 460 | Extra-parliamentary |
Senate edit
| Election year | # of overall seats won | +/– |
|---|---|---|
| 1993 | 0 / 100 | |
| 1997 | 0 / 100 | |
| 2001 | 2 / 100 | 2 |
| 2005 | 3 / 100 | 1 |
| 2007 | 0 / 100 | 3 |
| 2011[212] | 0 / 100 | |
| 2015[211] | 0 / 100 | |
| 2019[211] | 0 / 100 |
European Parliament edit
| Election year | # of votes | % of vote | # of overall seats won | +/– |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2004 | 656,782 | 10.8 (#4) | 6 / 54 | |
| 2009 | 107,185 | 1.5 (#7) | 0 / 50 | 6 |
| 2014[211] | 2,729 | 0.04 (#12) | 0 / 51 |
Presidential edit
| Election year | Candidate | 1st round | 2nd round | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| # of overall votes | % of overall vote | # of overall votes | % of overall vote | ||
| 1995 | Andrzej Lepper | 235,797 | 1.3 (#9) | ||
| 2000 | Andrzej Lepper | 537,570 | 3.1 (#5) | ||
| 2005 | Andrzej Lepper | 2,259,094 | 15.1 (#3) | ||
| 2010 | Andrzej Lepper | 214,657 | 1.3 (#7) | ||
Regional assemblies edit
Leadership edit
- Andrzej Lepper (1992–2011)
- Andrzej Prochoń (2012)
- Lech Kuropatwiński (2012–2022)[213]
- Krzysztof Prokopczyk (2022–incumbent)[214]
See also edit
Notes edit
- ^ Some media considered the party right-wing or far-right as to compare Samoobrona to another anti-establishment party League of Polish Families.[14][15] Political scientists, such as Sarah de Lange, Gerrit Voerman,[16] Rafał Pankowski,[17] Marek Migalski,[18] Remigiusz Okraska,[19] Paul G. Lewis and Zdenka Mansfeldová,[20] Andrzej Antoszewski,[21] Karol Kostrzębski[22] and Mateusz Piskorski,[23] classified the party as left-wing. The party described itself as the "socialist left",[24] and declared that "the traditions from which Samoobrona draws are the pre-war Polish Socialist Party and the Polish People's Party Wyzwolenie".[25]
Samoobrona competed with left-wing parties, such as the SLD and UP, for voters rather than right-wing ones,[26] and Andrzej Lepper said: "I set myself the goal of convincing the left-wing electorate in such a way that they understand that the only left-wing, pro-social and patriotic party at the moment is Self-Defence."[27] Lepper also stated: "I have always been and will always be a man of the left."[28] He described his party as "the patriotic left, a progressive left, modern, tolerant, without any extremes or deviations".[29] Comparing the voter bases of Samoobrona and LPR, Pankowski noted that Samoobrona voters were characterised by low income and anti-capitalist values, while the LPR ones were very religious and prioritised nationalist values.[30] Additionally, it was speculated that Samoobrona might take over the place of the SLD as the main Polish left-wing party.[31]
The party is considered to have transformed from a "traditional protest party" into a "stabilised left-wing party" by 2005,[32][33] and Samoobrona invited left-wing politicians, such as Piotr Ikonowicz and Leszek Miller, to its electoral lists.[23] According to Jarosław Tomasiewicz, the party's decision to form a government with the right-wing PiS and LPR was not a shift to the right but an attempt to replace SLD as the largest Polish left-wing party. Samoobrona started cooperating with left-wing parties, such as the DPL, RLP, and KPEiR.[34]
That the party continued and even doubled down on its left-wing rhetoric despite forming a right-wing government, which led to defections of some right-leaning members to LPR, while others seceded to found the Polish Peasant Bloc instead. It also led to the failure of the League and Self-Defense merger proposal.[34]
It was reported that the left-wing identity of Samoobrona warded off nationalists circles, hitherto considered friendly towards Samoobrona. Roman Giertych and his League of Polish Families rejected a possibility of entering a coalition with Lepper's party, citing Samoobrona's left-wing alignment and its support for same-sex partnerships as the reason.[35]
Samoobrona was also considered to be the party closest aligned with the fallen pre-1989 Communist regime; Samoobrona was called "probably the only political party that speaks well of Communist Poland" by Mirosław Karwat,[36] while Piotr Długosz considers the party an "heir of the communist regime".[37] Sławomir Drelich says that Samoobrona portrayed Communist Poland as superior to the post-1989 capitalist one, and calls the party "the most post-communist party on the Polish political scene".[38] A 2003 survey by CBOS found that the majority of party's supporters wished Poland could have retained Communist economy.[39]
A 2005 survey of Samoobrona members found that over 50% of the party members identified as left-wing politically, while 26% members identified as right-wing.[40] According to Mirosława Grabowska, both the voters and members of Samoobrona were much closer to the SLD than PiS or LPR politically.[41] - ^ Multiple sources:
- Paul G. Lewis; Zdenka Mansfeldová (2007). "12.3 The role of the European issue". The European Union and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 242. doi:10.1057/9780230596658. ISBN 9780230596658.
In the largest group of countries (Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and, more recently, Estonia) Eurosceptic parties appear on both the right-wing nationalist (SNS, MIÉP, Ataka, LPR, to some extent ODS) and radical left (KSČM, Hungarian Labour Party, Association of Workers of Slovakia, Communist Party of Slovakia, Self-Defence) ends of the party spectrum.
- Andrzej Antoszewski [in Polish] (2005). Partie polityczne Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej (in Polish). Poznań-Wrocław: Wyższa Szkoła Zarządzania i Bankowości w Poznaniu. p. 180. ISBN 83-88544-63-2.
Jedyne ugrupowanie ekstremalnej lewicy, które nie jest formacją neokomunistyczną, to polska Samoobrona. W wielu momentach jej program gospodarczy, akcentujący głównie konieczność powstrzymania prywatyzacji oraz ochronę narodowych interesów, jest zbieżny z postulatami partii neokomunistycznych.
[The only grouping of the extreme left that is not a neo-communist formation is the Polish Samoobrona. At many points, its economic programme, which mainly emphasises the need to stop privatisation and to protect national interests, coincides with the demands of neo-communist parties.] - Ryszard Herbut [in Polish]; Andrzej Antoszewski [in Polish] (2007). Systemy polityczne współczesnej Europy (in Polish). Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. p. 102. ISBN 978-83-011-4622-1.
W niektórych elekcjach wzięły udział także inne partie, które mogą być określone mianem skrajnej lewicy. Mamy tu na myśli Związek Robotników Słowacji (ZRS), ukraińską Progresywną Partię Socjalistyczną (SPS) oraz polską Samoobronę.
[Other parties that can be described as extreme left also took part in some elections. We are referring to the Union of Workers of Slovakia (ZRS), the Ukrainian Progressive Socialist Party (SPS) and the Polish Self-Defence.] - Krzysztof Jasiewicz; Agnieszka Jasiewicz-Betkiewicz (2007). "Poland". European Journal of Political Research. European Consortium for Political Research. 46 (6–7): 1069. doi:10.1111/j.1475-6765.2007.00752.x.
In its public statements, Self-Defense has been critical (often harshly) of the legacies of both communism and Solidarity, yet among its leaders there are several individuals formerly associated with the communist regime. Its support for state interventionism and opposition to market mechanisms place it on the political far left.
- Madalena Pontes Meyer Resende (2004). An Ethos Theory of Party Positions on European Integration: Poland and Beyond (PDF). ProQuest LLC. p. 159.
However, an analysis of the evolution of the last years makes it apparent that the party identity is mainly based on a radical conception of economic class and is constituted by those heavily disadvantaged by the transition. The Samoobrona can therefore be classified as an extreme-left party.
- Agata Górny; Aleksandra Grzymała-Kazłowska; Piotr Koryś; Agnieszka Weinar (December 2003). "Multiple citizenship in Poland" (PDF). Prace Migracyjne. Institute for Social Studies Warsaw University. 53 (1): 45.
We did not consider the populist far-left (Samoobrona) and the nationalistic far right wing (LPR) nor the Polish Peasants' Party: PSL. There were many reasons for such a decision. None of the two extreme parties had representatives in the parliament of the 3rd term, when the debate over citizenship reached its peak.
- Manó Gábor Tóth (2008). "Carrot and Stick: The Prospect of EU Membership as a Motive in States in Transition" (PDF). Interns Yearbook. Skopje: Analytica: 66.
The right-wing Law and Justice Party formed a minority government in Poland after the 2005 elections, and formed a majority government next year in coalition with the provincial far-left Self Defence Party and the xenophobic far-right League of Polish Families, having the Kaczyński twin brothers as president and prime minister.
- Vladimír Naxera; Viktor Glied; Ondřej Filipec; Małgorzata Kaczorowska (October 2020). ""To protect national sovereignty from the EU?" The 2019 EP elections and populist parties in V4 countries" (PDF). UNISCI Journal. 54 (1): 76. doi:10.31439/unisci-98. ISSN 2386-9453.
These include, first and foremost, extreme-left Self-Defense (Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej, SO, Self-Defense) and the League of Polish Families (Liga Polskich Rodzin, LPR).
- Derrick M. Nault; Bei Dawei; Evangelos Voulgarakis; Rab Paterson; Cesar Andres-Miguel Suva (2013). Experiencing Globalization: Religion in Contemporary Contexts. Anthem Press. p. 143. ISBN 978-0857285591.
It is important to note that the PiS grew increasingly populist after 2005, when the party entered into a coalition with the LPR and the populist extreme-left Self-Defense.
- Kristina Mikulova (2012). “Missionary Zeal of Recent Converts”: Norms and Norm Entrepreneurs in the Foreign Policy of the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia 1989-2011. University of Oxford. pp. 229–230.
Apart from the relatively rare individual cases in the mainstream, opposition to the Polish forces' participation in the Iraq War mainly rested with parties on the fringes of the political spectrum: the far-right League of Polish Families (LPR) and far-left Self-Defense (Samooborona) [sic].
- Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser; Paul Taggart; Paulina Ochoa Espejo; Pierre Ostiguy (26 October 2017). The Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford Handbooks. Oxford University Press. p. 193. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803560.001.0001. ISBN 9780192525376.
On the radical left, Poland's Self Defence (Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej, SRP) party exploited rising public discontent with the politics and politicians of transition to enter parliament as the third largest party in 2001.
- Eckhard Jesse; Tom Thieme (2011). Extremismus in den EU-Staaten (in German) (1 ed.). VS Verlag. p. 450. ISBN 978-3-531-17065-7.
Zehn linksextremistische Parteien zogen von 1994 an ins Europaparlament ein, von denen die meisten – mit Ausnahme der polnischen Samoobrona – in ihren Wahlergebnissen relativ stabil blieben.
[Ten left-wing extremist parties entered the European Parliament from 1994 onwards, most of which - with the exception of the Polish Samoobrona - remained relatively stable in their election results.]
- Paul G. Lewis; Zdenka Mansfeldová (2007). "12.3 The role of the European issue". The European Union and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 242. doi:10.1057/9780230596658. ISBN 9780230596658.
- ^ The colour of the party's flag,[43][44] also seen as a main colour in party's conferences.[45]
References edit
- ^ Seongcheol Kim (2022). Discourse, Hegemony, and Populism in the Visegrád Four. Routledge Studies in Extremism and Democracy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-003-18600-7.
Just as the UP's populism was receding in favor of a "left" vs. "right" logic, another anti-liberal populist challenge – albeit coming from a nationalist direction – gained heightened prominence as the Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland (SRP, or "Samoobrona" for short) entered parliament for the first time with over 10% of the vote in the 2001 elections.
- ^ a b c d e Lisiakiewicz, Rafał (2014). "Miejsce Samoobrony RP w typologii partii politycznych". Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie (in Polish). 2 (926): 37–54. ISSN 1898-6447.
- ^ "Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej". newsweek.pl (in Polish). 21 May 2010.
- ^ Marcin Kowalski; Aleksandra Szyłło (3 August 2012). "Sieroty po Samoobronie". wyborcza.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 23 August 2023.
Pełnomocniczka Leppera prosiła, by członkowie partii pomogli spłacić długi. Jeszcze niedawno było ich 100 tys.
[Lepper's attorney asked party members to help pay off debts. Until recently, there were 100,000.] - ^ Ania Krok-Paszkowska; Petr Kopecky; Cas Mudde (2003). "Samoobrona: The Polish Self-Defence Movement". Uncivil Society? Contentious Politics in Post-Communist Europe. Routledge. pp. 115–116. ISBN 9780203988787.
The trade union has about 500,000 members (Samoobrona Narodu July 2000); in comparison, the Solidarity trade union had a membership of 1.5 million in 1996. Samoobrona also has hundreds of thousands of sympathisers in the country.
- ^
- Gerrit Voerman [in Dutch]; Dirk Strijker; Ida Terluin (2015). "Contemporary Populism, the Agrarian and the Rural in Central Eastern and Western Europe". In Sarah de Lange [in Dutch] (ed.). Rural Protest Groups and Populist Political Parties. Wageningen Academic Publishers. p. 172. doi:10.3920/978-90-8686-807-0. ISBN 9789086862597. ‑ Listed as "agrarian/socialist".
- Krzysztof Kowalczyk; Jerzy Sielski (2006). Partie i ugrupowania parlamentarne III Rzeczypospolitej (in Polish). Dom Wydawniczy DUET. p. 187. ISBN 978-83-89706-84-3.
Posługując się powszechnie stosowaną na gruncie rodzimej politologii klasyfikacją partii politycznych R. Herbuta, Samoobronę RP umiejscowić można w rodzinach partii agrarnych i komunistycznych (biorąc pod uwagę ewolucję apelu wyborczego partii w ostatnich latach).
[Using the classification of political parties commonly used in Polish political science by R. Herbut, Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland can be placed in the families of agrarian and communist parties (taking into account the evolution of the party's electoral appeal in recent years).] - Lisiakiewicz, Rafał (2014). "Miejsce Samoobrony RP w typologii partii politycznych". Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie (in Polish). 2 (926): 39–41. ISSN 1898-6447.
Partia A. Leppera przedstawiała się jako „prawdziwa lewica", natomiast teoretycy określali ją jako socjalistyczną czy lewicowo-socjalistyczną. (...) Te dane przekładały się także na program ugrupowania, w którym można dostrzec zarówno wpływy agraryzmu, jak i doktryn skrajnie lewicowych.
[The party of A. Lepper presented itself as the 'true left', while theoreticians described it as socialist or left-socialist. (...) These data were also translated into the grouping's programme, in which both agrarianism and far-left doctrines can be noted.] - Przyłęcki, Paweł (2012). Populizm w polskiej polityce: Analiza dyskursu polityki (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe. p. 133. ISBN 9788376661858.
Samoobrona (...) czerpie swoje źródło z ideologii agraryzmu, nacjonalizmu, a także socjalizmu.
[Samoobrona (...) draws its origin from the ideologies of agrarianism, nationalism, as well as socialism.]
- ^
- Igor Guardiancich (October 2009). Pension Reforms in Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe. From Post-Socialist Transition to the Global Financial Crisis (PDF). Florence: Taylor & Francis Ltd. p. 133. doi:10.2870/1700. ISBN 978-0415688987. ‑ Listed as "Christian socialist".
- Moes, Jeroen (5 December 2008). CosmoPoles: Shifting boundaries in the identification with Europe. Radboud University Nijmegen. p. 55. ‑ Classified as a "Christian socialist" party.
- Popić, Tamara (24 November 2014). Policy Learning, Fast and Slow: Market-Oriented Reforms of Czech and Polish Healthcare Policy, 1989-2009 (PDF) (Doctor of Political and Social Sciences thesis). Florence: European University Institute. p. 180. ‑ Described as 'Christian socialist'.
- Kösemen, Orkan (19 January 2005). Institutioneller Wandel und europäische Integration: Der Einfluß des EU-Beitrittsprozesses auf die Politikgestaltung in Polen, Tschechien und Ungarn (PDF) (Doctor of Philosophy thesis) (in German). Institut für Sozialwissenschaften. p. 81.
Lepper änderte seine Strategie 1999 als er begann, seine radikalen Attacken gegenüber dem politischen Establishment mit einer eigenen, wenn auch sehr verschwommenen, Programmatik zu untermauern, die sich gezielt an die Transformationsverlierer wendete: Die anti-liberal, anti-westlich, anti-kosmopolitisch und antimarktwirtschaftlichen Grundströmungen werden zu einem Konzept des „Dritten Weges" zusammengefaßt. Dieser „dritte Weg" wird mit der katholischen Soziallehre bereichert und gegen Kommunismus und Kapitalismus in Stellung gebracht. Neben dieser Quasiideologie, die am ehesten als „christlicher Sozialismus" bezeichnet werden kann...
[Lepper changed his strategy in 1999 when he began to underpin his radical attacks against the political establishment with his own, albeit blurred, program, which was specifically aimed at the losers of the transition: the anti-liberal, anti-Western, anti-cosmopolitan and anti-market basic currents are combined into a concept of the "Third Way". This "third way" is enriched with Catholic social teaching and positioned against communism and capitalism. In addition to this quasi-ideology, which can best be described as 'Christian socialism'...] - Fras, Maksymilian (October 2012). The Catholic Church, Religion and Politics in Post-Communist Poland: Secularisation and Republicisation 1989-2007 (PDF) (Doctor of Philosophy thesis). The Open University. pp. 187–188. doi:10.21954/ou.ro.0000f129.
The same applied to Andrzej Lepper, a farmer turned political revolutionary, and later deputy prime minister in Jaroslaw Kaczynski's government (see Chapter 5). Lepper founded Self-Defence ('Samoobrona', SO), a trade union and political party, in January 1992. His programme was a mixture of socialist and etatist economic policies with populist slogans. Even though Lepper most often praised the communist period as the golden era of Polish farming, and criticised the free market, his rhetoric was full of references to Church, Catholicism and national identity: 'One cannot imagine Polish national culture without (...) Catholicism. It is the Church that allowed us, Poles, to defend our national identity' (U11993). Lepper often quoted John Paul IPs remark that capitalism cannot be the only alternative to communism, and declared that wanting to 'be a Christian in Samoobronas activities means (...) to refer to the social ramifications of the Gospel and papal teachings' (U11993).
- Eckhard Jesse; Tom Thieme (2011). Extremismus in den EU-Staaten (in German) (1 ed.). VS Verlag. pp. 292–294/463. ISBN 978-3-531-17065-7.
Im Programm von Samoobrona wurde das Hauptaugenmerk auf Wirtschaftsfragen gelegt. Die linke Orientierung der SRP zeigt sich in der Verurteilung kapitalistischer Marktwirtschaft und der Forderung nach sozialer Gleichheit. Das Verhältnis zu anderen Fragen der Auslandspolitik, wie z. B. die negative Einschätzung der NATO-Intervention im Kosovo, machen die SRP zum potenziellen Verbündeten der national-katholischen Gruppen. (...) Lepper betont auch, gläubiger Katholik zu sein, und die von ihm geleitete Organisation werde „durch die Hinweise der Kirche und die Behauptungen und Botschaften von Johannes Paul II. voll unterstützt". (...) Ideologisch lassen sich vielfältige Linksextremismusvarianten unterscheiden. Anti- bzw. nichtkommunistische Parteien wie Polens Landarbeitergewerkschaft Samoobrona und die ethnoregionalistische Sinn Féin in Irland stellen Ausnahmen dar. Ihre sozialistischen Gesellschaftsutopien beruhen auf der Verbindung von solidarischer Gesellschaft und nationaler Identität, was zu ideologischen Überschneidungen mit rechtsextremen Parteien führen kann.
[In the Samoobrona program, the main focus was on economic issues. The left orientation of the SRP is reflected in the condemnation of capitalist market economy and the demand for social equality. The relationship to other issues of foreign policy, such as the negative assessment of the NATO intervention in Kosovo, make the SRP a potential associate of the national Catholic groups. (...) Lepper also stresses that he is a devout Catholic and that the party he leads "fully supports the instructions of the Church and the assertions and messages of John Paul II". (...) Ideologically, a variety of left-wing extremist variants can be distinguished. Anti- or non-communist parties such as Poland's farmers' union Samoobrona and the ethno-regionalist Sinn Féin in Ireland are exceptions. Their socialist ideals are based on the combination of a society of solidarity and national identity, which can lead to ideological overlaps with far-right parties.]
- ^
- Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 380.
Pozycja Samoobrony miała stanowić szeroką formułę lewicowości, obejmującą lewicę katolicką, zjednoczone dążeniem do osiągnięcia fundamentalnych celów.
[The Samoobrona position was intended to be a broad formula of leftism, encompassing the Catholic left, united by the pursuit of fundamentalist goals.] - Rudolf von Thadden; Anna Hofmann. Populismus in Europa - Krise der Demokratie?. Genshagener Gespräche (in German). Vol. 7. Wallstein-Verlag. p. 34. ISBN 978-3-89244-944-7.
In einem ihrer programmatischen Dokumente bezeichnet sich die Samoobrona selbst als sozial und christlich orientierte, volks-nationale gesellschaftliche Bewegung, was gut das Durcheinander widerspiegelt, das bei dem Versuch entsteht, Parteien zu klassifizieren, die sich populistischer Formen bedienen. Die Samoobrona ist jedoch eher der linken Seite des polnischen politischen Spektrums zuzurechnen. Ihr personalisierter Feind ist gegenwärtig der Präsident der Polnischen Nationalbank, Leszek Balcerowicz, den die Partei als den Hauptverantwortlichen für die Armut eines großen Teils der polnischen Gesellschaft ansieht.
[In one of its programmatic documents, Samoobrona describes itself as a socially and Christian-oriented, popular-national social movement, which reflects well the confusion that arises when trying to classify parties that use populist forms. However, Samoobrona is on the left side of the Polish political spectrum. Its personalised enemy is currently the president of the National Bank of Poland, Leszek Balcerowicz, whom the party sees as the main culprit for the poverty of a large part of Polish society.] - Wojciechowski, Krzysztof (2018). Determinanty debaty politycznej nad kierunkami rozwoju oświaty w Polsce po 1989 roku (Doctor of Political Science thesis) (in Polish). Poznań. p. 379.
Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej pochodzi od Samoobrony Leppera. Założona została 10 stycznia 1992 roku a zarejestrowana 12 czerwca 1992 roku. Swoimi korzeniami sięgała Związku Zawodowego Rolników „Samoobrona", Związku Zawodowego Metalowców, Partii Przymierza „Samoobrona" oraz Partii Zielonych. Przywódcą do czasu samobójczej śmierci w 2011 roku był Andrzej Lepper. Jest to organizacja będąca mieszanką ideologii narodowo-lewicowej, chrześcijańsko-lewicowej, socjaldemokratycznej, chrześcijańsko-socjalistycznej, nacjonalistycznej, narodowo-katolickiej i agrarnej.
[Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej is derived from Lepper's Samoobrona. It was founded on 10 January 1992 and registered on 12 June 1992. Its roots were in the Farmers' Trade Union "Samoobrona", the Metalworkers' Trade Union, the Przymierze "Samoobrona" Party and the Green Party. The leader until his suicidal death in 2011 was Andrzej Lepper. It is a party that is a compound of national-left, Christian-left, social-democratic, Christian-socialist, nationalist, National Catholic and agrarian ideologies.]
- Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 380.
- ^
- Andrzej Lepper (1993). Samoobrona - Dlaczego? Przed czym? (in Polish). Warsaw: Wyraz. p. 42. ISBN 9788390010021.
Osobistym mym marzeniem jest, abyśmy tę naszą wspólną Polskę dobrze posprzątali, uporządkowali jej drogi, uregulowali rzeki, zbudowali zbiorniki wodne, stowane rudery, słowem - poważnie i skutecznie wzięli się za środowisko naturalne i ekologię. Wtedy lżej by nam było wszystkim oddychać. Z tych też powodów nasz ruch Samoobrony bliski jest Zielonym, z którymi chętnie będziemy współpracowali.
[It is a personal dream of mine that we clean up this common Poland of ours, tidy up its roads, regulate its rivers, build reservoirs, remove dirt and rubbish dumps, broken fences, potholed pavements and derelict buildings - in short, take a serious and effective approach to the environment and ecology. Then we would all breathe easier. For these reasons, our Samoobrona movement is akin to the Greens, with whom we will gladly cooperate.] - Ania Krok-Paszkowska; Petr Kopecky; Cas Mudde (2003). "Samoobrona: The Polish Self-Defence Movement". Uncivil Society? Contentious Politics in Post-Communist Europe. Routledge. p. 114. ISBN 9780203988787.
Samoobrona also argues for materialism and consumerism to be replaced by a closer relationship with the natural environment, the preservation of small-scale family farms and a humane treatment of animals. There is frequent reference to 'eco-development' and a fuzzy concept: 'Econology' (Ekonologia), described in the programme as a new way of thinking drawing on theories of social systems, ecology, and social ethics and morality in politics and economics. More concretely, it is against agroindustrial development and intensive farming methods.
- Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. pp. 60, 362.
W skład komitetu założycielskiego wchodzili przede wszystkim działacze ZZR „Samoobrona" z A. Lepperem na czele, a także członkowie Związku Zawodowego Metalowców oraz grupa aktywistów Polskiej Partii Zielonych, stojących na stanowisku ekologizmu i pacyfizmu. (...) Współpracę z Samoobroną podjęło przede wszystkim krakowskie środowisko Federacji Zielonych, z którym związani byli znani działacze ekologiczni A. Żwawa (redaktor naczelny magazynu „Zielone Brygady") oraz O. Swolkień.
[The founding committee consisted mainly of activists from the Self-Defence Trade Union headed by A. Lepper, as well as members of the Metal Workers' Trade Union and a group of activists from the Polish Green Party, standing for environmentalism and pacifism. (...) Cooperation with Samoobrona was undertaken first and foremost by the Kraków environment of the Federation of Greens, with which well-known environmental activists A. Żwawa (editor-in-chief of the magazine Zielone Brygady) and O. Swolkień were associated.] - Wojciechowski, Krzysztof (2018). Determinanty debaty politycznej nad kierunkami rozwoju oświaty w Polsce po 1989 roku (Doctor of Political Science thesis) (in Polish). Poznań. p. 333, 379.
Samoobrona Leppera była to nazwa ruchu społeczno-politycznego, w którego skład weszli rolnicy, organizacje społeczne i zawodowe skupiające robotników, bezrobotnych, rencistów, środowiska oświaty i kultury, pracowników sfery budżetowej oraz ekologów. (...) Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej pochodzi od Samoobrony Leppera. Założona została 10 stycznia 1992 roku a zarejestrowana 12 czerwca 1992 roku. Swoimi korzeniami sięgała Związku Zawodowego Rolników „Samoobrona", Związku Zawodowego Metalowców , Partii Przymierza „Samoobrona" oraz Partii Zielonych.
[Lepper's Samoobrona was the name of a socio-political movement that included farmers, social and professional organisations bringing together workers, the unemployed, pensioners, educational and cultural circles, budget workers and environmentalists. (...) Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej originated from Lepper's Samoobrona. It was founded on 10 January 1992 and registered on 12 June 1992. Its origins were in the 'Samoobrona' farmers' trade union, the 'Samoobrona' metalworkers' trade union, the 'Samoobrona' Alliance Party and the Green Party.]
- Andrzej Lepper (1993). Samoobrona - Dlaczego? Przed czym? (in Polish). Warsaw: Wyraz. p. 42. ISBN 9788390010021.
- ^
- March, Luke [in Spanish] (2011). "Left-wing Populism: Populist Socialists and Social Populists". Radical Left Parties in Europe. Routledge. p. 143. ISBN 9780203154878.
- Sławomir Czech; Maciej Kassner (12 July 2012). "Counter-movement at a critical juncture: A neo-Polanyian interpretation of the rise of the illiberal Right in Poland". Intersections. East European Journal of Society and Politics. Centre for Social Sciences. 7 (2): 137. doi:10.17356/ieejsp.v7i2.733.
Neoliberalism was vigorously challenged by the aforementioned rural-populist Self-Defense.
- Przemysław Wielgosz (22 November 2005). "The choice of refusal". internationalviewpoint.org. Trybuna.
But the effectiveness of the social phraseology of the PiS and the high score registered by the clearly anti-neoliberal Samoobrona, only represent the tip of the iceberg.
- ^
- Jane C. Desmond; Virginia R. Domínguez (2017). Global Perspectives on the United States Pro-Americanism, Anti-Americanism, and the Discourses Between. University of Illinois Press. p. 87. ISBN 9780252099335.
The antiglobalization forces exemplified by Andrzej Lepper's Samoobrona (Self-defense) party have also made a strong showing in recent elections.
- Lang, Kai-Olaf (2005). "Populism in Central and Eastern Europe - A Threat to Democracy or just Political Folklore?". Populism East and West. Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs. Research Center of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association. 6 (1): 11.
Taking into account Lepper's anti-market, anti-globalization rhetoric and his positive assessment of the Gierek-era, i.e. the 1970s in Poland, Samoobrona could also be categorized as leftist populism.
- Nikolaus Werz [in German] (30 April 2003). Populismus: Populisten in Übersee und Europa. Analysen (in German). Vol. 79 (1 ed.). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften Wiesbaden. p. 167. ISBN 978-3-663-11110-8.
Die Samoobrona verfügt nach den letzten Parlamentswahlen über 53 Sejmabgeordnete und zwei Senatoren. Ihr Führer, der 47-jährige Landwirt Andrzej Lepper, lehnt die Globalisierung ab, kritisiert die freie Marktwirtschaft und schlägt protektionistische, sozialistische und nationalistische Töne an. Zu verzeichnen sind auch manche prorussische Tendenzen sowie eine spürbare Nostalgie für die Volksrepublik Polen. Lepper ist ein Gegner der NATO- und EU-Mitgliedschaft Polens.
[After the last parliamentary elections, Samoobrona has 53 Sejm deputies and two senators. Its leader, the 47-year-old farmer Andrzej Lepper, rejects globalisation, criticises the free market economy and strikes protectionist, socialist and nationalist tones. There are also some pro-Russian tendencies and a noticeable nostalgia for the People's Republic of Poland. Lepper is an opponent of Poland's NATO and EU membership.]
- Jane C. Desmond; Virginia R. Domínguez (2017). Global Perspectives on the United States Pro-Americanism, Anti-Americanism, and the Discourses Between. University of Illinois Press. p. 87. ISBN 9780252099335.
- ^
- Aleksandra Galasińska; Dariusz Galasiński (2010). The Post-Communist Condition: Public and Private Discourses of Transformation. John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 105. ISBN 978-9027206282.
Presented below, an in-depth analysis of the discourses surrounding the Sex-Affair or the Jobs-for-Sex-Scandal in the Polish left-wing populist Samoobrona (Self-Defence) party, provides a very good example of the widespread approach to women as standard others of the Polish public sphere.
- Giuseppe Ieraci; Serena Baldin. "The Rule of Law in the New EU Member States". Poliarchie/Polyarchies. Special Issue 2023: 64. ISSN 2611-2914.
Indeed, if we exclude Slovenia, the only country in the region that had a relatively successful left-wing populist party was Poland, with Self-Defense (10.8% in 2004, for details, see Krok-Paszkowska 2003).
- Rudolf von Thadden; Anna Hofmann. Populismus in Europa - Krise der Demokratie?. Genshagener Gespräche (in German). Vol. 7. Wallstein-Verlag. p. 143. ISBN 978-3-89244-944-7.
Mit Blick auf Leppers marktwirtschafts- und globalisierungs-kritische Rhetorik und seine positive Bezugnahme auf die Volksrepublik Polen der 70er Jahre bzw. die Gierek-Epoche könnte die Samoobrona durchaus auch in die Rubrik Linkspopulismus eingeordnet werden.
[In view of Lepper's rhetoric critical of the market economy and globalisation and his positive reference to the People's Republic of Poland of the 1970s or the Gierek era, Samoobrona could certainly also be classified under the label of left-wing populism.] - "Europe and the Crisis of Democracy, Elections in Europe: 1999-2002" (PDF). Notre Europe, Sciences Po et IUE. Les Cahiers européens de Sciences Po. 6: 29. 11 October 2002.
Populism #2 is characteristic of LEFTIST populist parties (in Poland: Samoobrona and PSL which are axiologically (#3) either indifferent or diffusely-neutral, respectively).
- Yusupova, Nargiza (28 January 2021). "The Crisis of Democracy: the Case Study of Democratic Backsliding and the Rise of Populism in Poland". Theses and Dissertations. Illinois State University. 1421: 10.
Besides, taking into consideration the populist dimension, we can identify the Self-Defense (Samoobrona in Polish) as populist-leftist, and both the League of Polish Families (LPR) and PiS as populist-rightist (Hartlinski, 2019, 741).
- Ellen Bos; Dieter Segert (2008). Osteuropäische Demokratien als Trendsetter? Parteien und Parteiensysteme nach dem Ende des Übergangsjahrzehnts (in German). Opladen: Budrich. p. 303. ISBN 978-3-86649-161-8.
Sowohl seine Partei als auch ihre Koalitionspartner, die agrarisch-links-populistische Selbstverteidigung (SO) und die national-katholische Liga der Polnischen Familie (LPR) machten vor und nach den Wahlen durch populistische Inszenierungen und nationalistische Töne von sich reden.
[Both his party and its coalition partners, the agrarian left-populist Self-Defence (SO) and the national Catholic League of the Polish Family (LPR) made a name for themselves before and after the elections with populist stagings and nationalist tones.]
- Aleksandra Galasińska; Dariusz Galasiński (2010). The Post-Communist Condition: Public and Private Discourses of Transformation. John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 105. ISBN 978-9027206282.
- ^
- Pankowski, Rafał (2010). "Self-Defence: Radical Populism". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots. Routledge. p. 135. ISBN 0-203-85656-2.
Thus, the party has been labelled as 'left-wing', 'ultra-leftist', 'left-nationalist', 'populist', and 'agrarian' – combining 'socialism, [and] agrarian populism'.
- Jeffrey C. Alexander; Peter Kivisto; Giuseppe Sciortino (December 2020). Populism in the Civil Sphere. Polity Press. p. 126. ISBN 9781509544752.
In recent decades, Polish populism has emerged over three different phases. The first phase was the ascent to power of two new parties: the conservative nationalist LPR (Liga Polskich Rodzin/League of Polish Families) and the left nationalist SRP (Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej/Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland), founded respectively in 2001 and 1992.
- Christoph Zöpel (25 April 2016). "Sejm oder nicht Sejm, das ist hier die Frage". ipg-journal.de (in German).
Seine historische Leistung ist es, Polen in die EU geführt zu haben, sein Scheitern waren Rywin-Gate, ein Bestechungsskandal gegenüber der Gazeta Wyborcza, und seine Kandidatur 2007 für die linksnationalistische Samoobrona (Selbstverteidigung).
[His historic achievement is to have led Poland into the EU, his failures were Rywin-Gate, a bribery scandal against Gazeta Wyborcza, and his candidacy in 2007 for the left nationalist Samoobrona (Self-Defence).] - Hylén, Linnea (4 June 2021). "Dark, Dirty and Secret": A Qualitative Study on Russia’s Financial Active Measures (PDF) (Master thesis). Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies (IRES). p. 35.
One of ECAG's founders, Mateusz Piskorski, is a former MP of the left-wing, nationalist, and religious conservative party Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland (in Polish: Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej).
- Pankowski, Rafał (2010). "Self-Defence: Radical Populism". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots. Routledge. p. 135. ISBN 0-203-85656-2.
- ^ a b Raymond Taras (2012). Xenophobia and Islamophobia in Europe. Edinburgh University Press. p. 100. ISBN 978-0-7486-5487-1.
- ^ a b Knut Andreas Grimstad (2012). "What Europe means for Poland: The front-page coverage of Independence Day in Gazeta Wyborcza 1989–2009". In Ljiljana Saric; Karen Gammelgaard; Kjetil Rå Hauge (eds.). Transforming National Holidays: Identity Discourse in the West and South Slavic Countries, 1985-2010. John Benjamins Publishing. p. 275. ISBN 978-90-272-0638-1.
- ^ a b c d e f g Gerrit Voerman [in Dutch]; Dirk Strijker; Ida Terluin (2015). "Contemporary Populism, the Agrarian and the Rural in Central Eastern and Western Europe". In Sarah de Lange [in Dutch] (ed.). Rural Protest Groups and Populist Political Parties. Wageningen Academic Publishers. p. 172. doi:10.3920/978-90-8686-807-0. ISBN 9789086862597.
- ^ a b c d e f Pankowski, Rafał (2010). "Self-Defence: Radical Populism". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots. Routledge. p. 136. ISBN 0-203-85656-2.
- ^ a b M. Migalski, Polskie ugrupowania parlamentarne na tle diady…, p. 49
- ^ "Samoobrona - to była prawdziwa lewica" (in Polish). Retrieved 10 September 2019.
- ^ Paul G. Lewis; Zdenka Mansfeldová (2007). "12.1:The changing boundaries and structures of party systems". The European Union and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 233. doi:10.1057/9780230596658. ISBN 9780230596658.
It is not accidental that in recent years a new leftist-populist group of parties has appeared (Smer, Self-Defence, the Communist Party of Slovakia, Lithuanian Labour) in a process that parallels the social democratization of the major leftist parties.
- ^ a b A. Antoszewski, Partie i systemy partyjne państw Unii Europejskiej na przełomie wieków, Toruń 2009, s. 209, 243
- ^ a b c d e f g Kostrzębski, Karol (2002). "Kampanie wyborcze ruchów populistycznych w Polsce i Niemczech – analiza porównawcza". Studia Politologiczne (in Polish). 6 (1): 283–316. ISSN 1640-8888.
- ^ a b c d Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 173.
- ^ Rozmowa z przewodniczącym Samoobrony, Andrzejem Lepperem, kandydatem na Prezydenta RP, „Chłopska Droga”, 8.VIII.2005
- ^ a b c d e f g h Lisiakiewicz, Rafał (2014). "Wizja państwa polskiego w programach politycznych Samoobrony RP". Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie (in Polish). 7 (931): 41–58. doi:10.15678/ZNUEK.2014.0931.0703. ISSN 1898-6447.
- ^ K. Pilawski, Rozum pokona prawicę, „Trybuna”, 31.I.2005.
- ^ M. Tańska, Lewicowi, patriotyczni i prospołeczni. Rozmowa z Andrzejem Lepperem, przewodniczącym Samoobrony, „Express Bydgoski. Magazyn”, 31.XII.2004
- ^ a b Pankowski, Rafał (2010). "Self-Defence: Radical Populism". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots. Routledge. p. 137. ISBN 0-203-85656-2.
- ^ Rozmowa z A. Lepperem, Polskie Radio Program 1, „Sygnały Dnia”, 1.VIII.2005
- ^ a b Pankowski, Rafał (2010). "Self-Defence: Radical Populism". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots. Routledge. p. 128. ISBN 0-203-85656-2.
- ^ a b Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 121.
- ^ A. Rybak, Orły Samoobrony, „Polityka”, 27.VIII.2005
- ^ a b Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 134.
- ^ a b c d e f Jarosław Tomasiewicz [in Polish] (17 January 2017). "Narodziny, wzlot i upadek Anteusza. W piątą rocznicę śmierci Andrzeja Leppera". Nowy Obywatel (in Polish). 22 (63).
- ^ Przewrócić Okrągły Stół. Rozmowa z prof. Maciejem Giertychem, kandydatem Ligi Polskich Rodzin, „Nasz Dziennik”, 14.IX.2005
- ^ a b Kompleks lewicy. Z prof. Mirosławem Karwatem, politologiem z Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, rozmawia Magdalena Kaszulanis, „Trybuna”, 20.VI.2005
- ^ Piotr Długosz (2008). Trauma wielkiej zmiany na Podkarpaciu (in Polish). Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy »NOMOS«. p. 187. ISBN 9788360490556.
- ^ a b c Sławomir Drelich (19 December 2005). "Historia Przez Leppera Pisana". Dialogi Polityczne (in Polish) (5–6): 65–74. doi:10.12775/DP.2005.005.
- ^ a b Urszula Urban (2009). Transformacja ustrojowa a pamięć zbiorowa Polski Ludowej - między nostalgią a zapomnieniem (in Polish). Vol. 15 No. 5. Warsaw: Instytut Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. pp. 104–114. ISBN 9788371518560.
- ^ a b c Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 250.
- ^ Mirosława Grabowska [in Polish] (2006). Piotr Kosiewski [in Polish] (ed.). Polskie podziały polityczne; in:Jaka Polska? Czyja Polska? (PDF) (in Polish). Warsaw: Fundacja im. Stefana Batorego. p. 177. ISBN 83-89406-71-3.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 364.
Także w przyjętym w 2003 roku programie partii odnajdujemy bezpośrednie nawiązanie: „Samoobrona Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej kieruje się nauką społeczną Kościoła i w pełni podziela zawarte w encyklikach wskazania największego autorytetu moralnego naszych czasów, za jaki uznajemy Papieża Jana Pawła II".
[Also in the party's programme, adopted in 2003, we find a direct reference: „The Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland is guided by the social teachings of the Church and fully shares the indications contained in the encyclicals of the greatest moral authority of our time, Pope John Paul II”.] - ^ Rafał Woś (8 August 2019). "Szkoda Leppera". tygodnikpowszechny.pl.
- ^ Rafał Kalukin (5 August 2021). "Andrzej Lepper wskazał drogę populistom". polityka.pl (in Polish).
- ^ "Lepper: Samoobrona stawiała na program". wp.pl. 19 October 2007.
- ^ ""Polacy! Odwagi!"; "Wybieramy biało-czerwonych"". wp.pl (in Polish). 19 May 2004. Retrieved 23 August 2023.
- ^
- IKS (24 September 2001). "Z biało-czerwonymi krawatami". dziennikpolski24.pl (in Polish).
- "Samoobrona w pogotowiu (aktl.)". wprost.pl (in Polish). 7 April 2002.
- Małgorzata Adamik-Szysiak; Wojciech Maguś (2013). Współczesne zagadnienia marketingu politycznego i public relations (in Polish). Lublin: UMCS. p. 315. ISBN 978-83-7784-287-4.
Partią, która w trakcie kampanii wyborczych postawiła na piosenkę, jest Samoobrona. W przygotowanym w r. 2001 na potrzeby tej partii utworze „Ten kraj jest nasz i wasz" postawiono, podobnie jak w 1995 roku na potrzeby kampanii Kwaśniewskiego, na muzykę disco-polo.
[A party that relied on song during its election campaigns is Self-Defence. The song "This country is ours and yours", prepared for the party in 2001, relied on disco-polo music.]
- ^ "Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej". newsweek.pl (in Polish). 21 May 2010.
- ^ "Działacze Samoobrony debatowali nad przyszłością partii". radioolsztyn.pl (in Polish). 17 November 2013.
- ^ Name under which party is registered
- ^ Marcin Kula; Marcin Zaremba (1998). "Nationalism as an Expression of Social Conflicts in Contemporary Poland". In Ray Taras (ed.). National Identities and Ethnic Minorities in Eastern Europe: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies, Warsaw, 1995. Springer. p. 154. ISBN 978-1-349-26553-4.
- ^ Nikolaus Werz [in German] (30 April 2003). Populismus: Populisten in Übersee und Europa. Analysen (in German). Vol. 79 (1 ed.). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften Wiesbaden. p. 167. ISBN 978-3-663-11110-8.
Die Samoobrona verfügt nach den letzten Parlamentswahlen über 53 Sejmabgeordnete und zwei Senatoren. 13 Ihr Führer, der 47-jährige Landwirt Andrzej Lepper, lehnt die Globalisierung ab, kritisiert die freie Marktwirtschaft und schlägt protektionistische, sozialistische und nationalistische Töne an. Zu verzeichnen sind auch manche prorussische Tendenzen sowie eine spürbare Nostalgie für die Volksrepublik Polen. Lepper ist ein Gegner der NATO- und EU-Mitgliedschaft Polens.
[After the last parliamentary elections, Samoobrona has 53 Sejm deputies and two senators. Its leader, the 47-year-old farmer Andrzej Lepper, rejects globalisation, criticises the free market economy and strikes protectionist, socialist and nationalist tones. There are also some pro-Russian tendencies and a noticeable nostalgia for the People's Republic of Poland. Lepper is an opponent of Poland's NATO and EU membership.] - ^ a b March, Luke [in Spanish] (2011). "Left-wing Populism: Populist Socialists and Social Populists". Radical Left Parties in Europe. Routledge. p. 145. ISBN 9780203154878.
- ^ Jean-Michel De Waele; Anna Pacześniak (2012). "The Europeanisation of Poland's Political Parties and Party System". In Erol Külahci (ed.). Europeanisation and Party Politics: How the EU affects Domestic Actors, Patterns and Systems. ECPR Press. p. 131. ISBN 978-1-907301-84-1.
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- ^ a b Drozd-Piasecka, Mirosława (2012). "Wizerunek przywódcy Samoobrony Andrzeja Leppera w przekazie medialnym" (PDF). Etnografia Polska (in Polish). Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology. 56 (1–2): 5.
Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej (założona 10 stycznia 1992, zarejestrowana sądownie 12 czerwca 1992 roku z inicjatywy działaczy ZZR „Samoobrona" do 17 stycznia 2000 roku pod nazwą „Przymierze Samoobrona"), weszła do Sejmu w 2001 roku z poparciem 10,2% głosów. Ta partia polityczna, odwołująca się w różnych okresach swojej działalności głównie do idei narodowo-lewicowych, chrześcijańsko-socjalistycznych, socjaldemokratycznych...
[Samoobrona Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej (founded on 10 January 1992, judicially registered on 12 June 1992 on the initiative of activists of the ZZR "Samoobrona" until 17 January 2000 under the name "Przymierze Samoobrona"), entered the Sejm in 2001 with the support of 10.2% of the vote. This political party, referring at various times of its activity mainly to national-left, Christian-socialist, social-democratic ideas...] - ^ Madalena Pontes Meyer Resende (2004). An Ethos Theory of Party Positions on European Integration: Poland and Beyond (PDF). ProQuest LLC. p. 159.
However, an analysis of the evolution of the last years makes it apparent that the party identity is mainly based on a radical conception of economic class and is constituted by those heavily disadvantaged by the transition. The Samoobrona can therefore be classified as an extreme-left party.
- ^ Lisiakiewicz, Rafał (2014). "Miejsce Samoobrony RP w typologii partii politycznych". Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie (in Polish). 2 (926): 39. ISSN 1898-6447.
Generalnie na skali lewica–prawica Samoobrona RP umieszczana jest po lewej stronie.
[Generally, on the left-right scale, the Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland is placed on the left.] - ^ Antoszewski A. [2008], Partie i systemy partyjne państw Unii Europejskiej na przełomie wieków, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń.
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- ^ Pankowski, Rafał (2010). "Self-Defence: Radical Populism". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots. Routledge. pp. 134–135. ISBN 0-203-85656-2.
- ^ Nikolaus Werz [in German] (30 April 2003). Populismus: Populisten in Übersee und Europa. Analysen. Vol. 79 (1 ed.). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften Wiesbaden. pp. 171–175. ISBN 978-3-663-11110-8.
- ^ Anthrax claims
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- ^ a b Rozmowa z A. Lepperem, Polskie Radio Program 1, „Sygnały Dnia”, 10.VI.2005
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- ^ a b Paul G. Lewis; Zdenka Mansfeldová (2007). "12.3 The role of the European issue". The European Union and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 242. doi:10.1057/9780230596658. ISBN 9780230596658.
In the largest group of countries (Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and, more recently, Estonia) Eurosceptic parties appear on both the right-wing nationalist (SNS, MIÉP, Ataka, LPR, to some extent ODS) and radical left (KSČM, Hungarian Labour Party, Association of Workers of Slovakia, Communist Party of Slovakia, Self-Defence) ends of the party spectrum.
- ^ Andrzej Antoszewski [in Polish] (2005). Partie polityczne Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej (in Polish). Poznań-Wrocław: Wyższa Szkoła Zarządzania i Bankowości w Poznaniu. p. 180. ISBN 83-88544-63-2.
Jedyne ugrupowanie ekstremalnej lewicy, które nie jest formacją neokomunistyczną, to polska Samoobrona. W wielu momentach jej program gospodarczy, akcentujący głównie konieczność powstrzymania prywatyzacji oraz ochronę narodowych interesów, jest zbieżny z postulatami partii neokomunistycznych.
[The only grouping of the extreme left that is not a neo-communist formation is the Polish Samoobrona. At many points, its economic programme, which mainly emphasises the need to stop privatisation and to protect national interests, coincides with the demands of neo-communist parties.] - ^ Ryszard Herbut [in Polish]; Andrzej Antoszewski [in Polish] (2007). Systemy polityczne współczesnej Europy (in Polish). Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. p. 102. ISBN 978-83-011-4622-1.
W niektórych elekcjach wzięły udział także inne partie, które mogą być określone mianem skrajnej lewicy. Mamy tu na myśli Związek Robotników Słowacji (ZRS), ukraińską Progresywną Partię Socjalistyczną (SPS) oraz polską Samoobronę.
[Other parties that can be described as extreme left also took part in some elections. We are referring to the Union of Workers of Slovakia (ZRS), the Ukrainian Progressive Socialist Party (SPS) and the Polish Self-Defence.] - ^ Andrzej Antoszewski [in Polish] (2005). Partie polityczne Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej (in Polish). Poznań-Wrocław: Wyższa Szkoła Zarządzania i Bankowości w Poznaniu. pp. 180–181. ISBN 83-88544-63-2.
- ^ Ryszard Herbut [in Polish]; Andrzej Antoszewski [in Polish] (2007). Systemy polityczne współczesnej Europy (in Polish). Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. p. 102. ISBN 978-83-011-4622-1.
- ^ a b Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 306.
- ^ a b Pankowski, Rafał (2010). "Self-Defence: Radical Populism". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots. Routledge. p. 142. ISBN 0-203-85656-2.
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- ^ Pankowski, Rafał (2010). "Self-Defence: Radical Populism". The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots. Routledge. p. 141. ISBN 0-203-85656-2.
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- ^ Od odpowiedzialności nie uchylaliśmy się nigdy. Z wicemarszałkiem Sejmu RP, Andrzejem Lepperem o aktualnej sytuacji w Polsce rozmawia Danuta Prokurat, „Chłopska Droga”, 20.XI.2005
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- ^ W obronie spółdzielczości. Przemówienie sejmowe posła Samoobrony Mieczysława Aszkiełowicza podczas drugiego czytania projektu ustawy o zmianie ustawy o spółdzielniach mieszkaniowych oraz niektórych innych ustaw – 15 lutego 2005 r., „Chłopska Droga”, 27.II.2005.
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- ^ Madalena Pontes Meyer Resende (2004). An Ethos Theory of Party Positions on European Integration: Poland and Beyond (PDF). ProQuest LLC. p. 151.
- ^ Reszczyński, Wojciech [in Polish] (1995). Wygrać Prezydenta. Wojciecha Reszczyńskiego rozmowy z kandydatami na Urząd Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (wybory ’95) (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo von Borowiecky. p. 115. ISBN 83-904286-0-1.
Jestem jednak przeciwny karze śmierci. Jako katolik innego zdania mieć nie mogę, bo - nie ząb za ząb, łeb za łeb.
[However, I am against the death penalty. As a Catholic I cannot have a different opinion, because - not tooth for tooth, head for head.] ‑ Spoken by Andrzej Lepper. - ^ Reszczyński, Wojciech [in Polish] (1995). Wygrać Prezydenta. Wojciecha Reszczyńskiego rozmowy z kandydatami na Urząd Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (wybory ’95) (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo von Borowiecky. p. 116. ISBN 83-904286-0-1.
Jestem natomiast przeciwnikiem eutanazji.
[I am, however, opposed to euthanasia.] ‑ Spoken by Andrzej Lepper. - ^ Kowalczyk, Krzysztof (2015). "Stanowiska polskich partii politycznych wobec religii i Kościoła. Propozycja typologii". Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis. 15 (1): 185. ISSN 2353-9747.
- ^ Raciborski, Jacek [in Polish] (1997). Polskie wybory. Zachowania wyborcze społeczeństwa polskiego 1989-1995 (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe „Scholar”. p. 82. ISBN 83-87367-16-8.
Andrzej Lepper — przywódca „Samoobrony" na potrzeby wyborów wystąpił z rozwiniętym programem odnoszącym się do wszystkich sfer funkcjonowania państwa i społeczeństwa, łącznie z polityką zagraniczną i kwestią aborcji (odpowiedział się za jej dopuszczalnością).
[Andrzej Lepper — the leader of „Samoobrona” for the elections came up with an elaborate programme relating to all spheres of state and society, including foreign policy and the issue of abortion (he spoke in favour of its permissibility).] - ^ "Do parlamentu po raz dziesiąty powraca temat związków partnerskich". 6 June 2018.
- ^ "Samoobrona popiera legalizację marihuany". 28 March 2007.
- ^ "Lepper: Radio Maryja stało się radiem PiS". 23 May 2010.
- ^ "Eine unheilige Allianz in Polen". nzz.ch (in German). 29 April 2006.
Lepper war aber selbst bis zur Wende ein Mitglied der Kommunistischen Partei. Auch hatten sich die Abgeordneten der Samoobrona in der letzten Legislaturperiode meist gegen die von den Kaczynskis eingebrachten Gesetzesvorlagen zur sogenannten Entkommunisierung und zur Aufarbeitung der sozialistischen Vergangenheit ausgesprochen.
[However, Lepper himself was a member of the Communist Party until the fall of communism. In the last legislative period, Samoobrona MPs had also spoken out against the bills introduced by the Kaczynskis on so-called decommunisation and coming to terms with the socialist past.] - ^ Mirosława Grabowska [in Polish] (2006). Piotr Kosiewski [in Polish] (ed.). Polskie podziały polityczne; in:Jaka Polska? Czyja Polska? (PDF) (in Polish). Warsaw: Fundacja im. Stefana Batorego. p. 178. ISBN 83-89406-71-3.
- ^ Sławomir Drelich (19 December 2005). "Historia Przez Leppera Pisana". Dialogi Polityczne (in Polish) (5–6): 68. doi:10.12775/DP.2005.005.
W ten sposób lepperowska Samoobrona wyrasta na polskiej scenie politycznej na partię najbardziej postkomunistyczną.
[In this way, Lepper's Samoobrona is emerging on the Polish political scene as the most post-communist party.] - ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 311.
- ^ Maciej Marmola (2020). Nowe partie w systemach partyjnych państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej (PDF) (in Polish). Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek. p. 157.
W przypadku autoidentyfikacji na skali lewica–prawica głosujący na ugrupowanie Leppera byli znacznie bardziej lewicowi niż wyborcy wszystkich innych ugrupowań i niegłosujący.
[In the case of self-identification on the left-right scale, voters for Lepper's party were significantly more left-wing than voters for all other parties and non-voters.] - ^ a b c Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 312.
- ^ Reszczyński, Wojciech [in Polish] (1995). Wygrać Prezydenta. Wojciecha Reszczyńskiego rozmowy z kandydatami na Urząd Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (wybory ’95) (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo von Borowiecky. p. 115. ISBN 83-904286-0-1.
Sądzę, że za grzywny, alimenta i formalne przekroczenia zdecydowane złagodzenie jest konieczne. (...) Trzeba szukać przyczyny, a ta przyczyna jest jedna: brak nauki, brak pracy, brak wizji przyszłości. Gorszej młodzieży nie mamy, jak mieliśmy przedtem, tylko warunki stworzone takie, które są kryminogenne.
[I believe that for fines, alimony and all formal crimes, strong leniency is necessary. (...) It is necessary to look for the cause, and this cause is one: lack of education, lack of work, lack of vision for the future. We do not have a worse youth, as we had before, only conditions created that are criminogenic.] ‑ Spoken by Andrzej Lepper. - ^ J. Raciborski, Polskie wybory. Zachowania wyborcze społeczeństwa polskiego 1989-1995, Warszawa 1997, p. 82.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 316.
- ^ Rozmowa z A. Lepperem, Polskie Radio Program 1, „Sygnały Dnia”, 1.VIII.2005; Modlitwy rządowe. Rozmowa Piotra Najsztuba z Andrzejem Lepperem, „Przekrój”, 12.I.2006.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 317.
- ^ J. Raciborski, Polityka polska. Szkice, Warszawa 2003, p. 47.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 318.
- ^ Mariusz Goss (26 November 2007). "Filipek i Hojarska tworzą Partię Regionów". rp.pl (in Polish).
- ^ Alexandra Gerber (15 September 2011). Being Polish/Becoming European:Gender and The Limits of Diffusion in Polish Accession to the European Union (PDF). University of Michigan Library. p. 168.
- ^ Karolina Huchwajda (2010). "Mechanizm działania bloków wyborczych w Polsce podczas wyborów samorządowych w 2006 roku na przykładzie Sejmiku Województwa Wielkopolskiego" (PDF). Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne (in Polish). Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek. 25 (1): 111–112. ISSN 1505-2192.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 321.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 322.
- ^ Uchwała IV Kongresu Samoobrony RP z dnia 24 maja 2003 r. w sprawie Polonii i Emigracji w służbie krajowi, Warszawa, 24.V.2003
- ^ P.G. Lewis, The EU and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe: Questions and Issues, [in:] P.G. Lewis, Z. Mansfeldová (ed.), The European Union and Party Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, Basingstoke 2006, p. 2
- ^ A. Batory, Attitudes to Europe. Ideology, Strategy and the Issue of European Union Membership in Hungarian Party Politics, “Party Politics”, vol. 8, No. 5, 2002, p. 528-529.
- ^ A. Szczerbiak, M. Bil, When in doubt, (re-) turn to domestic politics? The (non-) impact of the EU on party politics in Poland, Sussex European Institute Working Paper No 103, Brighton, 2008, p. 11.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 324.
- ^ J. Sielski, Ewolucja poglądów polskich partii politycznych do integracji europejskiej, [in:] M. Musiał-Karg (ed.), Europa XXI wieku. Perspektywy i uwarunkowania integracji europejskiej, Poznań 2007, pp. 155-156, 163-164.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 325.
Sam przywódca Samoobrony wolał swoje stanowisko wobec udziału Polski w procesie integracji europejskiej określać mianem eurorealizmu, a ostrze krytyki z powodu niekorzystnych zapisów Traktatu akcesyjnego kierować raczej pod adresem polskich rządów i negocjatorów niż urzędników Komisji Europejskiej. Biorąc pod uwagę występowanie szeregu cech istotnie pozwalających na zaszeregowanie partii w gronie obozu eurorealistów (ambiwalentny stosunek do akcesji, drugoplanowa rola tej problematyki w enuncjacjach programowych, zmienność retoryki wynikająca z oceny nastrojów elektoratu), taka autoidentyfikacja wydaje się być w dużej mierze uzasadniona.
[The leader of Self-Defence preferred to call his stance on Poland's participation in the European integration 'Eurorealism', and to direct his criticism of the unfavourable provisions of the Accession Treaty at Polish governments and negotiators rather than European Commission officials. Given the presence of a number of features which make it possible to place the party in the Eurorealist camp (ambivalent attitude to the accession, the secondary role of this issue in programme pronouncements, variability of rhetoric resulting from the assessment of the mood of the electorate), such self-identification seems to be largely justified.] - ^ Euro bez pośpiechu, „Parkiet. Gazeta Giełdy”, 9.VII.2005
- ^ Unia jest OK.!, „Gazeta Wyborcza”, 6.X.2004
- ^ P. Osiewicz, Polskie stanowisko w kwestii przystąpienia Republiki Turcji do Unii Europejskiej, [in:] R. Paradowski (red.), Dylematy europejskie, Poznań 2007, p. 210.
- ^ A. Dudek, Nowa polityka wobec USA, „Fakt”, 10.XII.200
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 335.
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 336.
- ^ J. Czapnik, Z chłopską godnością i troską o Polskę, „Chłopska Droga”, 5.IV.1992
- ^ Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 364.
- ^ Lang, Kai-Olaf (3 November 1999). "Bauernrevolte zwischen Oder und Bug? Andrzej Lepper und der Bauernbund Samoobrona" (PDF). Aktuelle Analysen / BIOst (in German). Bundesinstitut für ostwissenschaftliche und internationale Studien. 46 (1999): 2.
- ^ Uwe Backes; Eckhard Jesse (2006). Gefährdungen der Freiheit: Extremistische Ideologien im Vergleich. Schriften des Hannah-Arendt-Instituts (in German). Vol. 29. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. pp. 337–338. ISBN 978-3-525-36905-0.
- ^ Oświadczenie o stosunku Samoobrony do Kościoła Katolickiego i jego Nauki Społecznej, Warszawa 14.I.1995.
- ^ List A. Leppera do Jego Eminencji Ks. Prymasa Józefa Glempa, Warszawa, 2.IX.1999
- ^ a b Mateusz Piskorski [in Polish] (2010). Samoobrona RP w polskim systemie partyjnym (in Polish) (Dissertation ed.). Poznań: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. p. 314.
- ^ Przyłęcki, Paweł (2012). Populizm w polskiej polityce: Analiza dyskursu polityki (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe. p. 145. ISBN 9788376661858.
- ^ Przyłęcki, Paweł (2012). Populizm w polskiej polityce: Analiza dyskursu polityki (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe. p. 149. ISBN 9788376661858.
- ^ Joshua Kjerulf Dubrow (8 August 2006). Enhancing Descriptive Representation in a New Democracy: A Political Market Approach (PDF) (Doctor of Philosophy thesis). Ohio State University. p. 59.
- ^ Gerald J. Beyer (2020). "Karol Wojtyła's Katolicka Etyka Społeczna as Precursor and Hermeneutic Key to Pope John Paul II's Economic Teaching". The American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 79 (4): 1111–1145. doi:10.1111/ajes.12358.
- ^ Przyłęcki, Paweł (2012). Populizm w polskiej polityce: Analiza dyskursu polityki (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe. pp. 139–142. ISBN 9788376661858.
- ^ R. Kluczna, Trzeba dopilnować interesów Ojczyzny, „Plon”, 12.IX.2004.
- ^ K. Gorlach, Nowe oblicze chłopstwa: protesty rolników polskich w latach 90., [w:] H. Domański (red.), Jak żyją Polacy, Warszawa 2000, p. 311
- ^ Andrzej Lepper (1993). Samoobrona - Dlaczego? Przed czym? (in Polish). Warsaw: Wyraz. p. 107. ISBN 9788390010021.
- ^ Andrzej Lepper (1993). Samoobrona - Dlaczego? Przed czym? (in Polish). Warsaw: Wyraz. pp. 41–42. ISBN 9788390010021.
- ^ Wojciechowski, Krzysztof (2018). Determinanty debaty politycznej nad kierunkami rozwoju oświaty w Polsce po 1989 roku (Doctor of Political Science thesis) (in Polish). Poznań. p. 379.
- ^ Ania Krok-Paszkowska; Petr Kopecky; Cas Mudde (2003). "Samoobrona: The Polish Self-Defence Movement". Uncivil Society? Contentious Politics in Post-Communist Europe. Routledge. p. 114. ISBN 9780203988787.
- ^ Rafal Soborski (2004). "Anti-globalism and ecologism in comparative perspective". In John Barry; Brian Baxter; Richard Dunphy (eds.). Europe, Globalization and Sustainable Development. London: Routledge. pp. 41–42. ISBN 0-203-49556-X.
- ^ Joe Bandy; Jackie Smith (2005). Coalitions across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 194. ISBN 0-7425-2396-9.
- ^ Joe Bandy; Jackie Smith (2005). Coalitions across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 200. ISBN 0-7425-2396-9.
- ^ Joe Bandy; Jackie Smith (2005). Coalitions across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 188. ISBN 0-7425-2396-9.
- ^ as Our Home Poland – Andrzej Lepper's Self-Defence
- ^ a b c d e as Self-Defence
- ^ as Our Home Poland - Andrzej Lepper's Self-Defence
- ^ Jakub Kamiński (22 December 2022). "Zmarł były poseł Samoobrony, przewodniczący partii. Miał 75 lat". rp.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 23 August 2023.
- ^ Magdalena Bojanowska (20 March 2023). "Samoobrona RP reaktywowana. Chce wystartować w wyborach. "Jesteśmy partią ludzkich spraw"". gazeta.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 23 August 2023.
External links edit
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