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2002 Gujarat riots

The 2002 Gujarat riots, also known as the 2002 Gujarat violence,[7][8][9][10] was a three-day period of inter-communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat. The burning of a train in Godhra on 27 February 2002, which caused the deaths of 58 Hindu pilgrims and karsevaks returning from Ayodhya, is cited as having instigated the violence.[11][12][13][14] Following the initial riot incidents, there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three months; statewide, there were further outbreaks of violence against the minority Muslim population of Gujarat for the next year.[7][15]

2002 Gujarat riots
Part of religious violence in India
The skyline of Ahmedabad filled with smoke as buildings and shops are set on fire by rioting mobs.
DateFebruary – March 2002
Location
Caused byGodhra train burning[1][2]
state terrorism[3][1]
ethnic cleansing[2]
MethodsRioting, pogrom, arson, mass rape, kidnapping, mass murder
Casualties
Death(s)790 Muslims and 254 Hindus (official)
1,926 to 2,000+ total (other sources)[4][5][6]
Injuries2,500+

According to official figures, the riots ended with 1,044 dead, 223 missing, and 2,500 injured. Of the dead, 790 were Muslim and 254 Hindu.[16] The Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report,[17] estimated that as many as 1,926 may have been killed.[4] Other sources estimated death tolls in excess of 2,000.[5] Many brutal killings and rapes were reported on as well as widespread looting and destruction of property. Narendra Modi, then Chief Minister of Gujarat and later Prime Minister of India, was accused of condoning the violence, as were police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them.[18]

In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court of India. The SIT also rejected claims that the state government had not done enough to prevent the riots.[19] The Muslim community was reported to have reacted with anger and disbelief.[20] In July 2013, allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence.[21] That December, an Indian court upheld the earlier SIT report and rejected a petition seeking Modi's prosecution.[22] In April 2014, the Supreme Court expressed satisfaction over the SIT's investigations in nine cases related to the violence, and rejected a plea contesting the SIT report as "baseless".[23]

Though officially classified as a communalist riot, the events of 2002 have been described as a pogrom by many scholars,[24][25] with some commentators alleging that the attacks had been planned, with the attack on the train was a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence.[26][27] Other observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide,"[28] or referred to them as state terrorism or ethnic cleansing.[3][1][2] Instances of mass violence include the Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly adjacent to a police training camp;[29] the Gulbarg Society massacre where Ehsan Jafri, a former parliamentarian, was among those killed; and several incidents in Vadodara city.[30] Scholars studying the 2002 riots state that they were premeditated and constituted a form of ethnic cleansing, and that the state government and law enforcement were complicit in the violence that occurred.[26][3][29][31][32][33][34][35]

Godhra train burning

On the morning of 27 February 2002, the Sabarmati Express, returning from Ayodhya to Ahmedabad, stopped near the Godhra railway station. The passengers were Hindu pilgrims, returning from Ayodhya.[36][37] An argument erupted between the train passengers and the vendors on the railway platform.[38] The argument became violent and under uncertain circumstances four coaches of the train caught fire with many people trapped inside. In the resulting conflagration, 59 people (nine men, 25 women, and 25 children) burned to death.[39]

The government of Gujarat set up Gujarat High Court judge K. G. Shah as a one-man commission to look into the incident,[40] but following outrage among families of victims and in the media over Shah's alleged closeness to Modi, retired Supreme Court judge G.T. Nanavati was added as chairman of the now two-person commission.[41]

In 2003, The Concerned Citizens Tribunal (CCT)[Note 1] concluded that the fire had been an accident.[42][43][44] Several other independent commentators have also concluded that the fire itself was almost certainly an accident, saying that the initial cause of the conflagration has never been conclusively determined.[45][46] Historian Ainslie Thomas Embree stated that the official story of the attack on the train (that it was organized and carried out by people under orders from Pakistan) was entirely baseless.[47]

The Union government led by the Indian National Congress party in 2005 also set up a committee to probe the incident, headed up by retired Supreme Court judge Umesh Chandra Banerjee. The committee concluded that the fire had begun inside the train and was most likely accidental.[48] However, the Gujarat High Court ruled in 2006 that the matter was outside the jurisdiction of the union government, and that the committee was therefore unconstitutional.[49]

After six years of going over the details, Nanavati-Mehta Commission submitted its preliminary report which concluded that the fire was an act of arson, committed by a mob of one to two thousand locals.[41][50] Maulvi Husain Haji Ibrahim Umarji, a cleric in Godhra, and a dismissed Central Reserve Police Force officer named Nanumiyan were presented as the "masterminds" behind the arson.[51] After 24 extensions, the commission submitted its final report on 18 November 2014.[52] The findings of the commission were called into question by a video recording released by Tehelka magazine, which showed Arvind Pandya, counsel for the Gujarat government, stating that the findings of the Shah-Nanavati commission would support the view presented by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), as Shah was "their man" and Nanavati could be bribed.[53]

In February 2011, the trial court convicted 31 people and acquitted 63 others based on the murder and conspiracy provisions of the Indian Penal Code, saying the incident was a "pre-planned conspiracy."[54][55] Of those convicted, 11 were sentenced to death and the other 20 to life in prison.[56][57] Maulvi Umarji, presented by the Nanavati-Shah commission as the prime conspirator, was acquitted along with 62 others accused for lack of evidence.[58][59]

Post-Godhra violence

 
 
Vadodara
 
Naroda
 
Ahmedabad
 
Godhra
 
Ode
 
Gandhinagar
 
Mehsana
 
Bharuch
 
Surat
 
Rajkot
 
Halvad
 
Modasa
 
Himatnagar
class=notpageimage|
Location of major incidents.

Following the attack on the train, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) called for a statewide bandh, or strike. Although the Supreme Court had declared such strikes to be unconstitutional and illegal, and despite the common tendency for such strikes to be followed by violence, no action was taken by the state to prevent the strike. The government did not attempt to stop the initial outbreak of violence across the state.[60] Independent reports indicate that the state BJP president Rana Rajendrasinh had endorsed the strike, and that Modi and Rana used inflammatory language which worsened the situation.[61]

Then-Chief Minister Narendra Modi declared that the attack on the train had been an act of terrorism, and not an incident of communal violence.[62] Local newspapers and members of the state government used the statement to incite violence against the Muslim community by claiming, without proof,[47] that the attack on the train was carried out by Pakistan's intelligence agency and that local Muslims had conspired with them to attack Hindus in the state. False stories were also printed by local newspapers which claimed that Muslim people had kidnapped and raped Hindu women.[63]

Numerous accounts describe the attacks on the Muslim community that began on 28 February (the day after the train fire) as highly coordinated with mobile phones and government-issued printouts listing the homes and businesses of Muslims. Attackers arrived in Muslim communities across the region in trucks, wearing saffron robes and khaki shorts, bearing a variety of weapons. In many cases, attackers damaged or burned Muslim-owned or occupied buildings while leaving adjacent Hindu buildings untouched. Although many calls to the police were made from victims, they were told by the police that "we have no orders to save you." In some cases, the police fired on Muslims who attempted to defend themselves.[18][64] The rioters used mobile phones to coordinate their attacks.[65] By the end of the day on 28 February a curfew had been declared in 27 towns and cities across the state.[66] A government minister stated that although the circumstances were tense in Baroda and Ahmedabad, the situation was under control, and that the police who had been deployed were enough to prevent any violence. In Baroda, the administration imposed a curfew in seven areas of the city.

M. D. Antani, then the deputy superintendent of police, deployed the Rapid Action Force to sensitive areas in Godhra.[67] Gordhan Zadafia, the Minister of State for Home, believed there would be no retaliation from the Hindu community for the train burning.[68][69] Modi stated that the violence was no longer as intense as it had been and that it would soon be brought under control, and that if the situation warranted it, the police would be supported by deploying the army. A shoot-to-kill order was issued.[70] However the troop deployment was withheld by the state government until 1 March, when the most severe violence had ended.[71] After more than two months of violence a unanimous vote to authorize central intervention was passed in the upper house of parliament. Members of the opposition made accusations that the government had failed to protect Muslim people in the worst rioting in India in more than 10 years.[72]

It is estimated that 230 mosques and 274 dargahs were destroyed during the violence.[73] For the first time in the history of communal riots Hindu women took part, looting Muslim shops.[66] It is estimated that up to 150,000 people were displaced during the violence.[74] It is estimated that 200 police officers died while trying to control the violence, and Human Rights Watch reported that acts of exceptional heroism were committed by Hindus, Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence.[75][76]

Attacks on Muslims

In the aftermath of the violence, it became clear that many attacks were focused not only on Muslim populations, but also on Muslim women and children. Organizations such as Human Rights Watch criticised the Indian government and the Gujarat state administration for failure to address the resulting humanitarian condition of victims who fled their homes for relief camps during the violence, the "overwhelming majority of them Muslim."[77] According to Teesta Setalvad on 28 February in the districts of Morjari Chowk and Charodia Chowk in Ahmedabad of all forty people who had been killed by police shooting were Muslim.[78] An international fact-finding committee formed of all women international experts from US, UK, France, Germany and Sri Lanka reported, "sexual violence was being used as a strategy for terrorizing women belonging to minority community in the state."[79]

It is estimated that at least 250 girls and women were gang raped and then burned to death.[80] Children were force fed petrol and then set on fire,[81] pregnant women were gutted and then had their unborn child's body shown to them. In the Naroda Patiya mass grave of ninety-six bodies, forty-six were women. Rioters also flooded homes and electrocuted entire families inside.[82] Violence against women also included them being stripped naked, violated with objects, and then killed. According to Kalpana Kannabiran the rapes were part of a well-organized, deliberate and pre-planned strategy, and which facts place the violence into the categories of political pogrom and genocide.[83][84] Other acts of violence against women included acid attacks, beatings and the killing of women who were pregnant. Children were also killed in front of their parents.[85] George Fernandes in a discussion in parliament on the violence caused widespread furor in his defense of the state government, saying that this was not the first time that women had been violated and raped in India.[86]

Children were killed by being burnt alive and those who dug the mass graves described the bodies interred within them as "burned and butchered beyond recognition."[87] Children and infants were speared and held aloft before being thrown into fires.[88] Describing the sexual violence perpetrated against Muslim women and girls, Renu Khanna writes that the survivors reported that it "consisted of forced nudity, mass rapes, gang-rapes, mutilation, insertion of objects into bodies, cutting of breasts, slitting the stomach and reproductive organs, and carving of Hindu religious symbols on women's body parts."[89] The Concerned Citizens' Tribunal characterised the use of rape "as an instrument for the subjugation and humiliation of a community."[89] Testimony heard by the committee stated that:

A chilling technique, absent in pogroms unleashed hitherto but very much in evidence this time in a large number of cases, was the deliberate destruction of evidence. Barring a few, in most instances of sexual violence, the women victims were stripped and paraded naked, then gang-raped, and thereafter quartered and burnt beyond recognition. . . . The leaders of the mobs even raped young girls, some as young as 11 years old . . . before burning them alive. . . . Even a 20-day-old infant, or a fetus in the womb of its mother, was not spared.[89]

Vandana Shiva stated that "Young boys have been taught to burn, rape and kill in the name of Hindutva."[90]

Dionne Bunsha, writing on the Gulbarg Society massacre and murder of Ehsan Jafri, has said that when Jafri begged the crowd to spare the women, he was dragged into the street and forced to parade naked for refusing to say "Jai Shri Ram." He was then beheaded and thrown onto a fire, after which rioters returned and burned Jafri's family, including two small boys, to death. After the massacre Gulbarg remained in flames for a week.[73][91]

Attacks on Hindus

The Times of India reported that over ten thousand Hindus were displaced during the violence.[92] According to police records, 157 riots after the Godhra incident were started by Muslims.[93] In Mahajan No Vando, a Hindu residential area in Jamalpur, residents reported that Muslim attackers injured approximately twenty-five Hindu residents and destroyed five houses on 1 March. The community head reported that the police responded quickly, but were ineffectual as there were so few of them present to help during the attack. The colony was later visited by Modi on 6 March, who promised the residents that they would be taken care of.[64][94][95]

On 17 March, it was reported that Muslims attacked Dalits in the Danilimda area of Ahmedabad. In Himatnagar, a man was reportedly found dead with both his eyes gouged out. The Sindhi Market and Bhanderi Pole areas of Ahmedabad were also reportedly attacked by mobs.[96]

India Today reported on 20 May 2002 that there were sporadic attacks on Hindus in Ahmedabad. On 5 May, Muslim rioters attacked Bhilwas locality in the Shah Alam area.[97] Hindu doctors were asked to stop practicing in Muslim areas after one Hindu doctor was stabbed.[98]

Frontline magazine reported that in Ahmedabad of the 249 bodies recovered by 5 March, thirty were Hindu. Of the Hindus that had been killed, thirteen had died as a result of police action and several others had died while attacking Muslim owned properties. Despite the relatively few attacks by Muslim mobs on Hindu neighbourhoods, twenty-four Muslims were reported to have died in police shootings.[99][100]

Media coverage

The events in Gujarat were the first instance of communal violence in India in the age of 24-hour news coverage and were televised worldwide. This coverage played a central role in the politics of the situation. Media coverage was generally critical of the Hindu right; however, the BJP portrayed the coverage as an assault on the honor of Gujaratis and turned the hostility into an emotive part of their electoral campaign.[101][102] With the violence receding in April, a peace meeting was arranged at Sabarmati Ashram, a former home of Mahatma Gandhi. Hindutva supporters and police officers attacked almost a dozen journalists. The state government banned television news channels critical of the government's response, and local stations were blocked. Two reporters working for STAR News were assaulted several times while covering the violence. On a return trip from having interviewed Modi when their car was surrounded by a crowd, one of the crowd claimed that they would be killed should they be a member of a minority community.

The Editors Guild of India, in its report on media ethics and coverage on the incidents stated that the news coverage was exemplary, with only a few minor lapses. The local newspapers Sandesh and Gujarat Samachar, however, were heavily criticised.[103] The report states that Sandesh had headlines which would "provoke, communalize and terrorize people. The newspaper also used a quote from a VHP leader as a headline, "Avenge with blood." The report stated that Gujarat Samachar had played a role in increasing the tensions but did not give all of its coverage over to "hawkish and inflammatory reportage in the first few weeks". The paper carried reports to highlight communal harmony. Gujarat Today was given praise for showing restraint and for the balanced reportage of the violence.[104] Critical reporting on the Gujarat government's handling of the situation helped bring about the Indian government's intervention in controlling the violence. The Editors Guild rejected the charge that graphic news coverage aggravated the situation, saying that the coverage exposed the "horrors" of the riots as well as the "supine if not complicit" attitude of the state, helping to propel remedial action.[105]

A two-part BBC documentary, ‘India: The Modi Question,’ examines the role of India’s prime minister Narendra Modi in the Gujarat violence of 2002 when Modi was the chief minister of Gujarat. The first and second parts of the documentary were released on 17 January 2023 and 24 January 2023 respectively.[106][107] The Government of India banned the documentary from being aired calling it a propaganda.[108]

Allegations of state complicity

Many scholars and commentators have accused the state government of being complicit in the attacks, either in failing to exert any effort to quell the violence or for actively planning and executing the attacks themselves. The United States Department of State ultimately banned Narendra Modi from travelling to the United States due to his alleged role in the attacks.[109] These allegations center around several ideas. First, the state did little to quell the violence, with attacks continuing well through the Spring. The historian Gyanendra Pandey described these attacks as state terrorism, saying that they were not riots but "organized political massacres."[3] According to Paul Brass the only conclusion from the evidence which is available points to a methodical Anti-Muslim pogrom which was carried out with exceptional brutality coordination.[26]

The media has described the attacks as state terrorism rather than "communal riots" due to the lack of state intervention.[1] Many politicians downplayed the incidents, claiming that the situation was under control. One minister who spoke with Rediff.com stated that though the circumstances were tense in Baroda and Ahmedabad, the situation was under control, and that the police who had been deployed were enough to prevent any violence. The deputy superintendent of police stated that the Rapid Action Force had been deployed to sensitive areas in Godhra. Gordhan Zadafia, the Minister of State for Home, stated that he believed there would be no retaliation from the Hindu community.[68][69] Once troops were airlifted in on 1 March, Modi stated that the violence was no longer as intense as it had been and that it would soon be brought under control.[18] The violence continued for 3 months with no intervention from the federal government until May.[72] Local and state-level politicians were seen leading violent mobs, restraining the police and arranging the distribution of weapons, leading investigative reports to conclude that the violence was "engineered and launched."[9]

Throughout the violence, attacks were made in full view of police stations and police officers who did not intervene.[18] In many instances, police joined the mobs in perpetrating violence. At one Muslim locality, of the twenty-nine deaths, sixteen were caused by police firing into the locality.[9] Some rioters even had printouts of voter registration lists, allowing them to selectively target Muslim properties.[65][74][64] Selective targeting of properties was shown by the destruction of the offices of the Muslim Wakf board which was located within the confines of the high security zone and just 500 meters from the office of the chief minister.[60]

According to Scott W. Hibbard, the violence had been planned far in advance, and that similar to other instances of communal violence the Bajrang Dal, the VHP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) all took part in the attacks.[63] Following the attack on the train the VHP called for a statewide bandh (strike), and the state took no action to prevent this.[60][61]

The Concerned Citizens Tribunal (CCT) report includes testimony of the then Gujarat BJP minister Haren Pandya (since murdered), who testified about an evening meeting convened by Modi the evening of the train burning. At this meeting, officials were instructed not to obstruct the Hindu rage following the incident.[110][111] The report also highlighted a second meeting, held in Lunawada village of Panchmahal district, attended by state ministers Ashok Bhatt, and Prabhatsinh Chauhan, among other BJP and RSS leaders, where "detailed plans were made on the use of kerosene and petrol for arson and other methods of killing."[69][111] The Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind claimed in 2002 that some regional Congress workers collaborated with the perpetrators of the violence.[112]

Dipankar Gupta believes that the state and police were clearly complicit in the violence, but that some officers were outstanding in the performance of their duties, such as Himanshu Bhatt and Rahul Sharma. Sharma was reported to have said "I don't think any other job would have allowed me to save so many lives."[113] Human Rights Watch has reported on acts of exceptional heroism by Hindus, Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence.[75][76]

In response to allegations of state involvement, Gujarat government spokesman, Bharat Pandya, told the BBC that the rioting was a spontaneous Hindu backlash fueled by widespread anger against Muslims. He said "Hindus are frustrated over the role of Muslims in the on-going violence in Indian-administered Kashmir and other parts of India."[114] In support of this, the US Ambassador at-large for International Religious Freedom, John Hanford, expressed concern over religious intolerance in Indian politics and said that while the rioters may have been aided by state and local officials, he did not believe that the BJP-led central government was involved in inciting the riots.[115]

Criminal prosecutions

Prosecution of the perpetrators of the violence hampered by witnesses being bribed or intimidated and the perpetrators' names being deleted from the charge sheets. Local judges were also biased.[116] After more than two years of acquittals, the Supreme Court of India stepped in, transferring key cases to the Bombay High Court and ordering the police to reopen two thousand cases that had been previously closed. The Supreme Court also lambasted the Gujarat government as "modern day Neros" who looked elsewhere when innocent women and children were burning and then interfered with prosecution.[117][111] Following this direction, police identified nearly 1,600 cases for re-investigation, arrested 640 accused and launched investigations against forty police officers for their failures.[118][119][Note 2]

In March 2008, the Supreme Court ordered the setting up of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to reinvestigate the Godhra train burning case and key cases of post-Godhra violence. The former CBI Director R. K. Raghavan was appointed to chair the Team.[111] Christophe Jaffrelot notes that the SIT was not as independent as commonly believed. Other than Raghavan, half of the six members of the team were recruited from the Gujarat police, and the Gujarat High Court was still responsible for appointing judicial officers. The SIT made efforts to appoint independent prosecutors but some of them resigned due to their inability to function. No efforts were made to protect the witnesses and Raghavan himself was said to be an "absentee investigator," who spent only a few days every month in Gujarat, with the investigations being conducted by the remainder of the team.[123]

As of April 2013, 249 convictions had been secured of 184 Hindus and 65 Muslims. Thirty-one of the Muslim convictions were for the massacre of Hindus in Godhra.[124]

Best Bakery case

The Best Bakery murder trial received wide attention after witnesses retracted testimony in court and all of the accused were acquitted. The Indian Supreme Court, acting on a petition by social activist Teesta Setalvad, ordered a retrial outside Gujarat in which nine accused were found guilty in 2006.[125] A key witness, Zaheera Sheikh, who repeatedly changed her testimony during the trials and the petition was found guilty of perjury.[126]

Bilkis Bano case

After police dismissed the case against her assailants, Bilkis Bano approached the National Human Rights Commission of India and petitioned the Supreme Court seeking a reinvestigation. The Supreme Court granted the motion, directing the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to take over the investigation. CBI appointed a team of experts from the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL) Delhi and All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) under the guidance and leadership of Professor T. D. Dogra to exhume the mass graves to establish the identity and cause of death of the victims. The team successfully located and exhumed the remains of the victims.[127] The trial of the case was transferred out of Gujarat and the central government was directed to appoint a public prosecutor.[128][129] Charges were filed in a Mumbai court against nineteen people as well as six police officials and a government doctor over their role in the initial investigations.[130] In January 2008, eleven men were sentenced to life imprisonment for rapes and murders and a policeman was convicted of falsifying evidence.[131] The Bombay High Court upheld the life imprisonment of the eleven men convicted for the gang rape of Bilkis Bano and the murder of her family members during the 2002 Gujarat riots on 8 May 2017. The court also set aside the acquittal of the remaining seven accused in the case, including Gujarat police officers and doctors of a government hospital, who were charged with suppressing and tampering with evidence.[132] Later, the final verdict came on 23 April 2019 as the Supreme Court ordered the Gujarat government to pay Bilkis Yakoob Rasool Bano ₹50 lakh as compensation, and to provide her with a government job and housing in the area of her choice.[133]

On 15 August 2022, the eleven men sentenced to life imprisonment in the Bilkis Bano gangrape case were released from a Godhra jail by the Gujarat government.[134] The judge who sentenced the rapists said the early release set a bad precedent by the Gujarat government and warned that the move would have wide ramifications.[135]

The panel which granted remission included two legislators from the BJP, which was the state government at that time, former BJP Godhra municipal councillor, and a BJP women wing member.[136] After being released from the jail, they were welcomed with sweets and their feet touched in respect.[137]

Two days after the remission, Bilkis Bano issued a statement expressing her grief at the release of her rapists and said that the decision had shaken her faith in the justice system.[138][139] Many Muslims from her village left their homes due to safety concerns.[140]

On 18 August 2022, around 6,000 signatories, including activists, eminent writers, historians, filmmakers, journalists and former bureaucrats, urged the Supreme Court to revoke the early release of the rapists,[141] while the Opposition parties criticised the BJP.[142] The convicts harassed the witnesses of the case when they were out on parole as recently as in the year 2021, which added to the criticism of the remission.[143]

A few days later, Supreme Court agreed to look into plea challenging release of 11 convicts.[144] A bench comprising Chief Justice of India N. V. Ramana, Justice Ajay Rastogi, and Justice Vikram Nath however posed a query with respect to the legal bar on grant of remission to the convicts.[145]

Avdhootnagar case

In 2005, the Vadodara fast-track court acquitted 108 people accused of murdering two youths during a mob attack on a group of displaced Muslims returning under police escort to their homes in Avdhootnagar. The court passed strictures against the police for failing to protect the people under their escort and failing to identify the attackers they had seen.[146][147]

Danilimda case

Nine people were convicted of killing a Hindu man and injuring another during group clashes in Danilimda, Ahmedabad on 12 April 2005, while twenty-five others were acquitted.[148]

Eral case

Eight people, including a VHP leader and a member of the BJP, were convicted for the murder of seven members of a family and the rape of two minor girls in the village of Eral in Panchmahal district.[149][150]

Pavagadh and Dhikva case

Fifty-two people from Pavagadh and Dhikva villages in Panchmahal district were acquitted of rioting charges for lack of evidence.[151]

Godhra train-burning case

A stringent anti-terror law, the POTA, was used by the Gujarat government to charge 131 people in connection to the Godhra train fire, but not invoked in prosecuting any of the accused in the post-Godhra riots.[152][153] In 2005 the POTA Review Committee set up by the central government to review the application of the law opined that the Godhra accused should not have been tried under the provisions of POTA.[154]

In February 2011 a special fast track court convicted thirty-one Muslims for the Godhra train burning incident and the conspiracy for the crime[56]

Dipda Darwaza case

On 9 November 2011, a court in Ahmedabad sentenced thirty-one Hindus to life imprisonment for murdering dozens of Muslims by burning a building in which they took shelter.[155] Forty-one other Hindus were acquitted of murder charges due to a lack of evidence.[155] Twenty-two further people were convicted for attempted murder on 30 July 2012, while sixty-one others were acquitted.[156]

Naroda Patiya Massacre

On 29 July 2012, an Indian court convicted thirty people in the Naroda Patiya massacre case for their involvement in the attacks. The convicted included former state minister Maya Kodnani and Hindu leader Babu Bajrangi. The court case began in 2009, and over three hundred people (including victims, witnesses, doctors, and journalists) testified before the court. For the first time, the verdict acknowledged the role of a politician in inciting Hindu mobs. Activists asserted that the verdict would embolden the opponent of Narendra Modi, the then chief minister of Gujarat, in the crucial run-up to state elections later that year, when Modi would be seeking a third term (The BJP and he eventually went on to win the elections[157]). Modi refused to apologise and denied that the government had a role in the riots. Twenty-nine people were acquitted during the verdict. Teesta Setalvad said "For the first time, this judgment actually goes beyond neighborhood perpetrators and goes up to the political conspiracy. The fact that convictions have gone that high means the conspiracy charge has been accepted and the political influencing of the mobs has been accepted by the judge. This is a huge victory for justice."[158]

Perjury cases

In April 2009, the SIT submitted before the Court that Teesta Setalvad had cooked up cases of violence to spice up the incidents. The SIT which is headed by former CBI director, R. K. Raghavan has said that false witnesses were tutored to give evidence about imaginary incidents by Setalvad and other NGOs.[159] The SIT charged her of "cooking up macabre tales of killings."[160][161]

The court was told that twenty-two witnesses, who had submitted identical affidavits before various courts relating to riot incidents, were questioned by SIT and it was found that the witnesses had not actually witnessed the incidents and they were tutored and the affidavits were handed over to them by Setalvad.[160]

Inquiries

There were more than sixty investigations by national and international bodies many of which concluded that the violence was supported by state officials.[162] A report from the National Human Rights Commission of India (NHRC) stated that res ipsa loquitur applied as the state had comprehensively failed to protect uphold the rights of the people as set out in the Constitution of India.[163] It faulted the Gujarat government for failure of intelligence, failure to take appropriate action, and failure to identify local factors and players. NHRC also expressed "widespread lack of faith" in the integrity of the investigation of major incidents of violence. It recommended that five critical cases should be transferred to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).

The US State Department's International Religious Freedom Report quoted the NHRC as concluding that the attacks had been premeditated, that state government officials were complicit, and that there was evidence of police not acting during the assaults on Muslims. The US State Department also cited how Gujarat's high school textbooks described Hitler's "charismatic personality" and the "achievements of Nazism."[31][164] US Congressmen John Conyers and Joe Pitts subsequently introduced a resolution in the House condemning the conduct of Modi for inciting religious persecution. They stated that Modi's government had a role in "promoting the attitudes of racial supremacy, racial hatred and the legacy of Nazism through his government's support of school textbooks in which Nazism is glorified." They also wrote a letter to the US State Department asking it deny Modi a visa to the United States. The resolution was not adopted.[165]

The CCT consisting of eminent high court judges released a detailed three-volume report on the riots.[166][167][168] Headed by retired Supreme Court Justice V. R. Krishna Iyer, the CCT released its findings in 2003 and stated that, contrary to the government allegation of a conspiracy in Godhra, the incident had not been pre-planned and there was no evidence to indicate otherwise. On the statewide riots, the CCT reported that, several days before the Godhra incident, which was the excuse used for the attacks, homes belonging to Hindus in Muslim areas had been marked with pictures of Hindu deities or saffron flags, and that this had been done to prevent any accidental assaults on Hindu homes or businesses. The CCT investigation also discovered evidence that the VHP and the Bajrang Dal had training camps in which people were taught to view Muslims as an enemy. These camps were backed and supported by the BJP and RSS. They also reported that "The complicity of the state government is obvious. And, the support of the central government to the state government in all that it did is also by now a matter of common knowledge."[169]

The state government commissioned J. G. Shah to conduct, what became, a controversial one man inquiry into the Godhra incident, its credibility was questioned and the NHRC and the National Minorities Commission requested that a sitting judge from the supreme court be appointed. The supreme court overturned the findings by Shah stating, "this judgement is not based on the understanding of any evidence, but on imagination."[170]

Early in 2003, the state government of Gujarat set up the Nanavati-Shah commission to investigate the entire incident, from the initial one at Godhra to the ensuing violence. The commission was caught up in controversy from the beginning. Activists and members of the opposition insisted on a judicial commission to be set up and headed by a sitting judge rather than a retired one from the high court. The state government refused. Within a few months Nanavati, before hearing any testimony declared there was no evidence of lapses by either the police or government in their handling of the violence.[171] In 2008 Shah died and was replaced by Justice Akshay Mehta, another retired high court judge.[172] Metha's appointment was controversial as he was the judge who allowed Babu Bajrangi, a prime suspect in the massacre Naroda Patiya massacre, to be released on bail.[173][174] In July 2013 the commission was given its 20th extension, and Mukul Sinha of the civil rights group Jan Sangharsh Manch said of the delays "I think the Commission has lost its significance and it now seems to be awaiting the outcome of the 2014 Lok Sabha election."[175] In 2007 Tehelka in an undercover operation had said that the Nanavati-Shah commission had relied on "manufactured evidence." Tehelka editor Tarun Tejpal has claimed that they had taped witnesses who stated they had given false testimony after they had been bribed by the Gujarati police force. Tehelka also recorded Ranjitsinh Patel where he stated that he and Prabhatsinh Patel had been paid fifty thousand rupees each to amend earlier statements and to identify some Muslims as conspirators.[176] According to B G Verghese, the Tehelka expose was far too detailed to have been fake.[177]

A fact finding mission by the Sahmat organisation led by Dr. Kamal Mitra Chenoy concluded that the violence was more akin to ethnic cleansing or a pogrom rather than communal violence. The report said that the violence surpassed other periods of communal violence such as in 1969, 1985, 1989, and 1992 not only in the total loss of life, but also in the savagery of the attacks.[114][178]

Aftermath

Rioting in Gujarat

There was widespread destruction of property. 273 dargahs, 241 mosques, 19 temples, and 3 churches were either destroyed or damaged.[179][180] It is estimated that Muslim property losses were "100,000 houses, 1,100 hotels, 15,000 businesses, 3,000 handcarts and 5,000 vehicles."[181] Overall, 27,780 people were arrested. Of them, 11,167 were arrested for criminal behavior (3,269 Muslim, 7,896 Hindu) and 16,615 were arrested as a preventive measure (2,811 Muslim, 13,804 Hindu). The CCT tribunal reported that 90 percent of those arrested were almost immediately granted bail, even if they had been arrested on suspicion of murder or arson. There were also media reports that political leaders gave those being released public welcomes. This contradicts the state government's statement during the violence that: "Bail applications of all accused persons are being strongly defended and rejected."[182]

Police transfers

According to R. B. Sreekumar, police officers who followed the rule of law and helped prevent the riots from spreading were punished by the Modi government. They were subjected to disciplinary proceedings and transfers with some having to leave the state.[183] Sreekumar also claims it is common practice to intimidate whistleblowers and otherwise subvert the justice system,[184] and that the state government issued "unconstitutional directives", with officials asking him to kill Muslims involved in rioting or disrupting a Hindu religious event. The Gujarat government denied his allegations, claiming that they were "baseless" and based on malice because Sreekumar had not been promoted.[185]

Further violence promotion by extremist groups

Following the violence Bal Thackeray then leader of the Hindu nationalist group Shiv Sena said "Muslims are a cancer to this country. Cancer is an incurable disease. Its only cure is operation. O Hindus, take weapons in your hands and remove this cancer from your roots."[186] Pravin Togadia, international president of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), said "All Hindutva opponents will get the death sentence" and Ashok Singhal, the then president of the VHP, has said that the violence in Gujarat was a "successful experiment" which would be repeated nationwide.[186]

The militant group Indian Mujahideen have carried out attacks in revenge and to also act as a deterrent against further instances of mass violence against Muslims.[187] They also claimed to have carried out the 2008 Delhi bombings in revenge for mistreatment of Muslims, referencing the destruction of the Babri Mosque and the violence in Gujarat 2002.[188] In September 2002 there was an attack on the Hindu temple of Akshardham, gunmen carried letters on their persons which suggested that it was a revenge attack for the violence that Muslims had undergone.[189] In August 2002 Shahid Ahmad Bakshi, an operative for the militant group Lashkar-e-Toiba planned to assassinate Modi, Pravin Togadia of the VHP, and other members of the right wing nationalist movement to avenge the 2002 Gujarat violence.[190]

Human Rights Watch has accused the state of orchestrating a cover-up of their role in the violence. Human rights activists and Indian solicitors have urged that legislation be passed so that "communal violence is treated as genocide."[191] Following the violence thousands of Muslims were fired from their places of work, and those who tried to return home had to endure an economic and social boycott.[192]

Organisational changes and political reactions

On 3 May 2002, former Punjab police chief Kanwar Pal Singh Gill was appointed as security adviser to Modi.[193] Defending the Modi administration in the Rajya Sabha against charges of genocide, BJP spokesman V. K. Malhotra said that the official toll of 254 Hindus, killed mostly by police fire, indicates how the state authorities took effective steps to curb the violence.[194] Opposition parties and three coalition partners of the BJP-led central government demanded the dismissal of Modi for failing to contain the violence, with some calling for the removal of Union Home Minister L. K. Advani as well.[195]

On 18 July, Modi asked the Governor of Gujarat to dissolve the state assembly and call fresh elections.[196] The Indian Election Commission ruled out early elections citing the prevailing law and order situation and held them in December 2002.[197][198] The BJP capitalised on the violence using posters and videotapes of the Godhra incident and painting Muslims as terrorists. The party gained in all the constituencies affected by the communal violence and a number of candidates implicated in the violence were elected, which in turn ensured freedom from prosecution.[199][111]

Media investigation

In 2004, the weekly magazine Tehelka published a hidden camera exposé alleging that BJP legislator Madhu Srivastava bribed Zaheera Sheikh, a witness in the Best Bakery case.[200] Srivastava denied the allegation,[201] and an inquiry committee appointed by the Supreme Court drew an "adverse inference" from the video footage, though it failed to uncover evidence that money was actually paid.[202] In a 2007 expose, the magazine released hidden camera footage of several members of the BJP, VHP and the Bajrang Dal admitting their role in the riots.[203][204] Among those featured in the tapes was the special counsel representing the Gujarat government before the Nanavati-Shah Commission, Arvind Pandya, who resigned from his post after the release.[205] While the report was criticised by some as being politically motivated,[206][207][208][209] some newspapers said the revelations simply reinforced what was common knowledge.[204][210][211][212] However, the report contradicted official records with regard to Modi's alleged visit to Naroda Patiya and a local police superintendent's location.[213] The Gujarat government blocked telecast of cable news channels broadcasting the expose, a move strongly condemned by the Editors Guild of India.[214]

Taking a stand decried by the media and other rights groups, Nafisa Hussain, a member of the National Commission for Women accused organisations and the media of needlessly exaggerating the plight of women victims of the riots,[215][216][217] which was strongly disputed as Gujarat did not have a State Commission for Women to act on the ground.[215] The newspaper Tribune reported that "The National Commission for Women has reluctantly agreed to the complicity of Gujarat Government in the communal violence in the state." The tone of their most recent report was reported by the Tribune as "lenient".[218]

Special Investigation Team

In April 2012, the three-member SIT formed in 2008 by the Supreme Court as a response to a petition by one of the aggrieved in the Gulmerg massacre absolved Modi of any involvement in the Gulberg massacre, arguably the worst episode of the riots.[219]

In his report, Raju Ramachandran, the amicus curiae for the case, strongly disagreed with a key conclusion of R. K. Raghavan who led SIT: that IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt was not present at a late-night meeting of top Gujarat cops held at the Chief Minister's residence in the wake of 27 February 2002 Godhra carnage. It has been Bhatt's claim—made in an affidavit before the apex court and in statements to the SIT and the amicus—that he was present at the meeting where Modi allegedly said Hindus must be allowed to carry out retaliatory violence against Muslims. Ramachandran was of the opinion that Modi could be prosecuted for alleged statements he had made. He said there was no clinching material available in the pre-trial stage to disbelieve Bhatt, whose claim could be tested only in court. "Hence, it cannot be said, at this stage, that Shri Bhatt should be disbelieved and no further proceedings should be taken against Shri Modi."[220][221]

Further, R. K. Shah, the public prosecutor in the Gulbarg Society massacre, resigned because he found it impossible to work with the SIT and further stated that "Here I am collecting witnesses who know something about a gruesome case in which so many people, mostly women and children huddled in Jafri's house, were killed and I get no cooperation. The SIT officers are unsympathetic towards witnesses, they try to browbeat them and don't share evidence with the prosecution as they are supposed to do."[222] Teesta Setalvad referred to the stark inequalities between the SIT team's lawyers who are paid 9 lakh rupees per day and the government prosecutors who are paid a pittance. SIT officers have been paid Rs. 1.5 lakh per month for their participation in the SIT since 2008.[223]

Diplomatic ban

Modi's failure to stop anti-Muslim violence led to a de facto travel ban imposed by the United Kingdom, United States, and several European nations, as well as the boycott of his provincial government by all but the most junior officials.[224] In 2005, Modi was refused a US visa as someone held responsible for a serious violation of religious freedom. Modi had been invited to the US to speak before the Asian-American Hotel Owners Association. A petition was set up by Coalition Against Genocide led by Angana Chatterji and signed by 125 academics requesting that Modi be refused a diplomatic visa.[225]

Hindu groups in the US also protested and planned to demonstrate in cities in Florida. A resolution was submitted by John Conyers and Joseph R. Pitts in the House of Representatives which condemned Modi for inciting religious persecution. Pitts also wrote to then United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice requesting Modi be refused a visa. On 19 March Modi was denied a diplomatic visa and his tourist visa was revoked.[31][226]

As Modi rose to prominence in India, the UK and the EU lifted their bans in October 2012 and March 2013, respectively,[227][228] and after his election as prime minister he was invited to Washington, in the US.[229][230]

Relief efforts

By 27 March 2002, nearly one-hundred thousand displaced people moved into 101 relief camps. This swelled to over 150,000 in 104 camps the next two weeks.[231] The camps were run by community groups and NGOs, with the government committing to provide amenities and supplementary services. Drinking water, medical help, clothing and blankets were in short supply at the camps.[232] At least another 100 camps were denied government support, according to a camp organiser,[233] and relief supplies were prevented from reaching some camps due to fears that they may be carrying arms.[234]

Reactions to the relief effort were further critical of the Gujarat government. Relief camp organisers alleged that the state government was coercing refugees to leave relief camps, with twenty-five thousand people made to leave eighteen camps which were shut down. Following government assurances that further camps would not be shut down, the Gujarat High Court bench ordered that camp organizers be given a supervisory role to ensure that assurances were met.[235]

On 9 September 2002, Modi mentioned during a speech that he was against running relief camps. In January 2010, the Supreme Court ordered the government to hand over the speech and other documents to the SIT.

What brother, should we run relief camps? Should I start children-producing centres there? We want to achieve progress by pursuing the policy of family planning with determination. Ame paanch, Amara pachhees! (we are five and we have twenty-five) . . . Can't Gujarat implement family planning? Whose inhibitions are coming in our way? Which religious sect is coming in the way? . . ."[236]

On 23 May 2008, the Union Government announced a 3.2 billion rupee (US$80 million) relief package for the victims of the riots.[237] In contrast, Amnesty International's annual report on India in 2003 claimed the "Gujarat government did not actively fulfill its duty to provide appropriate relief and rehabilitation to the survivors".[122] The Gujarat government initially offered compensation payments of 200,000 rupees to the families of those who died in the Godhra train fire and 100,000 rupees to the families of those who died in the subsequent riots, which local Muslims took to be discriminatory.[238]

In popular culture

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ The Concerned Citizen's Tribunal (CCT) was an eight-member committee headed by V. R. Krishna Iyer, retired Judge of Supreme Court, with P. B. Sawant, Hosbet Suresh, K. G. Kannabiran, Aruna Roy, K. S. Subramanian, Ghanshyam Shah and Tanika Sarkar making up the rest. It was appointed by Citizens for Peace and Justice (CPJ), a group formed by some social activists from Mumbai and Ahmedabad. It released its first reports in 2003. CPJ members included Alyque Padamsee, Anil Dharkar, Cyrus Guzder, Ghulam Mohammed, I.M. Kadri, Javed Akhtar, Nandan Maluste, Titoo Ahluwalia, Vijay Tendulkar, Teesta Setalvad, Javed Anand; Indubhai Jani, Uves Sareshwala, Batuk Vora, Fr. Cedric Prakash, Najmal Almelkar.
  2. ^ Human Rights Watch alleged[120] that state and law enforcement officials were harassing and intimidating[121] key witnesses, NGOs, social activists and lawyers who were fighting to seek justice for riot victims. In its 2003 annual report, Amnesty International stated, "the same police force that was accused of colluding with the attackers was put in charge of the investigations into the massacres, undermining the process of delivery of justice to the victims."[122]

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2002, gujarat, riots, also, known, 2002, gujarat, violence, three, period, inter, communal, violence, western, indian, state, gujarat, burning, train, godhra, february, 2002, which, caused, deaths, hindu, pilgrims, karsevaks, returning, from, ayodhya, cited, h. The 2002 Gujarat riots also known as the 2002 Gujarat violence 7 8 9 10 was a three day period of inter communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat The burning of a train in Godhra on 27 February 2002 which caused the deaths of 58 Hindu pilgrims and karsevaks returning from Ayodhya is cited as having instigated the violence 11 12 13 14 Following the initial riot incidents there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three months statewide there were further outbreaks of violence against the minority Muslim population of Gujarat for the next year 7 15 2002 Gujarat riotsPart of religious violence in IndiaThe skyline of Ahmedabad filled with smoke as buildings and shops are set on fire by rioting mobs DateFebruary March 2002LocationGujarat IndiaCaused byGodhra train burning 1 2 state terrorism 3 1 ethnic cleansing 2 MethodsRioting pogrom arson mass rape kidnapping mass murderCasualtiesDeath s 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus official 1 926 to 2 000 total other sources 4 5 6 Injuries2 500 According to official figures the riots ended with 1 044 dead 223 missing and 2 500 injured Of the dead 790 were Muslim and 254 Hindu 16 The Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report 17 estimated that as many as 1 926 may have been killed 4 Other sources estimated death tolls in excess of 2 000 5 Many brutal killings and rapes were reported on as well as widespread looting and destruction of property Narendra Modi then Chief Minister of Gujarat and later Prime Minister of India was accused of condoning the violence as were police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim owned properties to them 18 In 2012 Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by Special Investigation Team SIT appointed by the Supreme Court of India The SIT also rejected claims that the state government had not done enough to prevent the riots 19 The Muslim community was reported to have reacted with anger and disbelief 20 In July 2013 allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence 21 That December an Indian court upheld the earlier SIT report and rejected a petition seeking Modi s prosecution 22 In April 2014 the Supreme Court expressed satisfaction over the SIT s investigations in nine cases related to the violence and rejected a plea contesting the SIT report as baseless 23 Though officially classified as a communalist riot the events of 2002 have been described as a pogrom by many scholars 24 25 with some commentators alleging that the attacks had been planned with the attack on the train was a staged trigger for what was actually premeditated violence 26 27 Other observers have stated that these events had met the legal definition of genocide 28 or referred to them as state terrorism or ethnic cleansing 3 1 2 Instances of mass violence include the Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly adjacent to a police training camp 29 the Gulbarg Society massacre where Ehsan Jafri a former parliamentarian was among those killed and several incidents in Vadodara city 30 Scholars studying the 2002 riots state that they were premeditated and constituted a form of ethnic cleansing and that the state government and law enforcement were complicit in the violence that occurred 26 3 29 31 32 33 34 35 Contents 1 Godhra train burning 2 Post Godhra violence 3 Attacks on Muslims 4 Attacks on Hindus 5 Media coverage 6 Allegations of state complicity 7 Criminal prosecutions 7 1 Best Bakery case 7 2 Bilkis Bano case 7 3 Avdhootnagar case 7 4 Danilimda case 7 5 Eral case 7 6 Pavagadh and Dhikva case 7 7 Godhra train burning case 7 8 Dipda Darwaza case 7 9 Naroda Patiya Massacre 7 10 Perjury cases 8 Inquiries 9 Aftermath 9 1 Rioting in Gujarat 9 2 Police transfers 9 3 Further violence promotion by extremist groups 9 4 Organisational changes and political reactions 9 5 Media investigation 9 6 Special Investigation Team 10 Diplomatic ban 11 Relief efforts 12 In popular culture 13 See also 14 References 14 1 Notes 14 2 Citations 15 Bibliography 16 External linksGodhra train burningMain article Godhra train burning On the morning of 27 February 2002 the Sabarmati Express returning from Ayodhya to Ahmedabad stopped near the Godhra railway station The passengers were Hindu pilgrims returning from Ayodhya 36 37 An argument erupted between the train passengers and the vendors on the railway platform 38 The argument became violent and under uncertain circumstances four coaches of the train caught fire with many people trapped inside In the resulting conflagration 59 people nine men 25 women and 25 children burned to death 39 The government of Gujarat set up Gujarat High Court judge K G Shah as a one man commission to look into the incident 40 but following outrage among families of victims and in the media over Shah s alleged closeness to Modi retired Supreme Court judge G T Nanavati was added as chairman of the now two person commission 41 In 2003 The Concerned Citizens Tribunal CCT Note 1 concluded that the fire had been an accident 42 43 44 Several other independent commentators have also concluded that the fire itself was almost certainly an accident saying that the initial cause of the conflagration has never been conclusively determined 45 46 Historian Ainslie Thomas Embree stated that the official story of the attack on the train that it was organized and carried out by people under orders from Pakistan was entirely baseless 47 The Union government led by the Indian National Congress party in 2005 also set up a committee to probe the incident headed up by retired Supreme Court judge Umesh Chandra Banerjee The committee concluded that the fire had begun inside the train and was most likely accidental 48 However the Gujarat High Court ruled in 2006 that the matter was outside the jurisdiction of the union government and that the committee was therefore unconstitutional 49 After six years of going over the details Nanavati Mehta Commission submitted its preliminary report which concluded that the fire was an act of arson committed by a mob of one to two thousand locals 41 50 Maulvi Husain Haji Ibrahim Umarji a cleric in Godhra and a dismissed Central Reserve Police Force officer named Nanumiyan were presented as the masterminds behind the arson 51 After 24 extensions the commission submitted its final report on 18 November 2014 52 The findings of the commission were called into question by a video recording released by Tehelka magazine which showed Arvind Pandya counsel for the Gujarat government stating that the findings of the Shah Nanavati commission would support the view presented by the Bharatiya Janata Party BJP as Shah was their man and Nanavati could be bribed 53 In February 2011 the trial court convicted 31 people and acquitted 63 others based on the murder and conspiracy provisions of the Indian Penal Code saying the incident was a pre planned conspiracy 54 55 Of those convicted 11 were sentenced to death and the other 20 to life in prison 56 57 Maulvi Umarji presented by the Nanavati Shah commission as the prime conspirator was acquitted along with 62 others accused for lack of evidence 58 59 Post Godhra violence Vadodara Naroda Ahmedabad Godhra Ode Gandhinagar Mehsana Bharuch Surat Rajkot Halvad Modasa Himatnagarclass notpageimage Location of major incidents Following the attack on the train the Vishva Hindu Parishad VHP called for a statewide bandh or strike Although the Supreme Court had declared such strikes to be unconstitutional and illegal and despite the common tendency for such strikes to be followed by violence no action was taken by the state to prevent the strike The government did not attempt to stop the initial outbreak of violence across the state 60 Independent reports indicate that the state BJP president Rana Rajendrasinh had endorsed the strike and that Modi and Rana used inflammatory language which worsened the situation 61 Then Chief Minister Narendra Modi declared that the attack on the train had been an act of terrorism and not an incident of communal violence 62 Local newspapers and members of the state government used the statement to incite violence against the Muslim community by claiming without proof 47 that the attack on the train was carried out by Pakistan s intelligence agency and that local Muslims had conspired with them to attack Hindus in the state False stories were also printed by local newspapers which claimed that Muslim people had kidnapped and raped Hindu women 63 Numerous accounts describe the attacks on the Muslim community that began on 28 February the day after the train fire as highly coordinated with mobile phones and government issued printouts listing the homes and businesses of Muslims Attackers arrived in Muslim communities across the region in trucks wearing saffron robes and khaki shorts bearing a variety of weapons In many cases attackers damaged or burned Muslim owned or occupied buildings while leaving adjacent Hindu buildings untouched Although many calls to the police were made from victims they were told by the police that we have no orders to save you In some cases the police fired on Muslims who attempted to defend themselves 18 64 The rioters used mobile phones to coordinate their attacks 65 By the end of the day on 28 February a curfew had been declared in 27 towns and cities across the state 66 A government minister stated that although the circumstances were tense in Baroda and Ahmedabad the situation was under control and that the police who had been deployed were enough to prevent any violence In Baroda the administration imposed a curfew in seven areas of the city M D Antani then the deputy superintendent of police deployed the Rapid Action Force to sensitive areas in Godhra 67 Gordhan Zadafia the Minister of State for Home believed there would be no retaliation from the Hindu community for the train burning 68 69 Modi stated that the violence was no longer as intense as it had been and that it would soon be brought under control and that if the situation warranted it the police would be supported by deploying the army A shoot to kill order was issued 70 However the troop deployment was withheld by the state government until 1 March when the most severe violence had ended 71 After more than two months of violence a unanimous vote to authorize central intervention was passed in the upper house of parliament Members of the opposition made accusations that the government had failed to protect Muslim people in the worst rioting in India in more than 10 years 72 It is estimated that 230 mosques and 274 dargahs were destroyed during the violence 73 For the first time in the history of communal riots Hindu women took part looting Muslim shops 66 It is estimated that up to 150 000 people were displaced during the violence 74 It is estimated that 200 police officers died while trying to control the violence and Human Rights Watch reported that acts of exceptional heroism were committed by Hindus Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence 75 76 Attacks on MuslimsIn the aftermath of the violence it became clear that many attacks were focused not only on Muslim populations but also on Muslim women and children Organizations such as Human Rights Watch criticised the Indian government and the Gujarat state administration for failure to address the resulting humanitarian condition of victims who fled their homes for relief camps during the violence the overwhelming majority of them Muslim 77 According to Teesta Setalvad on 28 February in the districts of Morjari Chowk and Charodia Chowk in Ahmedabad of all forty people who had been killed by police shooting were Muslim 78 An international fact finding committee formed of all women international experts from US UK France Germany and Sri Lanka reported sexual violence was being used as a strategy for terrorizing women belonging to minority community in the state 79 It is estimated that at least 250 girls and women were gang raped and then burned to death 80 Children were force fed petrol and then set on fire 81 pregnant women were gutted and then had their unborn child s body shown to them In the Naroda Patiya mass grave of ninety six bodies forty six were women Rioters also flooded homes and electrocuted entire families inside 82 Violence against women also included them being stripped naked violated with objects and then killed According to Kalpana Kannabiran the rapes were part of a well organized deliberate and pre planned strategy and which facts place the violence into the categories of political pogrom and genocide 83 84 Other acts of violence against women included acid attacks beatings and the killing of women who were pregnant Children were also killed in front of their parents 85 George Fernandes in a discussion in parliament on the violence caused widespread furor in his defense of the state government saying that this was not the first time that women had been violated and raped in India 86 Children were killed by being burnt alive and those who dug the mass graves described the bodies interred within them as burned and butchered beyond recognition 87 Children and infants were speared and held aloft before being thrown into fires 88 Describing the sexual violence perpetrated against Muslim women and girls Renu Khanna writes that the survivors reported that it consisted of forced nudity mass rapes gang rapes mutilation insertion of objects into bodies cutting of breasts slitting the stomach and reproductive organs and carving of Hindu religious symbols on women s body parts 89 The Concerned Citizens Tribunal characterised the use of rape as an instrument for the subjugation and humiliation of a community 89 Testimony heard by the committee stated that A chilling technique absent in pogroms unleashed hitherto but very much in evidence this time in a large number of cases was the deliberate destruction of evidence Barring a few in most instances of sexual violence the women victims were stripped and paraded naked then gang raped and thereafter quartered and burnt beyond recognition The leaders of the mobs even raped young girls some as young as 11 years old before burning them alive Even a 20 day old infant or a fetus in the womb of its mother was not spared 89 Vandana Shiva stated that Young boys have been taught to burn rape and kill in the name of Hindutva 90 Dionne Bunsha writing on the Gulbarg Society massacre and murder of Ehsan Jafri has said that when Jafri begged the crowd to spare the women he was dragged into the street and forced to parade naked for refusing to say Jai Shri Ram He was then beheaded and thrown onto a fire after which rioters returned and burned Jafri s family including two small boys to death After the massacre Gulbarg remained in flames for a week 73 91 Attacks on HindusThe Times of India reported that over ten thousand Hindus were displaced during the violence 92 According to police records 157 riots after the Godhra incident were started by Muslims 93 In Mahajan No Vando a Hindu residential area in Jamalpur residents reported that Muslim attackers injured approximately twenty five Hindu residents and destroyed five houses on 1 March The community head reported that the police responded quickly but were ineffectual as there were so few of them present to help during the attack The colony was later visited by Modi on 6 March who promised the residents that they would be taken care of 64 94 95 On 17 March it was reported that Muslims attacked Dalits in the Danilimda area of Ahmedabad In Himatnagar a man was reportedly found dead with both his eyes gouged out The Sindhi Market and Bhanderi Pole areas of Ahmedabad were also reportedly attacked by mobs 96 India Today reported on 20 May 2002 that there were sporadic attacks on Hindus in Ahmedabad On 5 May Muslim rioters attacked Bhilwas locality in the Shah Alam area 97 Hindu doctors were asked to stop practicing in Muslim areas after one Hindu doctor was stabbed 98 Frontline magazine reported that in Ahmedabad of the 249 bodies recovered by 5 March thirty were Hindu Of the Hindus that had been killed thirteen had died as a result of police action and several others had died while attacking Muslim owned properties Despite the relatively few attacks by Muslim mobs on Hindu neighbourhoods twenty four Muslims were reported to have died in police shootings 99 100 Media coverageThe events in Gujarat were the first instance of communal violence in India in the age of 24 hour news coverage and were televised worldwide This coverage played a central role in the politics of the situation Media coverage was generally critical of the Hindu right however the BJP portrayed the coverage as an assault on the honor of Gujaratis and turned the hostility into an emotive part of their electoral campaign 101 102 With the violence receding in April a peace meeting was arranged at Sabarmati Ashram a former home of Mahatma Gandhi Hindutva supporters and police officers attacked almost a dozen journalists The state government banned television news channels critical of the government s response and local stations were blocked Two reporters working for STAR News were assaulted several times while covering the violence On a return trip from having interviewed Modi when their car was surrounded by a crowd one of the crowd claimed that they would be killed should they be a member of a minority community The Editors Guild of India in its report on media ethics and coverage on the incidents stated that the news coverage was exemplary with only a few minor lapses The local newspapers Sandesh and Gujarat Samachar however were heavily criticised 103 The report states that Sandesh had headlines which would provoke communalize and terrorize people The newspaper also used a quote from a VHP leader as a headline Avenge with blood The report stated that Gujarat Samachar had played a role in increasing the tensions but did not give all of its coverage over to hawkish and inflammatory reportage in the first few weeks The paper carried reports to highlight communal harmony Gujarat Today was given praise for showing restraint and for the balanced reportage of the violence 104 Critical reporting on the Gujarat government s handling of the situation helped bring about the Indian government s intervention in controlling the violence The Editors Guild rejected the charge that graphic news coverage aggravated the situation saying that the coverage exposed the horrors of the riots as well as the supine if not complicit attitude of the state helping to propel remedial action 105 A two part BBC documentary India The Modi Question examines the role of India s prime minister Narendra Modi in the Gujarat violence of 2002 when Modi was the chief minister of Gujarat The first and second parts of the documentary were released on 17 January 2023 and 24 January 2023 respectively 106 107 The Government of India banned the documentary from being aired calling it a propaganda 108 Allegations of state complicityMany scholars and commentators have accused the state government of being complicit in the attacks either in failing to exert any effort to quell the violence or for actively planning and executing the attacks themselves The United States Department of State ultimately banned Narendra Modi from travelling to the United States due to his alleged role in the attacks 109 These allegations center around several ideas First the state did little to quell the violence with attacks continuing well through the Spring The historian Gyanendra Pandey described these attacks as state terrorism saying that they were not riots but organized political massacres 3 According to Paul Brass the only conclusion from the evidence which is available points to a methodical Anti Muslim pogrom which was carried out with exceptional brutality coordination 26 The media has described the attacks as state terrorism rather than communal riots due to the lack of state intervention 1 Many politicians downplayed the incidents claiming that the situation was under control One minister who spoke with Rediff com stated that though the circumstances were tense in Baroda and Ahmedabad the situation was under control and that the police who had been deployed were enough to prevent any violence The deputy superintendent of police stated that the Rapid Action Force had been deployed to sensitive areas in Godhra Gordhan Zadafia the Minister of State for Home stated that he believed there would be no retaliation from the Hindu community 68 69 Once troops were airlifted in on 1 March Modi stated that the violence was no longer as intense as it had been and that it would soon be brought under control 18 The violence continued for 3 months with no intervention from the federal government until May 72 Local and state level politicians were seen leading violent mobs restraining the police and arranging the distribution of weapons leading investigative reports to conclude that the violence was engineered and launched 9 Throughout the violence attacks were made in full view of police stations and police officers who did not intervene 18 In many instances police joined the mobs in perpetrating violence At one Muslim locality of the twenty nine deaths sixteen were caused by police firing into the locality 9 Some rioters even had printouts of voter registration lists allowing them to selectively target Muslim properties 65 74 64 Selective targeting of properties was shown by the destruction of the offices of the Muslim Wakf board which was located within the confines of the high security zone and just 500 meters from the office of the chief minister 60 According to Scott W Hibbard the violence had been planned far in advance and that similar to other instances of communal violence the Bajrang Dal the VHP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh RSS all took part in the attacks 63 Following the attack on the train the VHP called for a statewide bandh strike and the state took no action to prevent this 60 61 The Concerned Citizens Tribunal CCT report includes testimony of the then Gujarat BJP minister Haren Pandya since murdered who testified about an evening meeting convened by Modi the evening of the train burning At this meeting officials were instructed not to obstruct the Hindu rage following the incident 110 111 The report also highlighted a second meeting held in Lunawada village of Panchmahal district attended by state ministers Ashok Bhatt and Prabhatsinh Chauhan among other BJP and RSS leaders where detailed plans were made on the use of kerosene and petrol for arson and other methods of killing 69 111 The Jamiat Ulama i Hind claimed in 2002 that some regional Congress workers collaborated with the perpetrators of the violence 112 Dipankar Gupta believes that the state and police were clearly complicit in the violence but that some officers were outstanding in the performance of their duties such as Himanshu Bhatt and Rahul Sharma Sharma was reported to have said I don t think any other job would have allowed me to save so many lives 113 Human Rights Watch has reported on acts of exceptional heroism by Hindus Dalits and tribals who tried to protect Muslims from the violence 75 76 In response to allegations of state involvement Gujarat government spokesman Bharat Pandya told the BBC that the rioting was a spontaneous Hindu backlash fueled by widespread anger against Muslims He said Hindus are frustrated over the role of Muslims in the on going violence in Indian administered Kashmir and other parts of India 114 In support of this the US Ambassador at large for International Religious Freedom John Hanford expressed concern over religious intolerance in Indian politics and said that while the rioters may have been aided by state and local officials he did not believe that the BJP led central government was involved in inciting the riots 115 Criminal prosecutionsProsecution of the perpetrators of the violence hampered by witnesses being bribed or intimidated and the perpetrators names being deleted from the charge sheets Local judges were also biased 116 After more than two years of acquittals the Supreme Court of India stepped in transferring key cases to the Bombay High Court and ordering the police to reopen two thousand cases that had been previously closed The Supreme Court also lambasted the Gujarat government as modern day Neros who looked elsewhere when innocent women and children were burning and then interfered with prosecution 117 111 Following this direction police identified nearly 1 600 cases for re investigation arrested 640 accused and launched investigations against forty police officers for their failures 118 119 Note 2 In March 2008 the Supreme Court ordered the setting up of a Special Investigation Team SIT to reinvestigate the Godhra train burning case and key cases of post Godhra violence The former CBI Director R K Raghavan was appointed to chair the Team 111 Christophe Jaffrelot notes that the SIT was not as independent as commonly believed Other than Raghavan half of the six members of the team were recruited from the Gujarat police and the Gujarat High Court was still responsible for appointing judicial officers The SIT made efforts to appoint independent prosecutors but some of them resigned due to their inability to function No efforts were made to protect the witnesses and Raghavan himself was said to be an absentee investigator who spent only a few days every month in Gujarat with the investigations being conducted by the remainder of the team 123 As of April 2013 249 convictions had been secured of 184 Hindus and 65 Muslims Thirty one of the Muslim convictions were for the massacre of Hindus in Godhra 124 Best Bakery case The Best Bakery murder trial received wide attention after witnesses retracted testimony in court and all of the accused were acquitted The Indian Supreme Court acting on a petition by social activist Teesta Setalvad ordered a retrial outside Gujarat in which nine accused were found guilty in 2006 125 A key witness Zaheera Sheikh who repeatedly changed her testimony during the trials and the petition was found guilty of perjury 126 Bilkis Bano case After police dismissed the case against her assailants Bilkis Bano approached the National Human Rights Commission of India and petitioned the Supreme Court seeking a reinvestigation The Supreme Court granted the motion directing the Central Bureau of Investigation CBI to take over the investigation CBI appointed a team of experts from the Central Forensic Science Laboratory CFSL Delhi and All India Institute of Medical Sciences AIIMS under the guidance and leadership of Professor T D Dogra to exhume the mass graves to establish the identity and cause of death of the victims The team successfully located and exhumed the remains of the victims 127 The trial of the case was transferred out of Gujarat and the central government was directed to appoint a public prosecutor 128 129 Charges were filed in a Mumbai court against nineteen people as well as six police officials and a government doctor over their role in the initial investigations 130 In January 2008 eleven men were sentenced to life imprisonment for rapes and murders and a policeman was convicted of falsifying evidence 131 The Bombay High Court upheld the life imprisonment of the eleven men convicted for the gang rape of Bilkis Bano and the murder of her family members during the 2002 Gujarat riots on 8 May 2017 The court also set aside the acquittal of the remaining seven accused in the case including Gujarat police officers and doctors of a government hospital who were charged with suppressing and tampering with evidence 132 Later the final verdict came on 23 April 2019 as the Supreme Court ordered the Gujarat government to pay Bilkis Yakoob Rasool Bano 50 lakh as compensation and to provide her with a government job and housing in the area of her choice 133 On 15 August 2022 the eleven men sentenced to life imprisonment in the Bilkis Bano gangrape case were released from a Godhra jail by the Gujarat government 134 The judge who sentenced the rapists said the early release set a bad precedent by the Gujarat government and warned that the move would have wide ramifications 135 The panel which granted remission included two legislators from the BJP which was the state government at that time former BJP Godhra municipal councillor and a BJP women wing member 136 After being released from the jail they were welcomed with sweets and their feet touched in respect 137 Two days after the remission Bilkis Bano issued a statement expressing her grief at the release of her rapists and said that the decision had shaken her faith in the justice system 138 139 Many Muslims from her village left their homes due to safety concerns 140 On 18 August 2022 around 6 000 signatories including activists eminent writers historians filmmakers journalists and former bureaucrats urged the Supreme Court to revoke the early release of the rapists 141 while the Opposition parties criticised the BJP 142 The convicts harassed the witnesses of the case when they were out on parole as recently as in the year 2021 which added to the criticism of the remission 143 A few days later Supreme Court agreed to look into plea challenging release of 11 convicts 144 A bench comprising Chief Justice of India N V Ramana Justice Ajay Rastogi and Justice Vikram Nath however posed a query with respect to the legal bar on grant of remission to the convicts 145 Avdhootnagar case In 2005 the Vadodara fast track court acquitted 108 people accused of murdering two youths during a mob attack on a group of displaced Muslims returning under police escort to their homes in Avdhootnagar The court passed strictures against the police for failing to protect the people under their escort and failing to identify the attackers they had seen 146 147 Danilimda case Nine people were convicted of killing a Hindu man and injuring another during group clashes in Danilimda Ahmedabad on 12 April 2005 while twenty five others were acquitted 148 Eral case Eight people including a VHP leader and a member of the BJP were convicted for the murder of seven members of a family and the rape of two minor girls in the village of Eral in Panchmahal district 149 150 Pavagadh and Dhikva case Fifty two people from Pavagadh and Dhikva villages in Panchmahal district were acquitted of rioting charges for lack of evidence 151 Godhra train burning case A stringent anti terror law the POTA was used by the Gujarat government to charge 131 people in connection to the Godhra train fire but not invoked in prosecuting any of the accused in the post Godhra riots 152 153 In 2005 the POTA Review Committee set up by the central government to review the application of the law opined that the Godhra accused should not have been tried under the provisions of POTA 154 In February 2011 a special fast track court convicted thirty one Muslims for the Godhra train burning incident and the conspiracy for the crime 56 Dipda Darwaza case On 9 November 2011 a court in Ahmedabad sentenced thirty one Hindus to life imprisonment for murdering dozens of Muslims by burning a building in which they took shelter 155 Forty one other Hindus were acquitted of murder charges due to a lack of evidence 155 Twenty two further people were convicted for attempted murder on 30 July 2012 while sixty one others were acquitted 156 Naroda Patiya Massacre Main article Naroda Patiya massacre On 29 July 2012 an Indian court convicted thirty people in the Naroda Patiya massacre case for their involvement in the attacks The convicted included former state minister Maya Kodnani and Hindu leader Babu Bajrangi The court case began in 2009 and over three hundred people including victims witnesses doctors and journalists testified before the court For the first time the verdict acknowledged the role of a politician in inciting Hindu mobs Activists asserted that the verdict would embolden the opponent of Narendra Modi the then chief minister of Gujarat in the crucial run up to state elections later that year when Modi would be seeking a third term The BJP and he eventually went on to win the elections 157 Modi refused to apologise and denied that the government had a role in the riots Twenty nine people were acquitted during the verdict Teesta Setalvad said For the first time this judgment actually goes beyond neighborhood perpetrators and goes up to the political conspiracy The fact that convictions have gone that high means the conspiracy charge has been accepted and the political influencing of the mobs has been accepted by the judge This is a huge victory for justice 158 Perjury cases In April 2009 the SIT submitted before the Court that Teesta Setalvad had cooked up cases of violence to spice up the incidents The SIT which is headed by former CBI director R K Raghavan has said that false witnesses were tutored to give evidence about imaginary incidents by Setalvad and other NGOs 159 The SIT charged her of cooking up macabre tales of killings 160 161 The court was told that twenty two witnesses who had submitted identical affidavits before various courts relating to riot incidents were questioned by SIT and it was found that the witnesses had not actually witnessed the incidents and they were tutored and the affidavits were handed over to them by Setalvad 160 InquiriesThere were more than sixty investigations by national and international bodies many of which concluded that the violence was supported by state officials 162 A report from the National Human Rights Commission of India NHRC stated that res ipsa loquitur applied as the state had comprehensively failed to protect uphold the rights of the people as set out in the Constitution of India 163 It faulted the Gujarat government for failure of intelligence failure to take appropriate action and failure to identify local factors and players NHRC also expressed widespread lack of faith in the integrity of the investigation of major incidents of violence It recommended that five critical cases should be transferred to the Central Bureau of Investigation CBI The US State Department s International Religious Freedom Report quoted the NHRC as concluding that the attacks had been premeditated that state government officials were complicit and that there was evidence of police not acting during the assaults on Muslims The US State Department also cited how Gujarat s high school textbooks described Hitler s charismatic personality and the achievements of Nazism 31 164 US Congressmen John Conyers and Joe Pitts subsequently introduced a resolution in the House condemning the conduct of Modi for inciting religious persecution They stated that Modi s government had a role in promoting the attitudes of racial supremacy racial hatred and the legacy of Nazism through his government s support of school textbooks in which Nazism is glorified They also wrote a letter to the US State Department asking it deny Modi a visa to the United States The resolution was not adopted 165 The CCT consisting of eminent high court judges released a detailed three volume report on the riots 166 167 168 Headed by retired Supreme Court Justice V R Krishna Iyer the CCT released its findings in 2003 and stated that contrary to the government allegation of a conspiracy in Godhra the incident had not been pre planned and there was no evidence to indicate otherwise On the statewide riots the CCT reported that several days before the Godhra incident which was the excuse used for the attacks homes belonging to Hindus in Muslim areas had been marked with pictures of Hindu deities or saffron flags and that this had been done to prevent any accidental assaults on Hindu homes or businesses The CCT investigation also discovered evidence that the VHP and the Bajrang Dal had training camps in which people were taught to view Muslims as an enemy These camps were backed and supported by the BJP and RSS They also reported that The complicity of the state government is obvious And the support of the central government to the state government in all that it did is also by now a matter of common knowledge 169 The state government commissioned J G Shah to conduct what became a controversial one man inquiry into the Godhra incident its credibility was questioned and the NHRC and the National Minorities Commission requested that a sitting judge from the supreme court be appointed The supreme court overturned the findings by Shah stating this judgement is not based on the understanding of any evidence but on imagination 170 Early in 2003 the state government of Gujarat set up the Nanavati Shah commission to investigate the entire incident from the initial one at Godhra to the ensuing violence The commission was caught up in controversy from the beginning Activists and members of the opposition insisted on a judicial commission to be set up and headed by a sitting judge rather than a retired one from the high court The state government refused Within a few months Nanavati before hearing any testimony declared there was no evidence of lapses by either the police or government in their handling of the violence 171 In 2008 Shah died and was replaced by Justice Akshay Mehta another retired high court judge 172 Metha s appointment was controversial as he was the judge who allowed Babu Bajrangi a prime suspect in the massacre Naroda Patiya massacre to be released on bail 173 174 In July 2013 the commission was given its 20th extension and Mukul Sinha of the civil rights group Jan Sangharsh Manch said of the delays I think the Commission has lost its significance and it now seems to be awaiting the outcome of the 2014 Lok Sabha election 175 In 2007 Tehelka in an undercover operation had said that the Nanavati Shah commission had relied on manufactured evidence Tehelka editor Tarun Tejpal has claimed that they had taped witnesses who stated they had given false testimony after they had been bribed by the Gujarati police force Tehelka also recorded Ranjitsinh Patel where he stated that he and Prabhatsinh Patel had been paid fifty thousand rupees each to amend earlier statements and to identify some Muslims as conspirators 176 According to B G Verghese the Tehelka expose was far too detailed to have been fake 177 A fact finding mission by the Sahmat organisation led by Dr Kamal Mitra Chenoy concluded that the violence was more akin to ethnic cleansing or a pogrom rather than communal violence The report said that the violence surpassed other periods of communal violence such as in 1969 1985 1989 and 1992 not only in the total loss of life but also in the savagery of the attacks 114 178 AftermathRioting in Gujarat There was widespread destruction of property 273 dargahs 241 mosques 19 temples and 3 churches were either destroyed or damaged 179 180 It is estimated that Muslim property losses were 100 000 houses 1 100 hotels 15 000 businesses 3 000 handcarts and 5 000 vehicles 181 Overall 27 780 people were arrested Of them 11 167 were arrested for criminal behavior 3 269 Muslim 7 896 Hindu and 16 615 were arrested as a preventive measure 2 811 Muslim 13 804 Hindu The CCT tribunal reported that 90 percent of those arrested were almost immediately granted bail even if they had been arrested on suspicion of murder or arson There were also media reports that political leaders gave those being released public welcomes This contradicts the state government s statement during the violence that Bail applications of all accused persons are being strongly defended and rejected 182 Police transfers According to R B Sreekumar police officers who followed the rule of law and helped prevent the riots from spreading were punished by the Modi government They were subjected to disciplinary proceedings and transfers with some having to leave the state 183 Sreekumar also claims it is common practice to intimidate whistleblowers and otherwise subvert the justice system 184 and that the state government issued unconstitutional directives with officials asking him to kill Muslims involved in rioting or disrupting a Hindu religious event The Gujarat government denied his allegations claiming that they were baseless and based on malice because Sreekumar had not been promoted 185 Further violence promotion by extremist groups Following the violence Bal Thackeray then leader of the Hindu nationalist group Shiv Sena said Muslims are a cancer to this country Cancer is an incurable disease Its only cure is operation O Hindus take weapons in your hands and remove this cancer from your roots 186 Pravin Togadia international president of the Vishva Hindu Parishad VHP said All Hindutva opponents will get the death sentence and Ashok Singhal the then president of the VHP has said that the violence in Gujarat was a successful experiment which would be repeated nationwide 186 The militant group Indian Mujahideen have carried out attacks in revenge and to also act as a deterrent against further instances of mass violence against Muslims 187 They also claimed to have carried out the 2008 Delhi bombings in revenge for mistreatment of Muslims referencing the destruction of the Babri Mosque and the violence in Gujarat 2002 188 In September 2002 there was an attack on the Hindu temple of Akshardham gunmen carried letters on their persons which suggested that it was a revenge attack for the violence that Muslims had undergone 189 In August 2002 Shahid Ahmad Bakshi an operative for the militant group Lashkar e Toiba planned to assassinate Modi Pravin Togadia of the VHP and other members of the right wing nationalist movement to avenge the 2002 Gujarat violence 190 Human Rights Watch has accused the state of orchestrating a cover up of their role in the violence Human rights activists and Indian solicitors have urged that legislation be passed so that communal violence is treated as genocide 191 Following the violence thousands of Muslims were fired from their places of work and those who tried to return home had to endure an economic and social boycott 192 Organisational changes and political reactions On 3 May 2002 former Punjab police chief Kanwar Pal Singh Gill was appointed as security adviser to Modi 193 Defending the Modi administration in the Rajya Sabha against charges of genocide BJP spokesman V K Malhotra said that the official toll of 254 Hindus killed mostly by police fire indicates how the state authorities took effective steps to curb the violence 194 Opposition parties and three coalition partners of the BJP led central government demanded the dismissal of Modi for failing to contain the violence with some calling for the removal of Union Home Minister L K Advani as well 195 On 18 July Modi asked the Governor of Gujarat to dissolve the state assembly and call fresh elections 196 The Indian Election Commission ruled out early elections citing the prevailing law and order situation and held them in December 2002 197 198 The BJP capitalised on the violence using posters and videotapes of the Godhra incident and painting Muslims as terrorists The party gained in all the constituencies affected by the communal violence and a number of candidates implicated in the violence were elected which in turn ensured freedom from prosecution 199 111 Media investigation In 2004 the weekly magazine Tehelka published a hidden camera expose alleging that BJP legislator Madhu Srivastava bribed Zaheera Sheikh a witness in the Best Bakery case 200 Srivastava denied the allegation 201 and an inquiry committee appointed by the Supreme Court drew an adverse inference from the video footage though it failed to uncover evidence that money was actually paid 202 In a 2007 expose the magazine released hidden camera footage of several members of the BJP VHP and the Bajrang Dal admitting their role in the riots 203 204 Among those featured in the tapes was the special counsel representing the Gujarat government before the Nanavati Shah Commission Arvind Pandya who resigned from his post after the release 205 While the report was criticised by some as being politically motivated 206 207 208 209 some newspapers said the revelations simply reinforced what was common knowledge 204 210 211 212 However the report contradicted official records with regard to Modi s alleged visit to Naroda Patiya and a local police superintendent s location 213 The Gujarat government blocked telecast of cable news channels broadcasting the expose a move strongly condemned by the Editors Guild of India 214 Taking a stand decried by the media and other rights groups Nafisa Hussain a member of the National Commission for Women accused organisations and the media of needlessly exaggerating the plight of women victims of the riots 215 216 217 which was strongly disputed as Gujarat did not have a State Commission for Women to act on the ground 215 The newspaper Tribune reported that The National Commission for Women has reluctantly agreed to the complicity of Gujarat Government in the communal violence in the state The tone of their most recent report was reported by the Tribune as lenient 218 Special Investigation Team In April 2012 the three member SIT formed in 2008 by the Supreme Court as a response to a petition by one of the aggrieved in the Gulmerg massacre absolved Modi of any involvement in the Gulberg massacre arguably the worst episode of the riots 219 In his report Raju Ramachandran the amicus curiae for the case strongly disagreed with a key conclusion of R K Raghavan who led SIT that IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt was not present at a late night meeting of top Gujarat cops held at the Chief Minister s residence in the wake of 27 February 2002 Godhra carnage It has been Bhatt s claim made in an affidavit before the apex court and in statements to the SIT and the amicus that he was present at the meeting where Modi allegedly said Hindus must be allowed to carry out retaliatory violence against Muslims Ramachandran was of the opinion that Modi could be prosecuted for alleged statements he had made He said there was no clinching material available in the pre trial stage to disbelieve Bhatt whose claim could be tested only in court Hence it cannot be said at this stage that Shri Bhatt should be disbelieved and no further proceedings should be taken against Shri Modi 220 221 Further R K Shah the public prosecutor in the Gulbarg Society massacre resigned because he found it impossible to work with the SIT and further stated that Here I am collecting witnesses who know something about a gruesome case in which so many people mostly women and children huddled in Jafri s house were killed and I get no cooperation The SIT officers are unsympathetic towards witnesses they try to browbeat them and don t share evidence with the prosecution as they are supposed to do 222 Teesta Setalvad referred to the stark inequalities between the SIT team s lawyers who are paid 9 lakh rupees per day and the government prosecutors who are paid a pittance SIT officers have been paid Rs 1 5 lakh per month for their participation in the SIT since 2008 223 Diplomatic banModi s failure to stop anti Muslim violence led to a de facto travel ban imposed by the United Kingdom United States and several European nations as well as the boycott of his provincial government by all but the most junior officials 224 In 2005 Modi was refused a US visa as someone held responsible for a serious violation of religious freedom Modi had been invited to the US to speak before the Asian American Hotel Owners Association A petition was set up by Coalition Against Genocide led by Angana Chatterji and signed by 125 academics requesting that Modi be refused a diplomatic visa 225 Hindu groups in the US also protested and planned to demonstrate in cities in Florida A resolution was submitted by John Conyers and Joseph R Pitts in the House of Representatives which condemned Modi for inciting religious persecution Pitts also wrote to then United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice requesting Modi be refused a visa On 19 March Modi was denied a diplomatic visa and his tourist visa was revoked 31 226 As Modi rose to prominence in India the UK and the EU lifted their bans in October 2012 and March 2013 respectively 227 228 and after his election as prime minister he was invited to Washington in the US 229 230 Relief effortsBy 27 March 2002 nearly one hundred thousand displaced people moved into 101 relief camps This swelled to over 150 000 in 104 camps the next two weeks 231 The camps were run by community groups and NGOs with the government committing to provide amenities and supplementary services Drinking water medical help clothing and blankets were in short supply at the camps 232 At least another 100 camps were denied government support according to a camp organiser 233 and relief supplies were prevented from reaching some camps due to fears that they may be carrying arms 234 Reactions to the relief effort were further critical of the Gujarat government Relief camp organisers alleged that the state government was coercing refugees to leave relief camps with twenty five thousand people made to leave eighteen camps which were shut down Following government assurances that further camps would not be shut down the Gujarat High Court bench ordered that camp organizers be given a supervisory role to ensure that assurances were met 235 On 9 September 2002 Modi mentioned during a speech that he was against running relief camps In January 2010 the Supreme Court ordered the government to hand over the speech and other documents to the SIT What brother should we run relief camps Should I start children producing centres there We want to achieve progress by pursuing the policy of family planning with determination Ame paanch Amara pachhees we are five and we have twenty five Can t Gujarat implement family planning Whose inhibitions are coming in our way Which religious sect is coming in the way 236 On 23 May 2008 the Union Government announced a 3 2 billion rupee US 80 million relief package for the victims of the riots 237 In contrast Amnesty International s annual report on India in 2003 claimed the Gujarat government did not actively fulfill its duty to provide appropriate relief and rehabilitation to the survivors 122 The Gujarat government initially offered compensation payments of 200 000 rupees to the families of those who died in the Godhra train fire and 100 000 rupees to the families of those who died in the subsequent riots which local Muslims took to be discriminatory 238 In popular cultureFinal Solution is a 2003 documentary directed by Rakesh Sharma about the 2002 Gujarat violence The film was denied entry to Mumbai International Film Festival in 2004 due to objections by Censor Board of India but won two awards at the 54th Berlin International Film Festival 2004 The ban was later lifted in October 2004 239 240 Passengers A Video Journey in Gujarat is a 2003 documentary film co directed by Akanksha Damini Joshi It is a critically acclaimed 52 minute long film that narrates the journey of a Hindu and a Muslim family during and after the violence The politics of division is experienced intimately through the lives two families in Ahmedabad 241 242 243 244 The film completed in 2003 has been screened at the 9th Open Frame Festival 245 Artivist Film Festival USA Films for Freedom Delhi the World Social Forum 2004 Madurai International Documentary and Short Film Festival and Persistence Resistance New Delhi Gujarati play Dost Chokkas Ahin Ek Nagar Vastu Hatu by Saumya Joshi is a black comedy based on 2002 riots 246 Parzania is a 2007 drama film set after the violence and looks at the aftermath of the riots It is based on the true story of a ten year old Parsi boy Azhar Mody Rahul Dholakia won the Golden Lotus National Film Award for Best Direction and Sarika won the Silver Lotus National Film Award for Best Actress T V Chandran made a trilogy of Malayalam films based on the aftermaths of the Gujarat riots The trilogy consists of Kathavasheshan 2004 Vilapangalkkappuram 2008 and Bhoomiyude Avakashikal 2012 The narrative of all these films begin on the same day 28 February 2002 that is on the day after the Godhra train burning 247 Firaaq is a 2008 political thriller film set one month after the violence and looks at the aftermath in its effects on the lives of everyday people Mausam is a 2011 romantic drama film directed by Pankaj Kapoor spanned over the period between 1992 and 2002 covering major events Kai Po Che is a 2013 Hindi film which depicted riots in its plot The BBC documentary India The Modi Question the first part of which was released in January 2023 examines the Gujarat riots and the role of Modi s administration 108 See also India portal Crime portal Genocide portal 2000s portalViolence against Muslims in India 1969 Gujarat riots 1985 Gujarat riots 2006 Vadodara riots Religious violence in India Gujarat Files Anatomy of a Cover Up Rana Ayyub s investigative book on the riotsReferencesNotes The Concerned Citizen s Tribunal CCT was an eight member committee headed by V R Krishna Iyer retired Judge of Supreme Court with P B Sawant Hosbet Suresh K G Kannabiran Aruna Roy K S Subramanian Ghanshyam Shah and Tanika Sarkar making up the rest It was appointed by Citizens for Peace and Justice CPJ a group formed by some social activists from Mumbai and Ahmedabad It released its first reports in 2003 CPJ members included Alyque Padamsee Anil Dharkar Cyrus Guzder Ghulam Mohammed I M Kadri Javed Akhtar Nandan Maluste Titoo Ahluwalia Vijay Tendulkar Teesta Setalvad Javed Anand Indubhai Jani Uves Sareshwala Batuk Vora Fr Cedric Prakash Najmal Almelkar Human Rights Watch alleged 120 that state and law enforcement officials were harassing and intimidating 121 key witnesses NGOs social 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with the name Embree 2012 has been invoked but is not defined in the lt references gt tag see the help page Cite error A list defined reference with the name Pandey 2005 b has been invoked but is not defined in the lt references gt tag see the help page BibliographyBrass Paul R 15 July 2005 The Production of Hindu Muslim Violence in Contemporary India University of Washington Press p 388 ISBN 978 0 295 98506 0 Bunsha Dionne 2005 Scarred Experiments with Violence in Gujarat Penguin ISBN 978 0 14 400076 0 Engineer Asgharali 2003 The Gujarat Carnage Orient Blackswan ISBN 978 81 250 2496 5 Ghassem Fachandi Parvis 2012 Pogrom in Gujarat Hindu Nationalism and Anti Muslim Violence in India PDF Princeton University Press ISBN 978 0 691 15177 9 Guha Ramachandra 2002 Gujarat the making of a tragedy India Penguin Books ISBN 978 0 14 302901 4 Jaffrelot Christophe 2011 Religion Caste and Politics in India C Hurst amp Co ISBN 978 1849041386 Kishwar Madhu Purnima 2014 Modi Muslims and Media Voices from Narendra Modi s Gujarat Manushi Publications ISBN 978 81 929352 0 1 Marino Andy 2014 Narendra Modi A Political Biography HarperCollins Publishers India ISBN 978 93 5136 217 3 Mitta Manoj 2014 The Fiction of Fact Finding Modi amp Godhra HarperCollins Publishers India ISBN 978 93 5029 187 0 Nussbaum Martha Craven 2008 The Clash Within Democracy Religious Violence and India s Future Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 03059 6 Oommen T K 2008 Reconciliation in Post Godhra Gujarat The Role of Civil Society Pearson Education India ISBN 978 81 317 1546 8 Shani Ornit 2007 Communalism Caste and Hindu Nationalism The Violence in Gujarat Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 72753 2 Simpson Edward 2009 Muslim Society and the Western Indian Ocean The Seafarers of Kachchh Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 54377 4 Varadarajan Siddharth ed 2002 Gujarat The Making of a Tragedy Penguin India ISBN 978 0 14 302901 4 External linksReport Nanavati Commission PDF Government of Gujarat archived from the original PDF on 16 March 2013 retrieved 25 September 2009 Godhra riots by Citizen Tribunal Sabrang Communications Issue of Gujarat CM US visa US State Department Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title 2002 Gujarat riots amp oldid 1139522135, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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