fbpx
Wikipedia

Salishan languages

January 19, 2024

This article is about the family of Salish/Salishan languages. For the language spoken in Montana and Washington State, see Salish-Spokane-Kalispel language. For other uses, see Salish (disambiguation).

The Salishan (also Salish) languages are a family of languages of the Pacific Northwest in North America (the Canadian province of British Columbia and the American states of Washington, Oregon, Idaho and Montana).[1] They are characterised by agglutinativity and syllabic consonants. For instance the Nuxalk word clhp’xwlhtlhplhhskwts’ (IPA: [xɬpʼχʷɬtʰɬpʰɬːskʷʰt͡sʼ]), meaning "he had had [in his possession] a bunchberry plant",[2] has twelve obstruent consonants in a row with no phonetic or phonemic vowels.

Salishan
Geographic
distribution		Pacific Northwest and Interior Plateau/Columbia Plateau in Canada and the United States
Linguistic classificationOne of the world's primary language families
Subdivisions
ISO 639-2 / 5sal
Glottologsali1255
Pre-contact distribution of Salishan languages (in red).

The Salishan languages are a geographically contiguous block, with the exception of the Nuxalk (Bella Coola), in the Central Coast of British Columbia, and the extinct Tillamook language, to the south on the central coast of Oregon.

The terms Salish and Salishan are used interchangeably by linguists and anthropologists studying Salishan, but this is confusing in regular English usage. The name Salish or Selisch is the endonym of the Flathead Nation. Linguists later applied the name Salish to related languages in the Pacific Northwest. Many of the peoples do not have self-designations (autonyms) in their languages; they frequently have specific names for local dialects, as the local group was more important culturally than larger tribal relations.

All Salishan languages are considered critically endangered, some extremely so, with only three or four speakers left. Those languages considered extinct are often referred to as "sleeping languages", in that no speakers exist currently. In the early 21st century, few Salish languages have more than 2,000 speakers. Fluent, daily speakers of almost all Salishan languages are generally over sixty years of age; many languages have only speakers over eighty.

Salishan languages are most commonly written using the Americanist phonetic notation to account for the various vowels and consonants that do not exist in most modern alphabets.[citation needed] Many groups have evolved their own distinctive uses of the Latin alphabet, however, such as the St'at'imc.

Family division edit

The Salishan language family consists of twenty-three languages. Below is a list of Salishan languages, dialects, and subdialects. The genetic unity among the Salish languages is evident. Neighboring groups have communicated often, to the point that it is difficult to untangle the influence each dialect and language has upon others.

A 1969 study found that "language relationships are highest and closest among the Interior Division, whereas they are most distant among the Coast Division."[3]

This list is a linguistic classification that may not correspond to political divisions. In contrast to classifications made by linguistic scholars, many Salishan groups consider their particular variety of speech to be a separate language rather than a dialect.

 
Distribution of Salishan languages at the beginning of the 19th century

Languages or dialects with no living native speakers are marked with † at the highest level.

Reduced overview

The detailed classification follows here.

Nuxalk edit

Coast Salish edit

Interior Salish edit

  • Interior Salish
    • Northern
      • Shuswap (also: Secwepemctsín, səxwəpməxcín)
        • Eastern
          • Kinbasket
          • Shuswap Lake
        • Western
          • Canim Lake
          • Chu Chua
          • Deadman's Creek–Kamloops
          • Fraser River
          • Pavilion-Bonaparte
      • Lillooet (also: Lilloet, St'át'imcets)
        • Lillooet-Fountain
        • Mount Currie–Douglas
      • Thompson River Salish (also: Nlakaʼpamux, Ntlakapmuk, nɬeʔkepmxcín, Thompson River, Thompson Salish, Thompson, known in frontier times as the Hakamaugh, Klackarpun, Couteau or Knife Indians)
        • Lytton
        • Nicola Valley
        • Spuzzum–Boston Bar
        • Thompson Canyon
    • Southern
      • Coeur d’Alene (also: Snchitsuʼumshtsn, snčícuʔumšcn)
      • Columbia-Moses (also: Columbia, Nxaʔamxcín) †[a]
        • Chelan
        • Entiat
        • Columbian
        • Wenatchee (also: Pesquous)
      • Colville-Okanagan (also: Okanagan, Nsilxcín, Nsíylxcən, ta nukunaqínxcən)
        • Northern
        • Southern
          • Colville-Inchelium
          • Methow
          • San Poil–Nespelem
          • Southern Okanogan
      • Montana Salish (Kalispel–Pend d'Oreille language, Spokane–Kalispel–Bitterroot Salish–Upper Pend d'Oreille)
        • Bitterroot Salish (also: Séliš, Bitterroot, Flathead)
        • Kalispel
          • Chewelah
          • Kalispel (also: Qalispé, Lower Pend d'Oreille, Lower Kalispel)
          • Upper Pend d’Oreille (also: Sɫq̓etk͏ʷmsčin̓t, Čłqetkʷmcin, Qlispé, Upper Kalispel)
        • Spokane (also: Npoqínišcn)

Nooksack, Twana, Lower Chehalis, Upper Chehalis, Cowlitz, Klallam, and Tillamook are now extinct. Additionally, the Lummi, Semiahmoo, Songhees, and Sooke dialects of Northern Straits are also extinct.[citation needed]

Genetic relations edit

No relationship to any other language family is well established.

Edward Sapir suggested that the Salishan languages might be related to the Wakashan and Chimakuan languages in a hypothetical Mosan family. This proposal persists primarily through Sapir's stature: with little evidence for such a family, no progress has been made in reconstructing it.[4]

The Salishan languages, principally Chehalis, contributed greatly to the vocabulary of the Chinook Jargon.

Family features edit

Syntax edit

The syntax of Salish languages is notable for its word order (verb-initial), its valency-marking, and the use of several forms of negation.

Word order edit

Although there is a wide array of Salish languages, they all share some basic traits. All are verb initial languages, with VSO (verb-subject-object) being the most common word order. Some Salishan languages allow for VOS and SVO as well. There is no case marking, but central noun phrases will often be preceded by determiners while non-central NPs will take prepositions. Some Salishan languages are ergative, or split-ergative, and many take unique object agreement forms in passive statements. In the St'át'imcets (Lillooet Salish) language, for example, absolutive relative clauses (including a head, like "the beans", and a restricting clause, like "that she re-fried", which references the head) omit person markers, while ergative relative clauses keep person makers on the subject, and sometimes use the topic morpheme -tali. Thus, St'át'imcets is split-ergative, as it is not ergative all the time.[5] Subject and object pronouns usually take the form of affixes that attach to the verb. All Salish languages are head-marking. Possession is marked on the possessed noun phrase as either a prefix or a suffix, while person is marked on predicates. In Central Salish languages like Tillamook and Shuswap, only one plain NP is permitted aside from the subject.

Valency-marking edit

Salishan languages are known for their polysynthetic nature. A verb stem will often have at least one affix, which is typically a suffix. These suffixes perform a variety of functions, such as transitive, causative, reciprocal, reflexive, and applicative. Applicative affixes seem to be present on the verb when the direct object is central to the event being discussed, but is not the theme of the sentence. The direct object may be a recipient, for example. It may also refer to a related noun phrase, like the goal a verb intends to achieve, or the instrument used in carrying out the action of the verb. In the sentence ‘The man used the axe to chop the log with.’, the axe is the instrument and is indicated in Salish through an applicative affix on the verb.

Applicative affixes increase the number of affixes a verb can take on, that is, its syntactic valence. They are also known as "transitivizers" because they can change a verb from intransitive to transitive. For example, in the sentence 'I got scared.', 'scared' is intransitive. However, with the addition of an applicative affix, which is syntactically transitive, the verb in Salish becomes transitive and the sentence can come to mean ‘I got scared of you.’. In some Salishan languages, such as Sḵwx̲wú7mesh, the transitive forms of verbs are morphologically distinctive and marked with a suffix, while the intransitive forms are not.[6] In others such as Halkomelem, intransitive forms have a suffix as well. In some Salish languages, transitivizers can be either controlled (the subject conducted the action on purpose) or limited-control (the subject did not intend to conduct the action, or only managed to conduct a difficult action).[7]

These transitivizers can be followed by object suffixes, which come to modern Salishan languages via Proto-Salish. Proto-Salish had two types of object suffixes, neutral (regular transitive) and causative (when a verb causes the object to do something or be in a certain state), that were then divided into first, second, and third persons, and either singular or plural. Tentative reconstructions of these suffixes include the neutral singular *-c (1st person), *-ci (2nd person), and *-∅ (3rd person), the causative singular *-mx (1st), *-mi (2nd), and *-∅ (3rd), the neutral plural *-al or *-muɬ (1st), *-ulm or *-muɬ (2nd), and the causative plural *-muɬ (1st and 2nd). In Salishan languages spoken since Proto-Salish, the forms of those suffixes have been subject to vowel shifts, borrowing pronoun forms from other languages (such as Kutenai), and merging of neutral and causative forms (as in Secwepemc, Nlaka'pamuctsin, Twana, Straits Salishan languages, and Halkomelem).[8]

Three patterns of negation edit

There are three general patterns of negation among the Salishan languages. The most common pattern involves a negative predicate in the form of an impersonal and intransitive stative verb, which occurs in sentence initial position. The second pattern involves a sentence initial negative particle that is often attached to the sentence's subject, and the last pattern simply involves a sentence initial negative particle without any change in inflectional morphology or a determiner/complementizer. In addition, there is a fourth restricted pattern that has been noted only in Squamish.

Nounlessness edit

Salishan languages (along with the Wakashan and the extinct Chimakuan languages) exhibit predicate/argument flexibility. All content words are able to occur as the head of the predicate (including words with typically 'noun-like' meanings that refer to entities) or in an argument (including those with 'verb-like' meanings that refer to events). Words with noun-like meanings are automatically equivalent to [be + NOUN] when used predicatively, such as Lushootseed sbiaw which means '(is a) coyote'. Words with more verb-like meanings, when used as arguments, are equivalent to [one that VERBs] or [VERB+er]. For example, Lushootseed ʔux̌ʷ means '(one that) goes'.

The following examples are from Lushootseed.

Sentence (1a) ʔux̌ʷ ti sbiaw
Morphemes ʔux̌ʷ ti sbiaw
Gloss go SPEC coyote
Kinkade interpretation goes that which is a coyote
Syntax Predicate Subject
Translation The/a coyote goes.
Sentence (1b) sbiaw ti ʔux̌ʷ
Morphemes sbiaw ti ʔux̌ʷ
Gloss coyote SPEC go
Kinkade interpretation is a coyote that which goes
Syntax Predicate Subject
Translation The one who goes is a coyote.

An almost identical pair of sentences from St’át’imcets demonstrates that this phenomenon is not restricted to Lushootseed.

Sentence (2a) t’ak tink’yápa
Morphemes t’ak ti- nk’yap -a
Gloss go.along DET- coyote -DET
Kinkade interpretation goes along that which is a coyote
Syntax Predicate Subject
Translation The/a coyote goes along.
Sentence (2b) nk’yap tit’áka
Morphemes nk’yap ti- t’ak -a
Gloss coyote DET- go.along -DET
Kinkade interpretation is a coyote that which goes along
Syntax Predicate Subject
Translation The one going along is a coyote.

This and similar behaviour in other Salish and Wakashan languages has been used as evidence for a complete lack of a lexical distinction between nouns and verbs in these families. This has become controversial in recent years. David Beck of the University of Alberta contends that there is evidence for distinct lexical categories of 'noun' and 'verb' by arguing that, although any distinction is neutralised in predicative positions, words that can be categorised as 'verbs' are marked when used in syntactic argument positions. He argues that Salishan languages are omnipredicative, but only have 'uni-directional flexibility' (not 'bi-directional flexibility'), which makes Salishan languages no different from other omnipredicative languages such as Arabic and Nahuatl, which have a clear lexical noun-verb distinction.

Beck does concede, however, that the Lushootseed argument ti ʔux̌ʷ ('the one who goes', shown in example sentence (1b) above) does represent an example of an unmarked 'verb' used as an argument and that further research may potentially substantiate M. Dale Kinkade's 1983 position that all Salishan content words are essentially 'verbs' (such as ʔux̌ʷ 'goes' and sbiaw 'is a coyote') and that the use of any content word as an argument involves an underlying relative clause. For example, with the determiner ti translated as 'that which', the arguments ti ʔux̌ʷ and ti sbiaw would be most literally translated as 'that which goes' and 'that which is a coyote' respectively.[9][10][11]

Historical linguistics edit

There are twenty-three languages in the Salishan language family. They occupy the Pacific Northwest, with all but two of them being concentrated together in a single large area. It is clear that these languages are related, but it's difficult to track the development of each because their histories are so interwoven. The different speech communities have interacted a great deal, making it nearly impossible to decipher the influences of varying dialects and languages on one another. However, there are several trends and patterns that can be historically traced to generalize the development of the Salishan languages over the years.

The variation between the Salishan languages seems to depend on two main factors: the distance between speech communities and the geographic barriers between them. The diversity between the languages corresponds directly to the distance between them. Closer proximity often entails more contact between speakers, and more linguistic similarities are the result. Geographic barriers like mountains impede contact, so two communities that are relatively close together may still vary considerably in their language use if there is a mountain separating them.

The rate of change between neighboring Salishan languages often depends on their environments. If for some reason two communities diverge, their adaptation to a new environment can separate them linguistically from each other. The need to create names for tools, animals, and plants creates an array of new vocabulary that divides speech communities. However, these new names may come from borrowing from neighboring languages, in which case two languages or dialects can grow more alike rather than apart. Interactions with outside influences through trade and intermarriage often result in language change as well.

Some cultural elements are more resilient to language change, namely, religion and folklore. Salishan language communities that have demonstrated change in technology and environmental vocabulary have often remained more consistent with their religious terminology. Religion and heavily ingrained cultural traditions are often regarded as sacred, and so are less likely to undergo any sort of change. Indeed, cognate lists between various Salishan languages show more similarities in religious terminology than they do in technology and environment vocabulary. Other categories with noticeable similarities include words for body parts, colors, and numbers. There would be little need to change such vocabulary, so it's more likely to remain the same despite other changes between languages. The Coast Salishan languages are less similar to each other than are the Interior Salishan languages, probably because the Coast communities have more access to outside influences.

Another example of language change in the Salishan language family is word taboo, which is a cultural expression of the belief in the power of words. Among the Coast languages, a person's name becomes a taboo word immediately following their death. This taboo is lifted when the name of the deceased is given to a new member of their lineage. In the meantime, the deceased person's name and words that are phonetically similar to the name are considered taboo and can only be expressed via descriptive phrases. In some cases these taboo words are permanently replaced by their chosen descriptive phrases, resulting in language change.

Pragmatics edit

At least one Salish language, Lillooet Salish, differs from Indo-European languages in terms of pragmatics. Lillooet Salish does not allow presuppositions about a hearer's beliefs or knowledge during a conversation.[12][13] To demonstrate, it's useful to compare Lillooet Salish determiners with English determiners. English determiners take the form of the articles ‘a’, ‘an’ and ‘the’. The indefinite articles ‘a’ and ‘an’ refer to an object that is unfamiliar or that has not been previously referenced in conversation. The definite article ‘the’ refers to a familiar object about which both the speaker and the listener share a common understanding. Lillooet Salish and several other Salish languages use the same determiner to refer to both familiar and unfamiliar objects in conversation. For example, when discussing a woman, Lillooet Salish speakers used [ɬəsɬánay] (with [ɬə] serving as the determiner and [sɬánay] meaning ‘woman’) to refer to the woman both when initially introducing her and again when referencing her later on in the conversation. Thus, no distinction is made between a unique object and a familiar one.[citation needed]

This absence of varying determiners is a manifestation of the lack of presuppositions about a listener in Salish.[citation needed] Using a definite article would presuppose a mental state of the listener: familiarity with the object in question. Similarly, a Salishan language equivalent of the English sentence "It was John who called" would not require the assumption that the listener knows that someone called. In English, such a sentence implies that someone called and serves to clarify who the caller was. In Salish, the sentence would be void of any implication regarding the listener's knowledge. Rather, only the speaker's knowledge about previous events is expressed.

The absence of presuppositions extends even to elements that seem to inherently trigger some kind of implication, such as ‘again’, ‘more’, ‘stop’, and ‘also’. For example, in English, beginning a conversation with a sentence like "It also rained yesterday" would probably be met with confusion from the listener. The word ‘also’ signifies an addition to some previously discussed topic about which both the speaker and the listener are aware. However, in Salish, a statement like "It also rained yesterday" is not met with the same kind of bewilderment. The listener's prior knowledge (or lack thereof) is not conventionally regarded by either party in a conversation. Only the speaker's knowledge is relevant.

The use of pronouns illustrates the disregard for presuppositions as well. For example, a sentence like "She walked there, and then Brenda left" would be acceptable on its own in Lillooet Salish. The pronoun ‘she’ can refer to Brenda and be used without the introduction that would be necessary in English.[further explanation needed] It is key to note that presuppositions do exist in Salishan languages; they simply don't have to be shared between the speaker and listener the way they do in English and other Indo-European languages. The above examples demonstrate that presuppositions are present, but the fact that the listener doesn't necessarily have to be aware of them signifies that the presuppositions only matter to the speaker. They are indicative of prior information that the speaker alone may be aware of, and his/her speech reflects merely his/her perspective on a situation without taking into account the listener's knowledge. Although English values a common ground between a listener and speaker and thus requires that some presuppositions about another person's knowledge be made, Salish does not share this pragmatic convention.

In popular culture edit

Stanley Evans has written a series of crime fiction novels that use Salish lore and language.[clarification needed]

An episode of Stargate SG-1 ("Spirits", 2x13) features a culture of extraterrestrial humans loosely inspired by Pacific coastal First Nations culture, and who speak a language referred to as "ancient Salish".

In the video game Life Is Strange, the Salish lore was used on certain history of Arcadia Bay as totem poles are seen on some areas, including a segment from the first episode of its prequel involving the raven.

Notes edit

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Currently undergoing revitalization.

References edit

  1. ^ "First Nations Culture Areas Index". the Canadian Museum of Civilization.
  2. ^ Bagemihl, Bruce (1991). "Syllable Structure in Bella Coola". Linguistic Inquiry. 22 (4): 589–646. ISSN 0024-3892. JSTOR 4178744.
  3. ^ Jorgensen, Joseph G. (1969). Salishan language and culture. Language Science Monographs. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University. p. 105.
  4. ^ Beck (2000).
  5. ^ Roberts, Taylor (1999). "Grammatical Relations and Ergativity in St'át'imcets (Lillooet Salish)". International Journal of American Linguistics. 65 (3): 275–302. doi:10.1086/466391. ISSN 0020-7071. JSTOR 1265788. S2CID 143415352. Retrieved 9 December 2020.
  6. ^ Kuipers, Aert H. (1968). "The categories verb-noun and transitive-intransitive in English and Squamish". Lingua. 21: 610–626. doi:10.1016/0024-3841(68)90080-6. Retrieved 18 November 2020.
  7. ^ Jacobs, Peter William (2011). Control in Skwxwú7mesh (Thesis). Vancouver: University of British Columbia. doi:10.14288/1.0071786. Retrieved 17 December 2020.
  8. ^ Newman, Stanley (1979). "The Salish Object Forms". International Journal of American Linguistics. 45 (4): 299–308. doi:10.1086/465612. ISSN 0020-7071. JSTOR 1264720. S2CID 143874319. Retrieved 7 December 2020.
  9. ^ Rijkhoff, Jan; Lier, Eva Helena van (2013). Flexible word classes: typological studies of underspecified parts of speech (1 ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199668441.003.0007. ISBN 978-0-19-966844-1. Retrieved 2013-11-20.
  10. ^ Cable, Seth. Lexical Categories in the Salish and Wakashan Languages (PDF). Retrieved 2013-11-20.
  11. ^ Kinkade, M. Dale (1983-05-01). "Salish evidence against the universality of 'noun' and 'verb'". Lingua. 60 (1): 25–39. doi:10.1016/0024-3841(83)90045-1. ISSN 0024-3841.
  12. ^ Matthewson, Lisa (2008-10-03). "Pronouns, Presuppositions, and Semantic Variation". Semantics and Linguistic Theory. Proceedings of the North East Linguistics Society 36. 18: 527. doi:10.3765/salt.v18i0.2505. hdl:1813/13054. ISSN 2163-5951. Retrieved 2015-10-18.
  13. ^ Matthewson, Lisa (1996). Determiner systems and quantificational strategies: evidence from Salish (Thesis). University of British Columbia. doi:10.14288/1.0087844.

Bibliography edit

  • Beck, David. (2000). Grammatical Convergence and the Genesis of Diversity in the Northwest Coast Sprachbund. Anthropological Linguistics 42, 147–213.
  • Boas, Franz, et al. (1917). Folk-Tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes. Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, 11. Lancaster, Pa: American Folk-Lore Society.
  • Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa; & Kinkade, M. Dale (Eds.). (1997). Salish Languages and Linguistics: Theoretical and Descriptive Perspectives. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-015492-7.
  • Davis, Henry. (2005). On the Syntax and Semantics of Negation in Salish. International Journal of American Linguistics 71.1, January 2005.
  • Davis, Henry. and Matthewson, Lisa. (2009). Issues in Salish Syntax and Semantics. Language and Linguistics Compass, 3: 1097–1166. Online.
  • Flathead Culture Committee. (1981). Common Names of the Flathead Language. St. Ignatius, Mont: The Committee.
  • Jorgensen, Joseph G. (1969). Salish Language and Culture. 3. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Publications.
  • Kiyosawa, Kaoru; Donna B. Gerdts. (2010). Salish Applicatives. Leiden, Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill NV.
  • Kroeber, Paul D. (1999). The Salish Language Family: Reconstructing Syntax. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press in cooperation with the American Indian Studies Research Institute, Indiana University, Bloomington.
  • Kuipers, Aert H. (2002). Salish Etymological Dictionary. Missoula, MT: Linguistics Laboratory, University of Montana. ISBN 1-879763-16-8
  • Liedtke, Stefan. (1995). Wakashan, Salishan and Penutian and Wider Connections Cognate Sets. Linguistic Data on Diskette Series, no. 09. Munchen: Lincom Europa.
  • Pilling, James Constantine. (1893). Bibliography of the Salishan Languages. Washington: G.P.O.
  • Pilling, James Constantine (2007). Bibliography of the Salishan Languages. Reprint by Gardners Books. ISBN 978-1-4304-6927-8
  • Silver, Shirley; Wick R. Miller. (1997). American Indian languages: Cultural and Social Contexts. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
  • Hamill, Chad (2012). . Corvallis: Oregon State University Press. ISBN 978-0-87071-675-1. Archived from the original on 2015-09-25. Salishan language hymns.
  • Thompson, Laurence C. (1973). The Northwest. In T. A. Sebeok (Ed.), Linguistics in North America (pp. 979–1045). Current Trends in Linguistics (Vol. 10). The Hague: Mouton.
  • Thompson, Laurence C. (1979). Salishan and the Northwest. In L. Campbell & M. Mithun (Eds.), The Languages of Native America: Historical and Comparative Assessment (pp. 692–765). Austin: University of Texas Press.

External links edit

 
Look up Salish in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
 
Wiktionary has a list of reconstructed forms at Appendix:Proto-Salishan reconstructions
  • Bibliography of Materials on Salishan Languages (YDLI)
  • (Native languages of the Northwest)
  • International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages
  • (Linguist List)
  • Native Peoples, Plants & Animals: Halkomelem
  • (Timothy Montler's site)
  • (Timothy Montler's site)
  • Classification of the Salishan languages reflecting current scholarship
  • Tulalip Lushootseed Language Web Site
  • by Peter Ladefoged

January 19, 2024
salishan, languages, this, article, about, family, salish, language, spoken, montana, washington, state, salish, spokane, kalispel, language, other, uses, salish, disambiguation, this, article, includes, list, general, references, lacks, sufficient, correspond. This article is about the family of Salish Salishan languages For the language spoken in Montana and Washington State see Salish Spokane Kalispel language For other uses see Salish disambiguation This article includes a list of general references but it lacks sufficient corresponding inline citations Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations January 2015 Learn how and when to remove this template message The Salishan also Salish languages are a family of languages of the Pacific Northwest in North America the Canadian province of British Columbia and the American states of Washington Oregon Idaho and Montana 1 They are characterised by agglutinativity and syllabic consonants For instance the Nuxalk word clhp xwlhtlhplhhskwts IPA xɬpʼxʷɬtʰɬpʰɬːskʷʰt sʼ meaning he had had in his possession a bunchberry plant 2 has twelve obstruent consonants in a row with no phonetic or phonemic vowels SalishanGeographicdistributionPacific Northwest and Interior Plateau Columbia Plateau in Canada and the United StatesLinguistic classificationOne of the world s primary language familiesSubdivisionsNuxalk Coast Salish Interior SalishISO 639 2 5salGlottologsali1255Pre contact distribution of Salishan languages in red The Salishan languages are a geographically contiguous block with the exception of the Nuxalk Bella Coola in the Central Coast of British Columbia and the extinct Tillamook language to the south on the central coast of Oregon The terms Salish and Salishan are used interchangeably by linguists and anthropologists studying Salishan but this is confusing in regular English usage The name Salish or Selisch is the endonym of the Flathead Nation Linguists later applied the name Salish to related languages in the Pacific Northwest Many of the peoples do not have self designations autonyms in their languages they frequently have specific names for local dialects as the local group was more important culturally than larger tribal relations All Salishan languages are considered critically endangered some extremely so with only three or four speakers left Those languages considered extinct are often referred to as sleeping languages in that no speakers exist currently In the early 21st century few Salish languages have more than 2 000 speakers Fluent daily speakers of almost all Salishan languages are generally over sixty years of age many languages have only speakers over eighty Salishan languages are most commonly written using the Americanist phonetic notation to account for the various vowels and consonants that do not exist in most modern alphabets citation needed Many groups have evolved their own distinctive uses of the Latin alphabet however such as the St at imc Contents 1 Family division 1 1 Nuxalk 1 2 Coast Salish 1 3 Interior Salish 2 Genetic relations 3 Family features 4 Syntax 4 1 Word order 4 2 Valency marking 4 3 Three patterns of negation 5 Nounlessness 6 Historical linguistics 7 Pragmatics 8 In popular culture 9 Notes 10 References 11 Bibliography 12 External linksFamily division editThe Salishan language family consists of twenty three languages Below is a list of Salishan languages dialects and subdialects The genetic unity among the Salish languages is evident Neighboring groups have communicated often to the point that it is difficult to untangle the influence each dialect and language has upon others A 1969 study found that language relationships are highest and closest among the Interior Division whereas they are most distant among the Coast Division 3 This list is a linguistic classification that may not correspond to political divisions In contrast to classifications made by linguistic scholars many Salishan groups consider their particular variety of speech to be a separate language rather than a dialect nbsp Distribution of Salishan languages at the beginning of the 19th centuryLanguages or dialects with no living native speakers are marked with at the highest level Reduced overviewSalishan Nuxalk Nuxalk Coast Salish Central Coast Salish Comox Halkomelem Lushootseed a Nooksack a Pentlatch a Sechelt Squamish Straits Salish group Klallam a Northern Straits Twana Tsamosan a Inland a Cowlitz a Upper Chehalis Maritime Lower Chehalis Quinault Tillamook Tillamook Interior Salish Northern Shuswap Lillooet Thompson River Salish Southern Coeur d Alene Columbia Moses a Colville Okanagan Montana Salish The detailed classification follows here Nuxalk edit Nuxalk also Bella Coola Salmon River Kimsquit Nuxalk Kwatna Tallheo Coast Salish edit Coast Salish Central Coast Salish also Central Salish Comox Also Eyɂaɂjuuthem Island Comox also ʔayʔajusem Qʼomox ʷs Kʼomoks Mainland Comox also ʔayaju8em Sliammon Tla A min Halkomelem Island also Hulʼq ʼumiʼnumʼ Hel q emin em Cowichan Snuneymuxw and Snaw Na Was Halalt Stz uminus Chemainus Lamalcha Malahat Penelakut Lyackson Lake Cowichan Downriver also Hunqʼumʔiʔnumʔ Musqueam Katzie Kwantlen Snokomish Tsawwassen Kwikwetlem Tsleil waututh Upriver also Upper Sto lō Halqʼemeylem Sts Ailes Chilliwack area bands Tait Skway Lushootseed also dxʷlesucid Puget Salish Skagit Nisqually a Northern Skagit also sqaǰet Sauk Suiattle also saʔqʷebixʷ Snohomish also sduhubs Southern Duwamish Suquamish also dxʷdewʔabs Puyallup also spuyalepabs Nisqually also dxʷsqʷaliʔabs Nooksack also Le celesem Le caelosem a Pentlatch also Penƛ ac a Sechelt also Seshelt Shashishalh Shashishalhem Sasisaɬem Squamish also Sḵwx wu7mesh snichim Sḵwx wu7mesh Sqwxwu7mish Sqʷx ʷuʔmes Straits Salish group also Straits Klallam also Clallam nexʷsƛ ay emucen a Becher Bay Eastern Western Northern Straits also Straits Lummi also Xwlemiʼchosen Xʷlemiʔcosen a Pauquachin also Pak quw chin Saanich also SENCOŦEN Senca8en Senecqen Samish also Siʔnemes Semiahmoo also Tah tu lo T Sou ke also Sooke C awk Songhees also Lek ʷeŋin eŋ Twana also Skokomish Sqʷuqʷuʔbesq Tuwaduqutsad Quilcene Skokomish also Sqʷuqʷuʔbesq Tsamosan also Olympic a Inland Cowlitz also ƛʼpulmixq a Upper Chehalis also Q ʷay ayiɬq Oakville Chehalis Satsop Tenino Chehalis Maritime Lower Chehalis also Lew al mes Humptulips Westport Shoalwater Wynoochee Quinault also Kʷinayɬ Queets Quinault Tillamook also Hutyeyu Siletz Tillamook Garibaldi Nestucca Nehalem Interior Salish edit Interior Salish Northern Shuswap also Secwepemctsin sexwepmexcin Eastern Kinbasket Shuswap Lake Western Canim Lake Chu Chua Deadman s Creek Kamloops Fraser River Pavilion Bonaparte Lillooet also Lilloet St at imcets Lillooet Fountain Mount Currie Douglas Thompson River Salish also Nlakaʼpamux Ntlakapmuk nɬeʔkepmxcin Thompson River Thompson Salish Thompson known in frontier times as the Hakamaugh Klackarpun Couteau or Knife Indians Lytton Nicola Valley Spuzzum Boston Bar Thompson Canyon Southern Coeur d Alene also Snchitsuʼumshtsn sncicuʔumscn Columbia Moses also Columbia Nxaʔamxcin a Chelan Entiat Columbian Wenatchee also Pesquous Colville Okanagan also Okanagan Nsilxcin Nsiylxcen ta nukunaqinxcen Northern Quilchena amp Spaxomin Sinixt sn selxcin Penticton Similkameen Vernon Southern Colville Inchelium Methow San Poil Nespelem Southern Okanogan Montana Salish Kalispel Pend d Oreille language Spokane Kalispel Bitterroot Salish Upper Pend d Oreille Bitterroot Salish also Selis Bitterroot Flathead Kalispel Chewelah Kalispel also Qalispe Lower Pend d Oreille Lower Kalispel Upper Pend d Oreille also Sɫq etk ʷmscin t Clqetkʷmcin Qlispe Upper Kalispel Spokane also Npoqiniscn Nooksack Twana Lower Chehalis Upper Chehalis Cowlitz Klallam and Tillamook are now extinct Additionally the Lummi Semiahmoo Songhees and Sooke dialects of Northern Straits are also extinct citation needed Genetic relations editNo relationship to any other language family is well established Edward Sapir suggested that the Salishan languages might be related to the Wakashan and Chimakuan languages in a hypothetical Mosan family This proposal persists primarily through Sapir s stature with little evidence for such a family no progress has been made in reconstructing it 4 The Salishan languages principally Chehalis contributed greatly to the vocabulary of the Chinook Jargon Family features editPost velar harmony more areal Presence of syllables without vowels Grammatical reduplication Nonconcatenation infixes metathesis glottalization Tenselessness Nounlessness controversial Syntax editThe syntax of Salish languages is notable for its word order verb initial its valency marking and the use of several forms of negation Word order edit Although there is a wide array of Salish languages they all share some basic traits All are verb initial languages with VSO verb subject object being the most common word order Some Salishan languages allow for VOS and SVO as well There is no case marking but central noun phrases will often be preceded by determiners while non central NPs will take prepositions Some Salishan languages are ergative or split ergative and many take unique object agreement forms in passive statements In the St at imcets Lillooet Salish language for example absolutive relative clauses including a head like the beans and a restricting clause like that she re fried which references the head omit person markers while ergative relative clauses keep person makers on the subject and sometimes use the topic morpheme tali Thus St at imcets is split ergative as it is not ergative all the time 5 Subject and object pronouns usually take the form of affixes that attach to the verb All Salish languages are head marking Possession is marked on the possessed noun phrase as either a prefix or a suffix while person is marked on predicates In Central Salish languages like Tillamook and Shuswap only one plain NP is permitted aside from the subject Valency marking edit Salishan languages are known for their polysynthetic nature A verb stem will often have at least one affix which is typically a suffix These suffixes perform a variety of functions such as transitive causative reciprocal reflexive and applicative Applicative affixes seem to be present on the verb when the direct object is central to the event being discussed but is not the theme of the sentence The direct object may be a recipient for example It may also refer to a related noun phrase like the goal a verb intends to achieve or the instrument used in carrying out the action of the verb In the sentence The man used the axe to chop the log with the axe is the instrument and is indicated in Salish through an applicative affix on the verb Applicative affixes increase the number of affixes a verb can take on that is its syntactic valence They are also known as transitivizers because they can change a verb from intransitive to transitive For example in the sentence I got scared scared is intransitive However with the addition of an applicative affix which is syntactically transitive the verb in Salish becomes transitive and the sentence can come to mean I got scared of you In some Salishan languages such as Sḵwx wu7mesh the transitive forms of verbs are morphologically distinctive and marked with a suffix while the intransitive forms are not 6 In others such as Halkomelem intransitive forms have a suffix as well In some Salish languages transitivizers can be either controlled the subject conducted the action on purpose or limited control the subject did not intend to conduct the action or only managed to conduct a difficult action 7 These transitivizers can be followed by object suffixes which come to modern Salishan languages via Proto Salish Proto Salish had two types of object suffixes neutral regular transitive and causative when a verb causes the object to do something or be in a certain state that were then divided into first second and third persons and either singular or plural Tentative reconstructions of these suffixes include the neutral singular c 1st person ci 2nd person and 3rd person the causative singular mx 1st mi 2nd and 3rd the neutral plural al or muɬ 1st ulm or muɬ 2nd and the causative plural muɬ 1st and 2nd In Salishan languages spoken since Proto Salish the forms of those suffixes have been subject to vowel shifts borrowing pronoun forms from other languages such as Kutenai and merging of neutral and causative forms as in Secwepemc Nlaka pamuctsin Twana Straits Salishan languages and Halkomelem 8 Three patterns of negation edit There are three general patterns of negation among the Salishan languages The most common pattern involves a negative predicate in the form of an impersonal and intransitive stative verb which occurs in sentence initial position The second pattern involves a sentence initial negative particle that is often attached to the sentence s subject and the last pattern simply involves a sentence initial negative particle without any change in inflectional morphology or a determiner complementizer In addition there is a fourth restricted pattern that has been noted only in Squamish This section needs expansion You can help by adding to it May 2008 Nounlessness editSalishan languages along with the Wakashan and the extinct Chimakuan languages exhibit predicate argument flexibility All content words are able to occur as the head of the predicate including words with typically noun like meanings that refer to entities or in an argument including those with verb like meanings that refer to events Words with noun like meanings are automatically equivalent to be NOUN when used predicatively such as Lushootseed sbiaw which means is a coyote Words with more verb like meanings when used as arguments are equivalent to one that VERBs or VERB er For example Lushootseed ʔux ʷ means one that goes The following examples are from Lushootseed Sentence 1a ʔux ʷ ti sbiawMorphemes ʔux ʷ ti sbiawGloss go SPEC coyoteKinkade interpretation goes that which is a coyoteSyntax Predicate SubjectTranslation The a coyote goes Sentence 1b sbiaw ti ʔux ʷMorphemes sbiaw ti ʔux ʷGloss coyote SPEC goKinkade interpretation is a coyote that which goesSyntax Predicate SubjectTranslation The one who goes is a coyote An almost identical pair of sentences from St at imcets demonstrates that this phenomenon is not restricted to Lushootseed Sentence 2a t ak tink yapaMorphemes t ak ti nk yap aGloss go along DET coyote DETKinkade interpretation goes along that which is a coyoteSyntax Predicate SubjectTranslation The a coyote goes along Sentence 2b nk yap tit akaMorphemes nk yap ti t ak aGloss coyote DET go along DETKinkade interpretation is a coyote that which goes alongSyntax Predicate SubjectTranslation The one going along is a coyote This and similar behaviour in other Salish and Wakashan languages has been used as evidence for a complete lack of a lexical distinction between nouns and verbs in these families This has become controversial in recent years David Beck of the University of Alberta contends that there is evidence for distinct lexical categories of noun and verb by arguing that although any distinction is neutralised in predicative positions words that can be categorised as verbs are marked when used in syntactic argument positions He argues that Salishan languages are omnipredicative but only have uni directional flexibility not bi directional flexibility which makes Salishan languages no different from other omnipredicative languages such as Arabic and Nahuatl which have a clear lexical noun verb distinction Beck does concede however that the Lushootseed argument ti ʔux ʷ the one who goes shown in example sentence 1b above does represent an example of an unmarked verb used as an argument and that further research may potentially substantiate M Dale Kinkade s 1983 position that all Salishan content words are essentially verbs such as ʔux ʷ goes and sbiaw is a coyote and that the use of any content word as an argument involves an underlying relative clause For example with the determiner ti translated as that which the arguments ti ʔux ʷ and ti sbiaw would be most literally translated as that which goes and that which is a coyote respectively 9 10 11 Historical linguistics editThere are twenty three languages in the Salishan language family They occupy the Pacific Northwest with all but two of them being concentrated together in a single large area It is clear that these languages are related but it s difficult to track the development of each because their histories are so interwoven The different speech communities have interacted a great deal making it nearly impossible to decipher the influences of varying dialects and languages on one another However there are several trends and patterns that can be historically traced to generalize the development of the Salishan languages over the years The variation between the Salishan languages seems to depend on two main factors the distance between speech communities and the geographic barriers between them The diversity between the languages corresponds directly to the distance between them Closer proximity often entails more contact between speakers and more linguistic similarities are the result Geographic barriers like mountains impede contact so two communities that are relatively close together may still vary considerably in their language use if there is a mountain separating them The rate of change between neighboring Salishan languages often depends on their environments If for some reason two communities diverge their adaptation to a new environment can separate them linguistically from each other The need to create names for tools animals and plants creates an array of new vocabulary that divides speech communities However these new names may come from borrowing from neighboring languages in which case two languages or dialects can grow more alike rather than apart Interactions with outside influences through trade and intermarriage often result in language change as well Some cultural elements are more resilient to language change namely religion and folklore Salishan language communities that have demonstrated change in technology and environmental vocabulary have often remained more consistent with their religious terminology Religion and heavily ingrained cultural traditions are often regarded as sacred and so are less likely to undergo any sort of change Indeed cognate lists between various Salishan languages show more similarities in religious terminology than they do in technology and environment vocabulary Other categories with noticeable similarities include words for body parts colors and numbers There would be little need to change such vocabulary so it s more likely to remain the same despite other changes between languages The Coast Salishan languages are less similar to each other than are the Interior Salishan languages probably because the Coast communities have more access to outside influences Another example of language change in the Salishan language family is word taboo which is a cultural expression of the belief in the power of words Among the Coast languages a person s name becomes a taboo word immediately following their death This taboo is lifted when the name of the deceased is given to a new member of their lineage In the meantime the deceased person s name and words that are phonetically similar to the name are considered taboo and can only be expressed via descriptive phrases In some cases these taboo words are permanently replaced by their chosen descriptive phrases resulting in language change Pragmatics editThis section possibly contains original research Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding inline citations Statements consisting only of original research should be removed December 2018 Learn how and when to remove this template message This section may be confusing or unclear to readers In particular This section is not rigorous Please help clarify the section There might be a discussion about this on the talk page February 2017 Learn how and when to remove this template message At least one Salish language Lillooet Salish differs from Indo European languages in terms of pragmatics Lillooet Salish does not allow presuppositions about a hearer s beliefs or knowledge during a conversation 12 13 To demonstrate it s useful to compare Lillooet Salish determiners with English determiners English determiners take the form of the articles a an and the The indefinite articles a and an refer to an object that is unfamiliar or that has not been previously referenced in conversation The definite article the refers to a familiar object about which both the speaker and the listener share a common understanding Lillooet Salish and several other Salish languages use the same determiner to refer to both familiar and unfamiliar objects in conversation For example when discussing a woman Lillooet Salish speakers used ɬesɬanay with ɬe serving as the determiner and sɬanay meaning woman to refer to the woman both when initially introducing her and again when referencing her later on in the conversation Thus no distinction is made between a unique object and a familiar one citation needed This absence of varying determiners is a manifestation of the lack of presuppositions about a listener in Salish citation needed Using a definite article would presuppose a mental state of the listener familiarity with the object in question Similarly a Salishan language equivalent of the English sentence It was John who called would not require the assumption that the listener knows that someone called In English such a sentence implies that someone called and serves to clarify who the caller was In Salish the sentence would be void of any implication regarding the listener s knowledge Rather only the speaker s knowledge about previous events is expressed The absence of presuppositions extends even to elements that seem to inherently trigger some kind of implication such as again more stop and also For example in English beginning a conversation with a sentence like It also rained yesterday would probably be met with confusion from the listener The word also signifies an addition to some previously discussed topic about which both the speaker and the listener are aware However in Salish a statement like It also rained yesterday is not met with the same kind of bewilderment The listener s prior knowledge or lack thereof is not conventionally regarded by either party in a conversation Only the speaker s knowledge is relevant The use of pronouns illustrates the disregard for presuppositions as well For example a sentence like She walked there and then Brenda left would be acceptable on its own in Lillooet Salish The pronoun she can refer to Brenda and be used without the introduction that would be necessary in English further explanation needed It is key to note that presuppositions do exist in Salishan languages they simply don t have to be shared between the speaker and listener the way they do in English and other Indo European languages The above examples demonstrate that presuppositions are present but the fact that the listener doesn t necessarily have to be aware of them signifies that the presuppositions only matter to the speaker They are indicative of prior information that the speaker alone may be aware of and his her speech reflects merely his her perspective on a situation without taking into account the listener s knowledge Although English values a common ground between a listener and speaker and thus requires that some presuppositions about another person s knowledge be made Salish does not share this pragmatic convention In popular culture editStanley Evans has written a series of crime fiction novels that use Salish lore and language clarification needed An episode of Stargate SG 1 Spirits 2x13 features a culture of extraterrestrial humans loosely inspired by Pacific coastal First Nations culture and who speak a language referred to as ancient Salish In the video game Life Is Strange the Salish lore was used on certain history of Arcadia Bay as totem poles are seen on some areas including a segment from the first episode of its prequel involving the raven Notes edit a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Currently undergoing revitalization References edit First Nations Culture Areas Index the Canadian Museum of Civilization Bagemihl Bruce 1991 Syllable Structure in Bella Coola Linguistic Inquiry 22 4 589 646 ISSN 0024 3892 JSTOR 4178744 Jorgensen Joseph G 1969 Salishan language and culture Language Science Monographs Bloomington IN Indiana University p 105 Beck 2000 Roberts Taylor 1999 Grammatical Relations and Ergativity in St at imcets Lillooet Salish International Journal of American Linguistics 65 3 275 302 doi 10 1086 466391 ISSN 0020 7071 JSTOR 1265788 S2CID 143415352 Retrieved 9 December 2020 Kuipers Aert H 1968 The categories verb noun and transitive intransitive in English and Squamish Lingua 21 610 626 doi 10 1016 0024 3841 68 90080 6 Retrieved 18 November 2020 Jacobs Peter William 2011 Control in Skwxwu7mesh Thesis Vancouver University of British Columbia doi 10 14288 1 0071786 Retrieved 17 December 2020 Newman Stanley 1979 The Salish Object Forms International Journal of American Linguistics 45 4 299 308 doi 10 1086 465612 ISSN 0020 7071 JSTOR 1264720 S2CID 143874319 Retrieved 7 December 2020 Rijkhoff Jan Lier Eva Helena van 2013 Flexible word classes typological studies of underspecified parts of speech 1 ed Oxford Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 acprof oso 9780199668441 003 0007 ISBN 978 0 19 966844 1 Retrieved 2013 11 20 Cable Seth Lexical Categories in the Salish and Wakashan Languages PDF Retrieved 2013 11 20 Kinkade M Dale 1983 05 01 Salish evidence against the universality of noun and verb Lingua 60 1 25 39 doi 10 1016 0024 3841 83 90045 1 ISSN 0024 3841 Matthewson Lisa 2008 10 03 Pronouns Presuppositions and Semantic Variation Semantics and Linguistic Theory Proceedings of the North East Linguistics Society 36 18 527 doi 10 3765 salt v18i0 2505 hdl 1813 13054 ISSN 2163 5951 Retrieved 2015 10 18 Matthewson Lisa 1996 Determiner systems and quantificational strategies evidence from Salish Thesis University of British Columbia doi 10 14288 1 0087844 Bibliography editBeck David 2000 Grammatical Convergence and the Genesis of Diversity in the Northwest Coast Sprachbund Anthropological Linguistics 42 147 213 Boas Franz et al 1917 Folk Tales of Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes Memoirs of the American Folk Lore Society 11 Lancaster Pa American Folk Lore Society Czaykowska Higgins Ewa amp Kinkade M Dale Eds 1997 Salish Languages and Linguistics Theoretical and Descriptive Perspectives Berlin Mouton de Gruyter ISBN 3 11 015492 7 Davis Henry 2005 On the Syntax and Semantics of Negation in Salish International Journal of American Linguistics 71 1 January 2005 Davis Henry and Matthewson Lisa 2009 Issues in Salish Syntax and Semantics Language and Linguistics Compass 3 1097 1166 Online Flathead Culture Committee 1981 Common Names of the Flathead Language St Ignatius Mont The Committee Jorgensen Joseph G 1969 Salish Language and Culture 3 Bloomington Indiana Indiana University Publications Kiyosawa Kaoru Donna B Gerdts 2010 Salish Applicatives Leiden Netherlands Koninklijke Brill NV Kroeber Paul D 1999 The Salish Language Family Reconstructing Syntax Lincoln University of Nebraska Press in cooperation with the American Indian Studies Research Institute Indiana University Bloomington Kuipers Aert H 2002 Salish Etymological Dictionary Missoula MT Linguistics Laboratory University of Montana ISBN 1 879763 16 8 Liedtke Stefan 1995 Wakashan Salishan and Penutian and Wider Connections Cognate Sets Linguistic Data on Diskette Series no 09 Munchen Lincom Europa Pilling James Constantine 1893 Bibliography of the Salishan Languages Washington G P O Pilling James Constantine 2007 Bibliography of the Salishan Languages Reprint by Gardners Books ISBN 978 1 4304 6927 8 Silver Shirley Wick R Miller 1997 American Indian languages Cultural and Social Contexts Tucson University of Arizona Press Hamill Chad 2012 Songs of power and prayer in the Columbia Plateau the Jesuit the medicine man and the Indian hymn singer Corvallis Oregon State University Press ISBN 978 0 87071 675 1 Archived from the original on 2015 09 25 Salishan language hymns Thompson Laurence C 1973 The Northwest In T A Sebeok Ed Linguistics in North America pp 979 1045 Current Trends in Linguistics Vol 10 The Hague Mouton Thompson Laurence C 1979 Salishan and the Northwest In L Campbell amp M Mithun Eds The Languages of Native America Historical and Comparative Assessment pp 692 765 Austin University of Texas Press External links edit nbsp Look up Salish in Wiktionary the free dictionary nbsp Wiktionary has a list of reconstructed forms at Appendix Proto Salishan reconstructions Bibliography of Materials on Salishan Languages YDLI University of Montana Occasional Papers in Linguistics UMOPL Native languages of the Northwest Coast Salish Culture an Outline Bibliography Coast Salish Collections International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages The Salishan Studies List Linguist List Native Peoples Plants amp Animals Halkomelem Saanich Timothy Montler s site Klallam Timothy Montler s site A Bibliography of Northwest Coast Linguistics Classification of the Salishan languages reflecting current scholarship Nkwusm Salish Language Institute Tulalip Lushootseed Language Web Site Recordings of Montana Salish Wordlists with phonetic transcription by Peter Ladefoged Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Salishan languages amp oldid 1195814181, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

article

, read, download, free, free download, mp3, video, mp4, 3gp, jpg, jpeg, gif, png, picture, music, song, movie, book, game, games.