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Landless Workers' Movement

April 09, 2024

The Landless Workers' Movement (Portuguese: Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, MST) is a social movement in Brazil aimed at land reform. Inspired by Marxism,[1] it is one of the largest such movement[2] in Latin America, with an estimated informal membership of 1.5 million[3] across 23 of Brazil's 26 states.[4]

Landless Workers' Movement
Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra
FormationJanuary 1984
Legal statusSocial movement
PurposeAgrarian land reform
ServicesLand reform movement, squatting (primary); basic healthcare and education (secondary)
Membership
1,500,000
LeaderJoão Pedro Stédile
Main organ
Núcleo de Base
Parent organization
National Coordination Body
Websitehttps://mst.org.br
MST supporters in Brazil.

MST defines its goals as access to the land for poor workers through land reform in Brazil, and activism around social issues that make land ownership more difficult to achieve, such as unequal income distribution, racism, sexism, and media monopolies.[5] MST strives to achieve a self-sustainable way of life for the rural poor.[6]

The MST differs from previous land reform movements in its single-issue focus; land reform for them is a self-justifying cause. The organization maintains that it is legally justified in occupying unproductive land, pointing to the most recent[when?] Constitution of Brazil (1988), which contains a passage saying that land should fulfill a social function (Article 5, XXIII). The MST also notes, based on 1996 census statistics, that 3% of the population owns two-thirds of all arable land in Brazil.[7]

In 1991, MST received the Right Livelihood Award "for winning land for landless families, and helping them to farm it sustainably."[8]

Land reform before the 1988 constitution edit

Land reform has a long history in Brazil, and the concept pre-dates the MST. In the mid-20th century, Brazilian leftists reached a consensus that the democratization and widespread actual exercise of political rights would require land reform.[9] Brazilian political elites actively opposed land reform initiatives, which they felt threatened their social and political status.[10] As such, political leaders of the rural poor attempted to achieve land reform from below, through grassroots action. MST broke new ground by tackling land reform itself, by "breaking... dependent relations with parties, governments, and other institutions,"[11] and framing the issue in purely political terms, rather than social, ethical, or religious ones.

The first statute to regulate land ownership in Brazil after its independence, Law 601 or Lei de Terras (Landed Property Act), took effect September 18, 1850. A colonial administration, based on Portuguese feudal law, had previously considered property ownership to stem from royal grants (sesmarias), and were passed through primogeniture (morgadio). In the independent Brazilian state, the default means of acquiring land was through purchase, from either the state or a previous private owner. This law strongly limited squatter's rights, and favoured the historic concentration of land ownership, which became a hallmark of modern Brazilian social history.[12] The Lei de Terras left in place the colonial practice of favouring of large landholdings created by mammoth land grants to well-placed people, which were usually worked by slaves.[13]

In capitalist terms, continuing the policy favoured economies of scale, given the limited number of land owners, but at the same time, made it difficult for small planters and peasants to obtain the land needed to practice subsistence agriculture and small-scale farming.[14]

The consolidation of land ownership into just a few hands had ties to the advent of capitalism in Brazil, and opposition and insurrection in the 19th and early 20th century (for example, the Canudos War in the 1890s, and the Contestado War in the 1910s) idealized older forms of property,[which?] and revitalized ideologies[15] centered on a fabled millenarian return to an earlier, pre-bourgeois social order. Advocated by groups led by rogue messianic religious leaders outside the established Catholic hierarchy, these ideologies seemed heretical and revolutionary.[16] Some leftist historians, following the tracks of the groundbreaking 1963 work by journalist Rui Facó [pt; fr] (Cangaceiros e Fanáticos[17]), tend to conflate early 20th-century banditry in northeastern Brazil (cangaço) with messianism as a kind of social banditry, a protest against such social inequalities as the uneven distribution of land assets.[18][19] This theory developed independently in English-speaking academia around Eric Hobsbawn's 1959 work Primitive Rebels. It was criticized for its unspecific definition of "social movement," but also praised for melding political and religious movements, previously separately examined.[20] This blend was later the basis for the MST's emergence.

Both messianism and cangaço disappeared in the late 1930s, but in the 1940s and '50s, additional peasant resistance broke out to evictions and land grabbing by powerful ranchers:

These local affairs, however, were repressed or settled locally, and did not give rise to an ideology. Policy makers and scholars across the political spectrum believed that it was, objectively, an economic necessity to permit the end of Brazilian rural society through mechanized agrobusiness and forcible urbanization. The left, in particular, felt that the technologically backward, feudal latifundia impeded both economic modernization and democratization.[22]

During the 1960s, various groups attempted land reform through the legal system, beginning with the peasant leagues (Ligas Camponesas) in northeastern Brazil,[23] which opposed the evictions of tenant farmers land, and the transformation of plantations into cattle ranches.[24] These groups questioned the existing distribution of land ownership through a rational appeal to the social function of property.[clarification needed]

Despite the efforts of these groups, land ownership continued to concentrate, and both at the time of MST's founding and in the present-day Brazil, has had a highly dynamic and robust agricultural business sector that came, say some,[who?] at the price of extensive dislocation of the rural poor.[25] MST questioned the scope of the benefits from the alleged efficiency of the change, given that since 1850, Brazilian land development had been concerned with the interests of a single class—the rural bourgeoisie.[26] While the MST frames its policies in socio-economic terms, it still points to Canudos and its alleged millenarism[27] to legitimize its existence,[28] and to develop a powerful mystique of its own.[29]

A great deal of the early organizing in the MST came from Catholic communities.[30] Much of MST ideology and practice come from a social doctrine of the Catholic Church: that private property should serve a social function.[31] This principle developed during the 19th century,[32] and became Catholic doctrine with Pope Leo XIII's Rerum novarum encyclical,[33] promulgated on the eve of the 1964 military coup. This doctrine was evoked by President João Goulart at a rally in Rio de Janeiro, at which he offered a blueprint for political and social reforms, and proposed expropriation of estates larger than 600 hectares in areas near federal facilities, such as roads, railroads, reservoirs, and sanitation works; these ideas triggered a strong conservative backlash, and led to Goulart's loss of power.[34] Nevertheless, the Brazilian Catholic hierarchy formally acknowledged the principle in 1980.[35][36]

In Brazilian constitutional history, land reform—understood in terms of public management of natural resources[37]—was first explicitly mentioned as a guiding principle of government in the 1967 constitution,[38] which sought to institutionalize an authoritarian consensus after the 1964 coup. The military dictatorship intended to use land reform policy to develop a buffer of conservative small farmers between latifundia owners and the rural proletariat.[39] In 1969, at the most repressive point of the dictatorship, the 1967 constitution was amended via a decree (ato institucional) by a junta that held interim power during the final illness of president Arthur da Costa e Silva, and authorized government compensation for property expropriated for land reform. This compensation would be made in government bonds rather than cash, previously the only legal practice (Art. 157, §1, as amended by Institutional Act No. 9, 1969).[40]

Land reform and the 1988 constitution edit

The constitution passed in 1988 required that "property shall serve its social function,"[41] and that the government should "expropriate for the purpose of agrarian reform, rural property that is not performing its social function."[42]

Under Article 186 of the constitution, a social function is performed when rural property simultaneously meets the following requirements:

  • Rational and adequate use.
  • Adequate use of available natural resources, and preservation of the environment.
  • Compliance with the provisions which regulate labor relations.
  • Development uses which favor the well-being of owners and workers.

Since the criteria are vague and not objectively defined, the social interest principle was seen as a mixed blessing,[who?] but accepted in general. Landowners have lobbied against the principle since 1985 through the landowners' organization, União Democrática Ruralista (Democratic Union of Rural People, or UDR), whose rise and organization parallels that of the MST. Although it avowedly dissolved itself in the early 1990s, some believe it persists in informal regional ties between landowners.[43] UDR lobbying over the constitutional text is believed[who?] to have watered down concrete enforcement of the "social interest" principle.[44]

One Brazilian law handbook argues that land reform, as understood in the 1988 constitution, is a concept made up of various "compromises," on which constitutional law has consistently evaded taking a clear stance, and so one could argue either for or against the MST without leaving the framework of the Constitution.[45] The lack of clear government commitment to land reform precludes the MST engaging in public-interest litigation,[46] so concrete proceedings for land reform are left to the initiative of the groups concerned, through onerous and time-consuming legal proceedings. Given "the highly problematic and ideologically driven nature of the Brazilian justice system,"[47] all parties have an incentive to resort to more informal methods: "while the large landowners try to evacuate squatters from their land, squatters might use violence to force institutional intervention favoring them with the land expropriation afterwards [...] violence is mandatory for both sides to achieve their goals."[48] These tactics raise controversy about the legality of the MST's actions, since it tries to ensure social justice unilaterally.[49]

The MST identifies rural land it believes to be unproductive and that does not meet its social function, then occupies the land,[50] only afterwards moving to ascertain the legality of the occupation. The MST is represented in these activities by public interest legal counsel, including their own lawyers, sons and daughters of MST families, and organizations, such as Terra de Direitos, a human rights organization co-founded by Darci Frigo, the 2001 Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Human Rights Award Laureate.[51] The courts might eventually issue a warrant for eviction, requiring the occupier families to leave; or, it might deny the landowner's petition, and allow the families to stay provisionally, and engage in subsistence farming until the federal agency responsible for agrarian reform, Brazil's National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA), determines whether occupied property had indeed been unproductive. The MST's legal activity bases itself on the idea that property rights are in a continuous process of social construction, so litigation and seeking to strike sympathy among the judiciary is essential to MST's legitimacy.[52]

Traditionally, Brazilian courts side with landowners, and file charges against MST members some call "frivolous and bizarre."[53] For instance, in a 2004 land occupation in Pernambuco, a judge issued arrest warrants for MST members, and described them as highly dangerous criminals.[54] Nevertheless, many individual judges have shown themselves sympathetic.[55] Brazilian higher courts have usually regarded the MST with reserve: in February 2009, for instance, the then-president of the Brazilian Supreme Court (STF), Gilmar Mendes, declared the MST engaged in "illicit" activities, opposed granting it public monies, and supported an "adequate" judicial response towards land occupation.[56] The MST leadership has, in turn on various occasions, charged that the STF as a whole is consistently hostile to the movement. In late 2013, it described the court as "lackeying to the ruling class," and "working for years against the working class and social movements."[57] This fraught relationship came to a head on February 12, 2014, when a court session was suspended after an attempted invasion of the court building in Brasilia by MST activists, who were met by police firing rubber bullets and tear gas.[58]

History edit

Foundation edit

 
Monument by Oscar Niemeyer dedicated to the MST.

The smashing of the peasant leagues following the 1964 coup opened the way for commercialized agriculture and concentration of land ownership throughout the period of the military dictatorship, and an absolute decline in the rural population during the 1970s.[59] In the mid-1980s, out of 370 million hectares of total farm land, 285 million hectares (77%) were held by latifundia.[60] The re-democratization process in the 1980s, however, allowed grassroots movements to pursue their own interests,[61] rather than those of the state and the ruling classes. The emergence of the MST fits into this framework.

Between late 1980 and early 1981, over 6,000 landless families established an encampment on land located between three unproductive estates in Brazil's southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul. These families included 600 households expropriated and dislocated in 1974 from nearby Passo Real [pt] to make way for construction of a hydroelectric dam.[62] This first group was later joined by an additional 300 (or, according to other sources, over 1,000) households evicted by FUNAI[who?] from the Kaingang Indian reservation in Nonoai, where they had been renting plots since 1968.[63][better source needed] Local mobilization of the Passo Real and Nonoai people had already achieved some land distribution on non-Indian land, followed by demobilization. Those who had not received land under these claims, joined by others, and led by leaders from the existing regional movement, MASTER (Rio Grande do Sul landless farmers' movement), made up the 1980/1981 encampment.[64] The location became known as the Encruzilhada Natalino. With the support of civil society, including the progressive branch of the Catholic Church, the families resisted a blockade imposed by military force. Enforcement of the blockade was entrusted by the government to Army colonel Sebastião Curió [pt], already notorious for his past counter-insurgency efforts against the Araguaia guerrillas.

Curió enforced the blockade ruthlessly;[65] most of the landless refused his offer of resettlement on the Amazonian frontier, and eventually pressured the military government into expropriating nearby lands for agrarian reform.[66] The Encruzilhada Natalino episode set a pattern. Most of subsequent early development of the MST concerned exactly the areas of southern Brazil where, in the absence of an open frontier, an ideological appeal at an alternate foundation for access to the land—other than formal private property—was developed in response to the growing difficulties agribusiness posed for family farming.[67] The MST also developed what became its chief modus operandi: local organizing around the concrete struggles of a specific demographic group.[68]

The MST was officially founded in January 1984, during a National Encounter of landless workers in Cascavel, Paraná,[69] as Brazil's military dictatorship drew to a close. Its founding was strongly connected to Catholic-based organizations, such as the Pastoral Land Commission, which provided support and infrastructure.[70]

During much of the 1980s, the MST faced political competition from the National Confederacy of Agrarian Workers' (CONTAG), heir to the peasant leagues of the 1960s, who sought land reform strictly through legal means, by favoring trade unionism, and striving to wrestle concessions from bosses for rural workers. But the more aggressive tactics of the MST in striving for access to land gave a political legitimacy that soon outshone CONTAG, which limited itself to trade-unionism in the strictest sense, acting until today as a rural branch of the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT).[71] MST eventually all but monopolized political attention as a spokesman for rural workers.[72]

From the 1980s on, the MST has not maintained a monopoly of land occupations, many of which are carried out by a host of grassroots organizations (dissidents from the MST, trade unions, informal coalitions of land workers). However, the MST is by far the most organized group dealing in occupations, and has enough political leverage to turn occupations into formal expropriations for public purposes. In 1995, only 89 of 198 occupations (45%) were organized by the MST, but these included 20,500 (65%) out of the grand total of 31,400 families involved.[73]

1995–2005 Cardoso government edit

Brazil has long history of violent land conflict. During the 1990s, the MST emerged as the most prominent land reform movement in Brazil, and in 1995–1999, led a first wave of occupations[74] which resulted in violence. The MST, landowners, and the government accused each other of the killings, maimings, and property damage.

In the notorious Eldorado de Carajás massacre in 1996, nineteen MST members were gunned down, and another 69 were wounded by police as they blocked a state road in Pará.[75] In 1997 alone, similar confrontations with police and landowners' security details accounted for two dozen internationally acknowledged deaths.[76]

In 2002, the MST occupied the family farm of then-president Fernando Henrique Cardoso[77] in Minas Gerais, a move publicly condemned by Lula, then-leader of the leftist opposition,[78] and other prominent members of the PT.[79][80] The farm was damaged and looted in the occupation, and a combine harvester, tractor, and several pieces of furniture were destroyed.[81] MST members also drank all the alcohol at the farm. Later, 16 MST leaders were charged with theft, vandalism, trespassing, kidnapping, and resisting arrest.[82]

In 2005, two undercover police officers investigating cargo truck robberies near an MST homestead in Pernambuco were attacked. One was shot dead, and the other tortured; MST was suspected to be involved.[83]

Throughout the early 2000s, the MST occupied functioning facilities owned by large corporations, whose activities it considered at odds with the social function of property. On March 8, 2005, the MST invaded a nursery and a research center in Barra do Ribeiro, 56 km (34.8 mi) from Porto Alegre, both owned by Aracruz Celulose. The MST members held local guards captive while they ripped plants from the ground. MST president João Pedro Stédile commented that MST should oppose not only landowners, but also agrobusinesses that partook in "the project of organization of agriculture by transnational capital allied to capitalist farming"—a model he deemed socially backwards and environmentally harmful.[84] In the words of an anonymous activist: "our struggle is not only to win the land ... we are building a new way of life."[85] The shift had been developing since the movement's 2000 national congress, which focused mainly on the perceived threat of transnational corporations, whether Brazilian or foreign, to both small property in general, and to Brazilian national food sovereignty,[86] especially in the area of intellectual property.[87] In July 2000, this principle was the impetus for MST to mobilize and lead farmers in an attack against a ship loaded with GM maize from Argentina that was docked in Recife.[88] Since 2000, much of the movement's activism consisted in symbolic acts in opposition of multinational corporations, as "a symbol of the intervention politics of the big monopolies operating in Brazil."[89]

A possible reason contributing to the change in strategy might have been the perceived shift in government stances in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The Cardoso government declared that Brazil "had no need" for land reform, that small farms were not competitive, and were unlikely to increase personal incomes in rural areas.[90] He believed that it would be better to create skilled jobs, which would cause the land reform issue to recede into the background.[91] Cardoso denounced the MST's actions as aiming for a return to an archaic, agrarian past, and therefore, in conflict with "modernity"—"one of the enabling myths of the neoliberal discourse."[92]

Cardoso offered lip service to agrarian reform in general, but also described the movement as "a threat to democracy."[93] He compared the MST's demands for subsidized credit, which led to the 1998 occupation of various banks in Paraná, to bank robbery.[94] In a memoir written after he left office, Cardoso expressed sympathy for land reform, stating, "were I not President, I would probably be out marching with them," but also countering, "the image of mobs taking over privately-owned farms would chase away investment, both local and foreign."[95] Although Cardoso himself never branded the MST as terrorists, his Minister of Agricultural Development did, and even hypothesized that the MST invaded Argentina from the north in order to blackmail the Brazilian government into action.[96] In July 1997, Senior General Alberto Cardoso,[97] Cardoso's Chief of Military Household (Chefe da Casa Militar, among other things, a general comptroller over all issues regarding the military and police forces as armed civil servants), expressed concern about participation of MST activists in the then-ongoing police officers' strikes, as a plot to "destabilize" the military.[98]

In terms of concrete measures, Cardoso's government's approach to land reform was divided: while the administration simultaneously acquired land for settlement and increased taxes on unused land, it also forbade public inspection of invaded land—thereby precluding future expropriation, and the disbursement of public funds to people involved in such invasions.[99] Cardoso's main land reform project, supported by a World Bank US$90 million loan, was addressed to individuals who had experience in farming, and a yearly income of up to US$15,000; they were granted a loan of up to US$40,000 if they could associate with other rural producers in order to buy land from a willing landholder.[100] Thus, this programme catered primarily to substantial small farmers, not to the MST's traditional constituency—the rural poor. Cardoso's project, Cédula da Terra ("landcard"), did offer previously landless people the opportunity to buy land from landowners, but in a negotiated process.[101]

In the words of an American scholar, despite its efforts in resettlement, the Cardoso government did not confront the prevailing mode of agricultural production: concentrated, mechanized, latifundia-friendly commodity production—and the resulting injustices.[102] In his own words, what Cardoso could not accept about the MST was what he saw not as a struggle for land reform, but a wider struggle against the capitalist system.[103] Therefore, Cardoso's administration tried to initiate tamer social movements for land reform on purely negotiated terms, such as the Movement of Landless Producers (Movimento dos Agricultores Sem Terra, or MAST), organized on a local basis in the São Paulo State, around the trade union central Syndical Social Democracy (SDS).[104]

By contrast, MST leaders emphasized that their practical activity was a response to the poverty of so many people who had little prospects of productive, continuous work in conventional labor markets. This reality was admitted by President Cardoso in a 1996 interview: "I'm not going to say that my government will be of the excluded, for that it cannot be ... I don't know how many excluded there will be."[105] In 2002, João Pedro Stedile admitted that in plotting the movement's politics, one had to keep in mind "that there are a great many lumpens in the country areas."[106] In Stedile's view, the existence of the large underclass should not be held against the working class character of the movement, because many rural working class had been "absorbed" into the periphery of the urban proletariat.[107] Such a view is shared by some academic authors, who argue that, behind its avowedly "peasant" character, the MST, as far as class politics is concerned, is mostly a semi proletarian movement, consisting of congregations of people trying to eke out a living in the absence of formal wage employment, out of a range of activities across a whole section of the social divisions of labour.[108]

MST somewhat filled the void left by the decline of the organized labor movement in the wake of Cardoso's neoliberal policies.[109] Therefore, the movement took steps to ally with urban struggles, especially those connected to housing.[110] João Pedro Stedile stated that the struggle for land reform would unfold in the countryside, but would be decided in the city, where "political power for structural change" resided.[111]

2005–2010 Lula government and March for Agrarian Reform edit

The Lula government was seen by the MST as a leftist and therefore friendly government, so MST decided to shun occupations of public buildings in favor of actions against private landed states[clarification needed], in a second wave of occupations starting in 2003.[112] However, the Lula government's increasingly conservative positions, including its low profile on land reform,[113][114] (actually somewhat less than achieved by Cardoso in his first term[115]) impelled the movement to change its stance as early as early 2004, when it again began to occupy public buildings and Banco do Brasil agencies.

In June 2003, the MST occupied the R&D farm of the Monsanto Company in the state of Goiás.[116] On March 7, 2008, a similar action by women activists at another Monsanto facility in Santa Cruz das Palmeiras, São Paulo, destroyed a nursery and an experimental patch of genetically modified maize, slowing ongoing scientific research. MST said they destroyed the facility to protest government support for the extensive use of GMOs supplied by transnational corporations in agriculture. In 2003, Lula authorized the sale and use of GM soybeans, which led MST's Stedile to call him a "transgenic politician."[117] The dominance of transnationals over Brazilian seed production was summed by the fact that the Brazilian hybrid seed industry in the early 2000s was already 82% Monsanto-owned,[118] which the MST saw as detrimental to the development of organic agriculture in spite of the economic benefits, and enabling possible future health hazards similar to intensive use of pesticides.[119] Stedile later called Monsanto one of the ten transnational companies that controlled virtually all international agrarian production and commodity trading.[120] Similarly, in 2006, the MST occupied a research station in Paraná owned by Swiss corporation Syngenta, which had produced GMO contamination near the Iguaçu National Park. After a bitter confrontation over the existence of the station (which included easing of previous restrictions by the Lula government to allow Syngenta to continue GMO research), the premises were transferred to the Paraná state government, and converted into an agroecology research center.[121]

After an exchange of barbs between Lula and Stedile over what Lula saw as an unnecessary radicalization of the movement's demands,[122] the MST decided to call a huge national demonstration. In May 2005, after a two-week, 200-odd kilometer march from the city of Goiânia, nearly 13,000 landless workers arrived in their nation's capital, Brasilia. The MST march targeted the U.S. embassy and Brazilian Finance Ministry, rather than President Lula. While thousands of landless carried banners and scythes through the streets, a delegation of 50 held a three-hour meeting with Lula, who donned an MST cap for the cameras. During this session, Lula recommitted to settling 430,000 families by the end of 2006, and to allocating the human and financial resources to accomplish this. He also committed to a range of related reforms, including an increase in the pool of land available for redistribution [Ramos, 2005]. Later, the Lula government would claim to have resettled 381,419 families between 2002 and 2006—a claim disputed by the MST.[123] The movement argued the numbers had been doctored by the inclusion of people already living in areas (national forests and other managed areas of environmental protection, as well as other already existing settlements) where their presence had only been legally acknowledged by the government.[124] The MST also criticised Lula's administration to call mere land redistribution by means of handing out of small plots land as "reform," when it was simply a form of welfarism (assistencialismo) that was unable to change the productive system.[90]

The march was held to demand, among other things, that President Lula implement his own limited agrarian reform plan, rather than spend the project's budget on servicing the national debt [Ramos, 2005]. Several MST leaders met with President Lula da Silva on May 18, 2005—a meeting that had been resisted by Lula since his taking of office.[125] The leaders presented Lula with 16 demands, including economic reform, greater public spending, and public housing. In interviews with Reuters, many of the leaders said they still regarded Lula as an ally, but demanded that he accelerate his promised land reforms. However, in September of that year, João Pedro Stedile declared that, in terms of land reform, Lula's government was "finished."[126] By the end of Lula's first term, it was clear that the MST had decided to act again as a separate movement, irrespective of the government's agenda.[127] As far as the MST was concerned, the greatest gain it received from the Lula government was the non-criminalization of the movement itself; the tough, anti-occupation measures taken by the Cardoso government were left in abeyance, and not enforced.[128] Attempts to officially define the MST as a "terrorist organization" were also opposed by Workers' Party congresspersons.[129] Nevertheless, the Lula government never acted in tandem with the MST, according to a general pattern of keeping organized social movements outside the fostering of the government's agenda.[130]

However, as stated by a German author, the Lula government year after year proposed a blueprint for land reform that was regularly blocked by regional agrarian elites.[131]

Lula's election to the presidency raised the possibility of active government support for land reform, so conservative media increased their efforts to brand the MST's actions as felonies.[132] In May 2005, Veja accused the MST of helping the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), the most powerful prison-gang criminal organization in São Paulo. A police phone tap recording of a conversation between PCC leaders mentioned the MST; one of them said he had "just talked with the leaders of the MST," who would "give instructions" to the gang [133] about the best ways to stage what became the largest protest by prisoners' relatives in Brazilian history. On April 18, 2005, some 3,000 relatives protested prevailing conditions in São Paulo's correctional facilities.[134] The MST "leaders" were not named. No MST activist, real or alleged, took part in the taped conversations. The MST denied any link in a formal written statement, calling the supposed evidence hearsay, and an attempt to criminalize the movement.[135] In the wake of 9/11, Brazilian media tended to describe the MST as "terrorists," lumping it together loosely with various historical and mediatic happenings[136] in keeping with an international post-9/11 trends of relegating any political movement against existing globalization to beyond the pale, and outside the boundaries of permissible political discourse.[137]

The MST assumes its activities are continuously surveilled by military intelligence.[138] Various intelligence organs, Brazilian and foreign, assume a relationship between the MST and various terrorist groups.[139] The MST is regarded as a source of "civil unrest."[140]

In late 2005, a parliamentary inquiry commission, where landowner-friendly congressmen held a majority, classified the MST's activities as terrorism, and the MST itself as a criminal organization. However, its report met no support from the PT members of the commission, and a senator ripped it up before TV cameras, saying that those who voted for it were "accomplices of murder, people who use slave labor, [and] who embezzle land illegally."[141] Nevertheless, based on this report, a bill presented to the Chamber of Deputies in 2006 by Congressman Abelardo Lupion (Democrats- Paraná), proposed making "invading others' property with the end of pressuring the government" a terrorist action, and therefore, a heinous crime. A "heinous" crime in Brazilian law is a felony, designated as such in a 1990 Brazilian law, and those accused of committing them are ineligible for pretrial release.[142][143]

In April 2006, the MST took over the farm of Suzano Papel e Celulose, a large maker of paper products, in the state of Bahia, because it had more than six square kilometres devoted to eucalyptus growth.[144] Eucalyptus, a non-native plant, has been blamed for environmental degradation in northeastern Brazil,[145] as well as reducing the availability of land for small agricultural production, called by some as "cornering" producers (encurralados pelo eucalipto).[146] In 2011, Veja described such activities as plain theft of eucalyptus wood, quoting an estimate from the state's military police that 3,000 people earned a living in Southern Bahia from theft of wood.[147]

In 2008, a group of public attorneys from Rio Grande do Sul who were working with the state's military police issued a report, charging the MST with collusion with international terrorist groups. The report was used in state courts, according to Amnesty International, to justify eviction orders carried out by the police with "excessive use of force."[148] The group of attorneys made public a previously classified report by the Council of Public Attorneys of Rio Grande do Sul, and asked the state to ban the MST by declaring it an illegal organization.

The report declared further investigation pointless, "as it was public knowledge that the movement and its leadership were guilty of engaging in organized criminality." The report also proposed that where MST activists could "cause electoral disequilibrium," the activists' right to vote be withdrawn by striking them from the voter registry.[149] Declarations issued at the same time by the State Association of Military Policy Commissioned Officers, in an open Red Scare vein, declared the MST "an organized movement, striving at instituting a totalitarian state in our country."[150]

Between September 27 and October 7, 2009, the MST occupied an orange plantation in Borebi, State of São Paulo, owned by orange juice multinational Cutrale. The corporation claimed to have lost R$1.2 million (roughly US$603,000) in damaged equipment, missing pesticide, destroyed crops, and trees cut by MST activists.[151] In response, the MST declared the farm to be government property that was illegally embezzled by Cutrale, and that the occupation was intended to protest this, while the destruction was done by provocateurs.[152] Such questioning of the legality of existing private property by denouncing landowners as holding land in adverse possession was one of the movement's main political tools.[153] The Cutrale plantation, Fazenda S. Henrique, was occupied by the MST four more times until 2013, and the multinational's property rights over it are being contested in court by the Federal Government, who alleges that the farm lands were set aside as part of a 1910 settlement projects for foreign immigrants, rights over it going afterward astray during the following century.[154]

During the same period, the MST also repeatedly blocked highways[155][156][157][158] and railroads,[159] to create calls for public attention to the plight of landless workers.[160]

2010–present edit

The MST wholeheartedly declared support for Dilma Rousseff's candidacy, and once elected, she offered the movement very qualified support. In a national broadcast in November 2010, she declared land reform a question "of human rights," that is, a purely humanitarian one.[161] As Lula's chief of staff, she supported economic growth over ecological and land reform concerns.[162] In a radio interview during the campaign, she repeated the old conservative trope that economic growth could make Brazilian land issues recede: "What we are doing is doing away with the real basis for the instabilities of the landless. They are losing reasons to fight."[163] Thus, one author described the MST's endorsement of Rousseff as a choice of the "lesser evil."[164]

State agencies and private individuals continued to violently oppose the movement's activities. On 16 February 2012, eighty families were evicted from an occupation in Alagoas of a farm rented to a sugar mill awash in unpaid debts.[165] According to MST activist Janaina Stronzake, MST assumes that landowners have a hit list of MST leaders. Many have in fact been killed, although some murders were doctored to make them look like accidents.[166] In April 2014, a Global Witness report called Brazil "the most dangerous place to defend rights to land and the environment," with at least 448 people killed between 2002 and 2013 in disputes over environmental rights and access to land.[167] A report for the Catholic Pastoral Land Commission, Land Conflicts in Brazil 2013, estimated that land struggles were involved in 34 murders in Brazil in 2013, and 36 in 2012.[43]

On April 16, 2012, a group of MST activists occupied the headquarters of the Ministry of Agrarian Development in Brasilia, as part of the movement's regular "Red April" campaign, a yearly nationwide occupation initiative in honor of the April 1996 Eldorado dos Carajás massacre.[168] Minister Pepe Vargas [pt] declared ongoing talks between the government and the MST suspended for the duration of the occupation.[169]

Land activists were dissatisfied with the slowing pace of official land reform projects under the Rousseff government. Fewer families were officially settled in 2011 than in the previous 16 years. Government reaction to the occupation sparked widespread accusations from the PT base that Rousseff had sold out.[170] In a 2012 interview, Stedile admitted that the movement had not benefited from the policies of the PT administrations, since the coalition governments of the PT could not act politically on behalf of land reform.[171]

Both political pundits and activists thought Rousseff's first term was a lean period for land reform, and mainstream media called the MST "tamed" by the two consecutive PT administrations, and drained of mass support by steady economic growth and expanding employment—denying the movement its chief raison d'être. In 2013, MST attempted only 110 occupations.[172] The same year saw another low, with only 159 families resettled. MST National Coordinator João Paulo Rodrigues said that the federal government's reliance on agribusiness exports for procuring hard currency was the main reason the Rousseff administration did not advance land reform, and even went backwards in some cases.[173] The only recent advances in land reform policies had come in programs, such as the National Program for School Meals (PNAE) and Food Catering Plan (PAA), which purchased food from land reform farmers for use at public schools and other government facilities. However, Rodrigues disputed that such programs were "entirely disproportionate to what [was] being offered [in terms of public money, subsidized credits, etc.] to agribusiness." He concluded that the only chance for land reform in Brazil would be a kind of joint venture between small producers and urban working class consumers, as simple land redistribution would be fated to fail, as it had in Venezuela, "where Hugo Chávez stockedpiled seven million hectares of nationalized land property which remained unused for want of proper peasants."[174]

The PT government's base generally felt that the vested interest of agribusiness in setting development policies during the Lula and Rousseff administrations hampered aggressive policies of expropriation and land reform.[175]

In November 2014, amid the radicalization surrounding Rousseff's reelection, an unannounced visit to Brazil by Venezuelan Minister for Communities and Social Movements Elias Jaua led to an information exchange agreement in agro-ecology between the MST and the Venezuelan government. The visit and agreement created tension among the conservatives in the Brazilian Congress; Senator and landowner Ronaldo Caiado described it as "an arrangement between a high-placed representative of a foreign government and an unlawful entity, aimed at building a socialist society," and argued for a clearly more conservative stance on land reform, and therefore, less maneuvering room for the MST.[176] The movement described Caiado's reaction as evidence that "conservative sectors are hostile to any form of grassroots participation [in the political process]."[177]

In an even clearer sign of limited room, Rousseff chose Kátia Abreu, the notorious female landowner, to be a member of her second-term cabinet.[178][179] However, some have suggested that the ongoing tension between the MST and the PT, far from signaling an impending end, on the contrary, suggested a reconfiguration of the MST, from a single-issue movement to one with a wider focus on political and social emancipation.[180] Since the 1990s, such a tendency has been expressed in the integration of MST with various other grassroots organizations in a network sponsored by progressive Catholics, the CMP (Central de Movimentos Populares, or Union of Popular Movements),[181] through which the MST developed its collaboration with its urban "sister" organization, the MTST.[182]

Land ownership edit

Consolidation of land ownership continued unabated. In 2006, according to the property census, the Gini index of land concentration stood at 0.854, while at the beginning of military regime in 1967, it was at 0.836. In other words, concentration of land ownership into just a few hands actually increased.[183] As of 2009, Brazilian economic policy, especially in foreign exchange, relied upon trade surpluses generated by the agricultural exports, so "the correlation of forces moves against agrarian reform."[184] The resumption of sustained general economic growth in the Lula years might have greatly diminished social demand for land reform, especially among the informally and/or under-employed urban workers, who formed most of the movements' later membership.[185][186] In a 2012 interview, a member of the MST national caucus, Joaquim Pinheiro, declared that the recent increase in welfare spending and employment levels had had a "sobering" influence on Brazilian agrarian activism, but he declared himself in favor of government spending on social programs, adding that the MST feared, however, that people would become "hostages" to such programs.[187] But as of 2006, according to the MST, 150,000 families lived in its encampments, compared to 12,805 families in 1990.[188]

Organizational structure edit

The MST is organized entirely, from the grassroots level up to the state and national coordinating bodies, into collective units that make decisions through discussion, reflection, and consensus. This non-hierarchical pattern of organization, reflecting liberation theology and Freirean pedagogy, also avoids distinct leadership that can be bought off or assassinated.[189] The basic organizational unit, 10 to 15 families living in an MST encampment settlement,[190][191] is known as a nucleo de base. A nucleo de base addresses the issues faced by member families, and members elect two representatives, one woman and one man, to represent them at settlement/encampment meetings. These representatives attend regional meetings, and elect regional representatives, who then elect the members of the state coordinating body of the MST, a total of 400 members of state bodies—around 20 per state—and 60 members of the national coordinating body, around 2 per state. Every MST family participates in a nucleo de base, roughly 475,000 families, or 1.5 million people. João Pedro Stédile, economist and author of texts on land reform in Brazil, is a member of the MST's national coordinating body.

The MST is not a political party, and has no formal leadership, other than a dispersed group of some 15 leaders, whose public appearances are scarce. This secrecy minimizes the risk of arrest,[192] and also preserves a grassroots, decentralized organizational model. This is regarded as an important strategy by the MST, in that it allows the movement to maintain an ongoing and direct flow of communication between member-families and their representatives. Coordinators are aware of the realities faced by member-families, and are encouraged to discuss important issues with said families. This organizational blueprint seeks, in a way, to empower people politically by having them acting "in the way they see fit, true to local context."[193] To assist with communication between Coordinators and member-families, and as an attempt to democratize the media, the MST produces the Jornal Sem Terra and the MST Informa.

The structure and goals of the MST has led some authors to consider it a large libertarian socialist, anarchist,[194] or autonomist Marxist organization.[195]

Ideology edit

The MST is an ideologically eclectic rural movement of hundreds of thousands of landless peasants (and some who live in small cities), striving for land reform in Brazil. Since its inception, the MST has been inspired by liberation theology, Marxism, the Cuban Revolution, and other leftist ideologies. The flexible mix of discourse that includes "marxist concepts, popular religion, communal practices, citizenship principles, and radical democracy" has increased the movement's popular appeal.[196] The radical democratic and anti-hierarchical structure and goals of the MST have led some authors to consider it a large libertarian socialist, anarchist,[194] or autonomist Marxist organization.[195]

The landless say they have found institutional support in the Catholic Church's teachings of social justice and equality, as embodied in the activities of Catholic Base Committees (Comissões Eclesiais de Base, or CEBs), which generally advocate liberation theology and anti-hierarchical social relations. This theology, a radicalized re-reading of the existing social doctrine of the Church, became the basis of the MST's ideology and organizational structure.[189] The loss of influence of progressives in the later Catholic Church[when?], however, has reduced the closeness of the relationship between the MST and the Church, as such.[197]

MST's anti-hierarchical stance stems from the influence of Paulo Freire. After working with poor communities in the rural Brazilian state of Pernambuco, Freire observed that aspects of traditional classrooms, such as teachers with more power than students, hindered the potential for success of adults in adult literacy programs. He determined that the students' individual abilities to learn and absorb information were severely impeded by their passive role in the classroom. His teachings encouraged activists to break their passive dependence on oppressive social conditions, and become engaged in active modes of behaving and living. In the mid-1980s, the MST created a new infrastructure for the movement, directly guided by liberation theology and Freirian pedagogy. They did not elect leaders, so as to not create hierarchies, and to prevent corrupt leadership from developing.[189]

The MST has widened the scope of their movement. They have invaded the headquarters of public and multinational institutions, and begun to resist the appearance of fields of genetically modified crops, carrying out marches, hunger strikes, and other political actions. The MST cooperates with a number of urban and rural worker movements in other areas of Brazil[where?]. The MST also remains in touch with broader international organizations and movements that support and embrace the same cause.[198] The MST includes not only landless workers stricto sensu, or rural workers recently evicted from the land, but also the urban jobless and homeless people who want to make a living by working on the land; thus, its affinity with housing reform and other urban movements.[199] The squatters' movement MTST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem teto - Homeless Workers' Movement) is commonly seen as an offshoot of the MST.[200]

Liberation Theology and Mística edit

As mentioned above, the MST draws ideological inspiration from many conceptual frameworks, both religious and political, with one aspect of this inspiration being the practice of mística. Mística refers to performance or dance conducted in ceremony-like conditions, often with nonverbal components, and carried out with the intention of affirming confidence in desired goals or action.[201] With this in mind, mística can be considered a form of mysticism that exists within a distinctly Latin American context.[201] With regards to the MST, this form of mística underwent a series of changes prior to becoming fully adopted by the organisation as part of its methods and practices. Christian mysticism is often an individual experience, rather than collective and communal, and consequently, the form of mística practiced by the MST differs chiefly in this regard. It is a communal experience (often linked keenly with the emergence of CEBs) that often sees participation from the assembled group, rather than an individual, and this change was brought about by the influence of liberation theology on the MST in the late sixties.[201]

Additionally, as historian Daniela Issa notes, mística is a process by which communities associated with the MST can narrate their own history by reviving a collective memory of the oppressed, often in contexts where censorship and state violence are commonplace.[202] The form of mística associated with the MST also draws on a variety of cultures and origins, with roots in Catholic ritualism, as well as Afro-Brazilian religious practices that had first been introduced after the migration of slavery into Brazil in the 16th century. Not only this, but some contemporary historians have also identified aspects of the MST mística as having originated from Indigenous practices and belief systems.[202] One example of recent demonstrations of mística within the MST is found in the practices of the ceremony at the ten year anniversary of the Eldorado do Carajás massacre. Members engaging in mística carried effigies of the bodies, while singing and chanting, as they converged on a location that symbolised the site of the event.[202]

The MST highly value education, and the organisation is committed to the teachings of Freirian pedagogy, which espouses the process of conscientisation. This commitment to community education forms another aspect of the group's mixture of influences. Popular education and liberation theology are closely linked with the practice of mística within the MST, as CEB's, and the sense of community generated by popular education often form the site of mística—with many members having overlapping interests and participation in each aspect.[201] Such settlements and communities produced by the encampments of the MST actively encourage and sponsor the practice of mística within CEB's present, as a method of reaffirming commitment and dedication to the goals of the group, these goals often being exclusively linked to the political ambitions and campaigns at the time of practice.[201]

Ideological foundations of MST's later activism edit

The supposed opposition to capitalist modernity on the part of the movement[203] has led authors to ascertain that the MST activities express, in a way, the decline of a traditional peasantry, and its desire of restoring traditional communal rights.[204] This is what differentiates between the MST and a movement for the preservation of communal rights, such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation.[205]

However, there are others who assert that instead of expressing the "decline" of the peasantry, the MST, developing as it was in Brazil, a country where agriculture has been tied to commodity production since colonial times, expresses the absence of a proper peasantry,[206] and has, as its social basis, a rural working class that strives to gain a foothold in the field of capitalist production. As remarked by non-specialist foreign onlookers, the MST's tagging of the landless as "rural workers"—i.e. proletarians, in the Marxist sense—appears sometimes more as a purely ideological branding than anything else.[207]

According even to a Leftist scholar like James Petras, the MST is undoubtedly a modernizing social movement, in that its main goal is to convert fallow states into viable units that are able to produce a marketable surplus—"to occupy, resist, and produce," as the movement's own motto goes.[208] It is also not a movement with a clear-cut anti-capitalist stance, as what it seeks is to "create a land reform based on small individual property-owners."[209] As far as its steads are concerned, the movement has adopted a mostly private enterprise-friendly stance: with the monies it has procured, it has financed mechanization, processing enterprises, livestock breeding, as well as granting access to additional credit sources.[210] Some even see the movement's aims as "quite limited," as in practice, it tends to merely provide a chance for some people "to interact with the [ruling] capitalist economy"[211] by means of a kind of "guerrilla capitalism," aimed at ensuring that smaller producers' associations carve a share of the market for agrarian produce against the competition of mammoth agribusiness trusts.[212]

In the view of Marxist authors, like Petras and Veltmeyer, such a stance would reflect the incapacity of a heterogeneous coalition of rural people to engage in a broad, anti-systemic coalition, which would include the urban working classes.[213] Shunning this Marxist paradigm, other authors see in the rhetoric of the MST the reflection of an ideological struggle, not for taking power, but for recognizance, for "reconstituting the diversity of rural Brazil".[214] This struggle for recognizance - despite its being couched in fiery radical rhetoric - is seen by some as "indeed relevant for the democratization of 'rural society', but [it does] not entail political motivations destined to promote ruptures".[215] In even more blunt terms, a recent academic paper asserts that the ideology of the MST, connected as it is in practice with the landlesss' concrete needs for making out a living in the countryside, is above all an edible ideology.[216] A recent German handbook describes the MST as a mere pressure group, unable to exert actual political power.[217] Other authors, however, maintain that the interest of the MST in maximize its members' everyday participation in the running of their own affairs is enough to describe the movement as "socialist" in a broad sense.[218]

Education edit

According to the MST, it taught over 50,000 landless workers to read and write between 2002 and 2005. It also runs the Popular University of Social Movements (PUSM)[219] at a campus in Guararema, São Paulo. Also called Florestan Fernandes School (FFS), after Marxist scholar Florestan Fernandes, the school offers secondary school classes in a variety of fields; its first graduating class (2005) of 53 students received degrees in Specialized Rural Education and Development. With the University of Brasília, the government of Venezuela and the NGO Via Campesina, as well as agreements with federal, state and community colleges, it offers classes in pedagogy, history, and agronomy, and technical subjects at different skill levels.[220] The building was constructed with by brigades of volunteers using soil cement bricks made onsite at the school.[221] The late Oscar Niemeyer designed an auditorium and further sustainable, low environmental impact expansion of the school complex is pending.[222][when?]

The MST formed its education sector in Rio Grande do Sul in 1986, a year after its first national convention.[223] By 2001, about 150,000 children attended 1,200 primary and secondary schools in its settlements and camps. The schools employ 3,800 teachers, many of them MST-trained. The movement has trained 1,200 educators, who run classes for 25,000 young people and adults. It trains primary-school teachers in most states of Brazil, and partners with international agencies such as UNESCO, UNICEF and the Catholic Church. Seven institutions of higher education in different regions provide degree courses in education for MST teachers.[224] Some call MST communal schools markedly better than their conventional counterparts in rural communities, in both quantitative and qualitative terms.[225]

Media coverage edit

The role of the MST as a grassroots organization running charter schools activity has attracted considerable attention from the Brazilian press, much of it accusatory. Veja, Brazil's largest magazine, known for unrestrained hostility [226] to social movements in general[227] published a profile[228] of two MST schools in Rio Grande do Sul and said the MST was "indoctrinating" children between 7 and 14.[229] Children were also shown what the article called propaganda films, which taught that genetically modified (GMO) products contain "poison", and were advised not to eat margarine that might contain GMO soybean. The Brazilian authorities allegedly had no control over MST schools, and according to the profile they did not follow the mandatory national curriculum set out by the Ministry of Education, which calls for "pluralism of ideas" and "tolerance". "Preaching" "Marxism" in MST schools was analogous to preaching radical Islam tenets in madrassas, the article said.[230]

This was just one episode in a long history of mutual very bitter animosity between Veja and the MST. In 1993, the magazine described the MST as "a peasant organization of Leninist character" and charged its leaders and activists with pretending to be homeless.[231] In February 2009 the magazine opposed public support for the "criminal" activities of the movement[232] and the MST charged the magazine a year later with "vandalizing" both journalism and the truth itself.[233] In 2011, a mention of the MST in Veja called it "a criminal mob".[234] In early 2014, after MST tried to invade the STF building, a Veja columnist described said it was "playing leader to a non-existing cause".[235] This journalistic mud-slinging has justified at least two academic monographs wholly dedicated to it alone.[236][237]

Overall the relationship of the mainstream media with the MST has been ambiguous: in the 1990s they tended to support land reform as a goal in general, and presented MST in a sympathetic light. For example, between 1996 and 1997 TV Globo broadcast a telenovela O Rei do Gado (The Cattle Baron), in which a beautiful female sem terra played by actress Patricia Pillar falls in love with a male landowner.[238] In the same telenovela, a wake for the fictitious Senator Caxias, killed while defending an MST occupation, offered the opportunity for two real-life senators from the PT, Eduardo Suplicy and Benedita da Silva, to make cameo appearances as themselves praising their fictive colleague's agenda.[239]

The media however tend to disavow what they see as violent methods,[240] especially as the movement gathered strength.[241] It does not outright disavow the movement's struggle for land reform, but Brazilian media moralize: "to deplore the invasion of productive land, the MST's irrationality and lack of responsibility, the ill-using of distributed land parcels and to argue for the existence of alternate peaceful solutions".[242]

Sustainable agriculture edit

The increased importance of the technicians and experts within the MST has led some sections of the movement to strive to develop and diffuse technology suitable for a model of sustainable agriculture on the land the families farm.[243] Such self-developed technology is seen as a way to turn small producers from consumers into producers of technologies,[244] - and therefore as a hedge against small producers' dependence on chemical inputs and single-crop price fluctuations[245] and a way to preserving natural resources.[246] These efforts are gaining in importance as more movement families gain access to the land. For example, the Chico Mendes Center for Agroecology, founded May 15, 2004 in Ponta Grossa, Paraná, Brazil on land formerly used by the Monsanto Company to grow genetically modified crops, intends to produce organic, native seed to distribute through MST. Various other experiments in reforestation, taming of native species[clarification needed] and medicinal uses of plans have been carried out in MST settlements.[247] The MST is the largest producer of organic rice in Latin America.[248]

In 2005, the MST partnered with the federal government of Venezuela, and the state government of Paraná, the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR), and the International Via Campesina, an organization that brings together movements involved in the struggle for land from all over the world, to establish the Latin American School of Agroecology. The school, located in an MST agrarian reform project known as the Contestado settlement, signed a protocol of intentions in January[when?] during the fifth World Social Forum.[249]

See also edit

Notes edit

  1. ^ Feix, Plínio José (2012). "O Pensamento Marxista no Projeto Político dos Dirigentes do MST" (PDF). Universidade de Campinas (UNICAMP). (PDF) from the original on 16 April 2016. Retrieved 10 November 2017.
  2. ^ Anders Corr, No trespassing!: squatting, rent strikes, and land struggles worldwide. New York: South End Press, 1999, ISBN 0-89608-595-3, page 146 in 2007
  3. ^ Herbert Girardet, ed. Surviving the century: facing climate chaos and other global challenges. London, Earthscan, 2007, ISBN 978-1-84407-458-7, page 185
  4. ^ Dave Hill & Ravi Kumar, eds., Global neoliberalism and education and its consequences. New York: Routledge, 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-95774-8, page 146
  5. ^ "Nossos objetivos". MST page, . Archived from the original on 2 September 2012. Retrieved 1 September 2012.. Retrieved September 1, 2012
  6. ^ James, Deborah (2007). Gaining Ground? Rights and Property in South African Land Reform. New York, New York: Routledge Cavendish. pp. 148–149. ISBN 978-0-415-42031-0.
  7. ^ About the MST 2019-06-27 at the Wayback Machine on mstbrazil.org. Accessed September 9, 2006.
  8. ^ "Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais sem Terra (MST)". The Right Livelihood Award. from the original on 24 August 2018. Retrieved 8 January 2020.
  9. ^ Michael Moran,Geraint Parry, eds., Democracy and Democratization. London: Routledge, 1994, ISBN 0-415-09049-0, page 191; Arthur MacEwan, Neo-liberalism Or Democracy?: Economic Strategy, Markets, and Alternatives for the 21st Century. London: Zed Books, 1999, ISBN 1-85649-724-0, page 148
  10. ^ Michael Lipton, Land Reform in Developing Countries: Property Rights and Property Wrongs London: Routledge, 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-09667-6, p. 275 ; Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Between Underdevelopment and Revolution: A Latin American Perspective. New Delhi: Abhinav, 1981, p. 10; Carlos H. Waisman,Raanan Rein, eds., Spanish and Latin American Transitions to Democracy. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2006, ISBN 1-903900-73-5, pp. 156/157
  11. ^ Bernardo Mançano Fernandes, "The MST and Agrarian Reform in Brazil". Socialism and Democracy online, 51, Vol. 23, No.3, available at [1] 2017-12-15 at the Wayback Machine
  12. ^ Carlos Ignacio Pinto. . Klepsidra.net. Archived from the original on 29 February 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
  13. ^ Robert M. Levine, John Crocitti, eds., The Brazil Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Duke University Press, 1999, ISBN 0-8223-2258-7, p. 264
  14. ^ Wendy Wolford, This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil. Duke University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0-8223-4539-8, pages 38 sqq.
  15. ^ Candace Slater, Trail of Miracles: Stories from a Pilgrimage in Northeast Brazil. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986, ISBN 0-520-05306-0, p. 45
  16. ^ Michael L. Conniff, Frank D. MacCann, eds., Modern Brazil: Elites and Masses in Historical Perspective. The University of Nebraska Press, 1991, ISBN 0-8032-6348-1, page 133
  17. ^ Facó, Rui (1976). Cangaceiros e fanáticos: gênese e lutas (PDF) (in Portuguese) (4th ed.). Rio de Janeiro: Editôra Civilização Brasileira. ISBN 9788571083301. Archived from the original on 21 April 2023.
  18. ^ Sarah R. Sarzynski, History, Identity and the Struggle for Land in Northeastern Brazil, 1955--1985. ProQuest, 2008: page 284
  19. ^ Candace Slater, Stories on a String: The Brazilian Literatura de Cordel. University of California Press, 1982, ISBN 0-520-04154-2, page 210, footnote 10
  20. ^ Peter Burke, História e teoria social. São Paulo: UNESP, 2002, ISBN 85-7139-380-X , page 125
  21. ^ Anthony L. Hall, Developing Amazonia: deforestation and social conflict in Brazil's Carajás Programme. Manchester University Press: 1991, ISBN 978-0-7190-3550-0, pages 188/189
  22. ^ José Carlos Reis, As identidades do Brasil: de Varnhagen a FHC. Rio de Janeiro: FGV, 2007, ISBN 978-85-225-0596-8, V.1, page 164
  23. ^ Sam Moyo & Paris Yeros, eds., Reclaiming the land: the resurgence of rural movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. London, Zed Books, ISBN 1-84277-425-5, page 342
  24. ^ Ronald H. Chilcote, ed. - Protest and resistance in Angola and Brazil: comparative studies. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972, ISBN 0-520-01878-8, page 191
  25. ^ James F. Petras, Henry Veltmeyer, Cardoso's Brazil: a land for sale. Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield, 2003, ISBN 0-7425-2631-3, page 17
  26. ^ Luiz Bezerra Neto, Sem-terra aprende e ensina: estudo sobre as práticas educativas do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais. Campinas, SP: Autores Associados, 1999, ISBN 85-85701-82-X, page 30
  27. ^ Robert M. Levine, Vale of tears: revisiting the Canudos massacre in northeastern Brazil, 1893–1897. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995, ISBN 0-520-20343-7, page 65
  28. ^ Angela Maria de Castro Gomes et al., A República no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 2002, ISBN 978-85-209-1264-5, page 118
  29. ^ Ruth Reitan, Global Activism. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007, ISBN 0-203-96605-8, page 154
  30. ^ Edward L. Cleary, How Latin America Saved the Soul of the Catholic Church. Mahwah, NJ, Paulist Press, 2009, ISBN 978-0-8091-4629-1, page 32; Angus Lindsay Wright & Wendy Wolford, To inherit the earth: the landless movement and the struggle for a new Brazil. Oakland, Food First Books, 2003, ISBN 0-935028-90-0, page 74
  31. ^ Petras & Veltmeyer, Cardoso's Brazil, 18
  32. ^ Sándor Agócs, The troubled origins of the Italian Catholic labor movement, 1878–1914. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1988, ISBN 0-8143-1938-6, page 25; Scott Mainwaring, The Catholic Church and politics in Brazil, 1916–1985. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986, page 55
  33. ^ Charles C. Geisler & Gail Daneker, eds. Property and values: alternatives to public and private ownership. Washington DC: Island Press, 2000, ISBN 1-55963-766-8, page 31
  34. ^ Marieta de Moraes Ferreira, ed., João Goulart: entre a memória e a história, Rio de Janeiro: FGV, 2006, ISBN 85-225-0578-0 , page 74
  35. ^ the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops (CNBB) issued a document - Church and Land Problems - recognizing and pleading for public acknowledgement of communal rights to the land.
  36. ^ José de Souza Martins, Reforma agrária: o impossível diálogo. São Paulo: EDUSP, 2004, ISBN 85-314-0591-2, page 104
  37. ^ Albert Breton, ed., Environmental governance and decentralisation. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2007, ISBN 978-1-84720-398-4, page 52
  38. ^ (Article 157, III)
  39. ^ Peter Rosset, Raj Patel, Michael Courville, Land Research Action Network, eds. Promised land: competing visions of agrarian reform. New York: Food First Books, ISBN 978-0-935028-28-7, page 266
  40. ^ "Constituição67". www.planalto.gov.br. from the original on 24 October 2015. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  41. ^ (Article 5, XXIII.)
  42. ^ (Article 184)
  43. ^ Sonia Maria Ribeiro de Souza & Anthonio Thomaz Jr, "O Mst e a Mídia: O Fato e a Notícia". Scripta Nova, Vol. VI, no. 119 (45), 1st. August de 2002, available at [2] 2011-09-28 at the Wayback Machine
  44. ^ Alfred P. Montero, Brazilian politics: reforming a democratic state in a changing world. Cambridge (U.K.): Polity Press, 2005, ISBN 0-7456-3361-7, page 87
  45. ^ Felipe Dutra Asensi, Curso Prático de Argumentação Jurídica, Rio de Janeiro: Elsevier, 2010, Google Books, partially available at [3]
  46. ^ Boaventura de Sousa Santos,César A. Rodríguez-Garavito, eds., Law and Globalization from Below: Towards a Cosmopolitan Legality. Cambridge University Press, 2005, ISBN 978-0-521-84540-3, page 224
  47. ^ George Meszaros, Social Movements, Law and the Politics of Land Reform: Lessons from Brazil. London: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 978-0-415-47771-0, page 21
  48. ^ Artur Zimerman, "Land and Violence in Brazil: A Fatal Combination". LASA paper, page 9. Available at [4] 2012-04-26 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved December the 20th.2011
  49. ^ Roberto Gargarela, "Tough on Punishment: Criminal Justice, Deliberation, and Legal Alienation". IN Samantha Besson, José Luis Martí, eds. Legal Republicanism: National and International Perspectives. Oxford University Press, 2009, ISBN 978-0-19-955916-9, page 168
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  51. ^ Jan Rocha and Sue Branford. Cutting the Wire: The story of the landless movement in Brasil. 2002, Latin American Bureau, page 291
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  53. ^ Wilder Robles-Cameron, D.Phil. Thesis, University of Guelph. Dept. of Sociology & Anthropology, 2007: Peasant mobilization, land reform and agricultural co-operativism in Brazil. page 160. Available at [5] 2016-12-16 at the Wayback Machine
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  55. ^ In August 1999, State Higher Court Judge Rui Portanova overruled a trial court decision granting a landowner's petition to evict MST from his property, with the following reasoning:

    Before applying a law, the judge must consider the social aspects of the case: the law's repercussions, its legitimacy and the clash of interests in tension. The [MST] are landless workers who want to grow produce in order to feed and enrich Brazil, amid this globalized, starving world... However, Brazil turns her back on them, as the Executive offers money to the banks. The Legislative... wants to make laws to forgive the debts of the large farmers. The press charges the MST with violence. Despite all that, the landless hope to plant and harvest with their hands, and for this they pray and sing. The Federal Constitution and Article 5... offers interpretive space in favor of the MST ... [I]n the terms of paragraph 23 of Article 5 of the Federal Constitution [that landed property must fulfill a social function], I suspended [the eviction.] (Decision #70000092288, Rui Portanova, State Court of Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre)

  56. ^ Mendes condena ações de sem-terra em Pernambuco e São Paulo. G1 newssite, 25 February 2009, available at [7] 2012-10-04 at the Wayback Machine
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  62. ^ Local mobilization of peasants dislocated by dam constructions was one of the primary sources of grassroots rural mobilization in the 1980s in southern Brazil, which gave rise to a national organization, the Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), or "Dam-slighted people's Movement"; cf. Franklin Daniel Rothman and Pamela E. Oliver, "From Local to Global: The Anti-Dam Movement in Southern Brazil". Mobilization: An International Journal, 1999, 4(1), available at [9] 2012-04-04 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed 16 November 2011
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  66. ^ Gabriel A. Ondetti, Land, protest, and politics: the landless movement and the struggle for Agrarian Reform in Brazil. Pennsylvania State University, 2008, ISBN 978-0-271-03353-2, pages 67/69
  67. ^ Hank Johnston, Paul Almeida, eds.: Latin American social movements: globalization, democratization, and Transnational Networks. Lanham, MA: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7425-5332-3, Chapter 10
  68. ^ Magda Zanoni, Hugues Lamarche, eds. Agriculture et ruralité au Bréil: un autre modèle de developpement, Paris: Khartala, 2001, ISBN 2-84586-173-7, page 113
  69. ^ Marlene Grade & Idaleto Malvezzi Aued, "A busca de uma nova forma do agir humano: o MST e seu ato teleológico", Paper presented at the XIth. Congress of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia Política, Vitória, 2006; published at Textos e Debates (UFRR), Federal University of Roraima, Boa Vista-RR, v. I, p. 16-35, 2005.
  70. ^ Mauricio Augusto Font, Transforming Brazil: a reform era in perspective. Lanham, Ma: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003, ISBN 0-8476-8355-9, page 94
  71. ^ Cf. The description offered by the Trotskyist review International Viewpoint, in the article by João Machado, "The two souls of the Lula government", March 2003 issue (IV348), available at [10] 2011-10-17 at the Wayback Machine
  72. ^ Mauricio Augusto Font, Transforming Brazil, 89
  73. ^ Lee J. Alston, Gary D. Libecap, Bernardo Mueller, Titles, conflict, and land use, pages 61/62
  74. ^ According to MST-friendly UNESP professor Bernardo Mançano, interview to Giovana Girardi, available at . Archived from the original on 1 October 2011. Retrieved 10 August 2011.
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  217. ^ Markus Porsche-Ludwig,Wolfgang Gieler,Jürgen Bellers, eds., Handbuch Sozialpolitiken der Welt. Münster: LIT Verlag, 2013, ISBN 978-3-643-10987-3 , page 140
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  219. ^ "Universidade Popular dos Movimentos Sociais - EM DESTAQUE". www.universidadepopular.org. from the original on 29 January 2019. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  220. ^ See managing NGO's Association of Friends of the Florestan Fernandes School site, [36] 2014-08-06 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved August 29, 2014
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  226. ^ A Forbes magazine obituary of the recently deceased Veja boss, media mogul Roberto Civita, described the magazine's content as "filled with bomb-throwers and in clear opposition to the Workers' Party government": Forbes May 27, 2013, [39] 2017-09-08 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved July 18, 2013
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  228. ^ September 8, 2004, titled "The MST's Madrassas". Author Monica Weinberg
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  237. ^ Do Silêncio à Satanização: o Discurso de Veja e o MST [From silence to "satanization": Veja discourse and the MST], by Eduardo Ferreira de Souza, São Paulo: Annablume, 2005, ISBN 978-85-7419-453-0
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  247. ^ Ricardo Ribeiro Rodrigues, Sebastião Venâncio Martins, High diversity forest restoration in degraded areas: methods and projects in Brazil. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007, ISBN 978-1-60021-421-9, page 218
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References edit

  • Patel, Raj. "Stuffed & Starved" Portobello Books, London, 2007
  • Wolford, Wendy. "This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil." Duke University Press, Durham, 2010. ISBN 0-8223-4539-0
  • Wright, Angus, and Wendy Wolford. To Inherit the Earth: The Landless Movement and the Struggle for a New Brazil. Food First Books, Oakland, 2003. ISBN 0-935028-90-0
  • Carter, Miguel.The MST and Democracy in Brazil. Working Paper CBS-60-05, Centre for Brazilian Studies, University of Oxford, 2005. Available at [44]. Retrieved November 2, 2014
  • Ramos, Tarso Luis. Brazil at the Crossroads: Landless Movement Confronts Crisis of the Left. 2005.
  • —, "Agroecology vs. Monsanto in Brazil", Food First News & Views, vol. 27, number 94, fall 2004, 3.
  • Branford, Sue and Rocha, Jan. Cutting the Wire: The story of the landless movement in Brazil. 2002. Latin American Bureau, London.
  • Questoes Agrarias: Julgado Comentados e Paraceres. Editora Metodo, São Paulo, 2002.

April 09, 2024
landless, workers, movement, portuguese, movimento, trabalhadores, rurais, terra, social, movement, brazil, aimed, land, reform, inspired, marxism, largest, such, movement, latin, america, with, estimated, informal, membership, million, across, brazil, states,. The Landless Workers Movement Portuguese Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra MST is a social movement in Brazil aimed at land reform Inspired by Marxism 1 it is one of the largest such movement 2 in Latin America with an estimated informal membership of 1 5 million 3 across 23 of Brazil s 26 states 4 Landless Workers MovementMovimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem TerraFormationJanuary 1984Legal statusSocial movementPurposeAgrarian land reformServicesLand reform movement squatting primary basic healthcare and education secondary Membership1 500 000LeaderJoao Pedro StedileMain organNucleo de BaseParent organizationNational Coordination BodyWebsitehttps mst org brMST supporters in Brazil MST defines its goals as access to the land for poor workers through land reform in Brazil and activism around social issues that make land ownership more difficult to achieve such as unequal income distribution racism sexism and media monopolies 5 MST strives to achieve a self sustainable way of life for the rural poor 6 The MST differs from previous land reform movements in its single issue focus land reform for them is a self justifying cause The organization maintains that it is legally justified in occupying unproductive land pointing to the most recent when Constitution of Brazil 1988 which contains a passage saying that land should fulfill a social function Article 5 XXIII The MST also notes based on 1996 census statistics that 3 of the population owns two thirds of all arable land in Brazil 7 In 1991 MST received the Right Livelihood Award for winning land for landless families and helping them to farm it sustainably 8 Contents 1 Land reform before the 1988 constitution 2 Land reform and the 1988 constitution 3 History 3 1 Foundation 3 2 1995 2005 Cardoso government 3 3 2005 2010 Lula government and March for Agrarian Reform 3 4 2010 present 4 Land ownership 5 Organizational structure 6 Ideology 6 1 Liberation Theology and Mistica 6 2 Ideological foundations of MST s later activism 7 Education 8 Media coverage 9 Sustainable agriculture 10 See also 11 Notes 12 ReferencesLand reform before the 1988 constitution editLand reform has a long history in Brazil and the concept pre dates the MST In the mid 20th century Brazilian leftists reached a consensus that the democratization and widespread actual exercise of political rights would require land reform 9 Brazilian political elites actively opposed land reform initiatives which they felt threatened their social and political status 10 As such political leaders of the rural poor attempted to achieve land reform from below through grassroots action MST broke new ground by tackling land reform itself by breaking dependent relations with parties governments and other institutions 11 and framing the issue in purely political terms rather than social ethical or religious ones The first statute to regulate land ownership in Brazil after its independence Law 601 or Lei de Terras Landed Property Act took effect September 18 1850 A colonial administration based on Portuguese feudal law had previously considered property ownership to stem from royal grants sesmarias and were passed through primogeniture morgadio In the independent Brazilian state the default means of acquiring land was through purchase from either the state or a previous private owner This law strongly limited squatter s rights and favoured the historic concentration of land ownership which became a hallmark of modern Brazilian social history 12 The Lei de Terras left in place the colonial practice of favouring of large landholdings created by mammoth land grants to well placed people which were usually worked by slaves 13 In capitalist terms continuing the policy favoured economies of scale given the limited number of land owners but at the same time made it difficult for small planters and peasants to obtain the land needed to practice subsistence agriculture and small scale farming 14 The consolidation of land ownership into just a few hands had ties to the advent of capitalism in Brazil and opposition and insurrection in the 19th and early 20th century for example the Canudos War in the 1890s and the Contestado War in the 1910s idealized older forms of property which and revitalized ideologies 15 centered on a fabled millenarian return to an earlier pre bourgeois social order Advocated by groups led by rogue messianic religious leaders outside the established Catholic hierarchy these ideologies seemed heretical and revolutionary 16 Some leftist historians following the tracks of the groundbreaking 1963 work by journalist Rui Faco pt fr Cangaceiros e Fanaticos 17 tend to conflate early 20th century banditry in northeastern Brazil cangaco with messianism as a kind of social banditry a protest against such social inequalities as the uneven distribution of land assets 18 19 This theory developed independently in English speaking academia around Eric Hobsbawn s 1959 work Primitive Rebels It was criticized for its unspecific definition of social movement but also praised for melding political and religious movements previously separately examined 20 This blend was later the basis for the MST s emergence Both messianism and cangacodisappeared in the late 1930s but in the 1940s and 50s additional peasant resistance broke out to evictions and land grabbing by powerful ranchers Teofilo Otoni Minas Gerais in 1948 Porecatu Parana in 1951 Southwest Parana in 1957 Trombas and Goias 1952 1958 21 These local affairs however were repressed or settled locally and did not give rise to an ideology Policy makers and scholars across the political spectrum believed that it was objectively an economic necessity to permit the end of Brazilian rural society through mechanized agrobusiness and forcible urbanization The left in particular felt that the technologically backward feudal latifundia impeded both economic modernization and democratization 22 During the 1960s various groups attempted land reform through the legal system beginning with the peasant leagues Ligas Camponesas in northeastern Brazil 23 which opposed the evictions of tenant farmers land and the transformation of plantations into cattle ranches 24 These groups questioned the existing distribution of land ownership through a rational appeal to the social function of property clarification needed Despite the efforts of these groups land ownership continued to concentrate and both at the time of MST s founding and in the present day Brazil has had a highly dynamic and robust agricultural business sector that came say some who at the price of extensive dislocation of the rural poor 25 MST questioned the scope of the benefits from the alleged efficiency of the change given that since 1850 Brazilian land development had been concerned with the interests of a single class the rural bourgeoisie 26 While the MST frames its policies in socio economic terms it still points to Canudos and its alleged millenarism 27 to legitimize its existence 28 and to develop a powerful mystique of its own 29 A great deal of the early organizing in the MST came from Catholic communities 30 Much of MST ideology and practice come from a social doctrine of the Catholic Church that private property should serve a social function 31 This principle developed during the 19th century 32 and became Catholic doctrine with Pope Leo XIII s Rerum novarum encyclical 33 promulgated on the eve of the 1964 military coup This doctrine was evoked by President Joao Goulart at a rally in Rio de Janeiro at which he offered a blueprint for political and social reforms and proposed expropriation of estates larger than 600 hectares in areas near federal facilities such as roads railroads reservoirs and sanitation works these ideas triggered a strong conservative backlash and led to Goulart s loss of power 34 Nevertheless the Brazilian Catholic hierarchy formally acknowledged the principle in 1980 35 36 In Brazilian constitutional history land reform understood in terms of public management of natural resources 37 was first explicitly mentioned as a guiding principle of government in the 1967 constitution 38 which sought to institutionalize an authoritarian consensus after the 1964 coup The military dictatorship intended to use land reform policy to develop a buffer of conservative small farmers between latifundia owners and the rural proletariat 39 In 1969 at the most repressive point of the dictatorship the 1967 constitution was amended via a decree ato institucional by a junta that held interim power during the final illness of president Arthur da Costa e Silva and authorized government compensation for property expropriated for land reform This compensation would be made in government bonds rather than cash previously the only legal practice Art 157 1 as amended by Institutional Act No 9 1969 40 Land reform and the 1988 constitution editThe constitution passed in 1988 required that property shall serve its social function 41 and that the government should expropriate for the purpose of agrarian reform rural property that is not performing its social function 42 Under Article 186 of the constitution a social function is performed when rural property simultaneously meets the following requirements Rational and adequate use Adequate use of available natural resources and preservation of the environment Compliance with the provisions which regulate labor relations Development uses which favor the well being of owners and workers Since the criteria are vague and not objectively defined the social interest principle was seen as a mixed blessing who but accepted in general Landowners have lobbied against the principle since 1985 through the landowners organization Uniao Democratica Ruralista Democratic Union of Rural People or UDR whose rise and organization parallels that of the MST Although it avowedly dissolved itself in the early 1990s some believe it persists in informal regional ties between landowners 43 UDR lobbying over the constitutional text is believed who to have watered down concrete enforcement of the social interest principle 44 One Brazilian law handbook argues that land reform as understood in the 1988 constitution is a concept made up of various compromises on which constitutional law has consistently evaded taking a clear stance and so one could argue either for or against the MST without leaving the framework of the Constitution 45 The lack of clear government commitment to land reform precludes the MST engaging in public interest litigation 46 so concrete proceedings for land reform are left to the initiative of the groups concerned through onerous and time consuming legal proceedings Given the highly problematic and ideologically driven nature of the Brazilian justice system 47 all parties have an incentive to resort to more informal methods while the large landowners try to evacuate squatters from their land squatters might use violence to force institutional intervention favoring them with the land expropriation afterwards violence is mandatory for both sides to achieve their goals 48 These tactics raise controversy about the legality of the MST s actions since it tries to ensure social justice unilaterally 49 The MST identifies rural land it believes to be unproductive and that does not meet its social function then occupies the land 50 only afterwards moving to ascertain the legality of the occupation The MST is represented in these activities by public interest legal counsel including their own lawyers sons and daughters of MST families and organizations such as Terra de Direitos a human rights organization co founded by Darci Frigo the 2001 Robert F Kennedy Memorial Human Rights Award Laureate 51 The courts might eventually issue a warrant for eviction requiring the occupier families to leave or it might deny the landowner s petition and allow the families to stay provisionally and engage in subsistence farming until the federal agency responsible for agrarian reform Brazil s National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform INCRA determines whether occupied property had indeed been unproductive The MST s legal activity bases itself on the idea that property rights are in a continuous process of social construction so litigation and seeking to strike sympathy among the judiciary is essential to MST s legitimacy 52 Traditionally Brazilian courts side with landowners and file charges against MST members some call frivolous and bizarre 53 For instance in a 2004 land occupation in Pernambuco a judge issued arrest warrants for MST members and described them as highly dangerous criminals 54 Nevertheless many individual judges have shown themselves sympathetic 55 Brazilian higher courts have usually regarded the MST with reserve in February 2009 for instance the then president of the Brazilian Supreme Court STF Gilmar Mendes declared the MST engaged in illicit activities opposed granting it public monies and supported an adequate judicial response towards land occupation 56 The MST leadership has in turn on various occasions charged that the STF as a whole is consistently hostile to the movement In late 2013 it described the court as lackeying to the ruling class and working for years against the working class and social movements 57 This fraught relationship came to a head on February 12 2014 when a court session was suspended after an attempted invasion of the court building in Brasilia by MST activists who were met by police firing rubber bullets and tear gas 58 History editFoundation edit nbsp Monument by Oscar Niemeyer dedicated to the MST The smashing of the peasant leagues following the 1964 coup opened the way for commercialized agriculture and concentration of land ownership throughout the period of the military dictatorship and an absolute decline in the rural population during the 1970s 59 In the mid 1980s out of 370 million hectares of total farm land 285 million hectares 77 were held by latifundia 60 The re democratization process in the 1980s however allowed grassroots movements to pursue their own interests 61 rather than those of the state and the ruling classes The emergence of the MST fits into this framework Between late 1980 and early 1981 over 6 000 landless families established an encampment on land located between three unproductive estates in Brazil s southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul These families included 600 households expropriated and dislocated in 1974 from nearby Passo Real pt to make way for construction of a hydroelectric dam 62 This first group was later joined by an additional 300 or according to other sources over 1 000 households evicted by FUNAI who from the Kaingang Indian reservation in Nonoai where they had been renting plots since 1968 63 better source needed Local mobilization of the Passo Real and Nonoai people had already achieved some land distribution on non Indian land followed by demobilization Those who had not received land under these claims joined by others and led by leaders from the existing regional movement MASTER Rio Grande do Sul landless farmers movement made up the 1980 1981 encampment 64 The location became known as the Encruzilhada Natalino With the support of civil society including the progressive branch of the Catholic Church the families resisted a blockade imposed by military force Enforcement of the blockade was entrusted by the government to Army colonel Sebastiao Curio pt already notorious for his past counter insurgency efforts against the Araguaia guerrillas Curio enforced the blockade ruthlessly 65 most of the landless refused his offer of resettlement on the Amazonian frontier and eventually pressured the military government into expropriating nearby lands for agrarian reform 66 The Encruzilhada Natalino episode set a pattern Most of subsequent early development of the MST concerned exactly the areas of southern Brazil where in the absence of an open frontier an ideological appeal at an alternate foundation for access to the land other than formal private property was developed in response to the growing difficulties agribusiness posed for family farming 67 The MST also developed what became its chief modus operandi local organizing around the concrete struggles of a specific demographic group 68 The MST was officially founded in January 1984 during a National Encounter of landless workers in Cascavel Parana 69 as Brazil s military dictatorship drew to a close Its founding was strongly connected to Catholic based organizations such as the Pastoral Land Commission which provided support and infrastructure 70 During much of the 1980s the MST faced political competition from the National Confederacy of Agrarian Workers CONTAG heir to the peasant leagues of the 1960s who sought land reform strictly through legal means by favoring trade unionism and striving to wrestle concessions from bosses for rural workers But the more aggressive tactics of the MST in striving for access to land gave a political legitimacy that soon outshone CONTAG which limited itself to trade unionism in the strictest sense acting until today as a rural branch of the Central Unica dos Trabalhadores CUT 71 MST eventually all but monopolized political attention as a spokesman for rural workers 72 From the 1980s on the MST has not maintained a monopoly of land occupations many of which are carried out by a host of grassroots organizations dissidents from the MST trade unions informal coalitions of land workers However the MST is by far the most organized group dealing in occupations and has enough political leverage to turn occupations into formal expropriations for public purposes In 1995 only 89 of 198 occupations 45 were organized by the MST but these included 20 500 65 out of the grand total of 31 400 families involved 73 1995 2005 Cardoso government edit Brazil has long history of violent land conflict During the 1990s the MST emerged as the most prominent land reform movement in Brazil and in 1995 1999 led a first wave of occupations 74 which resulted in violence The MST landowners and the government accused each other of the killings maimings and property damage In the notorious Eldorado de Carajas massacre in 1996 nineteen MST members were gunned down and another 69 were wounded by police as they blocked a state road in Para 75 In 1997 alone similar confrontations with police and landowners security details accounted for two dozen internationally acknowledged deaths 76 In 2002 the MST occupied the family farm of then president Fernando Henrique Cardoso 77 in Minas Gerais a move publicly condemned by Lula then leader of the leftist opposition 78 and other prominent members of the PT 79 80 The farm was damaged and looted in the occupation and a combine harvester tractor and several pieces of furniture were destroyed 81 MST members also drank all the alcohol at the farm Later 16 MST leaders were charged with theft vandalism trespassing kidnapping and resisting arrest 82 In 2005 two undercover police officers investigating cargo truck robberies near an MST homestead in Pernambuco were attacked One was shot dead and the other tortured MST was suspected to be involved 83 Throughout the early 2000s the MST occupied functioning facilities owned by large corporations whose activities it considered at odds with the social function of property On March 8 2005 the MST invaded a nursery and a research center in Barra do Ribeiro 56 km 34 8 mi from Porto Alegre both owned by Aracruz Celulose The MST members held local guards captive while they ripped plants from the ground MST president Joao Pedro Stedile commented that MST should oppose not only landowners but also agrobusinesses that partook in the project of organization of agriculture by transnational capital allied to capitalist farming a model he deemed socially backwards and environmentally harmful 84 In the words of an anonymous activist our struggle is not only to win the land we are building a new way of life 85 The shift had been developing since the movement s 2000 national congress which focused mainly on the perceived threat of transnational corporations whether Brazilian or foreign to both small property in general and to Brazilian national food sovereignty 86 especially in the area of intellectual property 87 In July 2000 this principle was the impetus for MST to mobilize and lead farmers in an attack against a ship loaded with GM maize from Argentina that was docked in Recife 88 Since 2000 much of the movement s activism consisted in symbolic acts in opposition of multinational corporations as a symbol of the intervention politics of the big monopolies operating in Brazil 89 A possible reason contributing to the change in strategy might have been the perceived shift in government stances in the late 1990s and early 2000s The Cardoso government declared that Brazil had no need for land reform that small farms were not competitive and were unlikely to increase personal incomes in rural areas 90 He believed that it would be better to create skilled jobs which would cause the land reform issue to recede into the background 91 Cardoso denounced the MST s actions as aiming for a return to an archaic agrarian past and therefore in conflict with modernity one of the enabling myths of the neoliberal discourse 92 Cardoso offered lip service to agrarian reform in general but also described the movement as a threat to democracy 93 He compared the MST s demands for subsidized credit which led to the 1998 occupation of various banks in Parana to bank robbery 94 In a memoir written after he left office Cardoso expressed sympathy for land reform stating were I not President I would probably be out marching with them but also countering the image of mobs taking over privately owned farms would chase away investment both local and foreign 95 Although Cardoso himself never branded the MST as terrorists his Minister of Agricultural Development did and even hypothesized that the MST invaded Argentina from the north in order to blackmail the Brazilian government into action 96 In July 1997 Senior General Alberto Cardoso 97 Cardoso s Chief of Military Household Chefe da Casa Militar among other things a general comptroller over all issues regarding the military and police forces as armed civil servants expressed concern about participation of MST activists in the then ongoing police officers strikes as a plot to destabilize the military 98 In terms of concrete measures Cardoso s government s approach to land reform was divided while the administration simultaneously acquired land for settlement and increased taxes on unused land it also forbade public inspection of invaded land thereby precluding future expropriation and the disbursement of public funds to people involved in such invasions 99 Cardoso s main land reform project supported by a World Bank US 90 million loan was addressed to individuals who had experience in farming and a yearly income of up to US 15 000 they were granted a loan of up to US 40 000 if they could associate with other rural producers in order to buy land from a willing landholder 100 Thus this programme catered primarily to substantial small farmers not to the MST s traditional constituency the rural poor Cardoso s project Cedula da Terra landcard did offer previously landless people the opportunity to buy land from landowners but in a negotiated process 101 In the words of an American scholar despite its efforts in resettlement the Cardoso government did not confront the prevailing mode of agricultural production concentrated mechanized latifundia friendly commodity production and the resulting injustices 102 In his own words what Cardoso could not accept about the MST was what he saw not as a struggle for land reform but a wider struggle against the capitalist system 103 Therefore Cardoso s administration tried to initiate tamer social movements for land reform on purely negotiated terms such as the Movement of Landless Producers Movimento dos Agricultores Sem Terra or MAST organized on a local basis in the Sao Paulo State around the trade union central Syndical Social Democracy SDS 104 By contrast MST leaders emphasized that their practical activity was a response to the poverty of so many people who had little prospects of productive continuous work in conventional labor markets This reality was admitted by President Cardoso in a 1996 interview I m not going to say that my government will be of the excluded for that it cannot be I don t know how many excluded there will be 105 In 2002 Joao Pedro Stedile admitted that in plotting the movement s politics one had to keep in mind that there are a great many lumpens in the country areas 106 In Stedile s view the existence of the large underclass should not be held against the working class character of the movement because many rural working class had been absorbed into the periphery of the urban proletariat 107 Such a view is shared by some academic authors who argue that behind its avowedly peasant character the MST as far as class politics is concerned is mostly a semi proletarian movement consisting of congregations of people trying to eke out a living in the absence of formal wage employment out of a range of activities across a whole section of the social divisions of labour 108 MST somewhat filled the void left by the decline of the organized labor movement in the wake of Cardoso s neoliberal policies 109 Therefore the movement took steps to ally with urban struggles especially those connected to housing 110 Joao Pedro Stedile stated that the struggle for land reform would unfold in the countryside but would be decided in the city where political power for structural change resided 111 2005 2010 Lula government and March for Agrarian Reform edit The Lula government was seen by the MST as a leftist and therefore friendly government so MST decided to shun occupations of public buildings in favor of actions against private landed states clarification needed in a second wave of occupations starting in 2003 112 However the Lula government s increasingly conservative positions including its low profile on land reform 113 114 actually somewhat less than achieved by Cardoso in his first term 115 impelled the movement to change its stance as early as early 2004 when it again began to occupy public buildings and Banco do Brasil agencies In June 2003 the MST occupied the R amp D farm of the Monsanto Company in the state of Goias 116 On March 7 2008 a similar action by women activists at another Monsanto facility in Santa Cruz das Palmeiras Sao Paulo destroyed a nursery and an experimental patch of genetically modified maize slowing ongoing scientific research MST said they destroyed the facility to protest government support for the extensive use of GMOs supplied by transnational corporations in agriculture In 2003 Lula authorized the sale and use of GM soybeans which led MST s Stedile to call him a transgenic politician 117 The dominance of transnationals over Brazilian seed production was summed by the fact that the Brazilian hybrid seed industry in the early 2000s was already 82 Monsanto owned 118 which the MST saw as detrimental to the development of organic agriculture in spite of the economic benefits and enabling possible future health hazards similar to intensive use of pesticides 119 Stedile later called Monsanto one of the ten transnational companies that controlled virtually all international agrarian production and commodity trading 120 Similarly in 2006 the MST occupied a research station in Parana owned by Swiss corporation Syngenta which had produced GMO contamination near the Iguacu National Park After a bitter confrontation over the existence of the station which included easing of previous restrictions by the Lula government to allow Syngenta to continue GMO research the premises were transferred to the Parana state government and converted into an agroecology research center 121 After an exchange of barbs between Lula and Stedile over what Lula saw as an unnecessary radicalization of the movement s demands 122 the MST decided to call a huge national demonstration In May 2005 after a two week 200 odd kilometer march from the city of Goiania nearly 13 000 landless workers arrived in their nation s capital Brasilia The MST march targeted the U S embassy and Brazilian Finance Ministry rather than President Lula While thousands of landless carried banners and scythes through the streets a delegation of 50 held a three hour meeting with Lula who donned an MST cap for the cameras During this session Lula recommitted to settling 430 000 families by the end of 2006 and to allocating the human and financial resources to accomplish this He also committed to a range of related reforms including an increase in the pool of land available for redistribution Ramos 2005 Later the Lula government would claim to have resettled 381 419 families between 2002 and 2006 a claim disputed by the MST 123 The movement argued the numbers had been doctored by the inclusion of people already living in areas national forests and other managed areas of environmental protection as well as other already existing settlements where their presence had only been legally acknowledged by the government 124 The MST also criticised Lula s administration to call mere land redistribution by means of handing out of small plots land as reform when it was simply a form of welfarism assistencialismo that was unable to change the productive system 90 The march was held to demand among other things that President Lula implement his own limited agrarian reform plan rather than spend the project s budget on servicing the national debt Ramos 2005 Several MST leaders met with President Lula da Silva on May 18 2005 a meeting that had been resisted by Lula since his taking of office 125 The leaders presented Lula with 16 demands including economic reform greater public spending and public housing In interviews with Reuters many of the leaders said they still regarded Lula as an ally but demanded that he accelerate his promised land reforms However in September of that year Joao Pedro Stedile declared that in terms of land reform Lula s government was finished 126 By the end of Lula s first term it was clear that the MST had decided to act again as a separate movement irrespective of the government s agenda 127 As far as the MST was concerned the greatest gain it received from the Lula government was the non criminalization of the movement itself the tough anti occupation measures taken by the Cardoso government were left in abeyance and not enforced 128 Attempts to officially define the MST as a terrorist organization were also opposed by Workers Party congresspersons 129 Nevertheless the Lula government never acted in tandem with the MST according to a general pattern of keeping organized social movements outside the fostering of the government s agenda 130 However as stated by a German author the Lula government year after year proposed a blueprint for land reform that was regularly blocked by regional agrarian elites 131 Lula s election to the presidency raised the possibility of active government support for land reform so conservative media increased their efforts to brand the MST s actions as felonies 132 In May 2005 Veja accused the MST of helping the Primeiro Comando da Capital PCC the most powerful prison gang criminal organization in Sao Paulo A police phone tap recording of a conversation between PCC leaders mentioned the MST one of them said he had just talked with the leaders of the MST who would give instructions to the gang 133 about the best ways to stage what became the largest protest by prisoners relatives in Brazilian history On April 18 2005 some 3 000 relatives protested prevailing conditions in Sao Paulo s correctional facilities 134 The MST leaders were not named No MST activist real or alleged took part in the taped conversations The MST denied any link in a formal written statement calling the supposed evidence hearsay and an attempt to criminalize the movement 135 In the wake of 9 11 Brazilian media tended to describe the MST as terrorists lumping it together loosely with various historical and mediatic happenings 136 in keeping with an international post 9 11 trends of relegating any political movement against existing globalization to beyond the pale and outside the boundaries of permissible political discourse 137 The MST assumes its activities are continuously surveilled by military intelligence 138 Various intelligence organs Brazilian and foreign assume a relationship between the MST and various terrorist groups 139 The MST is regarded as a source of civil unrest 140 In late 2005 a parliamentary inquiry commission where landowner friendly congressmen held a majority classified the MST s activities as terrorism and the MST itself as a criminal organization However its report met no support from the PT members of the commission and a senator ripped it up before TV cameras saying that those who voted for it were accomplices of murder people who use slave labor and who embezzle land illegally 141 Nevertheless based on this report a bill presented to the Chamber of Deputies in 2006 by Congressman Abelardo Lupion Democrats Parana proposed making invading others property with the end of pressuring the government a terrorist action and therefore a heinous crime A heinous crime in Brazilian law is a felony designated as such in a 1990 Brazilian law and those accused of committing them are ineligible for pretrial release 142 143 In April 2006 the MST took over the farm of Suzano Papel e Celulose a large maker of paper products in the state of Bahia because it had more than six square kilometres devoted to eucalyptus growth 144 Eucalyptus a non native plant has been blamed for environmental degradation in northeastern Brazil 145 as well as reducing the availability of land for small agricultural production called by some as cornering producers encurralados pelo eucalipto 146 In 2011 Veja described such activities as plain theft of eucalyptus wood quoting an estimate from the state s military police that 3 000 people earned a living in Southern Bahia from theft of wood 147 In 2008 a group of public attorneys from Rio Grande do Sul who were working with the state s military police issued a report charging the MST with collusion with international terrorist groups The report was used in state courts according to Amnesty International to justify eviction orders carried out by the police with excessive use of force 148 The group of attorneys made public a previously classified report by the Council of Public Attorneys of Rio Grande do Sul and asked the state to ban the MST by declaring it an illegal organization The report declared further investigation pointless as it was public knowledge that the movement and its leadership were guilty of engaging in organized criminality The report also proposed that where MST activists could cause electoral disequilibrium the activists right to vote be withdrawn by striking them from the voter registry 149 Declarations issued at the same time by the State Association of Military Policy Commissioned Officers in an open Red Scare vein declared the MST an organized movement striving at instituting a totalitarian state in our country 150 Between September 27 and October 7 2009 the MST occupied an orange plantation in Borebi State of Sao Paulo owned by orange juice multinational Cutrale The corporation claimed to have lost R 1 2 million roughly US 603 000 in damaged equipment missing pesticide destroyed crops and trees cut by MST activists 151 In response the MST declared the farm to be government property that was illegally embezzled by Cutrale and that the occupation was intended to protest this while the destruction was done by provocateurs 152 Such questioning of the legality of existing private property by denouncing landowners as holding land in adverse possession was one of the movement s main political tools 153 The Cutrale plantation Fazenda S Henrique was occupied by the MST four more times until 2013 and the multinational s property rights over it are being contested in court by the Federal Government who alleges that the farm lands were set aside as part of a 1910 settlement projects for foreign immigrants rights over it going afterward astray during the following century 154 During the same period the MST also repeatedly blocked highways 155 156 157 158 and railroads 159 to create calls for public attention to the plight of landless workers 160 2010 present edit The MST wholeheartedly declared support for Dilma Rousseff s candidacy and once elected she offered the movement very qualified support In a national broadcast in November 2010 she declared land reform a question of human rights that is a purely humanitarian one 161 As Lula s chief of staff she supported economic growth over ecological and land reform concerns 162 In a radio interview during the campaign she repeated the old conservative trope that economic growth could make Brazilian land issues recede What we are doing is doing away with the real basis for the instabilities of the landless They are losing reasons to fight 163 Thus one author described the MST s endorsement of Rousseff as a choice of the lesser evil 164 State agencies and private individuals continued to violently oppose the movement s activities On 16 February 2012 eighty families were evicted from an occupation in Alagoas of a farm rented to a sugar mill awash in unpaid debts 165 According to MST activist Janaina Stronzake MST assumes that landowners have a hit list of MST leaders Many have in fact been killed although some murders were doctored to make them look like accidents 166 In April 2014 a Global Witness report called Brazil the most dangerous place to defend rights to land and the environment with at least 448 people killed between 2002 and 2013 in disputes over environmental rights and access to land 167 A report for the Catholic Pastoral Land Commission Land Conflicts in Brazil 2013 estimated that land struggles were involved in 34 murders in Brazil in 2013 and 36 in 2012 43 On April 16 2012 a group of MST activists occupied the headquarters of the Ministry of Agrarian Development in Brasilia as part of the movement s regular Red April campaign a yearly nationwide occupation initiative in honor of the April 1996 Eldorado dos Carajas massacre 168 Minister Pepe Vargas pt declared ongoing talks between the government and the MST suspended for the duration of the occupation 169 Land activists were dissatisfied with the slowing pace of official land reform projects under the Rousseff government Fewer families were officially settled in 2011 than in the previous 16 years Government reaction to the occupation sparked widespread accusations from the PT base that Rousseff had sold out 170 In a 2012 interview Stedile admitted that the movement had not benefited from the policies of the PT administrations since the coalition governments of the PT could not act politically on behalf of land reform 171 Both political pundits and activists thought Rousseff s first term was a lean period for land reform and mainstream media called the MST tamed by the two consecutive PT administrations and drained of mass support by steady economic growth and expanding employment denying the movement its chief raison d etre In 2013 MST attempted only 110 occupations 172 The same year saw another low with only 159 families resettled MST National Coordinator Joao Paulo Rodrigues said that the federal government s reliance on agribusiness exports for procuring hard currency was the main reason the Rousseff administration did not advance land reform and even went backwards in some cases 173 The only recent advances in land reform policies had come in programs such as the National Program for School Meals PNAE and Food Catering Plan PAA which purchased food from land reform farmers for use at public schools and other government facilities However Rodrigues disputed that such programs were entirely disproportionate to what was being offered in terms of public money subsidized credits etc to agribusiness He concluded that the only chance for land reform in Brazil would be a kind of joint venture between small producers and urban working class consumers as simple land redistribution would be fated to fail as it had in Venezuela where Hugo Chavez stockedpiled seven million hectares of nationalized land property which remained unused for want of proper peasants 174 The PT government s base generally felt that the vested interest of agribusiness in setting development policies during the Lula and Rousseff administrations hampered aggressive policies of expropriation and land reform 175 In November 2014 amid the radicalization surrounding Rousseff s reelection an unannounced visit to Brazil by Venezuelan Minister for Communities and Social Movements Elias Jaua led to an information exchange agreement in agro ecology between the MST and the Venezuelan government The visit and agreement created tension among the conservatives in the Brazilian Congress Senator and landowner Ronaldo Caiado described it as an arrangement between a high placed representative of a foreign government and an unlawful entity aimed at building a socialist society and argued for a clearly more conservative stance on land reform and therefore less maneuvering room for the MST 176 The movement described Caiado s reaction as evidence that conservative sectors are hostile to any form of grassroots participation in the political process 177 In an even clearer sign of limited room Rousseff chose Katia Abreu the notorious female landowner to be a member of her second term cabinet 178 179 However some have suggested that the ongoing tension between the MST and the PT far from signaling an impending end on the contrary suggested a reconfiguration of the MST from a single issue movement to one with a wider focus on political and social emancipation 180 Since the 1990s such a tendency has been expressed in the integration of MST with various other grassroots organizations in a network sponsored by progressive Catholics the CMP Central de Movimentos Populares or Union of Popular Movements 181 through which the MST developed its collaboration with its urban sister organization the MTST 182 Land ownership editConsolidation of land ownership continued unabated In 2006 according to the property census the Gini index of land concentration stood at 0 854 while at the beginning of military regime in 1967 it was at 0 836 In other words concentration of land ownership into just a few hands actually increased 183 As of 2009 Brazilian economic policy especially in foreign exchange relied upon trade surpluses generated by the agricultural exports so the correlation of forces moves against agrarian reform 184 The resumption of sustained general economic growth in the Lula years might have greatly diminished social demand for land reform especially among the informally and or under employed urban workers who formed most of the movements later membership 185 186 In a 2012 interview a member of the MST national caucus Joaquim Pinheiro declared that the recent increase in welfare spending and employment levels had had a sobering influence on Brazilian agrarian activism but he declared himself in favor of government spending on social programs adding that the MST feared however that people would become hostages to such programs 187 But as of 2006 according to the MST 150 000 families lived in its encampments compared to 12 805 families in 1990 188 Organizational structure editThe MST is organized entirely from the grassroots level up to the state and national coordinating bodies into collective units that make decisions through discussion reflection and consensus This non hierarchical pattern of organization reflecting liberation theology and Freirean pedagogy also avoids distinct leadership that can be bought off or assassinated 189 The basic organizational unit 10 to 15 families living in an MST encampment settlement 190 191 is known as a nucleo de base A nucleo de base addresses the issues faced by member families and members elect two representatives one woman and one man to represent them at settlement encampment meetings These representatives attend regional meetings and elect regional representatives who then elect the members of the state coordinating body of the MST a total of 400 members of state bodies around 20 per state and 60 members of the national coordinating body around 2 per state Every MST family participates in a nucleo de base roughly 475 000 families or 1 5 million people Joao Pedro Stedile economist and author of texts on land reform in Brazil is a member of the MST s national coordinating body The MST is not a political party and has no formal leadership other than a dispersed group of some 15 leaders whose public appearances are scarce This secrecy minimizes the risk of arrest 192 and also preserves a grassroots decentralized organizational model This is regarded as an important strategy by the MST in that it allows the movement to maintain an ongoing and direct flow of communication between member families and their representatives Coordinators are aware of the realities faced by member families and are encouraged to discuss important issues with said families This organizational blueprint seeks in a way to empower people politically by having them acting in the way they see fit true to local context 193 To assist with communication between Coordinators and member families and as an attempt to democratize the media the MST produces the Jornal Sem Terra and the MST Informa The structure and goals of the MST has led some authors to consider it a large libertarian socialist anarchist 194 or autonomist Marxist organization 195 Ideology editThe MST is an ideologically eclectic rural movement of hundreds of thousands of landless peasants and some who live in small cities striving for land reform in Brazil Since its inception the MST has been inspired by liberation theology Marxism the Cuban Revolution and other leftist ideologies The flexible mix of discourse that includes marxist concepts popular religion communal practices citizenship principles and radical democracy has increased the movement s popular appeal 196 The radical democratic and anti hierarchical structure and goals of the MST have led some authors to consider it a large libertarian socialist anarchist 194 or autonomist Marxist organization 195 The landless say they have found institutional support in the Catholic Church s teachings of social justice and equality as embodied in the activities of Catholic Base Committees Comissoes Eclesiais de Base or CEBs which generally advocate liberation theology and anti hierarchical social relations This theology a radicalized re reading of the existing social doctrine of the Church became the basis of the MST s ideology and organizational structure 189 The loss of influence of progressives in the later Catholic Church when however has reduced the closeness of the relationship between the MST and the Church as such 197 MST s anti hierarchical stance stems from the influence of Paulo Freire After working with poor communities in the rural Brazilian state of Pernambuco Freire observed that aspects of traditional classrooms such as teachers with more power than students hindered the potential for success of adults in adult literacy programs He determined that the students individual abilities to learn and absorb information were severely impeded by their passive role in the classroom His teachings encouraged activists to break their passive dependence on oppressive social conditions and become engaged in active modes of behaving and living In the mid 1980s the MST created a new infrastructure for the movement directly guided by liberation theology and Freirian pedagogy They did not elect leaders so as to not create hierarchies and to prevent corrupt leadership from developing 189 The MST has widened the scope of their movement They have invaded the headquarters of public and multinational institutions and begun to resist the appearance of fields of genetically modified crops carrying out marches hunger strikes and other political actions The MST cooperates with a number of urban and rural worker movements in other areas of Brazil where The MST also remains in touch with broader international organizations and movements that support and embrace the same cause 198 The MST includes not only landless workers stricto sensu or rural workers recently evicted from the land but also the urban jobless and homeless people who want to make a living by working on the land thus its affinity with housing reform and other urban movements 199 The squatters movement MTST Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem teto Homeless Workers Movement is commonly seen as an offshoot of the MST 200 Liberation Theology and Mistica edit As mentioned above the MST draws ideological inspiration from many conceptual frameworks both religious and political with one aspect of this inspiration being the practice of mistica Mistica refers to performance or dance conducted in ceremony like conditions often with nonverbal components and carried out with the intention of affirming confidence in desired goals or action 201 With this in mind mistica can be considered a form of mysticism that exists within a distinctly Latin American context 201 With regards to the MST this form of mistica underwent a series of changes prior to becoming fully adopted by the organisation as part of its methods and practices Christian mysticism is often an individual experience rather than collective and communal and consequently the form of mistica practiced by the MST differs chiefly in this regard It is a communal experience often linked keenly with the emergence of CEBs that often sees participation from the assembled group rather than an individual and this change was brought about by the influence of liberation theology on the MST in the late sixties 201 Additionally as historian Daniela Issa notes mistica is a process by which communities associated with the MST can narrate their own history by reviving a collective memory of the oppressed often in contexts where censorship and state violence are commonplace 202 The form of mistica associated with the MST also draws on a variety of cultures and origins with roots in Catholic ritualism as well as Afro Brazilian religious practices that had first been introduced after the migration of slavery into Brazil in the 16th century Not only this but some contemporary historians have also identified aspects of the MST mistica as having originated from Indigenous practices and belief systems 202 One example of recent demonstrations of mistica within the MST is found in the practices of the ceremony at the ten year anniversary of the Eldorado do Carajas massacre Members engaging in mistica carried effigies of the bodies while singing and chanting as they converged on a location that symbolised the site of the event 202 The MST highly value education and the organisation is committed to the teachings of Freirian pedagogy which espouses the process of conscientisation This commitment to community education forms another aspect of the group s mixture of influences Popular education and liberation theology are closely linked with the practice of mistica within the MST as CEB s and the sense of community generated by popular education often form the site of mistica with many members having overlapping interests and participation in each aspect 201 Such settlements and communities produced by the encampments of the MST actively encourage and sponsor the practice of mistica within CEB s present as a method of reaffirming commitment and dedication to the goals of the group these goals often being exclusively linked to the political ambitions and campaigns at the time of practice 201 Ideological foundations of MST s later activism edit The supposed opposition to capitalist modernity on the part of the movement 203 has led authors to ascertain that the MST activities express in a way the decline of a traditional peasantry and its desire of restoring traditional communal rights 204 This is what differentiates between the MST and a movement for the preservation of communal rights such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation 205 However there are others who assert that instead of expressing the decline of the peasantry the MST developing as it was in Brazil a country where agriculture has been tied to commodity production since colonial times expresses the absence of a proper peasantry 206 and has as its social basis a rural working class that strives to gain a foothold in the field of capitalist production As remarked by non specialist foreign onlookers the MST s tagging of the landless as rural workers i e proletarians in the Marxist sense appears sometimes more as a purely ideological branding than anything else 207 According even to a Leftist scholar like James Petras the MST is undoubtedly a modernizing social movement in that its main goal is to convert fallow states into viable units that are able to produce a marketable surplus to occupy resist and produce as the movement s own motto goes 208 It is also not a movement with a clear cut anti capitalist stance as what it seeks is to create a land reform based on small individual property owners 209 As far as its steads are concerned the movement has adopted a mostly private enterprise friendly stance with the monies it has procured it has financed mechanization processing enterprises livestock breeding as well as granting access to additional credit sources 210 Some even see the movement s aims as quite limited as in practice it tends to merely provide a chance for some people to interact with the ruling capitalist economy 211 by means of a kind of guerrilla capitalism aimed at ensuring that smaller producers associations carve a share of the market for agrarian produce against the competition of mammoth agribusiness trusts 212 In the view of Marxist authors like Petras and Veltmeyer such a stance would reflect the incapacity of a heterogeneous coalition of rural people to engage in a broad anti systemic coalition which would include the urban working classes 213 Shunning this Marxist paradigm other authors see in the rhetoric of the MST the reflection of an ideological struggle not for taking power but for recognizance for reconstituting the diversity of rural Brazil 214 This struggle for recognizance despite its being couched in fiery radical rhetoric is seen by some as indeed relevant for the democratization of rural society but it does not entail political motivations destined to promote ruptures 215 In even more blunt terms a recent academic paper asserts that the ideology of the MST connected as it is in practice with the landlesss concrete needs for making out a living in the countryside is above all an edible ideology 216 A recent German handbook describes the MST as a mere pressure group unable to exert actual political power 217 Other authors however maintain that the interest of the MST in maximize its members everyday participation in the running of their own affairs is enough to describe the movement as socialist in a broad sense 218 Education editAccording to the MST it taught over 50 000 landless workers to read and write between 2002 and 2005 It also runs the Popular University of Social Movements PUSM 219 at a campus in Guararema Sao Paulo Also called Florestan Fernandes School FFS after Marxist scholar Florestan Fernandes the school offers secondary school classes in a variety of fields its first graduating class 2005 of 53 students received degrees in Specialized Rural Education and Development With the University of Brasilia the government of Venezuela and the NGO Via Campesina as well as agreements with federal state and community colleges it offers classes in pedagogy history and agronomy and technical subjects at different skill levels 220 The building was constructed with by brigades of volunteers using soil cement bricks made onsite at the school 221 The late Oscar Niemeyer designed an auditorium and further sustainable low environmental impact expansion of the school complex is pending 222 when The MST formed its education sector in Rio Grande do Sul in 1986 a year after its first national convention 223 By 2001 about 150 000 children attended 1 200 primary and secondary schools in its settlements and camps The schools employ 3 800 teachers many of them MST trained The movement has trained 1 200 educators who run classes for 25 000 young people and adults It trains primary school teachers in most states of Brazil and partners with international agencies such as UNESCO UNICEF and the Catholic Church Seven institutions of higher education in different regions provide degree courses in education for MST teachers 224 Some call MST communal schools markedly better than their conventional counterparts in rural communities in both quantitative and qualitative terms 225 Media coverage editThe role of the MST as a grassroots organization running charter schools activity has attracted considerable attention from the Brazilian press much of it accusatory Veja Brazil s largest magazine known for unrestrained hostility 226 to social movements in general 227 published a profile 228 of two MST schools in Rio Grande do Sul and said the MST was indoctrinating children between 7 and 14 229 Children were also shown what the article called propaganda films which taught that genetically modified GMO products contain poison and were advised not to eat margarine that might contain GMO soybean The Brazilian authorities allegedly had no control over MST schools and according to the profile they did not follow the mandatory national curriculum set out by the Ministry of Education which calls for pluralism of ideas and tolerance Preaching Marxism in MST schools was analogous to preaching radical Islam tenets in madrassas the article said 230 This was just one episode in a long history of mutual very bitter animosity between Veja and the MST In 1993 the magazine described the MST as a peasant organization of Leninist character and charged its leaders and activists with pretending to be homeless 231 In February 2009 the magazine opposed public support for the criminal activities of the movement 232 and the MST charged the magazine a year later with vandalizing both journalism and the truth itself 233 In 2011 a mention of the MST in Veja called it a criminal mob 234 In early 2014 after MST tried to invade the STF building a Veja columnist described said it was playing leader to a non existing cause 235 This journalistic mud slinging has justified at least two academic monographs wholly dedicated to it alone 236 237 Overall the relationship of the mainstream media with the MST has been ambiguous in the 1990s they tended to support land reform as a goal in general and presented MST in a sympathetic light For example between 1996 and 1997 TV Globo broadcast a telenovela O Rei do Gado The Cattle Baron in which a beautiful female sem terra played by actress Patricia Pillar falls in love with a male landowner 238 In the same telenovela a wake for the fictitious Senator Caxias killed while defending an MST occupation offered the opportunity for two real life senators from the PT Eduardo Suplicy and Benedita da Silva to make cameo appearances as themselves praising their fictive colleague s agenda 239 The media however tend to disavow what they see as violent methods 240 especially as the movement gathered strength 241 It does not outright disavow the movement s struggle for land reform but Brazilian media moralize to deplore the invasion of productive land the MST s irrationality and lack of responsibility the ill using of distributed land parcels and to argue for the existence of alternate peaceful solutions 242 Sustainable agriculture editThe increased importance of the technicians and experts within the MST has led some sections of the movement to strive to develop and diffuse technology suitable for a model of sustainable agriculture on the land the families farm 243 Such self developed technology is seen as a way to turn small producers from consumers into producers of technologies 244 and therefore as a hedge against small producers dependence on chemical inputs and single crop price fluctuations 245 and a way to preserving natural resources 246 These efforts are gaining in importance as more movement families gain access to the land For example the Chico Mendes Center for Agroecology founded May 15 2004 in Ponta Grossa Parana Brazil on land formerly used by the Monsanto Company to grow genetically modified crops intends to produce organic native seed to distribute through MST Various other experiments in reforestation taming of native species clarification needed and medicinal uses of plans have been carried out in MST settlements 247 The MST is the largest producer of organic rice in Latin America 248 In 2005 the MST partnered with the federal government of Venezuela and the state government of Parana the Federal University of Parana UFPR and the International Via Campesina an organization that brings together movements involved in the struggle for land from all over the world to establish the Latin American School of Agroecology The school located in an MST agrarian reform project known as the Contestado settlement signed a protocol of intentions in January when during the fifth World Social Forum 249 See also editAbahlali baseMjondolo in South Africa The Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee in India The EZLN in Mexico Fanmi Lavalas in Haiti The Homeless Workers Movement in Brazil Movement for Justice in el Barrio in the United States of America Narmada Bachao Andolan in India La Via Campesina League of Poor Peasants an MST splinter group in BrazilNotes edit Feix Plinio Jose 2012 O Pensamento Marxista no Projeto Politico dos Dirigentes do MST PDF Universidade de Campinas UNICAMP Archived PDF from the original on 16 April 2016 Retrieved 10 November 2017 Anders Corr No trespassing squatting rent strikes and land struggles worldwide New York South End Press 1999 ISBN 0 89608 595 3 page 146 in 2007 Herbert Girardet ed Surviving the century facing climate chaos and other global challenges London Earthscan 2007 ISBN 978 1 84407 458 7 page 185 Dave Hill amp Ravi Kumar eds Global neoliberalism and education and its consequences New York Routledge 2009 ISBN 978 0 415 95774 8 page 146 Nossos objetivos MST page Nossos Objetivos MST Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra Archived from the original on 2 September 2012 Retrieved 1 September 2012 Retrieved September 1 2012 James Deborah 2007 Gaining Ground Rights and Property in South African Land Reform New York New York Routledge Cavendish pp 148 149 ISBN 978 0 415 42031 0 About the MST Archived 2019 06 27 at the Wayback Machine on mstbrazil org Accessed September 9 2006 Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais sem Terra MST The Right Livelihood Award Archived from the original on 24 August 2018 Retrieved 8 January 2020 Michael Moran Geraint Parry eds Democracy and Democratization London Routledge 1994 ISBN 0 415 09049 0 page 191 Arthur MacEwan Neo liberalism Or Democracy Economic Strategy Markets and Alternatives for the 21st Century London Zed Books 1999 ISBN 1 85649 724 0 page 148 Michael Lipton Land Reform in Developing Countries Property Rights and Property Wrongs London Routledge 2009 ISBN 978 0 415 09667 6 p 275 Rodolfo Stavenhagen Between Underdevelopment and Revolution A Latin American Perspective New Delhi Abhinav 1981 p 10 Carlos H Waisman Raanan Rein eds Spanish and Latin American Transitions to Democracy Brighton Sussex Academic Press 2006 ISBN 1 903900 73 5 pp 156 157 Bernardo Mancano Fernandes The MST and Agrarian Reform in Brazil Socialism and Democracy online 51 Vol 23 No 3 available at 1 Archived 2017 12 15 at the Wayback Machine Carlos Ignacio Pinto A Lei de Terras de 1850 Klepsidra net Archived from the original on 29 February 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Robert M Levine John Crocitti eds The Brazil Reader History Culture Politics Duke University Press 1999 ISBN 0 8223 2258 7 p 264 Wendy Wolford This Land Is Ours Now Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil Duke University Press 2010 ISBN 978 0 8223 4539 8 pages 38 sqq Candace Slater Trail of Miracles Stories from a Pilgrimage in Northeast Brazil Berkeley University of California Press 1986 ISBN 0 520 05306 0 p 45 Michael L Conniff Frank D MacCann eds Modern Brazil Elites and Masses in Historical Perspective The University of Nebraska Press 1991 ISBN 0 8032 6348 1 page 133 Faco Rui 1976 Cangaceiros e fanaticos genese e lutas PDF in Portuguese 4th ed Rio de Janeiro Editora Civilizacao Brasileira ISBN 9788571083301 Archived from the original on 21 April 2023 Sarah R Sarzynski History Identity and the Struggle for Land in Northeastern Brazil 1955 1985 ProQuest 2008 page 284 Candace Slater Stories on a String The Brazilian Literatura de Cordel University of California Press 1982 ISBN 0 520 04154 2 page 210 footnote 10 Peter Burke Historia e teoria social Sao Paulo UNESP 2002 ISBN 85 7139 380 X page 125 Anthony L Hall Developing Amazonia deforestation and social conflict in Brazil s Carajas Programme Manchester University Press 1991 ISBN 978 0 7190 3550 0 pages 188 189 Jose Carlos Reis As identidades do Brasil de Varnhagen a FHC Rio de Janeiro FGV 2007 ISBN 978 85 225 0596 8 V 1 page 164 Sam Moyo amp Paris Yeros eds Reclaiming the land the resurgence of rural movements in Africa Asia and Latin America London Zed Books ISBN 1 84277 425 5 page 342 Ronald H Chilcote ed Protest and resistance in Angola and Brazil comparative studies Berkeley University of California Press 1972 ISBN 0 520 01878 8 page 191 James F Petras Henry Veltmeyer Cardoso s Brazil a land for sale Lanham Rowman amp Littlefield 2003 ISBN 0 7425 2631 3 page 17 Luiz Bezerra Neto Sem terra aprende e ensina estudo sobre as praticas educativas do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Campinas SP Autores Associados 1999 ISBN 85 85701 82 X page 30 Robert M Levine Vale of tears revisiting the Canudos massacre in northeastern Brazil 1893 1897 Berkeley University of California Press 1995 ISBN 0 520 20343 7 page 65 Angela Maria de Castro Gomes et al A Republica no Brasil Rio de Janeiro Nova Fronteira 2002 ISBN 978 85 209 1264 5 page 118 Ruth Reitan Global Activism Abingdon Routledge 2007 ISBN 0 203 96605 8 page 154 Edward L Cleary How Latin America Saved the Soul of the Catholic Church Mahwah NJ Paulist Press 2009 ISBN 978 0 8091 4629 1 page 32 Angus Lindsay Wright amp Wendy Wolford To inherit the earth the landless movement and the struggle for a new Brazil Oakland Food First Books 2003 ISBN 0 935028 90 0 page 74 Petras amp Veltmeyer Cardoso s Brazil 18 Sandor Agocs The troubled origins of the Italian Catholic labor movement 1878 1914 Detroit Wayne State University Press 1988 ISBN 0 8143 1938 6 page 25 Scott Mainwaring The Catholic Church and politics in Brazil 1916 1985 Stanford Stanford University Press 1986 page 55 Charles C Geisler amp Gail Daneker eds Property and values alternatives to public and private ownership Washington DC Island Press 2000 ISBN 1 55963 766 8 page 31 Marieta de Moraes Ferreira ed Joao Goulart entre a memoria e a historia Rio de Janeiro FGV 2006 ISBN 85 225 0578 0 page 74 the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops CNBB issued a document Church and Land Problems recognizing and pleading for public acknowledgement of communal rights to the land Jose de Souza Martins Reforma agraria o impossivel dialogo Sao Paulo EDUSP 2004 ISBN 85 314 0591 2 page 104 Albert Breton ed Environmental governance and decentralisation Cheltenham UK Edward Elgar 2007 ISBN 978 1 84720 398 4 page 52 Article 157 III Peter Rosset Raj Patel Michael Courville Land Research Action Network eds Promised land competing visions of agrarian reform New York Food First Books ISBN 978 0 935028 28 7 page 266 Constituicao67 www planalto gov br Archived from the original on 24 October 2015 Retrieved 22 January 2019 Article 5 XXIII Article 184 Sonia Maria Ribeiro de Souza amp Anthonio Thomaz Jr O Mst e a Midia O Fato e a Noticia Scripta Nova Vol VI no 119 45 1st August de 2002 available at 2 Archived 2011 09 28 at the Wayback Machine Alfred P Montero Brazilian politics reforming a democratic state in a changing world Cambridge U K Polity Press 2005 ISBN 0 7456 3361 7 page 87 Felipe Dutra Asensi Curso Pratico de Argumentacao Juridica Rio de Janeiro Elsevier 2010 Google Books partially available at 3 Boaventura de Sousa Santos Cesar A Rodriguez Garavito eds Law and Globalization from Below Towards a Cosmopolitan Legality Cambridge University Press 2005 ISBN 978 0 521 84540 3 page 224 George Meszaros Social Movements Law and the Politics of Land Reform Lessons from Brazil London Routledge 2013 ISBN 978 0 415 47771 0 page 21 Artur Zimerman Land and Violence in Brazil A Fatal Combination LASA paper page 9 Available at 4 Archived 2012 04 26 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved December the 20th 2011 Roberto Gargarela Tough on Punishment Criminal Justice Deliberation and Legal Alienation IN Samantha Besson Jose Luis Marti eds Legal Republicanism National and International Perspectives Oxford University Press 2009 ISBN 978 0 19 955916 9 page 168 Eugene Walker Gogol The concept of Other in Latin American liberation Lanham MD Lexington Books ISBN 0 7391 0331 8 page 311 Jan Rocha and Sue Branford Cutting the Wire The story of the landless movement in Brasil 2002 Latin American Bureau page 291 James K Boyce Sunita Narain Elizabeth A Stanton Reclaiming nature environmental justice and ecological restoration London Anthem Press 2007 ISBN 1 84331 235 2 page 134 Peter P Houtzager The movement of the landless MST and the juridical field in Brazil Institute of Development Studies 2005 Wilder Robles Cameron D Phil Thesis University of Guelph Dept of Sociology amp Anthropology 2007 Peasant mobilization land reform and agricultural co operativism in Brazil page 160 Available at 5 Archived 2016 12 16 at the Wayback Machine Jayme Benvenuto Lima Jr ed Independence of Judges in Brazil Recife GAJOP Bagaco 2005 page 89 Available at 6 Archived 2015 09 24 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved December 12 2011 In August 1999 State Higher Court Judge Rui Portanova overruled a trial court decision granting a landowner s petition to evict MST from his property with the following reasoning Before applying a law the judge must consider the social aspects of the case the law s repercussions its legitimacy and the clash of interests in tension The MST are landless workers who want to grow produce in order to feed and enrich Brazil amid this globalized starving world However Brazil turns her back on them as the Executive offers money to the banks The Legislative wants to make laws to forgive the debts of the large farmers The press charges the MST with violence Despite all that the landless hope to plant and harvest with their hands and for this they pray and sing The Federal Constitution and Article 5 offers interpretive space in favor of the MST I n the terms of paragraph 23 of Article 5 of the Federal Constitution that landed property must fulfill a social function I suspended the eviction Decision 70000092288 Rui Portanova State Court of Rio Grande do Sul Porto Alegre Mendes condena acoes de sem terra em Pernambuco e Sao Paulo G1 newssite 25 February 2009 available at 7 Archived 2012 10 04 at the Wayback Machine MST defende Dirceu e chama STF de servical a classe dominante 22 11 2013 Poder Folha de S Paulo Archived from the original on 23 January 2019 Retrieved 22 January 2019 MST tenta invadir STF em Brasilia PM usa bomba para dispersar manifestante UOL newssite February 12 2014 available at 8 Archived 2014 09 03 at the Wayback Machine Thomas William Merrick Elza Berquo National Research Council U S Committee on Population and Demography Panel on Fertility Determinants The determinants of Brazil s recent rapid decline in fertility Washington D C National Academic Press 1983 page 133 Lee J Alston Gary D Libecap Bernardo Mueller Titles conflict and land use the development of property rights and land reform on the Brazilian Amazonian Frontier University of Michigan Press 1999 ISBN 0 472 11006 3 pages 67 68 Biorn Maybury Lewis The politics of the possible the Brazilian rural workers trade union movement 1964 1985 Philadelphia Temple University Press 1994 ISBN 1 56639 167 9 page 169 Local mobilization of peasants dislocated by dam constructions was one of the primary sources of grassroots rural mobilization in the 1980s in southern Brazil which gave rise to a national organization the Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens MAB or Dam slighted people s Movement cf Franklin Daniel Rothman and Pamela E Oliver From Local to Global The Anti Dam Movement in Southern Brazil Mobilization An International Journal 1999 4 1 available at 9 Archived 2012 04 04 at the Wayback Machine Accessed 16 November 2011 CESNUR 2001 The Landless Movement Alcantara www cesnur org Archived from the original on 31 October 2018 Retrieved 22 January 2019 Michel Duquette and others Collective action and radicalism in Brazil women urban housing and rural movements University of Toronto Press 2005 ISBN 0 8020 3907 3 pages 140 141 Da luta ha 25 anos o reencontro em Sarandi MST Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra Archived from the original on 19 July 2013 Retrieved 21 July 2013 Gabriel A Ondetti Land protest and politics the landless movement and the struggle for Agrarian Reform in Brazil Pennsylvania State University 2008 ISBN 978 0 271 03353 2 pages 67 69 Hank Johnston Paul Almeida eds Latin American social movements globalization democratization and Transnational Networks Lanham MA Rowman amp Littlefield 2006 ISBN 978 0 7425 5332 3 Chapter 10 Magda Zanoni Hugues Lamarche eds Agriculture et ruralite au Breil un autre modele de developpement Paris Khartala 2001 ISBN 2 84586 173 7 page 113 Marlene Grade amp Idaleto Malvezzi Aued A busca de uma nova forma do agir humano o MST e seu ato teleologico Paper presented at the XIth Congress of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia Politica Vitoria 2006 published at Textos e Debates UFRR Federal University of Roraima Boa Vista RR v I p 16 35 2005 Mauricio Augusto Font Transforming Brazil a reform era in perspective Lanham Ma Rowman amp Littlefield 2003 ISBN 0 8476 8355 9 page 94 Cf The description offered by the Trotskyist review International Viewpoint in the article by Joao Machado The two souls of the Lula government March 2003 issue IV348 available at 10 Archived 2011 10 17 at the Wayback Machine Mauricio Augusto Font Transforming Brazil 89 Lee J Alston Gary D Libecap Bernardo Mueller Titles conflict and land use pages 61 62 According to MST friendly UNESP professor Bernardo Mancano interview to Giovana Girardi available at Unesp Universidade Estadual Paulista Portal Archived from the original on 1 October 2011 Retrieved 10 August 2011 Folha Online Brasil Ocupacoes do MST lembram 13 anos do massacre de Eldorado dos Carajas PA 17 04 2009 folha uol com br 17 April 2009 Archived from the original on 16 October 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Robert M Levine The History of Brazil New York Palgrave Macmillan 2003 ISBN 1 4039 6255 3 page 164 www agp org arquivos dos protestos globais MST action in Brazilian president s farm 23 2 2002 Nadir org Archived from the original on 4 February 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Folha Online Brasil MST deve seguir lei diz Lula 11 04 2002 folha uol com br 1 January 1970 Archived from the original on 4 February 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Folha Online Brasil Entre petistas maioria e contra acao de sem terra 10 04 2002 folha uol com br 1 January 1970 Archived from the original on 4 February 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Folha Online Brasil Ato do MST foi irresponsavel diz Genoino 27 03 2002 folha uol com br 27 March 2002 Archived from the original on 4 February 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Folha Online Brasil Administrador da fazenda de FHC avalia prejuizo em R 100 mil 26 03 2002 folha uol com br 26 March 2002 Archived from the original on 4 February 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Folha Online Brasil Lideres do MST serao julgados por violacao de domicilio e furto 25 03 2002 folha uol com br 25 March 2002 Archived from the original on 4 February 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Folha Online Brasil Um policial e morto e outro e torturado em area do MST 08 02 2005 folha uol com br 1 January 1970 Archived from the original on 4 February 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Direitos Humanos Palestra de Joao Pedro Stedile no 5º Congresso do MST Direitos org br Archived from the original on 1 March 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Quoted by Jeff Noonan Democratic society and human needs Mc Gill Queen s University Press 2006 ISBN 0 7735 3120 3 page 244 Nik Heynen ed Neoliberal environments false promises and unnatural consequences Abingdon UK Routledge 2007 ISBN 978 0 415 77149 8 page 249 Ruth Reitan Global activism Abingdon Routledge 2007 ISBN 0 203 96605 8 page 155 Scoones Ian 2005 Contentious politics contentious knowledges mobilising against GM crops in India South Africa and Brazil Institute of Development Studies PDF p 12 Archived from the original on 21 April 2023 Retrieved 21 April 2023 Jagdish N Bhagwati In defense of globalization Oxford University Press 2007 ISBN 978 0 19 533093 9 page 23 quoting MST activist on International Women s Day 2001 protesting before a McDonald s restaurant in Porto Alegre a b William C Smith ed Latin American democratic transformations institutions actors and processes Malden MA Blackwell Wiley 2009 ISBN 978 1 4051 9758 8 page 259 A stance endorsed by former US ambassador to Brazil Lincoln Gordon known for his support for the 1964 Brazilian coup d etat Lincoln Gordon Brazil s second chance en route toward the first world Washington D C Brookings Institution 2001 ISBN 0 8157 0032 6 page 129 Eugene Walker Gogol The concept of Other in Latin American liberation fusing emancipatory philosophic thought and social revolt Lanham MA Lexington Books 2002 ISBN 0 7391 0330 X page 318 Benjamin Keen Keith Haynes A History of Latin America Independence to the Present Boston Houghton Mifflin 2009 ISBN 978 0 618 78321 2 Volume 2 page 526 Veja 3 June 1998 reproduced in Veja digital archive text Os 25 anos do MST invasoes badernas e desafios a lei 25 years of the MST invasions disorder and contempt for the law 23rd January 2009 available at Os 25 anos do MST Invasoes badernas e desafio a lei Brasil Noticia VEJA com Archived from the original on 14 October 2012 Retrieved 16 June 2011 Fernando Henrique Cardoso with Brian Winter The accidental President of Brazil a memoir New York Publicaffairs 2006 ISBN 978 1 58648 324 1 page 210 Jorge I Dominguez Anthony Jones eds The Construction of Democracy Lessons from Practice and Research Baltimore The Johns Hopkins University Press 2007 ISBN 978 0 8018 8595 2 page 157 Discurso na abertura do 12 Forum Nacional Antidrogas PDF Biblioteca da Presidencia da Republica in Portuguese 27 November 1998 Archived from the original on 21 April 2023 Retrieved 21 April 2023 Joao R Martins Filho amp Daniel Zirker The Brazilian Armed Forces After the Cold War Overcoming the Identity Crisis LASA paper 1998 available at 11 Archived 2012 04 26 at the Wayback Machine Accessed December the 28th 2011 A Haroon Akram Lodhi Saturnino M Borras Cristobal Kay eds Land poverty and livelihoods in an era of globalization perspectives from developing and transition countries Abingdon Routledge 2007 ISBN 0 203 96225 7 pages 87 88 Becky Mansfield Privatization property and the remaking of nature society relations Malden MA Blackwell 2008 ISBN 978 1 4051 7550 0 page 166 Hans P Binswanger Mkhize Camille Bourguignon Rogerius Johannes Eugenius van den Brink eds Agricultural Land Redistribution Toward Greater Consensus Washington D C The World Bank Publications 2009 ISBN 978 0 8213 7962 2 pages 295 296 Alfred P Montero Brazilian politics pages 88 89 Juan David Lindau Timothy Cheek Market economics and political change comparing China and Mexico Oxford Rowman amp Littlefield 1998 ISBN 0 8476 8733 3 page 70 Jurandyr Luciano Sanches Ross ed Geografia do Brasil Sao Paulo EDUSP 2005 ISBN 85 314 0242 5 page 534 Anthony Peter Spanakos amp Cristina Bordin eds Reforming Brazil Lanham MD Lexington Press 2004 ISBN 0 7391 0587 6 page 103 Stedile Landless Battalions interview to Francisco de Oliveira IN Francis Mulhern ed Lives on the Left a Group Portrait London Verso 2011 ISBN 978 1 84467 798 6 preview available at 12 Archived 2016 12 16 at the Wayback Machine Tom Mertes Walden F Bello eds A Movement of Movements Is Another World Really Possible London 2004 Verso edns ISBN 1 85984 504 5 pages 34 35 David Clark ed The Elgar Companion to Development Studies Cheltenham Edward Elgar 2006 ISBN 978 1 84376 475 5 page 332 William C Smith ed Latin American democratic transformations institutions actors and processes Malden MA John Wiley amp Sons 2009 ISBN 978 1 4051 9758 8 page 258 Thomas Janoski ed A handbook of political sociology states civil societies and globalization Cambridge University Press 2005 ISBN 978 0 521 52620 3 page 602 Douglas H Boucher ed The paradox of change hunger in a bountiful world Food First Books 1999 ISBN 0 935028 71 4 page 325 Cf Bernardo Mancano interview out of a promised grand total of 430 000 resettled families Lula had managed to actually settle a mere 60 000 in the first two years of his administration Alfred P Montero Brazilian politics reforming a democratic state in a changing world Cambridge UK Polity Press 2005 ISBN 0 7456 3361 7 page 139 Wendy Hunter The Transformation of the Workers Party in Brazil 1989 2009 Cambridge University Press 2010 ISBN 978 0 521 73300 7 page 153 Americas Brazil activists target Monsanto BBC News 3 June 2003 Archived from the original on 1 September 2011 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Marie Monique Robin The World According to Monsanto New York The New Press 2010 ISBN 978 1 59558 426 7 page 277 Saturnino M Borras Marc Edelman Cristobal Kay eds Transnational agrarian movements confronting globalization Malden MA Blackwell 2008 ISBN 978 1 4051 9041 1 page 184 Via Campesina ocupa Monsanto e destroi experimentos em SP MST Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra MST Archived from the original on 2 September 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Erin C Heil Powerless resistance a theoretical discussion of power resistance and the Brazilian Landless Movement D Phil Dissertation University of Illinois at Chicago 2008 page 125 Available at 13 Archived 2016 12 16 at the Wayback Machine Michael Ekers Gillian Hart Stefan Kipfer Alex Loftus eds Gramsci Space Nature Politics Malden MA Wiley Blackwell 2013 ISBN 978 1 4443 3970 3 pages 154 155 Peter R Kingstone Timothy Joseph Power eds Democratic Brazil revisited University of Pittisburgh Press 2008 ISBN 0 8229 6004 4 page 47 Jorge Almeida ed Brazil in focus economic political and social issues New York Nova Science 2008 ISBN 978 1 60456 165 4 page 20 Folha de S Paulo Reports Lula Government Inflates Agrarian Reform Numbers February 19 2007 MST site available at 14 Archived 2011 09 27 at the Wayback Machine Kathryn Hochstetler Civil society in Lula s Brazil Centre for Brazilian Studies University of Oxford Working Paper 57 page 10 Available at Archived copy PDF Archived from the original PDF on 28 September 2011 Retrieved 8 August 2011 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint archived copy as title link Richard Bourne Lula of Brazil the story so far Berkeley University of California Press 2008 ISBN 978 0 520 24663 8 page 139 Kurt Gerhard Weyland Raul L Madrid Wendy Hunter eds Leftist Governments in Latin America Successes and Shortcomings Cambridge University Press 2010 ISBN 978 0 521 13033 2 page 122 Gabriel Ondetti Land Property and Politics page 207 Arinda Fernandes Crime Organizado e Terrorismo Uma Relacao Simbiotica Afetando a Economia Global Revista do Mestrado em Direito da UCB n d g page 14 Available at Fernandes Archived from the original on 13 July 2012 Retrieved 16 December 2011 Accessed December 16 2011 Steven Levitsky Kenneth M Roberts eds The Resurgence of the Latin American Left Baltimore The Johns Hopkins University Press 2011 ISBN 978 1 4214 0109 6 page 301 Christoph Blepp Blockaden und Disparitaten Uber das Entwicklungspotential und dessen Hindernisse in Brasilien GRIN Verlag 2011 n p g page 10 Noemi Maria Girbal Blacha Sonia Regina de Mendonca eds Cuestiones Agrarias en Argentina y Brasil Buenos Aires Prometeo 2007 ISBN 978 987 574 200 0 pages 146 147 VEJA on line Veja abril com br Archived from the original on 2 November 2013 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Police Brutality Observatory site 15 Archived 2009 12 20 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved October 19 2014 MST descarta ligacao com PCC Terra 16 May 2006 Archived from the original on 6 June 2011 Retrieved 22 May 2006 Fhoutine Marie Reis Souto Midia e terror a pesquisa sobre cobertura jornalistica do terrorismo no Brasil page 6 Brazilian Political Science Association ABCP paper available at Archived copy PDF Archived from the original PDF on 26 April 2012 Retrieved 16 December 2011 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint archived copy as title link Accessed December 16 2011 Stanley Aronowitz Heather Gautney eds Implicating Empire Globalization and Resistance in the 21st Century World Order New York Basic Books 2003 ISBN 978 0 465 00494 2 page 282 Alvarado Arturo The Militarization of Internal Security and Its Consequences for Democracy A Comparison Between Brazil Mexico and Colombia APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper Available at 16 Archived 2014 01 21 at the Wayback Machine John B Alexander Intelligence Scotomas in Central and South America The Proteus Monograph Series Vol 1 issue 4 March 2008 Karl R DeRouen Uk Heo Defense and security a compendium of national armed forces and security policies ABC Clio Santa Barbara Calif Volume I page 75 Gary Prevost ed Neoliberalism and Neopanamericanism the view from Latin America New York Palgrave 2002 ISBN 0 312 29456 5 page 116 Relatorio de CPI chama invasao de terra de ato terrorista Folha de S Paulo 29 November 2005 Available at 17 Archived 2012 04 06 at the Wayback Machine Robert Gay Lucia testimonies of a Brazilian drug dealer s woman Philadelphia Temple University Press 2005 ISBN 1 59213 339 8 page 191 Rafael Litvin Villas Boas Terrorismo a brasileira a retorica da vez da classe dominante contra o MST Revista NERA Ano 11 nº 13 July Dec 2008 Available at 18 Archived 2012 04 25 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved December 11 2011 Folha Online Brasil Pedido do Incra faz PM suspender reintegracao de posse na Suzano 27 04 2006 folha uol com br 27 April 2006 Archived from the original on 27 September 2011 Retrieved 14 August 2012 19 Archived November 25 2006 at the Wayback Machine Lateinamerika Dokumentationsstelle Kassel Tradionelle Volker und Gemeinschaft in Brasilien Kassel 2011 ISBN 978 3 86219 150 5 page 114 Veja issue 2 216 11 May 2011 Amnesty International Informe 2009 Amnistia International in Spanish Madrid 2009 ISBN 978 84 96462 23 6 pages 124 125 Pedrinho A Guareschi Alinne Hernandez Manuel Cardenas orgs Representacoes Sociais em Movimento Porto Alegre EDIPUCRS 2010 ISBN 978 85 7430 989 7 page 33 Mario Guerreiro Ele estava certo e todos estavam errados Federal University of Santa Catarina paper n d g available at 20 Archived 2012 04 07 at the Wayback Machine Accessed December 27 2011 Cutrale afirma que MST causou R 1 2 milhao de prejuizo em sua fazenda de laranja Agencia Brasil newssite October 14 2009 21 Archived 2014 10 19 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved October 19 2014 Carta Capital Os vencdos nao se entregam Portal Vermelho Vermelho org br Archived from the original on 14 June 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Boaventura de Sousa Santos Cesar A Rodriguez Garavito eds Land and Globalization from Below towards a cosmopolitan legality Cambridge University Press 2005 ISBN 978 0 521 60735 3 page 226 MST volta a ocupar fazenda da Cutrale no interior paulista Agencia Brasil newssite July 31 2013 22 Archived 2014 10 19 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved October 19 2014 Folha Online Brasil MST para estrada na Bahia e acampa em Goiania para exigir reforma agraria 02 05 2006 folha uol com br 1 January 1970 Archived from the original on 27 September 2011 Retrieved 15 August 2012 Folha Online Brasil Sem terra bloqueiam quatro rodovias em Mato Grosso 23 05 2005 www1 folha uol com br Archived from the original on 15 December 2018 Retrieved 22 January 2019 Folha Online Brasil MST interdita rodovia em Pernambuco 10 03 2005 www1 folha uol com br Archived from the original on 15 December 2018 Retrieved 22 January 2019 Folha Online Brasil MST interdita rodovia e inicia duas marchas no PA 12 04 2004 folha uol com br 1 January 1970 Archived from the original on 27 September 2011 Retrieved 15 August 2012 Folha Online Brasil Depois de parar ferrovia MST volta a invadir no entorno de BH 11 06 2004 folha uol com br 1 January 1970 Archived from the original on 27 September 2011 Retrieved 15 August 2012 Lee J Alston Gary D Libecap and Bernardo Mueller Interest Groups Information Manipulation in the Media and Public Policy The Case of the Landless Peasants Movement in Brazil NBER Working Paper No 15865 April 2010 page 12 Available at 23 Archived 2015 09 15 at the Wayback Machine Accessed December 16 2010 Genny Petschulat Grass Roots Struggle in the Culture of Silence Collective Dialogue and the Brazilian Landless Movement University of Tennessee Honors Thesis Projects 2010 pages 47 48 available at 24 Archived 2012 04 30 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved November the 19th 2011 Gustavo de L T Oliveira Land Regularization in Brazil and the Global Land Grab A Statemaking Framework for Analysis International Conference on Global Land Grabbing 6 8 April 2011 Institute of Development Studies University of Sussex p 12 Benjamin Dangl Why land reform makes sense for Dilma Rousseff The Guardian 27th January 2011 available at 25 Archived 2016 12 03 at the Wayback Machine Eduardo Silva ed Transnational Activism and National Movements in Latin America Bridging the Divide New York Routledge 2013 ISBN 978 0 415 83237 3 page 74 Policia realiza despejo em acampamento do MST no estado de Alagoas MST site Policia realiza despejo em acampamento do MST no estado de Alagoas MST Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra Archived from the original on 3 March 2012 Retrieved 22 February 2012 Retrieved February the 22nd 2012 Mª Angeles Fernandez J Marcos eds Diez encuentros incomodos con America del Sur Diez entrevistas a diez voces criticas del continente Hornillo de Cartuja Granada Spain Crac 2013 page 30 e book Sharp rise in environmental and land killings as pressure on planet s resources increases report Archived from the original on 20 April 2014 Retrieved 23 April 2014 MST invade predio do Ministerio do Desenvolvimento Agrario Folha com newssite April the 16th 2012 available at 26 Archived 2013 12 30 at the Wayback Machine Governo suspende negociacoes apos MST invadir ministerio Folha com newssite April the 16th 2012 available at 27 Archived 2013 12 31 at the Wayback Machine Dilma fights accusations of selling out risks losing party support Global Post April 6 2012 available at 28 Archived 2012 04 14 at the Wayback Machine Interview Jornal dos Economistas no 278 November 2012 pages 6 7 Em 2013 MST registra o menor numero de invasoes durante governos do PT O Globo January 1 2014 29 Archived 2014 01 06 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved January 5 2014 Seculo Diario December 28 2013 30 Archived 2013 12 26 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved December 29 2013 Agora estao tentando privatizar inclusive o ar diz Joao Pedro Stedile IG newssite December 11 2013 31 Archived 2013 12 14 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved December 30 2013 Armando Boito Jr amp Tatiana Berringer BRASIL CLASSES SOCIAIS NEODESENVOLVIMENTISMO E POLITICA EXTERNA NOS GOVERNOS LULA E DILMA REVISTA DE SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICA V 21 Nº 47 31 38 SET 2013 Available at 32 Archived 2015 04 27 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved April 19 2015 George Meszaros Social Movements Law and the Politics of Land Reform Lessons from Brazil London Routledge 2013 ISBN 978 0 415 47771 0 page 20 MST defende acordo de cooperacao assinado com ministro venezuelano Agencia Brasil Carta Capital 10 November 2014 available at 33 Archived 2014 11 13 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved November 13 2014 Lil Miss Deforestation who had clashed in public with the MST over the issue of slavelabour Bret Wallach A World Made for Money Economy Geography and the Way We Live Today University Of Nebrasca Press 2015 ISBN 978 0 8032 9891 0 page 218 Francesco Giappichini Brasile terzo millennio Lulu Author 2011 ISBN 978 1 4709 2543 7 page 216 Jan Nederveen Pieterse Adalberto Cardoso eds Brazil Emerging Inequality and Emancipation London Routledge 2014 ISBN 978 0 415 83704 0 Chapter 6 Lucio Flavio de Almeida amp Felix Ruiz Sanchez Um grao menos amargo das ironias da historia o MST e as lutas sociais contra o neoliberalismo Lutas Sociais Desde 1996 ISSN 1415 854X 1998 77 91 Jeffery R Webber Barry Carr eds The New Latin American Left Cracks in the Empire Plymouth Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers 2013 ISBN 978 0 7425 5757 4 pages 101 102 Carta Capital issue 657 July 29 2011 A Haroon Akram Lodhi Saturnino M Borras Cristobal Kay Land poverty and livelihoods in an era of globalization p 111 Wendy Muse Sinek Coalitional Choices and Strategic Challenges the Landless Movement in Brazil 1975 2000 Center for Latin American Studies working paper University of California Berkeley September 2007 Paper no 19 Available at 34 Archived 2015 01 21 at the Wayback Machine Accessed December the 28th 2011 Pp 29 sqq Haro Brookfield H C Brookfield Helen Parsons Family Farms survival and prospect p 169 O Globo January the 30th 2012 Armando Boito Andreia Galvao e Paula Marcelino Brasil o movimento sindical e popular na decada de 2000 CLACSO paper n d g available at 35 Archived 2012 04 25 at the Wayback Machine page 50 Accessed December the 29th 2011 a b c Gautney Heather Omar Dahbour Ashley Dawson Neil Smith 2009 Democracy States and the Struggle for Global Justice New York New York Routledge Cavendish pp 244 245 ISBN 978 0 415 98983 1 encampment is for a non legally recognized occupation settlement for one already recognized Herbert Girardet ed Surviving the century facing climate chaos and other global challenges London Earthscan 2007 ISBN 978 1 84407 458 7 page 186 Lee J Alston Gary D Libecap Bernardo Mueller Titles conflict and land use the development of property rights and land reform on the Brazilian Amazon frontier The University of Michigan Press 1999 ISBN 0 472 11006 3 page 63 Anil Hira Trevor W Parfitt Development projects for a new millennium Westport CT Praeger Publishers 2004 ISBN 0 275 97502 9 page 25 a b Gelderloos Peter 2010 Anarchy Works a b Zibechi Raul 2003 Genealogia de la revuelta Argentina la sociedad en movimiento 1 ed en Argentina ed La Plata Letra Libre ISBN 978 987 20834 1 0 Magda Zanoni Hugues Lamarche eds Agriculture et ruralite au Bresil un autre modele de developpement Paris Karthala 2001 ISBN 2 84586 173 7 page 114 John Burdick Legacies of liberation the progressive Catholic Church in Brazil at the start of a new millennium Ashgate The University of Virginia Press 2004 ISBN 978 0 7546 1550 7 page 101 Licia Soares de Souza Utopies americaines au Quebec et au Bresil Quebec Presses de L Universite Laval 2004 ISBN 2 7637 8075 X page 120 Richard Feinberg Carlos H Waisman Leon Zamosc eds Civil Society and Democracy in Latin America New York Palgrave Macmillan 2006 ISBN 1 4039 7228 1 pages 156 157 Magda Zanoni amp Hugues Lamarche eds Agriculture et ruralite au Bresil page 165 Ben Selwyn The Global Development Crisis Cambridge UK Polity Press ISBN 978 0 7456 6014 1 page 198 a b c d e Mistica meaning and popular education in the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement Popular Education South Africa www populareducation org za Retrieved 6 May 2022 a b c Issa Daniela 2007 Praxis of Empowerment Mistica and Mobilization in Brazil s Landless Rural Workers Movement Latin American Perspectives 34 2 124 138 doi 10 1177 0094582X06298745 ISSN 0094 582X JSTOR 27648014 S2CID 143217568 Jagdish N Bhagwati In defense of globalization 24 which equates MST activism with the late mediaeval and early modern anti usury laws Anthony W Pereira The end of the peasantry the rural labor movement in northeast Brazil University of Pittisburgh Press 1997 ISBN 0 8229 3964 9 page 165 Henry Veltmeyer Tom Brass Latin American peasants London Frank Cass 2003 ISBN 0 203 50566 2 page 312 Joan Martinez Alier Ecologia dei poveri La Lotta per la giustizia ambientale Milan Jaca Book 2009 ISBN 978 88 16 40840 1 page 341 Ana Sofia Ganho Timothy Michael McGovern Using Portuguese A Guide to Contemporary Usage Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 2004 ISBN 0 521 79663 6 page 17 James F Petras The new development politics the age of empire building and new social movements Aldershot Ashgate Publishing 2003 ISBN 0 7546 3540 6 page 97 David Nugent amp Joan Vincent eds A companion to the anthropology of politics Malden MA Blackwel ISBN 0 631 22972 8 page 346 Haro Brookfield H C Brookfield Helen Parsons Family farms survival and prospect a world wide analysis Abingdon Routledge 2007 ISBN 0 203 93597 7 page 169 Anil Hira An East Asian model for Latin American success the new path Aldershot Ashgate 2007 ISBN 978 0 7546 7108 4 page xii Michel DuQuette Collective Action and Radicalism in Brazil 145 Tom Brass ed Latin American Peasants London Frank Cass Publishers 2003 ISBN 0 7146 8319 1 page 15 Malcolm K McNee Soundtracking landlessness IN Idelber Avelar amp Christopher Dunn eds Brazilian Popular Music and Citizenship Duke University Press 2011 page 151 Zander Navarro Mobilization without emancipation the social struggles of the landless in Brazil IN Boaventura De Sousa Santos ed Another Production Is Possible beyond the capitalist canon London Verso 2006 ISBN 978 1 84467 078 9 page 156 Wendy Wolford Edible Ideology Survival Strategies in Brazilian Land Reform Settlements Geographical Review Vol 86 No 3 July 1996 pp 457 461 Markus Porsche Ludwig Wolfgang Gieler Jurgen Bellers eds Handbuch Sozialpolitiken der Welt Munster LIT Verlag 2013 ISBN 978 3 643 10987 3 page 140 Steve Ellner ed Latin America s Radical Left Challenges and Complexities of Political Power in the Twenty first Century Lanham MA Rowman amp Littlefield 2014 ISBN 978 1 4422 2948 8 page 39 Universidade Popular dos Movimentos Sociais EM DESTAQUE www universidadepopular org Archived from the original on 29 January 2019 Retrieved 22 January 2019 See managing NGO s Association of Friends of the Florestan Fernandes School site 36 Archived 2014 08 06 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved August 29 2014 Cf America Latina en Movimiento news website January the 19th 2005 MST inaugura Escola Nacional Florestan Fernandes text available at 37 Archived 2011 07 18 at the Wayback Machine Rainer Grassmann amp Analia Amorim Tecnologias construtivas de baixo impacto ambiental alto valor social e cultural Undergraduate monograph abridgment Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism of the Sao Paulo University site 38 Archived 2014 10 06 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved October 5 2014 Fernandes Barnard Mancano The Formation of the MST in Brazil Editora Vozes Petropolis 2000 page 78 Jan Rocha and Sue Branford Cutting the Wire Edward L Cleary Mobilizing for human rights in Latin America Bloomfield CT Kumarian Press 2007 ISBN 978 1 56549 241 7 page 79 A Forbes magazine obituary of the recently deceased Veja boss media mogul Roberto Civita described the magazine s content as filled with bomb throwers and in clear opposition to the Workers Party government Forbes May 27 2013 39 Archived 2017 09 08 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved July 18 2013 Joao Freire Filho amp Paulo Vaz eds Construcoes do Tempo e do Outro Rio de Janeiro MAUAD 2006 ISBN 85 7478 205 X page 80 on the derogatory stance taken by Veja on Brazilian mass movements and on the common people in general see Daniel do Nascimento e Silva Identities forged in pain and violence Nordeste s writing Paper Prepared for delivery at the 2010 Congress of the Latin American Studies Toronto October 6 9 2010 available at 40 Archived 2011 07 18 at the Wayback Machine on the magazine s harsh treatment of all MST issues see Miguel Carter The landless rural workers movement MST and democracy in Brazil University of Oxford Center of Brazilian Studies Working Paper CBS 60 05 available at Archived copy PDF Archived from the original PDF on 19 July 2011 Retrieved 27 January 2011 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint archived copy as title link especially footnote 47 September 8 2004 titled The MST s Madrassas Author Monica Weinberg based on an MST publication Education Notebook no 8 saying that one of the goals for children who attend the classes is to develop class and revolutionary conscience VEJA on line Veja abril com br Archived from the original on 17 December 2012 Retrieved 14 August 2012 Veja issue 1 286 6 May 1993 Governo paga acoes criminosas do MST Veja site 28th August 2009 available at 41 Archived 2012 10 14 at the Wayback Machine Como VEJA esta depredando o jornalismo e a verdade MST site 12th January 2010 available at Como VEJA esta depredando o jornalismo e a verdade MST Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra Archived from the original on 1 May 2011 Retrieved 9 April 2011 Veja issue 2 222 June 22 2011 O MST lider de uma causa que nao existe tenta invadir o STF na base da porrada Ou Como o governo Dilma estimula a bagunca e a violencia Ou Gilberto Carvalho nao vai se demitir Reinaldo Azevedo VEJA com Archived from the original on 22 January 2019 Retrieved 22 January 2019 Diogo de Almeida Moises A Revista Veja na Cobertura da Luta de Terras no Brasi B A Monography Centro Universitario de Belo Horizonte Communication Sciences Department 2005 available at Archived copy PDF Archived from the original PDF on 16 March 2012 Retrieved 9 April 2011 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint archived copy as title link Do Silencio a Satanizacao o Discurso de Veja e o MST From silence to satanization Veja discourse and the MST by Eduardo Ferreira de Souza Sao Paulo Annablume 2005 ISBN 978 85 7419 453 0 Chris Healy and Stephen Muecke eds Cultural Studies Review Homefronts The University of Melbourne V 15 no 1 March 2009 page 158 Kristina Riegert ed Politicotainment television s take on the real New York Peter Lang Publishing 2007 ISBN 978 0 8204 8114 2 page 165 John L Hammond The MST and the Media Competing Images of the Brazilian Farmworkers Movement Latin American Politics amp Society Volume 46 Number 4 Winter 2004 pp 61 90 Luciana Oliveira Fighting for a Voice Support for Land Reform Versus the Landless Workers Movement A Framing Analysis of the Brazilian Press VDM Verlag 2009 ISBN 978 3 639 19018 2 Alessandra Alde amp Fernando Lattman Weltman O Mst na TV Sublimacao do Politico Moralismo e Cronica Cotidiana do Nosso Estado de Natureza LPCPOP Iuperj paper available at Archived copy PDF Archived from the original PDF on 15 April 2012 Retrieved 22 December 2011 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint archived copy as title link Retrieved December 22 2011 Ana Delgado Aleman Towards Inclusive Environmental Governance a Study of the Expert Lay Interplay in a Brazilian Social Movement Doctoral Thesis the University of Bergen 2009 available at 42 Archived 2012 04 25 at the Wayback Machine Accessed November the 16th 2011 Michel P Pimbert ed L Avenir de la alimentation et des petits producteurs Reclaiming Diversity and Citizenship electronic conference 2005 ISBN 978 1 84369 589 9 page 33 Ivette Perfecto John H Vandermeer Angus Lindsay Wright Nature s matrix linking agriculture conservation and food sovereignty London Earthscan 2009 ISBN 978 1 84407 782 3 page 115 Marcio Rosa D Avila Zur Einsatzmogilichkeit nichtkonventioneller Bauweisen in genosseschaftiliche organisierten sozialen Wohnungsbau fur Rio Grande do Sul Brasilien Kassel University Press 2006 ISBN 978 3 89958 245 1 page 19 Ricardo Ribeiro Rodrigues Sebastiao Venancio Martins High diversity forest restoration in degraded areas methods and projects in Brazil New York Nova Science Publishers 2007 ISBN 978 1 60021 421 9 page 218 1 Million Members 100 Million Trees How Brazil s Socialist Farmers Are Fighting Big Ag Monthly Review 15 November 2023 Ian Scoones Mobilizing Against GM Crops in India South Africa and Brazil Journal of Agrarian Change Vol 8 issue 2 3 April 2008 References editPatel Raj Stuffed amp Starved Portobello Books London 2007 Wolford Wendy This Land Is Ours Now Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil Duke University Press Durham 2010 ISBN 0 8223 4539 0 Wright Angus and Wendy Wolford To Inherit the Earth The Landless Movement and the Struggle for a New Brazil Food First Books Oakland 2003 ISBN 0 935028 90 0 Carter Miguel The MST and Democracy in Brazil Working Paper CBS 60 05 Centre for Brazilian Studies University of Oxford 2005 Available at 44 Retrieved November 2 2014 Ramos Tarso Luis Brazil at the Crossroads Landless Movement Confronts Crisis of the Left 2005 Agroecology vs Monsanto in Brazil Food First News amp Views vol 27 number 94 fall 2004 3 Branford Sue and Rocha Jan Cutting the Wire The story of the landless movement in Brazil 2002 Latin American Bureau London Questoes Agrarias Julgado Comentados e Paraceres Editora Metodo Sao Paulo 2002 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Landless Workers 27 Movement amp oldid 1215874137, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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