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Zār

January 01, 1970

"Zaar" redirects here. For other uses, see Zaar (disambiguation).

In the cultures of the Horn of Africa and adjacent regions of the Middle East,[1] Zār (Arabic: زار, Ge'ez: ዛር) is the term for a demon or spirit assumed to possess individuals, mostly women, and to cause discomfort or illness. The so-called zār ritual or zār cult is the practice of reconciling the possessing spirit and the possessed individual. Zār possession is often considered lifelong and the rituals associated with it are a form of adorcism, though some have falsely attributed it as an exorcism rite because it involves possession.[2] It is similar to the Maghreb's Hamadsha,[3] Hausa Animism,[4] and various African Traditional religions, such as Voodou.

Zār ceremony on Hormuz Island

Zār is also a form of predominantly (not solely) women's[5] entertainment that has become popular in the contemporary urban culture of Cairo and other major cities of the Islamic world. Participants have compared it to how those not involved in zār go to the discotheque.[6] Zār gatherings involve food and musical performances and they culminate in ecstatic dancing, lasting between three and seven nights.[7]

The tanbūra, a six-string bowl lyre,[8] is often used in the gathering.[9] Other instruments include the manjur, a leather belt sewn with many goat hooves, and various percussion instruments.[9]

The term zār may be used to mean various different things in the places the belief is found: it may refer to the hierarchy of zār spirits, an individual spirit of this type, the ceremonies concerning these spirits, the possessed person, or the troubles caused by these spirits.[10]

History edit

 
Depiction of a "king of the zār"

Scholarship in the early 20th century attributed Abyssinian (Ethiopian and Eritrean) origin[11] to the custom, although there were also proposals suggesting Persian or other origins. Thus, Frobenius suggested that zār and bori, a comparable cult in Hausa culture, were ultimately derived from a Persian source. Modarressi (1986) suggests a Persian etymology for the term.[12] The first known instance of the word zār used in Ethiopia to refer to a possessing spirit is from a 16th-century Ge'ez manuscript. However, it is unknown if zār rituals were being practiced in 16th century Ethiopia (Abyssinia), and if so, what form they took.[13]

Some also strongly feel the practice originated in West Africa among native religious curing practices there.[14]

The origin of the word is unclear; Walker (1935) suggested the name of the city of Zara in northern Iran, or alternatively the Arabic root z-w-r "to visit" (for the possessing spirit "visiting" the victim). The Encyclopedia of Islam of 1934 favoured an Ethiopian origin of the word.[15] Hager El Hadidi suggested a possible Hebrew origin from zwr (in Hebrew meaning to "turn aside, deviate, go away") or zr ("one who distances or removes himself"), owed to Jewish craftsmen in the Red Sea area.[16]

The practice allegedly originated in Harar, Ethiopia via Sheikh Abadir, and was introduced by Harari and Somali women to Aden in Yemen.[17] Messing (1958) states that the cult was particularly well-developed in Northern Ethiopia (Amhara), with its center in the town of Gondar. One late 19th-century traveler describes the Abyssinian "Sár" cultists sacrificing a hen or goat and mixing the blood with grease and butter, in the hopes of eliminating someone's sickness. The concoction was then hidden in an alley, in the belief that all who passed through the alley would take away the patient's ailment.[18]

Mirzai Asl (2002) suggests that the introduction to Iran likewise took place in the 19th century (Qajar period) by Africans brought to Iran via the Indian ocean slave trade.[19] Natvig (1988) reports that the zār cult "served as a refuge for women and effeminate men" in the Sahel (Sudan) region under Islamic rule.[20] It is thought to habe reached Egypt because of the trafficking of Ethiopian slaves in the 19th century, particularly Oromo women. They were taken for the purpose of bearing more children for Egyptian men, and would be set free upon getting pregnant. The children would be considered legitimate inheritors.[21]

Varieties edit

In Sudan, a distinction is made (and emphasized by practitioners)[22] between the zār bori ( or burei,[23] or boré), practiced widely in Northern Sudan by free born women, and the comparatively more obscure zār tumbura, practiced by the descendants of slaves from South and Western Sudan and the Nuba hills, in Khartoum, poor neighborhoods, and shanty towns.[24] Originally, tumbura had a military association.[25] In recent times, some tumbura practitioners from the Nuba hills have selectively borrowed from bori practices, as the social circumstances for tumbura practices have changed.[26] The practices are similar in that they use drums, Islamic praise chants for religious figures such as Muhammad, and the way possession is acted out in trance is similar.[27]

In tumbura, it is viewed as an indigenous practice used by Non-Arab Sudanis of slave descent. The many zār groups fall under the central authority of a high male officiant, and there are male and female hierarchical lines (though recently it has become a female dominant practice due to Arabization and Islamization).[22] The therapeutic practices occur before any public rites, and once performed the spirit becomes fully benevolent. There is only one spirit that takes many forms, and it is associated with the Self. Tumbura may refer to the spirit or the practices.[27]

Tumbura adherents claim zār was created by Muhammad or Bilal (with the latter curing the former's grandsons and inverting the master-slave power dynamic, as tumbura adherents view Bilal as a Sudani), or both (with the former hearing the latter play his tanbūra and finding the sound so pleasing that he thought it should be used to cure the sick). Some claim the tumbura came from Arabia as a result through certain cities, and others say it came from the Red Sea area.[28] Simultaneously to one of these origins, or another, some claim tumbura originated in the "99 peaks" of the Nuba hills.[29]

By contrast in bori, it is seen as coming from Egypt or elsewhere and is practiced mostly by Arab Sudanis (though those of slave descent also practice it). Zār groups are independent of each other and largely female (with smaller numbers of homosexual and marginalized men among practitioners as well). The public rites are the therapeutic practice, and must be done periodically to keep peace with the spirits. There are many spirits, with different groups reporting different numbers, associated with Otherness (i.e. stereotypes and impressions of that which is not Sudanese Arab).[30] Bori only refers to the practices, not the spirits (which are called zār).[27]

The zār in Sudan likely has never been homogeneous,[31] and El Hadidi emphasizes the flexible nature of zār across Africa in her own writing.

Among extant varieties of Sudanese zār cults that receive little attention are zār Sawāknī or zār Sawākiniyya (the zār from the area of Suakin, also called Dalūka[32]), practiced mostly by the Beja.[30] There is also the zār Nyamānyam (the zār of the Azande)[27] which practitioners view as related to both the zār bori and zār tumbura. Rather than the tanbūra, they use the nugāra (a drum). Different origins are claimed for their zār; some say it developed after the Azande were brought north as slaves, and others say it was originally introduced by a man from the Dega tribe, who was originally from Wau.[30] In Sennar, bori and tumbura have become melded, mainly due to the marriage of a tumbura practitioner and a bori practitioner, both of whom are still seen as influential.[23]

Other Sudanese zār cults that existed are those of the Dār Fertit ("Fertit peoples include "the Karra, Gula, Feroge, and Surro"[33]), the Shilluk people, the Dinka people, and the dinia of the Nuba, which have all been absorbed by tumbura.[34]

In Egypt, it used to be that there were clearer divides between different zār pantheons (associated with region and race), with bands specializing in specific pantheons. This is no longer the case.[35]

In Aden, alongside zār bori and zār tumbura, mention was made of an "Indian zar" called Gamat. It was described as a ladies party held in the name of Al-Jilani, and distinguished from Adeni zār bori by its lack of drums.[36]

Spirits edit

Zār spirits are often identified with jinn or with "winds".[37][38][3] Zār spirits may be inherited, with a spirit afflicting an older close relative going on to afflict their child or other younger relative.[10] The plural of zār is zayrān, and adherents may use the plural to talk about 7 or more societies of spirits existing in a parallel world, and these societies generally correspond to ethnic groups and/or societies other than that of the given zār group.[39]

Egypt

In Egypt, there are said to be 66 zār spirits, however, the spirits named vary depending on which ritual leader one speaks to, and none will name all 66. They are loosely grouped into families, and spirits are paired together as husband/wife, brother/sister (in the Cariene Upper Egyptian zār practice, this is how all spirits are paired[40]), or father/daughter.[41] They are also grouped into other overlapping pantheons, such as the kings of the earth, seas, and heavens, the sultans of the red, yellow, and green jinn, and the guards of thresholds.[42] The spirits are in a hierarchy. At the very top is Mama (an Ethiopian spirit, whose name does not mean "mother"), and all the songs begin for this spirit. Spirits may be called "wilad Mama"; sons of Mama.[21]

They are thought of as "spirit doubles" like the akran (sing. karin or karineh)- in essence, "We all have zār, only some people don't know it."[43] Some explicitly identify the zār spirit and the karin, commonly regarded as a type of jinn, as being the same.[37] The akran are facsimiles of their human counterpart, and in Upper Egypt are generally understood to be of the same race, sex, and temperament as the human. When the human is sick, the karin is sick. When the human dies, the karin dies- though, interestingly, tales exist of a karineh's children dying, and the spirit trying to take her human counterpart's children by killing them. In some parts of Egypt this is explained by stating that the dead child goes it its mother's karineh.[44] However, zār spirits of either sex may possess a person[45]- Yawra Bey is a male spirit, but he frequently possesses women. Further, if a person is possessed by one spirit, they are considered to be possessed by the other spirit they are paired with, even if they do not display symptoms of possession for the other spirit.[40] Sometimes a person of one sex, while a spirit of the opposite sex explicitly acts through them, is referred to by the spirit's name and sex (for example, record exists of a woman possessed by "Sheikh Muhammad", who would be referred to as such when the Sheikh was called forth).[46] Some also report that the sex or gender of the spirit may be indeterminate, calling these "hermaphrodites".[14]

In addition to the terms zār and jinn, zār spirits may be referred to as a arafit (ghost), reeh (wind), dastour (spirit), asyad (master),[37] or with the title Sheikh or Sheikha.[45][46] The possessed person is called me'affrat, maryouh, or menzar.[37] The primary possessing spirit may be called "the spirit of (his/her) head", or "master of (his/her) head".[47] This spirit is identified in the girding ceremony, and its identification is necessary if one wishes to become a zār leader.[48]

The zār spirits are said to be attracted to deserted places, dark areas, doorways, staircases, around water sources, in cemeteries, in toilets, and in garbage dumps. First experiences of possession often occur in one's teen years in a bathroom.[37] Zār spirits are not seen as evil, though they can be vengeful- trivial offenses, such as accidentally stepping on an invisible zār spirit, often provoke the spirit to possess someone and cause illness or misfortune.[49] In other instances, possession may occur when a person is frightened suddenly.[45]

The possessed person in Egypt is usually said to be being "worn" by the spirit, like a piece of clothing,[37][46] however Hausa influence is evident in the zār of the Grand Lady (a series of rites specific to menopause), where the zar leader who hosts the titular spirit (or spirit in the associated pantheon) is called a horse (kodya) instead, creating a riding metaphor. The zār of the Grand Lady is unique in Egypt as it is a qualified zār leader (the kodya) who hosts the spirit during the ritual instead of the person the spirit is afflicting.[50]

Each spirit is associated with specific songs, colors, sacrificial animals, and each spirit possessing a person must be placated. In addition to songs and animals (usually of a specific color or pattern), they may demand specific incense, clothes, jewelry, and candles.[51] Christian spirits often call for consumption of alcohol, such as whisky.[52] Different spirits are associated with different afflictions, with Ethiopian spirits being associated with aggression and nervousness.[21] In the early 20th century in Upper Egypt, different songs were needed, but only one sacrificial animal was necessary,[45] however, in modern Cairo, it seems each spirit gets its own sacrifices as well as its own songs.[53] If a song displeases the zār spirit, the possessed person may not be able to remain in the room where it is being played. Once placated, the spirits may aid the possessed person in divination and providing medical aid.[45][46]

In Egypt different spirits rise and fall; they are connected to different bands' specializations in different songs, and when a band ceases to exist, many of the spirits they played for will as well, with the most popular spirits and their songs being adopted into other bands.[54] It used to be a band would be associated to a single pantheon, but this trend of fading bands and adopting of spirits has blurred these boundaries.[35] For example, the zār 'afnu, a band made up of Black Egyptian women of slave descent, no longer exists, but many of its spirits (the Harbiya, or Liwa, pantheon) are invoked by Tambura bands and in the Grand Lady's pantheon. Yawra Bey and Rakousha belong to the Harbiya pantheon.[55]

The spirits currently known in Egypt include Yawra Bey (who is one of the most popular)[56][57] and his daughter Rakousha. Yawra is a handsome dark-skinned playboy spirit, said to be an Ottoman officer, who wears a red tarboosh and sash, and possesses young women and is said to make her suitors think she is ugly, or to cause marital issues and homosexuality. He will prevent marriage until he is placated. He loves to smoke, loves perfume, and his animal sacrifices must be red. The jewelry used to placate him is usually rings set with rubies, or their glass and plastic imitations.[57] He also likes whiskey and beer (some bring soft drinks instead due to religious prohibitions), and some zār ceremonies spill a bit of beer over the head of the person he possesses.[52] In the Upper Egyptian tradition (Yawra being from the Sudani tradition) his equivalent was Rumi Nagdi, who was associated with green and the crescent moon and star.[58] Rumi is also sometimes mistakenly called Rumi Magdi. His name indicates he was connected to the Ottomans and Hejaz, and Rumi was popular while Egypt controlled Sudan.[21]

Yawra's daughter, Rakousha, is a child spirit. She is placated with pink silky clothes, luxury items, and gold jewelry. Her sacrifice is a speckled hen, and she loves candy[57] and games, so her diviners use playing cards instead of the more usual coffee cups, prayer beads, or dream interpretations. She also likes charm or "toy" bracelets.[59] Her Upper Egyptian counterpart was Rumi's daughter Marouma, who also likes the color green, gardens, and is offered pomegranates. Unlike Rakousha, she is an adult.[58]

Other spirits include Gado, a Nigerian spirit associated with the bathroom (which is like a portal connecting the human and spirit worlds) and summoned by drumming. His wife is Meram or Maryouma, and their sacrificial animals are black rabbits.[47] Light brown candles are used for them (because they wear light brown burnous). Drops of blood from the rabbits and candies are dropped into the toilet for them during their zār. Gado is the messenger between the human and spirit worlds. He and Meram cause infertility and madness, and they are provoked by hot water or human blood (specifically menstrual or hymen blood) being put in the toilet.[60]

There is also the spirits of the pantheon of the Grand Lady, seven male (Rumi Nagdi, Hakim Basha, Yawra Bey, Rima Basha, Collita Basha, Welzami Basha, and 'Okashi Basha, all of whom also belong to the Sudani Tumbura and Upper Egyptian pantheons) and seven female (Arzuki, Shurumbella, Rora, Dawa Baba Kiri, Magaziya, the Lady Inmatan Yaro, and Folla, the only "white" female spirit). Rumi Nagdi and Hakim Basha get white sheep or chickens as sacrifices. The others get black chickens or sheep. The Grand Lady inflicts blindess, arthritis, nightmares, and paralysis on others.[61] The rites of the Grand Lady is the most secret set of rites, and the most heavy and difficult, with its music at times being played on pillow cases.[21]

Other spirits that have been known to Egyptian zārs are:

• Azuz, a child spirit.[47]

• Salila, the Sudani pantheon's spirit of bathing, associated with grace and beauty.[62] When possessed by her, one acts out bathing, combing their hair, and dances with a mirror or water jug on the head.[63][64]

• Sayed El Dair, spirit of the monastery, placated with wine, wearing priest's clothes, and observing Coptic fasts and feasts.[65]

• The Sultans mentioned before, such as El Sultan El Ahmar, who is placated by wearing a red cloak, red candles, and sacrificing red chickens.[65]

• El Sudani, "the Sudanese", placated by wearing a green galabiya and sacrificing both a male and female turkey.[65]

• El Nabi, "the Prophet", placated by wearing a white galabiya and sacrificing a lamb or two pigeons.[65]

• Ahmed the Sudanese.[14]

• Sayyidi Amr.[14]

• Sayyedi Ahmed Zeidan.[14]

• Amir Tadrus (a Coptic spirit).[14]

• Wullayi[14]

• Mamah[14]

• Rumatu[14]

• Merri, father of the Abbassi.[14]

• Sheikh El Arab[14]

• Sayyid al Bedawi and Madbouli.[14]

• Al-Sa'iedeyya, "the Upper Egyptian woman", a female Upper Egyptian spirit placated by wearing a tulle bi telli dress and balancing a water jug on one's head.[52]

• Abu Damfa, a male Upper Egyptian spirit placated by wearing a dark colored galabiya and dancing the naboot.[52]

• Sitt Safina, a mermaid and sister of the Sultan of the Seas, appeased by submerging one's head in a tub of water with swimming fish.[52]

• the Abyssinians, a pair appeased by wearing a silver[65] belt and diadem with pellet bells and holding a stick with jingles as one dances.[52]

• At one point the Khedive Abbas Hilmi.[52]

• In Upper Egypt "angels of the river" may feature in zār rites, with sheikhas inviting possession from those who desire incarnation. They diagnose illness, make prescriptions, and solve problems. Women throw offerings of candy, sugar, perfume, and henna into the water for them.[66]

Additionally, occasionally people may come to ceremonies with a personal spirit who is identified as a zār spirit, but isn't known to be part of any of the existing pantheons.[21]

Ethiopia

In Ethiopia, zār is used as a term for malevolent spirits or demons. Meanwhile, many Ethiopians believe in benevolent, protective spirits, or adbar.[67] Zār spirits are thought to potentially cause psychological incapacitation.[68]

It is commonly thought that the origin of the zār is that Eve had 30 children, and tried to hide 15 of them from God in the Garden of Eden to protect them from God's envy. God knew she had done this, and declared they should remain invisible forever, and those 15 became the ancestors of the zār spirits.[38] These 15 are often described as being the more beautiful and intelligent half of her children, and this is used to explain why zār spirits in Ethiopia are more likely to possess beautiful women in some areas.[69]

Belief in such spirits is widespread among both Christians and Muslims.[70] Ĥēṭ ("thread"[71])[clarification needed] is a term of for the possessing spirits.

According to legend, there are eighty-eight "Sároch", emissaries of evil all under the service of a spirit named "Warobal Mama",[72] who dwells in Lake Alobar in the Menz region.[73]

Zār beliefs are common today even among Ethiopian immigrants to North America, Europe, or Israel. For example, Beta Israel are often raised with both Jewish and Zār beliefs, and individuals who believe they house a spirit are bound to attend to it despite other demands. However, ceremonies can be performed by shamans to persuade a spirit to leave, thus releasing the person from their duties to that spirit.[74]

Iran

In southern Iran, zār is interpreted as a "harmful wind" assumed to cause discomfort or illness. Types of such winds include Maturi, Šayḵ Šangar, Dingemāru, Omagāre, Bumaryom, Pepe, Bābur, Bibi, Namrud.[75] The 2012 film The African-Baluchi Trance Dance depicts a variety of zar-related activities in southeastern Iran.[76] In Baluchistan, the spirits are called Gowat ("wind"), bad (also "wind"), jinn (jinn-e zār), or zār,[3] and are considered contagious. Possession is permanent, and the zār is not as strongly associated with women, and is instead more associated with the poor in general.[38] Some state that the rich will never need to worry about zār possession. The spirits are said to prefer the young and strong, though they will afflict the old and weak as well. They are also attracted to people with melancholy and weak personalities.[10]

Those who have been possessed and done a zār before are called Ahl-e-Hava (Eve's family), or "People of the Air/Wind",[3] and must attend every zār. If the spirit asked for something like clothes to be placated, those must be worn to future zār ceremonies, and nothing the spirit asked for can be sold. The Ahl-e-Hava must always wear clean, white clothes, abstain from alcohol, not touch dead bodies (human or animal), not commit adultery,[38] not do anything illegal, wear perfume, bathe often, among other prohibitions, or else the spirit possessing them will cause them trouble.[10]

The spirits are described as "mounting" the people they possess, treating them like horses. They have names, are associated with specific colors, are said to be of specific religions (Muslim, Jewish, Christian, or "infidel") and national origins, and there are unique ways to deal with them.[3] The "infidel" spirits are considered more dangerous, and may kill the person they possess, while Muslim spirits rarely do so. The possessed person may be called markab (mount) or faras (horse), and the spirit may be called habub or pehpeh.[10]

Some divide the winds into "winds that can see" (bina) and "blind winds" (bad-i kur). Bina know everything about the whole world, and will answer questions if asked. Bina have had offering ceremonies and votive meals (sufra), drunk blood, heard and been honored by poetry and songs. They are also called "clear/pure winds" (bad-i saf) and are said to never disturb the people they possess. The "blind winds", by contrast, are never calm or "clear", and bother the people they possess. They have never been honored as the bina have, and the rituals effectively transform these "blind spirits" into "spirits that can see".[10]

Locally, spirits referred to as zār are "infidels", and are also called "red winds" (bad-i surkh), and come from Zanzibar, Somalia, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia, and India, the former three being considered more dangerous. They can be identified by what language they speak, and will do so after drinking blood, but only to the zār leader (Bābā or Māmā). There are over 72 different zār, with corresponding ailments. Nuban are spirits that make those that possess sad, handicapped, and infirm. Mashayikh are Muslim spirits, "pure" (pak), and settled on Muslim coasts. Bad-i jinn live on or under the Earth, are interconnected, and dangerous. Bad-i pari (fairies) are further divided into Muslim and "infidel" fairies. Bad-i div/dib (devils) are over 40 meters tall, live in deserts or islands, and if they touch a human, they will turn into a statue and die. Bad-i qul (ogres) look like drunks from afar, and may try to kill en-masse. A specific spirit called Maturi is known for asking for golden items.[10]

Oman

In Oman, the state of possession is often inherited, and possession is contagious. If a person resists possession, it is said to cause the spirit to worsen their affliction. Possession afflicts those who mock the zār spirits at ceremonies, those with weak and pensive personalities, those who are enviable, those unmarried over a certain age, and those unmarried who sleep alone.[77]

The possessed may lack enthusiasm, refusing to eat or work. The possession itself may be compared to intercourse; nocturnal emissions are taken as evidence that one is possessed, and when men have convulsive seizures, it's thought of as the zār spirit orgasming. Talking to oneself is also evidence of zār. Different zayrān will speak in different tones. As is usual, one person can ge possessed by many zayrān. Exorcism is possible in Omani zār (unusual compared to other practices), but if it cannot be done, the spirit is kept "tamed".[77]

Zār spirits are considered a type of jinn or ifrit. Their origin story in Oman is very similar to the story told in Ethiopia; 15 beautiful children, who were hidden and turned into spirits. These 15 are "children of the night", and the zār spirits are their offspring. They have powers humans don't and are active only at night. They are jealous of humans, though humans are weaker and uglier, because they come from Eve's 15 other children, the "children of the day".[77]

Spirits often bear the name Saif (male) or Maryam (female). They take control of the body to interact with others, and their personality and behaviors take dominance.[77]

Sudan

The names for the spirits vary slightly depending on which variety of the zār it is. The zār bori uses the terms zār, reeh, dastūr (which in northern Sudan refers to a door jamb or bolt in addition to the more conventional meanings of permission),[78] rowhān, and reehSpirits often bear the name Saif (male) or Maryam (female). al-ahmar,[79] while the zār tumbura uses tumbura,[27] reeh al-ahmar (red wind),[80] reeh, and dastūr.[39] In zār bori, there are three types of jinn: white (good, always Muslim, may do work for holy men, do not inflict severe behavior in possession), black (malevolent, always pagan, cause severe illness or death), and red (neither good or bad, capricious and amoral, cause mild illness). Zār spirits are of the last type, though men tend to blur the line between red and black jinn, seeing the former as malevolent.[69] By contrast in tumbura the "red wind" is ultimately viewed positively.

As before mentioned, the bori practice believes there are many spirits, while the tumbura believes in one spirit with different presentations,[27] called khayt (threads).[81] The Nyamānyam adherents also believe in many spirits.[30]

The tumbura spirit, once placated, is identified with the Sufi sheikh 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani.[82] After placation it does not cause the person illness again,[27] and in fact is generally beneficial to tumbura devotees, as long as they have an active relationship to the spirit. This is similar to the blessing (baraka) a Muslim saint bestows upon those who follow him in a Sufi order.[83] As a result, less emphasis is placed on the demands of the spirit in tumbura than in bori. What the spirit wants most is the person's initiation into tumbura.[84] It has other demands (talabāt), but these are specific and inexpensive, usually consisting of clothes for the khayt's costume.[85] However, if a person abruptly withdraws from tumbura, this is considered deeply offensive by the group, and the spirit withdraws its blessing, which can lead to misfortune and illness. However it does not directly cause these, so tumbura cannot treat them, though one can return to the cult and regain the spirit's blessings. Usually an attempt to withdraw is punished with a fine.[83]

Those who are affiliated with tumbura may find they are possessed by spirits from other traditions, such as bori, but will seek treatment through tumbura rather than other practices.[84]

Different tumbura spirit manifestations or "modalities" are associated with different days,[86] and like in bori, have different associated costumes, mannerisms, personalities, songs, and incense, which are stereotypes (specifically, cultural and historical memories that transcend time and space through possession[87]) of various ethnicities and religions,[81] though there is no Arab khayt.[88] Khayts can essentially represent a form of ancestral veneration, as several represent the cultures tumbura adherents belonged to before slavery, and certain khayts are associated with the souls of specific dead people (leading to their songs no longer being performed).[89] One may refer to a khayt not only with their name, but also the names of characters in the songs associated with them (such as Babīnga and Grindī (a hippo) to refer to Banda).[87]

Khayts are summoned ("brought down", which also refers to the formalization of a khayt) by the sanjak playing specific songs. The khayt are pictured as crawling upon a person's back and into their head.[81] Khayt are considered eternal, and existed before they were "brought down" with a jawab. Information about the khayts mostly comes from songs called jawabs (meaning letter, message, or answer). When sanjaks no longer remember a jawab or lack the power to use it, the khayt still exists, but cannot be contacted.[89] Jawabs likely record parts of Non-Arab Muslim Sudani history.[90]

In tumbura, some of the different presentations of the spirit are named as:

• Khawājāt/Khawājā, found in both tumbura and bori.[91] This spirit represents white Christian foreigners. The costume is a pith helmet, khaki shorts, fly whisk, pipe, and sunglasses. This khayt has its own cult banner, which is black, blue, or white, with a white or black cross. Khawājāt (as well as Bāshawāt) is viewed positively because the English, in particular, fought the Mahdists, and during that time many non-Arab Muslims fought alongside them. Additionally, there is nostalgia among some non-Arab Muslims in Sudan for the colonial era as Arab-led governments have worsened their standard of living, and have attacked tumbura (as well as zār overall).[92]

• Azraq Banda, found in both tumbura and bori.[91]

• Habashī, a spirit once generally belonging only to bori.[91] This spirit represents Ethiopians.[88]

• Nuba, which represents an originally pagan tribe before it was targeted by slavery and Islamization, part of the history of non-Arab Sudani Muslims. The worst plunders they experienced under the Mahdists are recorded in tumbura songs. They were conscripted into armies, and even before slavery, many were warriors. As such this khayt has a fierce or violent character. Its costume is a straw loincloth and a spear. Elements of its character are used for spirits representing Southern tribes in bori, but the Nuba itself does not appear.[92]

• Banda[93]/Bandawī[94] who is associated with Saturday.[86] This modality represents an originally pagan tribe, presented in the cult as Black cannibals from very far south who are warriors with a hundred sharp teeth, before it was targeted by slavery and Islamization, part of the history of non-Arab Sudani Muslims. It isn't entirely unclear which tribe or tribes this spirit refers to as there is a Banda tribe (which was subjected to slave raids and harsh rule during the 1880s on, recruited as soldiers, and known for maintaining pagan practices even after conversion), but the spirit has been identified by cult members with the Azande. Banda does not seem to appear in bori. Banda's costume involves dressing in black with a straw loincloth, a spear, and beaded leather fillet, with looped fringes at the temples of red, yellow, white, and blue beads reaching the shoulders, and cowrie shells arranged in cross shapes on it as well. More beads and cowries are worn crossing over the chest and back. Sometimes anklets of bells or bottle caps were worn, and sometimes the face was smeared with white ashes. The Banda khayt has their own cult banner, black with their name embroidered in white.[92] Banda is associated with snakes, and it is said that his snake comes from Mount Karūr (in the south of Azande land) and would appear during the therapy of patients he possessed.[95] The Azande are stereotyped as cannibals, with teeth filing being seen as "evidence" of the practice, but this is a stereotype based on ideology.[96]

• Gumuz, which represents an originally pagan tribe before it was targeted by slavery and Islamization, part of the history of non-Arab Sudani Muslims. Like the Banda, it is possibly referring to the tribe of the same name, the Gumuz, who suffered under slavery in the 1870s and 80s, though cult members deny this and say it refers to Black "dwarfs" that live near the Nile. The representation of this khayt is less concete and standardized than the Nuba or Banda.[92]

• Tumburāni, a European Christian khayt.[97] He is an archetype of Khawājā, and no one goes into trance during his song. His song is the most important song of the tumbura, and people stand up and rejoice when it is performed.[98]

• Sawākiniyya, considered to be one of the two most ancient khayt, brought down in the Turco-Egyptian period. It is named after the city of Sawakin. This khayt lacks a specific personality or costume, and does not appear in bori.[92]

• Lambūnāt, considered to be one of the two most ancient khayt, brought down in the Turco-Egyptian period. The name refers to female slaves from Sawakin. It has been identified with representing Ethiopians, but this seems tenuous at best, and cult members do not agree with this conclusion. This khayt lacks a specific personality or costume, and does not appear in bori.[92]

• Bābūrāt, whose name means "ships", specifically those that brought Europeans- the Anglo-Egyptian army- to Sudan. This khayt is very old and has few that are possessed by it.[92]

• Bāshawāt's name comes from the title basha, and he represents an Anglo-Egyptian soldier who fought against the Mahdists, who represented the interests of the Sudanese Arab slave owners, and as such, is viewed positively by tumbura (in comparison to Turco-Egyptian soldiers). In bori, Bāshawāt is viewed as malevolent. This khayt's costume includes a red fez.[92]

• 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jilanī, who has his own cult banner,[92] in white and blue.[99]

• Bilal, who has his own cult banner, which is red with a white star and crescent,[92] with his name embroidered in black. He does not appear to possess people, and no acts are performed in his name. He has one song performed at the end of ceremonies before one dedicated to al-Jilanī. His role is still important, uniting Islam and Arabness with the non-Arab Black Sudani identity without negating the difference between them.[99]

Bori spirits are particularly attracted to married women between 35 and 55, because of their fertility, and covet women who use henna, soap, perfume, and scented oil, and wear gold, and diaphanous toubs,[38] because the spirits themselves covet those things.[100] Men's public participation in zār bori is fairly uncommon, though in private, some men who aren't publicly involved will admit they believe they are possessed by bori spirits and that they believe in or admire the zār bori practice.[101] Similarly, unwed women may affirm they are possessed, but typically do not publicly or officially acknowledge it, as there is an impropriety to a woman whose fertility isn't activated (via loss of virginity) being possessed. This is one of many ways zār bori draws similarity between zār spirits and husbands. It is also less likely a zār spirit will bother a virgin as it cannot effectively threaten her fertility to obtain what it wants.[102] Zār spirits, and a likelihood to become possessed by zayrān generally, also tend to run in families along the maternal line, though they are not really considered inherited.[103]

Bori spirits are commonly figures such as Darāwīsh (Holy men and women), foreign spirits (Khawājāt, which includes Europeans, North Americans, Hindus, and Chinese spirits), desert nomads ('Arāb),[104] Syrians/Domari (Halib, not found in tumbura),[88] Ethiopian prostitutes (Habashī, only recently and uncommonly found in tumbura[88]), Ottoman and European officials (Bashawāt[104]), West Africans (Fallatas, not found in tumbura,[88] who as a group also include West Sudani spirits[104]), and spirits from the South who are often prostitutes, servants,[105] and cannibal sorcerers.[39] This last is a stereotype from Arab culture that was applied primarily for ideological reasons against African pagans.[96] Though zār bori spirits represent that which is "Other", a person may be possessed by a spirit from the same tribe or ethnicity as them.[106] When female zār spirits appear, they appear as idealized versions of the woman they possess, regardless of the spirit's own ethnicity.[105] While women may be possessed by either male or female spirits, in Hofriyati zār bori practice, men are only possessed by male spirits, though this does not hold true in Khartoum and Omdurman for gay male participants.[107]

Zār bori spirits are seen as inhabiting the natural, physical world but are normally invisible,[108] but when they take human form, they always have animal feet, particularly that of a camel or donkey. They are capricious, amoral, ambivalent, and not fully understood by adherents. They may possess different aspects of their personality in different people that they possess.[78] They are made of smokeless fire and wind, can fly long distances quickly, live for a long time but are ultimately mortal, age from children to elderly, marry, and have children and homelands.[109] Zār spirits, like jinn overall, frequent the desert, abandoned houses, and rubbish heaps, especially at night,[110] or at sunrise or sunset.[111] They are more likely to invade in areas and times of ambiguity, ambivalence, disorder, and when defenses are down.[100] They also stay near ("above") those they possess.[78]

Possession, especially by more malicious spirits, is more likely to occur in these areas. It is less likely to occur while on the village paths, and even less likely while in the enclosed female quarters of the home.[110] Women are at increased risk of possession (from jinn overall as well as zayrān and river sprites) during times when they experience blood loss from the genitals, which is itself more likely to occur during or after childbirth, circumcision, or defloration. Excessive blood loss at this time is also caused by spirits. Possession in this instance will lead to fertility issues. Gold jewelry can help alleviate or prevent such dangers, particularly the khatim ginay masri, a ring made from an Egyptian guinea coin.[112] However, spirits will still hover around a woman and her gold jewelry, so if she comes near a woman who is not wearing any gold, that woman is at risk of illnesses caused by spirits and of possession.[113] The odors of sweat and blood may also make a woman susceptible to possession and illness, and "sweet" incense is used to dispel jinn from areas.[111] If a woman experiences zār affliction during pregnancy, the child may be born possessed.[114] This may also occur during breastfeeding.[115] The onset of possession is not necessarily signaled by trance.[78]

Zār spirits cause various ailments, such as anxiety, depression, fertility issues, and hallucinations, but for bori adherents, the idea that a zār would cause these in extremity or kill the person they possess is illogical, as it would make it difficult or impossible for the zār spirit's desires to be fulfilled.[68] They want the person they possess to take care of themselves, and may cause them trouble if they do not.[116] Severe ailments are either natural in origin, the work of sorcery, the evil eye, or more violent spirits and demons. Though zār spirits aren't the cause, they can worsen the situation.[68] However, some do speak of zār spirits taking infant children (resulting in death).[115]

Zār bori spirits may cause those they possess to drink straight cologne,[69] smoke, dance wantonly, flail about, burp, hiccup, drink blood and/or alcohol, wear men's clothes, threaten men with swords, or speak loudly and offensively.[117] They may confer knowledge to those they possess, such as the ability to play an instrument associated with the zār spirit's ethnicity,[114] or skills in poetry and story-telling.[118]

Possession trance (ghaybiya) is conceived of as the spirit entering the body and displacing the possessed person,[78] though adherents also insist the possessed is still present. A person and the spirits may both speak during an incident, and a person maybe referred, and refer to themselves, in plural to include the spirit as an aspect of their physicality, even outside of trance.[119] A rigid distinction is not drawn between the human and the zār spirit, including in trance, and one or the other or both may bear responsibility for certain behaviors.[120] Possession trance is a learned behavior to facilitate a relationship with one's zār spirits,[78] as well as a way of channeling and controlling their inclinations (such as a spirit's aggression) so it is expressed without causing harm, and so the behavior makes sense to other zār adherents.[68] Over time, one becomes more skilled at switching between different states of consciousness, which is framed as not resisting the entry of the zār spirits. As such, spontaneous trance, outside of ceremonies, is associated with long-term zār bori adherents. It is inappropriate for those menstruating to go into possession trance, and women will signify this to their spirits by tying a knot in their braids.[78] Men in possession trance typically sit calmly, especially if possessed by holy man spirits.[107]

Possession is acted out at ceremonies by dressing in a manner associated with the spirit, adopting stereotyped gestures and behaviors, and dancing in response to specific music or incense. The zār afflicts a person, cannot be exorcised, and makes demands. The period of placation once these are fulfilled is referred to as the spirit "sleeping", naturally implying the reoccurrence of symptoms that occur in bori but not tumbura when the spirit "wakes".[39] This may also be called a spirit "burning".[121] After this dancing, those who were possessed may scratch at themselves and hiccup or burp, signifying the spirit's dormancy.[117]

The songs in zār bori are called khayt (pl. khuyut).[117] The songs and ceremonies are an invitation for the spirit to cause possession trance, and if this invitation isn't extended frequently, it can aggravate the spirits and cause them to cause trance without invitation. To enter the human world via possession is their primary motive, so creating opportunities for the spirits to do so is a fulfillment of the agreement between the human and their zār spirits.[78] This agreement is constantly renegotiated, both in potential relapse due to the human's failure to uphold it, and in gradual ideal symbiosis. Relapses in zār affliction can also be caused by mourning, strong emotions, and exposure to foul and unclean things.[122]

The spirits found in zār bori include:

  • 'Abdalgadir al-Jaylani, a Dervish spirit who is the counterpart of a popular Baghdadi holy man and is known to both cause and heal fertility issues.[102] This identification to a real human figure is the same as the Al-Jilanī central in zār tumbura.
  • Sitti Khudara (the "Green Lady"), daughter of a Holy Man zār. She is associated with bitter incense (called bakhur tayman, “incense of the twins,” or dowa, “medicine.”), Evening in Paris cologne, and the color green.[117] She is pious, beautiful, and graceful. She is specifically the daughter of al-Jaylani, and married to Birono, and Ethiopian Christian spirit, though she herself is Muslim. This marriage means she's sometimes classifed among the Ethiopian spirits herself.[123]
  • Shaykh Mohammed, a holy man/Dervish spirit who belongs to the Qadriya fraternity, which is popular in Sudan.[124] He is associated with the Khatmiya brotherhood, and its founder, Mohammed Osman al-Mirghani.[123]
  • Saida Zaineb is Shaykh Mohammed's daughter, based on his real-life Sudanese great-granddaughter. Her khayt attributes a degree of political power to her.[123]
  • Sayidi Bedawi (Our Lord Bedawi), the zār counterpart of Sayid Ahmed al-Bedawi, whose shrine is in Tanta, Egypt. He is also associated with women's fertility.[123]
  • Bedawiya is Bedawi's daughter, and has similar associations with grace, piousness, and beauty to Sitt Khudara.[123]
  • Shaykh Hamid, the zār counterpart of Hamid Abu 'Asa.[123]
  • Other holy men and women (who themselves are usually daughters of holy men, and inherit their baraka[123]) spirits, who have their host act in a serene and dignified manner while in possession trance. Of all the zār bori spirit groups, they are one of two likely to possess men outside of the circumstance of possession transferred during pregnancy.[107] They are most commonly associated with the color white, and will often ask for a white ram as sacrifice.[125] They ask for white or green dresses, jalabiyas, white skullcaps, white turbans, white prayer shawls, and forked walking sticks (typical of wandering religious scholars).[123]
  • Lulīya, or Lulīya Habishīya,[102] an Ethiopian prostitute spirit who likes weddings and is known in Hofriyat to imitate the mannerisms associated with local virgin brides. She may also take over a person's body during events associated with weddings but not intended to call upon zār.[126] She may ask for, or be associated with, garments such as a red and white toub, transparent toubs, and short dresses.[117] She also demands wedding incense, agate beads, a gold nose plug, silver earrings, and a silk firka garmosīs- all bridal wear.[127]
  • The Banāt Jozay, at-Tomat Rongay (Paired Girls, Splendid Twins)[127] are twin female Ethiopian spirits, associated with potent fertility that has produced inappropriate results.[102]
  • Sulayman, Ya Janna (Sulayman, O Veiled One) is a gay male spirit from the Sudan-Ethiopia border whose name has a pun: janā (fruit) can refer to offspring. He may be classed among both the Ethiopian and desert Nomad spirits.[102] He makes his host chew tobacco, drink marisa beer, and wear a jalabiya, which he fusses with like it's a woman's tob.[128]
  • Romani, Ya Wazir Galla (Roman, Vizier of the Galla) a spirit representing Italian presence in Ethiopia before World War Two.[106]
  • Mohammed Sa'dabi, a spirit of the Sa'dab tribe to which Mek Nimir belonged, and some of whom fled to Ethiopia in 1822 after the death of Ismail Pasha.[106]
  • Dodo, Ya Jabal Nado (Dodo, O/you Mount Nado), a spirit of a mountain where coffee is grown. He asks for coffee to drink.[129]
  • Dodo, Sitt aj-Jabana (Dodo, Lady of the Coffee) is a female spirit who also demands coffee and a gold Ethiopian crucifix for her hosts to wear on Sunday.[127]
  • Wilād Mama, an Ethiopian spirit (or spirits- it is often addressed in plural[125]) and the vizier of all zār spirits.[130] It must be summoned first, to usher in the other spirits. It is a spokesman, and receives sacrificial blood on the behalf of other spirits. Many zār bori shaykhas are possessed by it.[125] This spirit is typically referred to as male, but the behaviors associated with it (such as nursing a baby) are feminine.[127]
  • Maray, a beautiful Ethiopian prostitute or salacious noblewoman.[127]
  • Birono, an Ethiopian king[127] who has been recorded as demanding an ebony walking stick.[131] He is Christian, and married to Sitt Khudara.[123]
  • Shamharush, a petty prince.[127]
  • Yo, a court official.[127]
  • Bishir Tadir, a dark-skinned nobleman.[127]
  • Sultan al-Habish, the king of Ethiopia who wears red and rides a horse. He is probably based on Haile Selassie.[127]
  • Galay Galay, a chief of the Galla tribe. He commands the people he possesses to hold a spear.[127]
  • Sultan ar-Rih or Sultan al-Ahmar (Sultan of the Wind or the Red Sultan), who is figured as the kind of the zār spirits. He isn't common in areas like Hofriyat, and seems to have been supplanted by Wilād Mama in that case.[127]
  • Sultan Mara'iy, Sultan of the grazing land.[127]
  • 'Owdalay, an Ethiopian servant.[127]
  • Amelio, an Italian amir or count.[127]
  • Habishi Nakhadar[127]
  • Hamama-t-al-Bahr (Pigeon of the River) is beautiful like a water bird, and her hosts act out swimming through a river or do the Hofriyati pigeon dance in that locale. Her khayt is often drummed out of order, near the Crocodile spirit, at-Tumsah.[127]
  • Sitt am-Mandil (Lady of the Handkerchief), who is flirtatious.[127]
  • Other Ethiopian spirits, who as a class are associated with fertility issues,[102] and the color red (which is also the color of blood, which is linked to fertility). As such they demand red clothes and red sacrificial animals.[69] Male spirits of this class are associated with political power and heritable authority, and dance in a proud and stately manner. They typically demand red fezes, shawls, jalabiyas, and occasionally walking sticks of ebony or ivory. Female spirits dance salaciously, smoke, drink alcohol, love and use perfume to the point of drinking it, and demand red dresses and headscarves of the Ethiopian style. Spirits of this class are often Christian.[127]
  • Sitt agh Ghwayshat (The Lady of the Bracelets), an Egyptian who has been recorded as preventing people she possesses from eating until they obtain certain foods (apples, cherries, fish, sausages, and figs).[131]
  • Gasīs Romay, a Catholic priest, whose possessed act out benedictions and sword fights.[117]
  • Dodomayo, a Greek spirit who often acts intoxicated and selects women from the crowd as a wife.[108]
  • Dondo Ya Rundu, a wealthy Westerner.[106] He smokes Benson and Hedges, drinks whiskey, and spends his time reclining in bed or riding in taxis.[132]
  • Mistayr Brinso (Mister Prince), a Khawājā archeologist.[106] He asks for a pith helmet, khakis, socks, black shoes, and glasses.[132]
  • Abu Rīsh, Ya Amir ad-Daysh, a Khawājā spirit that represents a British Pasha. Those possessed may goose step, salute, shake hands in the Western style, and mime holding swords.[117]
  • Daidan, who asks for a good matress.[132]
  • Sitt Mama (Lady Mother), a Coptic Egyptian woman who enjoys eating pigeons and has her hosts cap their incisors in gold.[132]
  • Dona Bey, an American doctor and big game hunter who drinks copious amounts of whiskey and beer, wears a khaki suit, and carries an elephant gun. He is fierce, though his prey are dik-diks- a small antelope that is sometimes locally kept as a pet, and that beautiful women are often compared to. As such he is also a lustful character.[132]
  • Miriam al-Azraq (Miriam the Black/Dark Blue), a zār counterpart to the Virgin Mary. She asks for a black dress and head shawl, like that of a Catholic nun.[132]
  • Gasis Gom Bi Tiyara, a Coptic monk who flies in an airplane.[132]
  • Bamba Beya (boy of the ancient monuments), a Turk who is visiting Sudan's pyramids.[132]
  • Wad an-Nasara, Ya Mama Miya! is an Italian Christian who hunts waterfowl.[132]
  • Aziza, Lady of the Bracelets, is a wealthy Egyptian Copt.[132]
  • Hindiya is an East Indian female spirit who drinks Pepsi and has her hosts drape their tobs to look like saris.[132]
  • Hashira is a disdainful Victorian English female spirit.[132]
  • Jamama is a female Chinese spirit who demands a qipao-style dress of floral silk, and wife of Ard as-Sin.[132]
  • Ard as-Sin (Land of China), who lives in England and rules China.[132]
  • Sitt an-Nisa (the Lady of Women), a Canadian female spirit.[132] This spirit's independent existence was short-lived, as it was identified as an expression of the Coptic spirit, the Lady of the Bracelets. It was identified as inquisitive and bringing metal to make musical instruments for zār.[133]
  • Various other Khawājā spirits, who may be doctors, lawyers, military officers, and airplane pilots. The possessed may dance with a cane, a symbol of authority (other similar symbols being flywhisks, batons, and walking sticks). The spirits may request a European belt and cane as well as items like cigarettes, other clothes, particularly of a Western style, and a radio.[117] They may also request a henna design for the sole of the foot where the heel and ball are covered, but the instep only has three stripes, resembling a sneaker print.[118] They also demand certain foods associated with the West and held in containers, bottled beverages, tinned foods, expensive fruit, biscuits, and white bread. They have mustaches they twist while in humam form. These spirits may also be called Nasarin (Christians) though not all of these spirits are.[132]
  • Al-Wardi Karoma, the zār counterpart of Lord Cromer.[132]
  • Gordel, the zār counterpart of General Charles Gordon.[132]
  • Nimir al-Khala (Leopard of the Dessert) or Nimir Kindo, Babur al Khala (Leopard Kindo, Steamboat of the Desert), who probably represents Sir Samuel Baker.[132]
  • Basha Basha, Gordon and Baker's archetypal nemesis, a merchant prince who trafficks South Sudanese into slavery.[132]
  • Birulu, lord of the chains, another slave trafficker.[132]
  • Basha Birdon, who wears a European suit and a fez. He may be the zār counterpart to Sir Richard Burton.[132]
  • Basha Korday, who may be the zār counterpart of Sir Alexander Korda. He has a mustache and wears khaki breeches.[132]
  • Hakim Basha, an Egyptian doctor spirit sometimes also described as Turkish or European. While possessing people he diagnoses others present and recommends treatments.[124] He has two manifestations: one is a turn of the century Islamic medical practitioner, who asks for a white jalabiya, long topcoat, fez, and walking stick. The other is a modern doctor who asks for a white labcoat, trousers, a stethoscope, and tongue depressors.[132]
  • Basha-t-'Adil, a Khawājā train conductor,[117] and a secretary, who asks for a whistle, a peaked cap, and a European men's suit. He pumps his arm up and down like he's sounding a train whistle.[132]
  • Hakim bi-Dūr, a Khawājā doctor.[115]
  • Beshir, a comical English man who is uncomfortable in the desert, wiping his face with a handkerchief and carrying a towel over his shoulder.[132]
  • Abu Rīsh, Ya Amir ad-Daysh (Owner of the Feather, O Amir of the Army), who asks for a khaki uniform with a wide belt and epaulets, and a topi hat with feathers.[132]
  • Other Bashawāt, the "big Khawājāt", who are usually doctors, military officials, and bureaucrats who command respect. They are sometimes called Turks, though not all these spirits are. In Khartoum they include Christians, Jews, and Hindus.[132]
  • Holiba 'Arabiya, a male Beja lorry driver. Those possessed by this spirit may wear a kuffiyeh and drape their tob to resemble traditional male Beja dress.[117] He also requests a long toothed comb to wear in the hair. His name is a pun that can refer to an automobile or a female nomad.[128]
  • Hassina 'Arabiya, a female spirit who requests Hadendowa jewelry, soured camels milk, and rancid clarified butter.[128]
  • Luli Hassina, a female spirit who requests Hadendowa jewelry, soured camels milk, and rancid clarified butter. She and Hassina 'Arabiya are demure, do not speak, and must be "watered" by their husbands like cattle. They may do the jabūdi dance.[128]
  • Sulayman al-Bedawi (Sulayman the Bedouin) is Hassina's bridegroom and often demands jirtig paste for his host's hair.[128]
  • Ahmed al-Bashir, shaykh of the Nomad spirits who demands a silk tob and whip.[128]
  • Jamali, a male with an aggressive personality who demands a sword, a whip, and a Beja tob.[128]
  • Mohammed Bikeyfu (beloved of power), a fierce warrior who demands a sword that must be drawn and brandished.[128]
  • Bernowi,[128] or Bernawi, who appears in the tumbura Banda khayt's songs as someone who fought the Azande, appears in bori as either a spear carrying West African Muslim from Bornu or a Ta'ishi Baggara Arab who commands those he possesses to carry a spear.[134]
  • Wad al-Arab (Son of the Arabs), a child spirit who attends school and wants an adult tob.[128]
  • 'Ali Ababa, a child spirit who has lost his father and camel (jamal), and runs around looking for them and crying. Jamal is also a local euphemism for a clitoris, and as participants in zār bori are often adult or married women, if their culture practices female circumcision, they will have undergone it.[128]
  • al-Quraishi, a male spirit from Mecca and member of Muhammad's tribe. He asks for a Saudi four-cornered headdress.[135]
  • Other 'Arab (Nomad) spirits, who may incline those they possess to sword fight, or do the jabūdi dance.[117] They may ask for clothes and shoes associated with nomads (such as oversized shirts and wide-legged pants[128]), especially Beja, and items like whips.[114] This is the other group likely to possess men.[107] They are usually Beja spirits.[128]
  • Munira, Halibiya-t-ag-Guffa (Munira, Halibiya of the Basket) who asks for a green dress, blue tob, and a peddler's basket.[136]
  • Abu Munira, Munira's father.[136]
  • Nahali (Skinny One) a male Halib spirit.[136]
  • Barou Nayyar (Luminous Scraps), another male Halib.[136]
  • Other Syrian Domari (Halib) spirits, whose female spirits are known for being forthright and bold when speaking to men, and for convincing people to give them money, often by trickery (an offensive stereotype).[125] Halib women peddle goods, and men make leather items and sharpen and repair tools. These spirits are associated with reproductive disorders, and many are nameless.[136]
  • Sarikin Borno, the Sarkin of Bornu. He wears a striped jalabiya and is also classified as a Holy Man spirit.[137]
  • Nimir al-Kondo (Leopard of Kondo), a traveling merchant from Chad. He speaks French amd wears a fez. He asks for a navy blue vest to wear over a white shirt.[137]
  • Meriam, a shameless female spirit who asks for a flat mortar for grinding grain and a deep one for pounding spices. She begs, wears ragged clothes, and requests plain boiled grain and water.[137]
  • Abu Bukari, a male spirit who travels by camel and "relies on Allah" to provide food on his pilgrimage. He begs, wears ragged clothes, and requests plain boiled grain and water.[137]
  • Tekonday, a Nigerian immigrant to Darfur. He begs, wears ragged clothes, and requests plain boiled grain and water.[137]
  • Fallatīyat, the unnamed zār counterparts of Darfuri merchants, who are reputed to do black magic. They ask for broghtly colored homespun tobs and gold nose rings (zumām).[137]
  • Other Fallata- West African Muslim and West Sudanese Muslim spirits, many of whom are on the Hajj pilgrimage. Fallata is the Kanuri word for the Fulani. These spirits are sometimes called Takarīn (those from Takrur).[137]
  • Dinkawi, the Herdsman of Cattle. He asks for cow milk for his host to drink.[138]
  • Maryjan, an elderly male slave with a bent posture from a life of hard labor.[138]
  • At-Tayr al-Akhdar, the Green Bird, a pagan enslaved man who accompanies his master on Hajj.[138]
  • Farigallah (Separated God), an elderly pagan Nuba woman.[138]
  • Baharanil (River Nile), a Khudam prostitute.[105]
  • Jata, Lady of the Rahat,[138] another Khudam prostitute who wears a white satin dress and a rahat (leather thong skirt).[105]
  • Mūna, Sitt ash-Shabāl (Lady of the Shabāl), a southern prostitute who mimicks local village women.[117] The shabāl is a hair flick gesture done by women at weddings that grants luck to others. Both Jata and Mūna act demure at first, but are ultimately flirtatious.[138]
  • NyamNyam Kubaida,[119] or Nyam Nyam the Severe Afflicter,[138] an Azande cannibal spirit who may demand raw meat,[119] especially liver (kibda). He tries to make those who possesses take off their clothes.[138]
  • Bayakuba as-Sāhar Juba (Bayakuba, the Sorcerer of Juba), a date-loving sorcerer[138] and may demand raw meat.[131] He tries to make those he possesses take off their clothes.[138]
  • At-Tumsah, a sorcerer in his animal (crocodile) form. He makes his hosts wear rags and crawl on their bellies.[138]
  • Other Khudam/Zirug (South Sudanese) spirits. Many are Nuer, Dinka, Shilluk, Nuba, or from pagan West Sudanese groups. They ask for black clothes and animal hides and pelts (such as leopard pelts). Male spirits ask for spears, ebony walking sticks, and clay pipes. Female spirits ask for grain mortars. All Khudam spirits are thought to know black magic and cause more serious forms of zār affliction. Sorcerer (Sāhar) spirits are all Azande, and from further south than the other Khudam. They are perceived as cannibals and make those they possess try to bite others.[138] By the 2000s, this group of spirits has come to be largely viewed as Christians.[23]
  • Many Southerners and Azande cannibals are known as refusing to speak when being questioned by shaykhas.[131]
  • A few spirits who don't represent cultural "Others", such as Sitt Amuna and Sakina, daughters of the Sultan of the Red Sea, and Salma, Daughter of the River, who is probably a malayka-t-al-Bahr (angel of the river). Angels of the river in Sudan are tall women with long flowing hair and fish tails who live under the river. They are benevolent but capricious as zār spirits.[66]

In Sennar, which has a melded form of zār combining bori and tumbura, there are:

  • the Darawish, spirits of Sufi teachers and holy men.[23]
  • Yarima Pasha or Shalabi, a Pashawat[23]
  • Pashkatib, the clerk and a Pashawat[23]
  • Hakim Pasha, the chief doctor and a Pashawat[23]
  • Yowra Bey, a Pashawat[23]
  • Sharido Bey, a Pashawat[23]
  • In all there are said to be 300 Pashawat spirits. They demand their hosts wear light and pastel colors, jalabiyas in white, cream, and ivory,and red fezes. They are vain spirits and often also ask for mirrors. If they speak, they do so in a whisper. They may also be called nas Bayud (white people) or al-Bahriyyat (People of the River). Male and female spirits of this category do not possess the same hosts. The female Pashawat are seen as somewhat intimidating, with obscure origins, disabling afflictions, and difficult demands. They are infrequent in today's zār.[23]
  • The Khawājāt, Europeans, who are often given alcohol, such as whisky or wine. The ban of alcohol has led to the Europeans visiting less often, and the respect given to them has declined. The Chinese (nas as-Sin) and Indian (al-Hinud) spirits of this category have instead gained prominence.[23]
  • Bashir, a half brother of Luliyya and Dasholay, who all share an Ethiopian mother. These three are very popular in contemporary practice. He wears a red jalabiya with a white cross on his chest and is served coffee. He comes to cure people with zār affliction on Sunday and Wednesday. He also expects alcohol and cigarettes, as does Dasholay. He can be capricious, vulgar, opportunistic, sociable, and affectionate. He and Dasholay speak directly to those who seek them out instead of speaking through a zār medium.[23]
  • Luliyya, who reatins her flirtatious nature seen elsewhere. She advises people on sexual amd reproductive issues and is served Pepsi. Those she possesses wear colorful and attractive clothes.[23]
  • Dasholay also advises people. He wears a black jalabiya with a white cross on his chest. His father is said to be a Black soldier.[23]
  • Other Habashi, Ethiopians, who often dance around wearing heavy anklets and are sometimes offered local alcohol.[23]
  • the nas Arab, Arab nomads[23]
  • and the nas Zirug, Black warriors from the mountains who dance with the same heavy anklets as the Habashi and may wear red fezes tilted at an angle. They are sometimes offered local alcohol.[23]

The zār Nyamānyam adherents name some of their spirits to be:

  • Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani[30]
  • Tumburani, the king (malik) of the Sudani[30]
  • Shakir Manzo[30]
  • Nimr al-Kindo, also called Jabahana. In bori this spirit is called Nimr al-Kindo Babura.[30]
  • Babīnga and Nakūrma, Azande ancestral spirits.[30]

Ceremonies edit

Generally, the zār follows this pattern: the possessed person becomes ill or is struck by misfortune, often seeks the help of more conventional medicine (as is often encouraged by zār leaders[38]), and once this fails, they seek out the aid of the zār community.[3] In Egypt, zār and conventional medicine may be used simultaneously.[139] For the Sudanese zār tumbura, those who come to a shaykha complaining of illness are told to seek out certain medicines and then return for therapy, but seemingly not with the implication that the medicine alone will fix the ailment.[93] Hofriyati zār bori practitioners hold that the only treatment for zār affliction is zār itself, that medicine won't help, and that attempting an exorcism will worsen the affliction.[122]

In Egypt, Bahrain, and Oman it has historically been noted that zār leaders are not only mostly women, but also mostly Black.[10]

 
Women playing music for a zār in Egypt.

In Iran and Egypt, the zār spirit is identified by the response of the possessed to the music. Different tunes are played, changing every so often to invoke different spirits.[38]

Arabia

In 19th century Mecca, zār affliction often took the form of collapsing, convulsions, diseasee that initially resemble normal ones, and fits of rage. The zār leader's title was "Sheikha ez-Zār". She would question the zār spirit, either in Arabic or in the "zār language", which only she and the spirit understood. The spirit would agree to a ceremony being held in a certain day, as well as the usual placation offerings of clothes and jewelry. The afflicted invited her friends, and tea, coffee, pipes, and food would be enjoyed as the Sheikha and her attendants performed zār songs with a drum.[36]

In an account given by Dijkstra in Neglected Arabia, the zār ceremony in Arabia is called kabsh (ram) because the sacrifice is central, and this sacrifice is a ram. It begins in the evening with a simple dinner. After dinner end, a chant is done for an hour, and after that the people in attendance crawl until they are exhausted. There is a break, and the musicians begin as the central patient comes in riding the ram that will be sacrificed, which is decorated with green twigs. This happens at either midnight or dawn (if the person considers themself important). They circle the room three or four times.[14]

The participants rest until an hour after daybreak, and the central patient rides again. After this, the ram is slaughtered by the rider, the leader of the ceremony, and a third party. All the blood is collected in a bowl, and some is put in a glass with saffron and sugar, which is drunk. The rest is used to "bathe" the central patient, who takes an hour-long nap, then bathes to wash off the blood and dresses in new clothes.[14]

During this the sacrificial meal is prepared, and every part of the animal is cooked and used. The food is put out, and a stick that was anointed in the blood is held in front of the central patient (called the zār in this form of the rite). The leader asks them to ensure everything is as the spirit wishes it and that they have no further requests. If the spirit refuses to answer, the stick will be used to deliver a beating until it does.[14]

Bahrain

In Bahrain, zār adherents may signal their affiliation by wearing a ring with their name, the name of their possessing spirit, and the shahada engraved onto a red stone. The ring has been bathed in blood before it is worn.[14]

Egypt

Identifying the possessing spirit may take quite some time, potentially years, especially as zār possession may not be suspected by the possessed or their family, even if they assume another type of possession and seek out exorcism as treatment. Further, they may be reluctant to seek out the zār community if they are not already a part of it, as it is a long-term commitment requiring a fair amount of expense. The zār leader or an old initiate is consulted in identifying the spirit and its demands. The sid al-ras ("spirit/master of the head") aids them in this. One of the rituals to do so involves using incense in the home of the possessed person to make the spirit come forward and speak through the possessed person, make them sleepy, or appear in their dreams. The spirit may also be found through coffee cup divination, or a similar method.[139]

If the spirit is stubborn or this home ritual cannot be done, another ritual called "revealing the trace" (kashf al-atar) is performed. The zār leader takes a piece of cloth with the "smell" of the possessed person's body (such as underwear or a headscarf) and a piece of paper with the possessed person's name and their mother's name written on it. Before going to sleep, the zār leader performs a rite with incense and places the two items under their pillow for three consecutive days, prompting the spirit to appear in their dreams. This is called tabyita.[139] Upon identifying the spirit, reconciliation rites may be arranged, though these may not be for a while.[140]

 
Members of the Zar Masters

The hadra (presence) is a weekly public musical ritual held in the home of the zār leader,[140] limited to the musical part of placating the spirits, and may temporarily appease spirits on the part of those who can't yet commit the money or time for an initiation.[141] This may be located near a saint's shrine, though it has long been illegal to hold zār rituals at shrines themselves. Initiates who know their spirits may also call this ritual tazkira (reminder), which is the purpose it serves for them. New and old initiates go into trance and dance at these, and the crowd consists of those who can't afford their yearly zār ceremony, those who attend regularly, and curious outsiders.[140] Zār leaders and musicians watch the crowd (who sit on the floor at the edges of the room) and encourage people to the dance floor based on their reactions, such as facial expressions, which indicate possession.[142][143] A possessed person who hasn't identified their spirit may attend up to three hadras and the spirit may be summoned during this, with music and incense, and the leader may ask the spirits to fulfill their demands.[139] Before going on the dancefloor, one gives money to the band, which is ritually circled around the person's head, kissed, and put away to be divided up later. If a possessed person passes out, they have pressure put on their head and are sprinkled with rosewater.[142] Some zār leaders keep costumes on hand for use at hadras that correspond to certain spirits.[144]

Initiation rites may be called sulha (reconciliation), 'adq (contract), or midan (vista), as well as 'edwa (feast), tazkira (reminder) for those who are already initiated, or madyafa or diyafa (hosting) if the sacrifice is a sheep, goat, or larger animal, like a camel or bull. It is a celebration done to acknowledge and placate the spirits using sacrifice, dance, offerings (like incense, spirit paraphernalia, etc.), and other rituals. 'Akkam ("in a bundle"/"one in all") may occur, a rite where the initiate and all their guests consume the sacrificed animal together. Non-initiates may not eat the meat of this animal; doing so may provoke the spirits.[140] At one time these rituals took seven days and nights. On the seventh day, a rite signifying the end of ritual seclusion occurred where parts of the skulls of the sacrificed animals would be disposed of in the Nile. Today this most commonly begins at sunset, occurs over the course of a day and an evening, and marks the beginning of a 7 (sometimes 3 or 5) day period of seclusion. During seclusion, the possessed only eats of the animal sacrifice, abstains from sex and opposite-sex affection. During this time one is "with the spirits" (ma'a al-asyad). A rite may be performed alone to end the period, called "as clear as milk" (safi ya laban), or one have a zār of the river (zār al-bahr) where the bones of sacrifices are disposed of. At all of these, milk products like yogurt or rice pudding are used, with white symbolizing the end of a spirit's anger.[145]

Zārs are broadly of two types: silent ('al-sakt) and drummed zār (daqqet). The first is more common, because it is less expensive and more private. Being known to be involved in the zār can be a source of anxiety. During the silent zār, one sets an offering table the evening before and performs a ritual animal sacrifice. The offerings on the table may include clothes, food, candles, and special objects. The blood of the animal is collected on a plate and used for anointing the jewelry, body, and parts of the home. The sacrificed animal is then cooked and eaten. It is done by a zār leader or the initiates alone, if they are experienced. The remaining blood is poured into the toilet as an offering to the spirits. After the silent zār, many go to the hadra later that day or the next day.[141] The silent zār is considered secret, while the drummed zār is more public. Because of this, it is hard to tell how widespread zār is in Egypt and how stong belief in it currently is. Many have turned to silent zār instead of drummed because of finances, and because of limited access to musical groups.[21]

The drummed zār is characterized by music, which is used to draw the spirits to manifest by making the possessed dance. The changes in facial expression are considered to be that of the spirit.[141] In parts of Upper Egypt, those whose spirits are known covered their faces at one time to hide the facial expressions during trance, which could be grotesque.[65] In private zārs, the possessed buys a trousseau of dresses, shawls, and scarves, which they often wear to every zār ceremony they attend.[144] In Alexandria and other parts of Egypt, it was common for wealthy devotees to sponsor drummed zārs, whereas in Cairo, devotees tended to sponsor ceremonies dedicated just to themselves.[21]

Every zār song has three sections, that may be moved around as needed. The first section moves one's emotions and causes the spirits to appear, calling them forth. The second section is a description, often praising the spirit. The thord section induces trance. This section in particular may get moved, as each person is considered possessed by at least a male and female spirit, and needs at least two songs to be played. When this happens the third section of the first song will be shorter, and the third section of the last song will be longer. The exact length of the song depends on how long it takes for someone tp go into trance. A song may be fully repeated to this end. Each spirit gets it's own song, unless a person has a personal or unrecognized spirit, in which case a generoc song is used.[21]

Once placated the zār spirits protect the possessed, bring them prosperity, and can help them divine. After the initial placation of the spirit or spirits, the person tries to hold a zār once a year to continue to keep the peace. If they cannot afford it, they often attend a hadra (a type of weekly ceremony), sometimes after having a "silent" zār at home.[140][146]

 
A silver amulet with an Arabic inscription.

Jewelry is important in the zār. Even if an initiate ceases going to zārs, they keep their jewelry for the rest of their life, so they don't offend the spirits.[144] The jewelry, as well as the initiate's body, is anointed with sacrificial animal blood upon initiation, and re-anointed periodically, signifying the contract they have with the spirits. For this reason, initiates may be called mitzaffar or mitzaffara (anointed with the blood of sacrificial animals).[141] The jewelry and amulets are re-anointed with blood at every zār ceremony.[144] It is most commonly silver, with bells in odd numbers, and often adorned with incised images of specific spirits, either by themselves or in pairs.[52] The jingles are indicative an item was used for zār. Different regions of Egypt had different styles for making zār jewelry, with the incised depictions of spirits being common in Alexandria and Cairo, while Upper Egyptian amulets tended to have abstract designs.[21] It is often called fadat al-me‘affrateen (silver of the possessed). One of the most common amulets is the "heart" (qalb), either shaped like a tablet or framed heart, made of glass, plastic, or semiprecious stone. Many amulets are also inscribed with the throne verse from the Qur’an, or other Islamic phrases.[144] The first piece of jewelry zār devotees get is a silver coin, often made into a pendant, symbolizing the contract between person and spirit. Zār jewelry may be kept in a special box.[21] Pieces are often selected by the possessed going into trance and picking ones they have seen in dreams or visions. While initiates are often Muslims, the silversmiths are often Coptic Christians.[147]

Other, less common mediums for jewelry are beadwork. The takiet kharz is a headdress made of beads and cowrie shells, with a fringe 6 inches wide and three tassels. It often has a matching belt, sometimes of beads mounted on a base. The amulets may also be made of beadwork.[14] Winifred Blackman had a set of green and white zār beadwork from Upper Egypt consisting of a belt, cap, amulet, and necklace. Mention has also been made of sacrificial animals having jewelry: such as a forehead piece made of two two-foot-long palm sticks, bound in a T cross and decorated with tinsel and paper, and a staff 42 inches long decorated with beads in brown, white, green, red, and three bands of cowrie shells equidistant from each other, which is used when one rides the sacrificial animal.[14] Many zār devotees also had special sticks for ceremonies, and had bath and perfume zār paraphernalia.[21]

Zārs are flexible, with durations expanding and collapsing depend on the economics and other concerns of the possessed. The numbers 1, 3, 5, and 7 appear often for durations, spirits in pantheons, numbers of items used in rituals, and more.[145] The Fatiha is recited at the start of many zār ceremonies in a ritual called "the Openings" (al-fawatih), accompanied by use of incense (this being a separate rite called al-bukhoor) to purify the bodies of those present and make them attractive to spirits. Certain scents are said to be more attractive to certain spirits. At the start, money is discreetly placed on the tray the incense burner is held on; the zār leader kisses it, touches to their head, and puts it away. The tray is held under the possessed person's chin as the Fatiha is recited; aloud by the zār leader, silently by everyone else. A veil is often put over the person's head so the incense will gather underneath it to be inhaled. The tray is passed under the right arm, left arm, and placed between the legs so the smoke goes under the person's garment, then the right and left foot is lifted over the burner as the recitation continues. This is also used to diagnose possession and to invite spirits into dreams.[148]

Before animals are sacrificed, they are given ablution in clean water, their faces being washed three times. Basins for this water and to collect the blood are needed. Candles are distributed among initiates and lit. The zār jewelry is taken off and put in a specially bought china plate (tabaq ghasheem) which will be used to collect blood. A call for gifts of money happens during the ablution.[149] Paul Kahle claims the sacrifice is performed over the head of the possessed, so they can drink the blood as it comes forth. It is also claimed that the feathers and claws of sacrificial birds are set aside as gifts to the spirit;[14] neither practice is mentioned by Al Hadidi.

The mayanga (from a Hausa word meaning "cemetery") is only built by serious zār participants who have undergone multiple initiations and wish to become zār leaders. It is a private shrine where the bones of animal sacrifices are placed, and can provide direct access to one's possessing spirits, and resultingly increases a person's power. This power in the mayanga must be renewed with sacrificial remains and blood. The mayanga may be used even after the person who originally built it has died.[150]

To become a zār leader, one must undergo the "girding" (al-hizam) ceremony and identify the "master of the head" (sid al-ras), who helps them in divination. Those who inherit their position from their parents also undergo a special ritual where their parent passes on their incense burner and box. Those chosen by their spirits to become leaders buy these items new, and during their girding ceremony anoint them with sacrificial animal blood. The sacrifices for the "girding" ceremony may include 2-4 sheep, a camel, or a bull. Not all who undergo the "girding" ceremony become public zār leaders- some really only offer services to family and friends (called sheikh habaybo or sheikhat habayebha), and others who don't provide services to others are called sheikh nafso or sheikhat nafsaha (his/her own sheikh).[48]

In Egypt, altars for the spirits are often set up, decorated with flowers, candles, and sweets.[14]

Ethiopia

Paul Kahle claims the sacrifice animal is usually a chicken, and that it is swung around the head of the possessed person, and thrown to the floor. If it does not die soon, he says, the sacrifice is considered to have been in vain.[14]

Iran

 
Women at a zār

In Iran, zār leaders are called Bābā zār or Māmā zār (or just Bābā (male) or Māmā (female)[3]), instead of Sheikh or Sheikha, and zār leaders are Black.[38] They often inherit their position from their parents, and they either appoint a successor, or the local community elects a new leader after their death. They have their own stands, with drums, other instruments, and clay pots for incense.[10] Before seeking their help, a possessed person may have sought the help of a sheikh or mulla.[3] Unlike in Egypt, they may not necessarily be possessed themselves, though this is the case for many.

Newly possessed people stay in a bamboo hut on the beach[10] or in the home of Bāba/Māmā zār in the week before their first zār and after a payment for the ceremony has been agreed upon,[3] during which they are bathed in seawater and rubbed with a mixture of herbs and spices (such as basil, saffron, bukhish (a local plant), cardamom, walnut, chicken's tongue, guraku, and gešt/gasht (an Indian wood from Mumbai)) soaked in rosewater and called girkou.[10][75] They also may drink some of this.[10] This is called the separation phase by researchers.[38] This time can last a day, or it may take several weeks, and may also include certain foods, contact with women,[10] or looking at certain animals (such as dogs and chickens) being forbidden.[3] The morning after this time ends, they are bathed and rubbed with a mixture containing the "dust of seven paths" and seven leaves of seven thornless plants.[10]

Some reports say that after this and before the zār itself, the possessed person is laid on the floor, with their big toes tied together by goat hair, fish oil is rubbed under their nose, and the Bābā or Māmā skips around while brandishing a bamboo stick (bakol), and threatens the spirit.[3] Others say the same, except fish oil is rubbed on the body and goat hair is burned under the nose.[10]

 
Photo of the Maidān, showing the drums and trays

The zār itself (also called the incorporation phase by researchers) takes place in a U-shaped area called a Maidān, with the possessed person, tea,[3] and a tablecloth in the center. The tablecloth has lotus fruits (kunar), food, the meat and blood of the animal sacrifice,[10] eggs, dates, confetti, and herbs on it. The possessed person has their head covered with white cloth, then a tray with aromatic herbs laid over burning charcoal is passed around as incense, and musical proceedings begin.[38] Different instruments are used, such as flutes, but the most important of which are drums. Three types are reportedly used are the modendo/mudendu, gap dohol (large drums, the former being a kettledrum), and kesar (a small drum).[3] The instruments are fumigated with incense before the ceremony, and in front of the modendo, a silver tray of gashtahsuz and kundruk (dried incense herbs) is placed before it. The Bābā or Māmā plays this drum while singing, and signals the beginning of the ceremony and music woth their bamboo stick.[10] Singing may be in a different language or it may be sounds without meaning.[38]

As people enter, they do not greet each other or speak while sitting. If they drink tea or coffee, they do not put it on the floor and instead hold it until someone comes and collects cups. People sit on the floor, men and women beside each other, and men and women dance and sing together, responding in chorus to the Bābā or Māmā.[10]

Once identified, the leader communicates with the spirit in a language that's a mixture of Persian, Arabic, Swahili, and Indian[75] (often Malayalam or Marathi), one of these languages by themselves, or potentially in gibberish,[3] to find out why the possession happened and what the spirit wants. To assure the spirit its demands will be met, a cloth is tied around the possessed person's arm (a "binding").[75] This is also allows the possessed person time to gather the money and requested items for placating the spirit.[10]

Bābās and Māmās specialize in which spirits they can deal with- if they find the person is possessed by a spirit they cannot deal with, they recommend a Bābā or Māmā that can manage the spirit.[3] If regular Bābās and Māmās fail, they may send the person to a gaptaran, the most powerful Bābā or Māmā in a region. If the ritual is for zār infidel spirit, no one is allowed to mention God, Muhammad, or the 14 holy persons, or else the spirit will never be placated. If after trying multiple times for many days, the spirit cannot be placated, the Bābās and Māmās will cease to work with the patient and they will be considered tahrans, an outcast and hated status.[10]

If the demand is simple, it is handled at this ceremony. If it isn't, another ceremony is held where the demand is fulfilled. The zār or bazi (ceremony)[10] can last for up to a week.[38] During its duration, no one leaves- if they are tired, they sleep there.[10] Demands can vary from wanting a small piece of bamboo, to prayers, to wanting an animal sacrifice (typically a sheep or goat), to white perfumed fabric,[10] to wanting the possessed person to be beaten with a piece of bamboo. In the last case, beatings may be repeated at subsequent zārs, or may be done whenever the person feels ill again. This is a common treatment for sailors that go out to sea for a month or more.[3] The bamboo usually has two silver beads or is decorated with silver rings, and on the day before the ceremony, it is covered with henna and fish oil. The surface will also be decorated with silver. Another common request is for a special veil called a lang or languta, made of two pieces of local shateh fabric, eight meters in length and sewn together with blue, yellow, and green silk thread.[10]

Some participants claim to have drunk the blood of animal sacrifices in the ceremonies,[75] and some say Bābās and Māmās increase in credibility with the more blood they consume.[10]

In the past, it was reported beautiful young virgin[10] women in bright clothes ("daughters of the wind" dukhtaran-i hava, also seen in Bahrain) would show up and sing[75] and dance,[10] but this no longer seems to be the case.[3] Those who attend ceremonies to sing and play instruments but are not possessed are called safi or "people of love" (ahl-i ashq).[10]

Today, due to legal prohibitions, the only official zārs take place in the form of performances at folkloric music festivals, though private zārs still occur as a healing practice.[10]

Oman

In Muscat, Fanny Lutton (a missionary) recorded that Bait-e-Zaar was the largest and most expensive "house of sorcery". She recounts that blood of the animal sacrifice was used liberally to anoint the possessed, and that it was drunk. By her account, Black enslaved women danced at the ceremonies, and the possessed danced with them until she was exhausted.[14]

Possession is partially determined by the afflictions experienced by the possessed. The affliction will not be treatable by normal methods, and common elements include: persistent headaches, dizziness, insomnia, lack of appetite, loss of senses and time, inability to work, narcolepsy, pain, and fits of anger, singing, laughing, crying, and head banging.[77]

Zar leaders may inherit their position or be called to it. They may be male or female, and the titles given to them are Umm al Zar (Mother of Zār), Aqeed al Zar (Commander of Zār), or Sheikh/Sheikhah Ziran. They have mastery over the spirits and can summon them within themselves at will. At zār ceremonies, the zār leader induces their own spirit to possess them, and then tries to "lure" the patient's zār.[77]

The initation/"exorcism" ceremony is called a ramsa and lasts between one and seven days. Ramsas are not held during pilgrimage, prayer, Ramadan, or on Fridays. The ramsa is considered temporary relief. More lasting relief cones from initation, and reoccurrence of symptoms or the spirit taking over at ceremonies is likely. The patient (mobtala'a, meaning possessed of afflicted one) wears special clothes and fasts till the end of the ceremony, sitting in the center of proceedings. The zār leader wears colorful clothes and carries a cane, while singing zār songs and closely watching the patient. The patient's reactions to the songs are used to diagnose which spirits possess them. The zār leader's singing is accompanied by drums, usually three. They are played slowly at first, with the music gradually speeding up. In addition to their own sings, zār spirits are associated with certain beats. People's movements correspond to the intensity of the drums.[77]

First, the identity of the spirit must be determined. Questions are asked of it in Arabic or "zār language". If the spirit is uncooperative, the spirit is flogged (via the patient), cajoled, or provoked into revealing itself. If absolutely no zār reveals itself, zār is not considered to be the real cause of affliction. If a spirit does reveal itself, it makes it clear why it has possessed someone. It will ask for things related to envy, jealousy, social relationships, or just for general gifts. It may warn of some impending danger as well. If the demands are reasonable, they are generally agreed to.[77]

After this, the patient dances, temporarily expelling the spirit. They then collapse, trance, and "sleep". The zār leader orders the sacrifice of an appropriate animal and the patient is given its blood to drink.[77]

Sudan

The zār tumbura involves a four-stage process. First is a divination to determine if possession is the cause of the ailment, done by a shaykha (female ritual leader, also called a usta[151] or ummiyya).[152] If it is, the second step is therapy (fatah al-'ilba), a seven-day seclusion in the house of the shaykha while traditional medicines and incense is used. Certain food and drink may be prohibited during this period.[91][153] Once symptoms cease, the two day thanksgiving ceremony (gadah al-bayād)[154] occurs. Then there is a seven-day initiation ceremony (called kursī),[93] which culimates in the sacrifice of a white sheep in front of four cult banners, (bawāriq,[155] which are raised in the eastern side of the courtyard[92]) in honor of Al-Jilanī, whereupon they then drink some of the blood, symbolizing permanent connection to tumbura.[85] After this, the new iniate is taken to the Nile and washed by the sanjak, who also disposes of the sacrificial remains in the water. These last two steps are done under the authority of a sanjak, a male tanbūra musician and leader. Members of the group (former patients who went through this process themselves) gather at these last two steps.[82] The tatriq homily is performed at every tumbura celebration.[156]

Afflictions treated by tumbura range from bodily aches to paralysis. Treatment follows the general zār pattern of the first attempt at treatment through Western medicine, then more conventional traditional Islamic medicine, and finally going to the zār adherents. In cases where divination does not confirm that zār is the cause, it is often said the illness has come from God directly, and it is God who can take it away.[157] All affliction is seen as an expression of the same illness. Upon initiation, it is viewed as a matter of "one spirit, one illness, one medicine" coalescing. Just as the tumbura unifies these three things, it also unifies non-Arabs into an identity as the Muslim Sudanese original people (nās ali).[158]

The traditional tumbura divination method is called 'alaq. It determines if one is possessed, which khayt or khayts are responsible, and specific steps to follow. It has fallen out of favor as of the 1980s, as it costs more than other methods. To have it done, the patient brings the shaykha a piece of dirty cloth they've worn, 2 ratls of sugar, 1 ratl of sugar (actual amounts vary), a bottle of Bint al-Sudan perfume, and a 2 PT coin. The coin is usually provided by the shaykha in actuality, as it hasn't been used as currency in decades. Some may also need to bring cigarettes and matches. The perception is all these items are wrapped in the cloth and sprayed with perfume, but in reality the shaykha usually puts in the coin, a few dates or sweets, a few beans, and a teaspoon of sugar. The other items brought are used mundanely, and the bundle is put under her pillow for 3 or 7 days. The khayt or khayts appear in her dreams and confess to being responsible. It asks for the traditional ceremonies, initiation of the patient, and sometimes additional items like clothes and jewelry. These items are not used outside ceremonies, and may be loaned out by the shaykha for patient use. The patient may appear in the dream themself.[157] Another divination method that has fallen out of use involved the shaykha rubbing her thumb into the patient's palm or forehead, then trying to see if she could smell the khayt's incense. If nothing resulted, 'alaq would proceed.[159]

Instead of 'alaq, today many opt for exposing the patient to different kinds of incense in a ceremony called fatah al-'ilba. This is a method used by many other variants of zār, including bori. Ideally this happens the same day as kāshif. Every shaykha is possessed by multiple khayt, of which one is dominant. This one aids her in the work of diagnosis. The day she does kāshif on is determined by this dominant spirit- for example, Banda's shaykhas do it on Saturday. On this day, patients and guests come to her home, talk, and are served coffee and drinks before the proceedings. The khayt talks through the shaykha to the patient, and discussion occurs to determine the cause of illness. This is a more directly collaborative form of divination than 'alaq is.[157]

Upon confirmation of the zār spirit's involvement, the patient decides whether or not to proceed with treatment. They usually do, though they often also discuss it with their family. The family pays the shaykha and gives her 10 ratls of sugar, 1 1/2 a ratl of coffee and tea each, 3 packs of cigarettes, 3 packs of matches, 7 candles, 3 kinds of sweets, 1 bottle of Bint al-Sudan, and 1 bottle of sandaliyya perfume. These are "the things for the incense" (al-hāyāt lil-bakhūr). They are also often brought as gifts at births, circumcisions, and weddings. The patient stays in the tumbura room for 7 days, during which they are considered both dangerous and especially vulnerable to jinn, evil eye, and sorcery. As such, the whole process is private, with no large gatherings. Only the shaykha and jalīsa are to enter the tumbura room and care for the patients. The rabāba is stored near the head of their bed.[160] They are given medicine and fumigated with incense every morning and evening. The incense and medicine are stored near the rabāba, the medications being powder that is applied to the body, or mixed with water and drunk. After the medication is used, the incense burner is pressed three times to the top of the patient's head and each shoulder. More incense is applied to the patient's hands and feet, and inhaled by the patient three times. The incense used corresponds to a khayt; this is repeated for each khayt, if there are multiple.[161] The medicine treats biological symptoms, and not the spiritual cause, and itself is enabled to work by incense placating the spirit. The process cures symptoms and changes relations between the patient and spirit.[158]

The patient, during this time, keeps a strict diet (no "food with a soul"- a restriction also observed in Coptic fasts- and no salt), and a safety amulet on their person. This amulet is called an amāna, and consists of a medium-sized knife with an ebony handle, a foot-long piece of wood decorated with beads, and a bundle of straw, all tied together with cloth or rope. It has no equivalent in other Sudanese possession rites. Some patients may hold a whip during this time instead.[160]

The thanksgiving ceremony (gadah al-bayād, which translates to something like "bowl of purity" in context, also called taṣbīra, meaning appetizer, though this also refers to a lesser version of the kursī rite where birds are sacrificed instead of a sheep) is 2 or occasionally 3 days, marking the end of seclusion and start of initiation. It starts Thursday afternoon and goes into late Friday evening. If it is not performed and thanks is not given to al-Jilanī, the zār affliction will return. In the past, it was held immediately after therapy, but due to economic strain, it may now be put off for up to two years. It is generally held as soon as possible. The ceremony is likened to a door one must open to reach kursī (initiation), and is a turning point where the group beings to be emphasized over the patient. During the gadah al-bayād, one applies henna, the tatrīq is recited, 'asīda porridge is offered and pigeons are sacrificed for al-Jilanī.[162]

The opening rite for gadah al-bayād, kursī, and all tumbura ceremonies is laylat al-hinna (the night of the henna). Upon arrival at the shaykha's house, the patient gives items considered necessary for the gadah al-bayād, which are kept on a large copper tray (ṣiniyya) set on the rabāba's left in the tumbura room until needed. The items include: 7 candles, 2-3 handfuls of dates and ground nuts, 3 types of sweets (mints, candies, and halāwa sa'd), 1 pack of cigarettes, 1 pack of matches, 6 teacups, 6 coffee cups, 1 bottle of Bint al-Sudan perfume, 1 bottle of mahlabiyya perfume, 1 bottle of suratiyya perfume, and one bottle of majmū'a perfume. If the patient is only able to provide some of these items, the shaykha will provide the rest. Notably, the last three perfumes are all used at weddings. To start, the former patient, sanjak, shaykha, and devotees gather in the tumbura room. The sanjak plays the tahlīl while the former patient sits in front of him, and the shaykha mixes up fresh henna paste on a white plate and sticks the candles in it while everyone sings. The henna is given to the 'idda, the hands and feet of the former patient, and then everyone else. A jirtiq bracelet is put on the former patient's right wrist. The former patient now temporarily secludes in the tumbura room. This entire process temporarily transforms the former patient into a bride, or at least a bride-like figure.[162]

The morning after laylat al-hinna is typically uneventful. In the afternoon the pigeons are brought over, washed, and have incense applied. The maydān is set up, the flags stood up, a tray of coffee and tea cups, bowls of 'asīda or luqma, plates of rōb (sour milk), samna (clarified animal fat), suksukāniyya (boiled sorghum), and shariyya (pasta with sugar and tomato sauce). The "bride" bathes and changes into a white jalabiya. The hārasān sticks, Y-shaped sha'ba sticks of al-Jilani, and incense burner are brought out. Everything is placed near the rabāba. The sanjak gets into position, and the "bride" sits on front of him, covered in a white tob. The rest of the group stands around them with their hands close together, palm facing palm at chest level. The brigdar holds the sha'ba stick in his right hand (he does not speak unless holding one) and recites the tatrīq while the sanjak plays the tahlīl. If no brigdar is available, this duty falls to the shaykha.[163]

The tatrīq is a short piece with a few different versions for different occasions, at most being 25 lines. Supposedly it was once longer. It functions as a way for the group to declare intent to do an important ritual and ask the presiding sanjak permission to proceed. It is recited at the start of all ceremonies and Friday sacrifices. Always the same is an invocation of Muhammad and his relatives, Bilal, the walis Abu Sa'biyya and Abu 'Amsa, Hawa and Adam, the living and dead, the known and unknown, the "lady of the 'idda" and her assistants. At the gadah al-bayād, the patient is mentioned, it is explained they've suffered, the group is curing them, the kursī is promised to occur, and permission to sacrifice is asked. At kursī, the patient is instead called a bride, their offerings are mentioned (the sheep, coffee, henna, and balīla), and it asked if these are accepted. At annual ceremonies it states the group has paid for the ceremony and brought offerings as the will of God, asks God to keep them healthy and together, and asks permission to sacrifice.[164] The tatrīq provides continuity with Sufi Islam by mentioning conventional figures alongside tumbura figures. It emphasizes its adherents' humanity (who, being of slave descent, have often been regarded as subhuman) by linking them to Adam, Eve, and Mohammed. It also involves the whole group in the ceremony. The zār spirit is not mentioned in the recitation.[165]

After the recitation of tatrīq, the highest ranking shaykha and brigdar set the bowl of asīda on the "bride's" head. The brigdar takes some asīda on his right forefinger and smears it on the 'idda seven times. The bowl is then put on the bride's knees, and the shaykha reaches under the tob to give them 3 mouthfuls to eat. She pours tea and coffee into one cup for the bride to drink. The pigeons are now brought out. One is rubbed on the bride's head and set free- it takes the illness away, and whoever catches it will be lucky. The brigdar asks permission of the group three times and slaughters the others: three pigeons on the bride's head, two on their knees, and two near the flags. The pigeons (which are considered a clean animal) are not considered a sacrifice, and less important than the one that is released and the eating of asīda, which is the thanksgiving offering. Their slaughter signifies something old ending and something new beginning. The whole gadah al-bayād is an anticipatory threshold event.'[166]

The blood of pigeons is collected in a plate with a dibla- a silver ring tied to a red cotton string. Some Bint al-Sudan perfume is added to the blood. The dibla is worn around the neck by adherents for the rest of their life at the behest of the angels who follow al-Jilani. Once the dibla is on the bride's neck, the shaykha uncovers them, grabs their hands, and makes her stand with three jumps to make the illness leave. The "bride" sits once more, without the tob on. The shaykha sprays everyone with water to cool them from the illness. Everyone eats the 'asīda and wipes their hands on the "bride". Tea and coffee are served, and the music and trances start. Those who collapse are covered with a white tob and fumigated with incense.[166]

Kursī (which means chair, but probably didn't originally refer to that in context; the origin and meaning are unknown, but it can be translated as "enthronement") always starts on Thursday and lasts seven days. It is the longest and most complex ceremony. The laylat al-hinna is on Thursday, and is the same as before except the tray also includes four pieces of soap, two lit candles stuck in coffee cups, and should have twice the number of tea and coffee cups. Friday has the sheep sacrifice for al-Jilani. Saturday has the ritual "opening" of the sheep head and optional mayz ritual for Banda with a black goat sacrifice. Sunday is the ritual "opening" of the goat head, the optional mayz for the Khawājā, and sacrifice of a turkey. Nothing happens Monday or Tuesday. Wednesday has the bride's ritual bath in the river. The ritual symbolism of the kursī presents the initate as a bride, a woman having sex, a birthing mother, and a newborn simultaneously.[167] Kursī only occurs once- similar private rituals are considered optional vow renewals or thanksgiving ceremonies dedicated directly to al-Jilani. Kursī by the 1980s had become more of an optional ritual, while gadah al-bayād remains necessary.[168]

Friday is the day of the ritual procession and sacrifice for al-Jilani, which happen in the open. People eat first, and the ceremony starts around 5pm. Ideally everyone wears white, which is al-Jilani's color. The zaffa (procession) is first, with the shaykha and jalīsa escorting the initate out of the tumbura room to sit in front of the sanjak as the tahlīl is played. The shaykha and brigdar present the al-Jilani and Bilal flags to the sanjak, and the procession starts. It is a counterclockwise half walk-half dance around the maydān while the sanjak plays zaffa songs. People stand on the sides and play kashākīsh rattles and drums, and most ritual items are carried. The novice initiate wears white tob and garmasīs (bridal veil) while carrying an amāna. The shaykha wears a white dress, tob, and Banda's beaded accessories. The procession goes until the sanjak finishes playing. Much of this is similar to the three annual Sufi zaffas- those and the tumbura's three annual zaffas ceased to be public due to a government ban in the 1960s.[167]

One of the songs (sha'yan li'llah) is from the Mirghaniyya order. Some members of this order are mentioned in song during the procession, and the ritual tea and coffee services are held in honor of Muhammad al-Hassan (born al-Mīrghanī). Notably, this order was anti-Madhist, a sentiment shared by tumbura members, due to the Madhists being pro-slavery. The zaffa songs also invoke Mohammed, Bilal, other Sufi figures, mermaids, and river angels. The last two are associated with the Gumuz khayt, and with childbirth.[167]

After eight songs (leaving only Bilal's to be done), the brigdar shouts everyone to a halt. Everyone assumes the posture taken during the tahlīl at the gadah al-bayād, and the tahlīl is played. The brigdar stands before the sanjak, holding the sha'ba in his right hand and a smoking incense burner in his left as he recites the tatrīq. The sheep, covered in white cloth, is brought forth. Drums are occasionally beaten like applause during this. After this is done, the al-Jilani and Bilal flags are returned to their usual position and the animal is brought in front of them. The cloth is removed, and the brigdar washes its mouth, belly, and genitals with water. The shaykha applies incense to it. The brigdar then lifts the animal into the air three times, throws it to the ground on its left side. It is immobilized, and the shaykha digs a hole under its neck. A plate with two rings, some perfume, and a few grains of coffee is put in the hole to collect blood. The brigdar slaughters sheep without saying "in the name of God". The plate is taken to the bride as the sha'yan li'llah plays, and the shaykha kneels on their left. She uncovers their face and anoints the forehead, temples, throat, both sides of the hands, and the soles of the feet. The remaining blood is licked off her fingers by the bride. The shaykha puts the rings on the bride's right hand, and puts the incense burner on their head, right shoulder, left shoulder, and the rest of the body. The bride drinks a mixture of tea and coffee, and the shaykha thrice splatters water onto the bride's face. The jalīsa takes the bride to the tumbura room where she stays until Wednesday, the final day of the kursī, and the person is now the child of the tumbura/'idda. The sanjak then plays the khayt songs and people dance. Some dance on their knees, covered with a tob, and some dance standing without one. People near the dancers undo their hair. When the shaykha dances, the others stand out of respect. The hārasān stick is held in front of her, and the jalīsa applies incense to the rabāba. Food may be brought out near the end of the ceremony.[167]

The opening of the head occurs the evening after the sacrifice (Saturday for al-Jilani). To prepare, the sheep is boiled. Its head and hip bones are put in one covered wooden bowl, and its genitals, upper chest, and neck bones are put in the other. These are considered a "complete" animal. These bowls, an incense burner, and a glass of milk are put on a mat. The novice initiate is covered with a white tob and marital cloth, and holds the amāna as they're brought from the tumbura room to sit before the sanjak. The sanjak plays tahlīl, and the brigdar recites the tatrīq while holding the sha'ba. The jalīsa stands next to the brigdar with a knife. Once tatrīq is finished, the bowl with the sheep head is put on the bride's head and has incense applied. The bowl is uncovered. The brigdar opens the sheep's mouth with a knife, then pours milk in it, a symbolic consummation of the marriage between novice and spirit. The brigdar cuts some tongue pieces and throws them towards the flags. He is also supposed to request the bride taste a piece of tongue. The sanjak plays khayt songs. The bowl is put on the bride's knees, then returned to mat. The novice dances, and then the jalīsa brings them a coffee and tea mixture to drink. The rabāba, hārasān, drums, and flags are anointed with coffee. The sanjak repeats tahlīl, and after the brigdar calls for a break. The bride is returned to the tumbura room, and everyone else dances.[169]

Early Wednesday evening, the "bride" is brought out, and people make their way to the river. This procession was once on foot zaffa, just without flags, but the government ban means adherents proceed via a van. Sanjak still plays the rabāba as they ride, and everyone sings and plays kashākīsh rattles. Once there, the jalīsa leads the novice initiate into knee deep water and presents them to the sanjak and brigdar. The jalīsa goes further downstream, invokes the Nile spirits, and throws the remains of the ceremony in the water, particularly the bones. Simultaneously, the sanjak washes the "bride's" face with water three times. The brigdar has two white live chickens, and hands them to the sanjak one at a time. The sanjak submerged each chicken three times, and strokes it with the novice's back, chest, and shoulders three times. Everyone returns to the maydān, and the 'asīda offering is repeated, but with balīla instead. Tea and coffee are served, and the ritual paraphernalia is packed and returned to the tumbura room. The river ceremony is similar to local post partum rituals.[170]

The maydān is set up the same way each time: the sanjak stands on the west side, the flags are set up on the east side, the female devotees stand on the north side, and the male devotees stand on the south side. The tumbura room is to the sanjak's right. Most of the ritual paraphernalia is placed near the flags or sanjak. Incense burns the whole time.[167]

Once initiated, one is called son or daughter of tumbura[82] or the son or daughter of the instruments/utensils ('idda, the ceremonial items of the cult, including musical instruments, flags, and ritual sticks). They may also address the shaykha and sanjak and mother and father, and the other adherents as their brothers and sisters, and behave accordingly during ceremonies.[156]

Jawab songs are performed on the rabāba by the sanjak, with three or five nugāra drums (played by other tumbura officiants) and kashākīsh rattles (played by devotees) as accompaniment. Devotees respond to the nizūl[171] jawabs of their khayt with trance and ecstatic dance.[172] The other type of jawab, wanasa jawabs, are performed for entertainment, not to induce trance.[171] During certain jawabs, devotees are commanded to stand by the sanjak, and two will stand on either side of him holding hārasān (wooden sticks covered in beads, considered guardians of the rabāba), and the shaykha holds up the smoking incense burner with her right hand.[89]

 
a Shilluk lyre

The tanbūra, or rabāba, is often important in zār rites as mentioned, and often the instruments would have individual names like people, and be passed down. Whoever had the instrument in their possession was its master and protector.[173][174] The name for the zār tumbura may in fact, come from the instrument, and the version of the intrument used in proceedings resembles the rabāba found in the South and Nuba hills. The sanjak summons the zār spirit through his playing, and serves as a doorman between the human and spirit worlds, with the instrument as the door,[175] and the songs he plays are the key. These songs are said to have been composed of past sanjaks.[176] Faraj Allah al-Sanduli is believed to have been the first sanjak (simultaneously with, and separate from, Bilal's bringi sanjak role), said to have attracted a mermaid with his rabāba playing and to be currently living among them. If someone falls unconscious due to the affect of the song of the tanbūra, they may be treated with balila, a kind of porridge.[29] If they enter the ecstatic state, they may be covered with a cloth.[155]

 
An Egyptian zār musician, likely of Sudanese descent, playing a tanbura.

At one point sanjaks operated in a healing capacity, especially in the hybrid role of shaykh-sanjak,[177] but now this is more so the role of a shaykha.[178] The sanjaks of old are also attributed magical powers, particularly power to harm others with "hot roots" from the South and the Blue Nile.[179] Not everyone who plays tanbūra for the tumbura is a sanjak; some are brigdars (assistants to the sanjak).[178] Technically, anyone who knows tumbura songs could become a sanjak, but in practice they usually must be "called" by the spirit, which happens in the form of a long ailment cured by tumbura.[179] The term sanjak probably comes from a military title in the Turco-Egyptian army, the leader of a company of cavalry, as does brigdar (from baraq dar[180]). Sanjaq is also what the Ottoman flag is called.[176] The sanjak generally deals with matters of the public sphere, such as initations of new members, installing new officants, and celebrating annual Islamic festivals, which shaykhas organize under the sanjak's authority.[151] Unlike the shaykha, the sanjak exercises authority in multiple groups, and ultimately appoints all other roles in the zār tumbura. Because of this, the sanjak performing this role is called the guide (dalīl), which is also an army rank. If the dalīl isn't present at a ceremony, no other sanjak can play, and the dalīl is viewed as owning the rabābas the shaykha has in her house. There is only one dalīl in a group, though multiple sanjak may play at ceremonies.[176] The shaykh-sanjak performed the role of the sanjak and the shaykha, doing music, healing,[177] and divinations,[179] and this role was more standard in the zār tumbura of Eastern Sudan.[177] In Khartoum, those that acted as both were viewed with some suspicion. A sanjak, after acquiring the knowledge of a shaykha by proximity, could become a shaykh by sacrificing a bull.[179] Today the sanjak role is greatly diminished in power due to tumbura overall declining and eroding the old social networks, and sanjaks may primarily be viewed as musicians.[181]

The ceremony for a new sanjak would have the candidate seated while wearing a white jallabiyya and turban, with a green shawl (representing al-Jilanī) and a red shawl (representing Bilal) crossed over his chest. Behind him is the rabāba. The other sanjaks stand on either side of him. Behind the sanjaks stand the brigdars and sawatary. At the back are male devotees on the right, female on the left. All are facing Mecca, and the cult banners are in front of them. The dalīl of the house brings 7 trays of sweets, and gives the sanjaks one of each, then the new sanjak, then the male devotees. The ummiyya or jalīsa serves the women. The dalīl plays the tahīl (representing "there is no God but God"), and the brigdar recites the Fatiha before slaughtering a sheep for al-Jilanī.[179]

The brigdar is responsible for putting the cult banners in the maydān, reciting the tatrīq and slaughtering, incense, the proper behavior of male devotees, serving coffee and tea, and music (by playing the kashākīsh rattle,[182] the rabāba, the nugāra drum (sometimes with a piece of hippo leather[182]), and/or singing, especially to give the sanjak a break). They are prohibited from sexual relations with those in the group. Brigdar are informally selected by the sanjak and taught to play rabāba, and once the sanjak is satisfied, he recites the tatrīq and slaughters a white sheep in the name of al-Jilanī for them. The brigdar wears a white jallabiyya and is anointed with blood from the sheep on the forehead, temples, throat, palms, and feet. A red (left to right) and a green (right to left) shawl are crossed over his chest. Brigdars usually do not have pedigree the way many sanjaks do. They are listened to, in a friendly way, especially during ceremonies, but not respected or feared as they once were, and there are few, if any, who still hold the role. The position is lifelong, but one may retire or become a sanjak.[180]

The sawatary (or sawatarī) role no longer exists in practice. It is unknown where the word comes from. When it did, the sawatary would hold the flag of Bilal during officant installations, reciting the tatrīq, and during ceremonial processions, and assist the brigdar. The muttarīq role (a specific reciter for the tatrīq) also no longer exists.[182]

When an initiate visits and seeks the advice of a shaykha, they go to the "tumbura room" (the home of the shaykha itself is "the tumbura house" and is where ceremonies are performed and paraphernalia is kept[151]). Other guests and initiates would gather there as well, and the shaykha would use incense to enter an ecstatic trance state (called nazla,[91] nazal,[155] or kashif), and assume the voice of her possessing spirit to talk to those in the room. This possession state is not total; the shaykha may, for example, speak as herself to clarify something the spirit said, then continue speaking as the spirit. Others in the room may chime in with their opinion.[93] This state allows the shaykha to diagnose, and the ailment may not necessarily be possession. Magic and the evil eye may also fall under the shaykha's ability to treat, usually with incense, counter work with roots, and written spells or charms hidden in the patient's home. However the claimed ability to treat these, which fall outside the realm of zār, may be just a way of emphasizing a shaykha's power, and not done in practice.[94] The shaykha generally deals with matters of the private sphere, such as treating patients, day-to-day running of the group, and ceremonies celebrated by individual devotees. She is responsible for the costumes and objects of the spirit, the order in which songs are sung, and which incense should be used.[151]

To become a tumbura shaykha, one would first become an primary assistant (jalīsa) of the shaykha that healed them.[183] They keep the incense burner going during ceremonies and take care of the women at them, as well as assisting the shaykha with patients.[184] They would then either wait to be appointed upon the shaykha's retirement as successor (in which case they inherit the previous shaykha's rabāba/tanbūra), or try to establish themself somewhere else.[183] A jalīsa may not be eager to take up the role of shaykha upon appointment.[185] Trying to establish oneself without appointment is often presented as an order from the spirit, but may also stem from other motivations such as envy, conflict with the group, or ambition. In the latter case one would either take one of the rabāba from the group (the more prestigious option, as it represents a continuity of power and the instrument itself is generally thought of as more powerful), or; if the group only has one, the prospective shaykha is acting without permission, or she cannot have one of the rabāba for geographic reasons, a new one would be made. The group the aspiring shaykha is from must accept her, as well as the leadership across the region. If unanimous acceptance doesn't occur, those who do not accept will not recognize the new shaykha, and may cut ties with those who accepted her.[183] In the case of succession, the new shaykha cannot seek the advice of the former shaykha.[185] The establishment of a new shaykha is commemorated with the thanksgiving ceremony, a procession outside the house, the kursī, and the "opening of the head" (fatah al-ras) ceremony, which is part of the kursī. A belt is put on the new shaykha, and saying "they put a belt around me" is an idiom referring to the appointment.[155]

Other official roles a woman may have include that of gerāyya (one who runs), which is more minor.[155] It is essentially a messenger role, where she informs other group members of ceremonies and other events. The now defunct role wagiba was the assistant of the jalīsa. The habbōba al-kānūn (grandmother of the stove) prepared food and sometimes beer for the ceremonies.[184]

To make a new rabāba, one takes two wooden bowls (of appropriate shape and material), applies incense to them, and sacrifices pigeons. The bowls would be buried for 40 days, and guests would come and sleep on the ground near where they were buried. The new rabābas (made from the buried bowls) would appear in the existing shaykha's dreams if it was God's will for there to be a new shaykha. Then an animal sacrifice would happen and the two bowls would be dug up. The prospective shaykha may take time off work to prepare for the rabāba construction ceremony. Another animal sacrifice occurs before the instruments enter the home of the shaykha.[174] Further sacrifices occur in the case of both old and new rabābas in conjuction with new shaykhas being established.[155]

Sanjaks often nominated their wives as shaykha,[174] and shaykhas generally say their relatives were themselves shaykhas or sanjaks. This is also true for sanjaks.[179] This is for two reasons: one, if they're being truthful, they grew up around the zār tumbura and are very familiar with it. Second, this pedigree confers a high status, and therefore some lie about this to elevate their standing. Like the sanjak, the rabāba/tanbūra is important to the shaykha; she will possess at least one.[183]

In Port Sudan and other parts of Eastern Sudan the roles and leadership structure for tumbura are slightly different. There, the shaykh is the leader who performs healing functions; there are very few, if any, shaykha. The sanjak is only the musical assistant of the shaykh, and is appointed by the shaykh.[32]

The affliction in the tumbura context, is connected to the subjugated status of practitioners (being of slave descent) and the healing relies on a positive alternative identity that negates that status.[82]

Tumbura adherents may wear an item called a "tumbura ring" as a necklace pendant.[186]

Today, zār tumbura groups have become more isolated and independent from each other (as zār bori groups are) due to a decline in new initiates, and many groups ceasing to exist. However, different groups still come together when a new high officant is appointed and during annual Islamic festivals.[187]

For zār bori, a diagnosis of possession should be publicly affirmed before a curative rite occurs. The possessed may be informed of it while attempting previous treatments outside of zār, or they may be diagnosed by a sitt al-'ilba (lady of the box, referring to incense, who may also be a shaykha). The latter will take a piece of cloth that's had bodily contact with the possessed, and the possessed will also provide a coin, sweets, or perfume. The sitt will fumigate the items with spirit incense and chant a khayt that invokes all zār spirits collectively. The items are then put under the pillow, and dreams reveal the spirits and their demands. The sitt al-'ilba, or another experienced zār adherent, may also interpret the possessed dreams to find out this information.[188]

On rare occasions, possession may be confirmed by spontaneous trance outside of a ceremony. A shaykha will be called to attend to the matter, and will either attempt to speak to the spirit, or judge its reactions to different incenses, a process which may take several days. Over time the spirit usually becomes more coherent and communicative, progressing from muteness, grunts, and rotana to speaking Arabic.[188]

If this does not work, the shaykha may call for a trial (tajruba), three nights of drumming where khayts are performed. This is a condensed healing ceremony where incenses and colognes are used, and spirit paraphernalia is made available for the possessed to interact with. Usually, the spirit reveals itself, but if it does not, zār possession is not necessarily ruled out.[188]

It is necessary that the possessed accept the diagnosis, though resistance to the idea at first helps ensure others see them as genuine.[188] Once the possessed has accepted the diagnosis, she agrees to at some point hold a ceremony once she can afford it. Her husband and male relatives may help her gather the funds for this. The first zār is more expensive than any subsequent ones. The usual items needed for a zār ceremony include incense, cologne, cigarettes, alcohol (especially beer), a sacrificial animal, and any specific demands of the spirit. In rural areas, it is polite for other attendees to help offset costs by bringing small gifts.[189]

The zār ceremony lasts 1, 3, 5, or 7 days, during which the possessed is referred to as the bride of the zār, and does not interact with anyone outside the ceremony. Unless her husband is also possessed, she must avoid him. She must abstain from sex and physical labour- others help her by doing her household tasks instead. She does not leave her house until the procession to the Nile.[189]

Ceremonies for zār bori should ideally take place in a house (particularly that of the possessed who commissioned it or the shaykha[189]), but may be held outdoors if the heat is unbearable.[117] proceedings usually start in the late afternoon and continue into the night and early morning.[189] There is a break during sunset to avoid attracting malicious spirits that are active around that time. Ceremonies are not held during Ramadan, as Allah prevents the zār from bothering people then, and spirit incense may not be used.[130] When outside, it usually takes place in a courtyard still inside the home. The participants gather in a U-shaped midān, with the opening oriented towards the primary door.[189] The ceremonies are conducted by a shaykha, who plays a drum. The central patient sits on a pillow[117] or mat next to the musicians with the shaykha at her right, facing either east towards Mecca, or towards the men's entrance of the home. Once everyone is present, a censer is passed around for participants to fumigate their orifices with.[189]

Drumming starts as blessings are requested from Muhammad and some Sufi saints, then music is played to bring forth the zār spirits, which is responded to with dance, possession trance, and movement.[189] Others who are possessed dance (nazal) as well during proceedings. Those who stand[117] and exhibit characteristics of their spirits[189] during the rites have sacrificed for their spirits, while those who sit or kneel have not, though they may know which spirit types afflict them.[117] The dancing and possession usually ceases when the spirit's song does. If it does not, the shaykha tries to talk to it and ask its demands, and bargain if they are excessive. At some point before the final day the central "bride" becomes possessed, and the spirit or spirits possessing her have their identity fully confirmed, which enables communication and healing.[189] Dancing occurs almost non-stop, with breaks to sleep,[117] and for women to ensure their children are fed.[189]

On the final day of the ceremony, the sacrificial animal (a sheep or goat with color and markings associated with the spirit or class of spirits) which has been washed and made up with henna on its head and back is brought in.[189] It is covered with a red and gold bridal shawl (garmosīs or garmasis[190]), while music is played and an incense brazier is placed underneath the shawl to fumigate the animal.[117] If the animal bobs its head (as a possessed woman does) this is taken as a sign the spirit accepts the transaction.[189] The animal also must inhale the smoke; after this, it is slaughtered, with some of the blood collected in a bowl and placed in front of the drums. The primary patient steps over the carcass 7 times before it is taken away for butchery,[117] often by the only adult man in attendance. He holds a coin in his mouth to prevent him from saying bismallah, which might frighten the spirits and cause them to flee.[189] Others at the zār place coins in the bowl of blood. Those who are possessed are anointed with blood, with the bride going first,[189] and some may even drink it. Attention in anointing is paid to the primary patient's feet and arms. Dancing continues after this until the sacrificial meal (typically fattah, which is also made during a public sacrificial meal thanking God for good fortune[189]) is ready,[117] which is the completion of recovery.[189] The ceremony soon ends, and the next day the primary patient will eat the head meat of the sacrifice in a private ceremony and have a procession to the Nile.[117]

During this next day ceremony, "the opening of the head" (fakka-t-ar-rās), the head is boiled the night before, and held on a tray above the patient's head. The shaykha opens the patient's mouth and makes her eat, especially the brain and sensory organs (except for the eyes). The Nile procession then occurs, with the bones, blood bowl, and some sweets being carried in a basket. The shaykha and "bride" enter the water and wash. The contents of the basket are released in the water, and the bowl is rinsed. The "bride" returns home, changes clothes, puts on perfume, goes into a room she hasn't occupied for the past few days, and is fumigated with incense once more. She avoids her husband for one more week, and from now on does daily "work" for her spirit(s).[189]

If the patient is sufficiently wealthy and possessed by a Khawājā spirit, she may hold a ceremony called a mayz. A long table is set up, with a tablecloth and European cutlery, and set with food the Khawājāt enjoy, such as various alcohols, Western soda, olives, expensive fruit, tinned fish and sausage, Danish cheese, tea biscuits, and French bread. Tall backed chairs are around the table for the hosts of the Khawājāt to sit and eat, or the whole thing may be done buffet-style.[132]

Among the instruments played at the Sudanese zār bori there is the dallūka, an earthenware drum with a goat hide head; the nugarishan, a brass mortar that rings when struck, similar to a cowbell with a deeper sound; as well as re-use of items like washtubs.[117] The musicians are devotees, never outsider professionals.[189] The order the khayts are played in to summon the spirits is usually as follows: first are the Darāwīsh (Holy people), second are the Ethiopians (Habīsh), third are the foreigners (Khawājāt; Europeans, North Americans, Hindus, and Chinese spirits), fourth are the Egyptian, Turkish, and British colonial officials (Bashawāt), fifth are the desert nomads ('Arāb), sixth are the Syrian tinkers and Domari (Halib), seventh are West Africans and west Sudanese (Fallata), and eighth are South Sudanese and other Black Africans (called 'Abid, which is offensive,[191] or Zirug,[23] or Khudām).[104] This order is also the order of drum rhythms from "light" to "heavy".[138] The female spirits are sometimes drummed separately, as their own group.[66] When this happens, they come last.[23] The khayt are played even if no known hosts are present for the relevant spirit, as a host may or may not be revealed at a ceremony. Even if there are known hosts at a ceremony, a spirit may not descend in response to their khayt. Sometimes this is because the host(s) in question are menstruating, and sometimes there is no clear reason at all.[123]

If it is a woman's first zār, she is dressed in white. In general, the possessed generally wears a jalabiya, with a red belt around their waist, and two red sashes crossed over the chest. This is because sometimes in the zār bori, as in the tumbura, zār spirits are called "red winds", as opposed to the more malicious "black" spirits.[189]

Zār bori ceremonies draw on the symbolism of weddings, though they are not, themselves, thought of as weddings. Both last either 7 or 3 days. Small gifts of money are collected from guests. Incense fumigations are done. Music and dance feature. Animals are sacrificed and processions to the Nile are held.[192] There is a period of separation, margin and transition, and reaggregation. Doorways, orifices, fluids, grain, blood, and gold are all significant to both. "Brides" in both are forbidden to do chores, wear white and red (bridal colors), use wedding paraphernalia, and follow wedding hygiene. The gifts demanded by spirits are also similar to a bride's. Opening rites occur, signifying the start of a relationship (husband and wife, spirit and host). Idioms and symbols associated with both are similar.[193] The sacrificial animal is also adorned like a bride.[194] The emphasis of this similarity varies by region- urban zār bori rites typically resemble Sufi remembrance ceremonies (zikr). Even in urban rites, however, there are resonant symbols (for example, a handkerchief dipped in sacrificial blood and worn around the wrist by patients, which is suggestive of the harīra bracelet worn at weddings).[195]

The basic zār incense (Bakhur az-zār) consists of 'uda (brownish red wood), yellow mastic resin (lubān mistīka, Pistacia lentiscus), and a sprinkle of bottled cologne. Other ingredients are added to create specific types of zār incense- for example, one adds frankensence to make the Khawājāt's incense.[193]

To coax a zār spirit to reveal itself, the possessed may be offered money, have the shaykha blow in their ears and on their neck, be lightly beaten with rope or an iron spear (not enough to really cause injury), censed with incense, picked up by the shaykha as she dances, and so on.[117]

The shaykha attains her position and knowledge by apprenticing to an existing shaykha, often a maternal female relative. The title is gradually bestowed by community perception of her abilities.[188]

The zar bori does not seem to typically use cult banners as the tumbura does, though two written accounts include them.[92] They may be an item associated more so with urban zār bori groups, which are more formal, more organized, and run by well paid male and female professionals. These urban professionals may run "clinics" where zār patients can stay during treatment, and sell spirit paraphernalia. Urban professionals are more jealous and territorial than rural ones, and rural professionals only are paid with small voluntary donations.[79]

Transvestite individuals participate in zār bori rites,[117] as well as homosexual men, including in leadership positions.[79]

In Sennar, the ceremonies include the jabana, an informal coffee party which is held frequently. Spirits (usually Ethiopians) are summoned with coffee and incense to advise and entertain adherents. It has become popular and frequent in large part because it is less expensive than a formal ceremony. Another ceremony is the al-Kursi, a healing ceremony that invites all spirits to visit. It is resource intensive, but seen as the only way of easing severe zār affliction. It establishes communication and a relationship between human and spirit. The 7 groups of spirits are summoned in the order of Darawish, Pashawat, Khawajat, Habashi, nas Arab, and finally nas Zirug. Typically at least one sacrifice occurs, but details vary based on which spirit is connected to the primary patient. Another is the Karama, which is hosted by zār leaders with the support of their followers. The most important of these are held before Ramadan (a time of inactivity for spirits), during Rajab. It is communal, and during Rajab it celebrates and renews the human-spirit relationship.[23]

The dinia, the possession rite of the Nuba hills before tumbura, involved making marisa beer and balila, slaughtering, and circumambulating a large tree in the countryside three times. The patient would be bathed in the morning, and effigies of various animals would be made of mud. They take these and an egg to a place with cultivated land and put the animal effigies down in a specific order. They'd go back to the tree, have the patient circumambulate three times, bathe again, then smear the egg over the body from the neck to the toes. The patient would throw the effigies at the tree, and then everyone would run away back to the village without looking back. It is no longer practiced, having been replaced by tumbura.[29]

Yemen

In Aden, both zār bori and tumbura were extant and considered distinct, with the latter being male dominant and tied closely to saint veneration. In the 1920s, both groups began denying their religious and spiritual nature in response to be targeted by religious reformers.[36]

In Aden's zār bori (locally often just called zār), groups were led by women called the 'Alaka. Most of their devotees were women, but the musicians tended to be men. Regular participants were usually Ethiopian and Somali, but all sectors of Adeni society sought out zār when needed. The ceremonies could be semi-public and held on common ground, or held in the privacy of the home. Placation offerings included perfume, jewelry, and sacrifices. It did not use Sufi imagery (such as flags) or have a connection to Sufi saints as zār bori in Sudan and zār in Egypt sometimes do.[36]

Aden's tumbura leaders were typically male amd were called Akils. Adeni tumbura had weekly ceremonies, usually on Thursdays or Saturday, a ceremonies held during the ziyarat (annual festivals). It was connected to saints, who arguably were given the role of ancestor, and their tombs.[36]

Perception edit

Outsiders in Egypt, Iran,[10] and Sudan tend to view zār negatively, with some seeing it as an un-Islamic practice. Zār practitioners view outsiders in various ways, with some being wary,[196] especially of journalists, and others being glad that their practices are being written down.[197][147]

Egypt

Egyptian movies have provided a influential way for Egyptians to engage with, and understand their culture. Egyptian movies have overall shown zār as superstitious, backwards, and outdated. Zār practitioners have been shown as scammers. This has caused many young Egyptians to feel shame around zār. However, a few movies have portrayed zār respectfully, and been enjoyed by real life devotees. Zār is also characterized as satanic or frightening by outsiders.[21]

Zār itself is not illegal, but things done during zār may be, such as smoking hashish. Noise complaints may also be filed and used against zār groups if they don't have a good relationship to their neighbors and local police.[21]

Drummed zār and musical groups have declined, due in part to leaders not training the next generation in songs and how to do ceremonies. This is particularly notable among female leaders, and has led to men taking more leading and prominent roles.[21]

Publicly, religious leaders generally take a stance against zār. In private however, their own family may be adherents.[21]

Sudan

In Sudan, zār bori (which is associated with Arab and Arabized Northerners) is often seen by male outsiders as women faking health issues so they can get away from their male relatives to drink, smoke, and gossip at zār gatherings- a resistance and dismissal regarded as ignorant by women. However, its power is not denied entirely, and men's own Islamic practice is not wholly incompatible with the predominant female zār practice. Even upper-class women who do not believe in the rite attend its ceremonies as occasional recreation, and in Khartoum it is slowly becoming a club promoting "theatrical activities, music, and folk art" as well as a ritual practice. Zār bori is seen as neither particularly Islamic or un-Islamic.[198] In the final years of the 19th century, zār bori had enough followers that it was viewed as a threat to Orthodox Islam. In the 1980s, zār bori programs occasionally appeared on TV.[78]

Bori practitioners view their rites as beneficial and Islamic, and attend them sometimes just to enjoy themselves, but generally view tumbura rites as demanding, difficult, esoteric, nasty and/or unpleasant. Bori leaders may claim the tumbura causes illness, or call its practitioners drunk, godless, thieves, slaves, and murderers.[199] They view the zār Nyamānyam as not really being a type of zār, and as either non-Islamic or less Islamic.[30]

However, zar tumbura, associated with non-Arabs of slave descent, is viewed as a bad fringe practice associated with magic and evil spirits. Its often confused with the Nuba ceremonial dance kampala. Practitioners acknowledge their relationship to slavery, but not in the same negative light. They state that they never drink, smoke, or dance lewdly during rituals as they claim bori practitioners do. Thought it is a mixed sex space in a way bori isn't, practitioners keep some distance from the opposite sex and are respectful.[199]

Practitioners view Sudanese Arabs overall as religiously ignorant and afraid of tumbura because it is "strong and heavy" with bori not being as "strong" as tumbura, and its practitioners as wanting to make easy momey with bogus ceremonies. By contrast, tumbura practitioners, in their own view, do not make money, but have kept their power, faithfulness to tradition, and knowledge.[200] They view the zār Nyamānyam as a separate practice (but not negatively). though characters from the practice also appear in tumbura songs.[30] All outsiders are viewed with caution, due to the sentiment that they do not treat tumbura people well.[196]

Yemen

Zār bori was first banned in Aden in the 1920s. It was the first practice targeted by local reformers, who claimed it was a practice done by scammers and its music was a public nuisance. Adherents submitted counter proposals to the ban by citing how long the zār had been practiced locally, it's local acceptance, and by stating tumbura was worse as it was not gender segregated. At first, zār adherents did not deny its religious nature, though they did so later on. They also argued ceremonies were not exhoribitantly expensive, and that thry allowed widows a way to earn income. The last ditch effort was to turn to the courts in 1932, which ultimately failed. Around this time, tumbura was also banned from saint's festivals, but allowed its weekly celebrations. Tumbura adherents defended themselves by immediately denying their religious nature, though over the years they unsuccessfully petitioned for access to saints' tombs again. Both practices were seen as religiously impure. Both practices continued under restriction into the 1960s.[36]

Other African possession rites edit

Alongside the Hamadsha, Hausa animism, and Voodou, other possession rites exist across Africa. These include: the Ethiopian shatana; the Chadian liban sheitan; the Kenyan Digo shaitani; the Kenyan Wataita saka or pepo; the Tanzanian Segeju shetani; the Tanzanian Ndembu's takuka; the Zambian Tonga masabe; the Mayotte trumba and patros; and the Songhay holey or hauka.[78]

Many of these names likely ultimately derive from the Arabic word for devil, and many refer to the possessing spirits as "winds" (pepo in Swahili, iska in Hausa, and of course, reeh in Arabic), who are representations of human foreigners that cause illness. These practices are influenced by trade, cross participation in ceremonies held during the Hajj, and the migration of people. While they bear some similarities, they also maintain distinctions.[78]

See also edit

References edit

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General references edit

  • Lewis, Ioan M. (1991). "Zar in context: The past, the present and future of an African healing cult". In Lewis, I. M.; Al-Safi, A.; Hurreiz, S. (eds.). Women's medicine: The Zar Bori cult in Africa and Beyond. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. pp. 1–16.

Further reading edit

Ethiopia edit

  • Arieli, A.; Aychek, S. (1996). "Mental disease related to being belief in being possessed by the 'Zar' spirit". Harefuah: Journal of the Israel Medical Association. 126: 636–642.
  • Aspen, Harald (2001). Amhara Traditions of Knowledge: Spirit Mediums and Their Clients. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
  • Edelstein, Monika (2002). "Lost Tribes and Coffee Ceremonies: Zar Spirit Possession and the Ethno-Religious Identity of Ethiopian Jews in Israel". Journal of Refugee Studies. 15 (2): 153–170. doi:10.1093/jrs/15.2.153.
  • Finneran, Niall (2003). "Ethiopian Evil Eye Belief and the Magical Symbolism of Iron Working". Folklore. 114 (3): 427–432. doi:10.1080/0015587032000145414. S2CID 161976625.
  • Grisaru, N.; Budowski, D.; Witztum, E. (1997). "Possession by the 'Zar' among Ethiopian immigrants to Israel: psychopathology or culture-bound syndrome?". Psychopathology. 30 (4): 223–233. doi:10.1159/000285051. PMID 9239794.
  • Kahana, Y. (1985). "The zar spirits, a category of magic in the system of mental health care in Ethiopia". The International Journal of Social Psychiatry. 31 (2): 125–143.
  • Leiris, Michel (1934). "Le Culte des Zars à Gondar". Aethiopica. 4 (96–103): 125–136.
  • Leiris, Michel (1938). "La Possession aux Génies 'Zar' en Éthiopia du Nord". Journale de Psychologie Normale et Pathologique. 35: 107–125.
  • Messing, Simon (1958). "Group therapy and social status in the Zar cult of Ethiopia". American Anthropologist. 60: 1120–1126.
    • Messing, Simon. "Group therapy and social status in the Zar cult of Ethiopia". In Opler, M. (ed.). Culture and Mental Health. New York: Macmillan. pp. 319–322.
    • Messing, Simon (1972). "Group therapy and social status in the Zar cult of Ethiopia". The Target of Health in Ethiopia. New York: MSS Information. pp. 228–241.
  • Torrey, E. Fuller (1967). "The Zar cult in Ethiopia". International Journal of Social Psychiatry. 13 (3): 216–223. doi:10.1177/002076406701300306. PMID 5585776. S2CID 39519787.
  • Tubiana, Joseph (1991). "Zar and Buda in Northern Ethiopia". In Lewis, I. M.; Al-Safi, A.; Hurreiz, S. (eds.). Women's medicine: The Zar Bori cult in Africa and beyond. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. pp. 19–33.
  • Witzum, E.; Grisaru, N.; Budowski, D. (1996). "The 'Zar' possession syndrome among Ethiopian immigrants to Israel: cultural and clinical aspects". British Journal of Medical Psychiatry. 69 (3): 207–225. doi:10.1111/j.2044-8341.1996.tb01865.x. PMID 8883974.
  • Young, Allan (1975). "Why Amhara get kureynya: sickness and possession in an Ethiopian Zar cult". American Ethnologist. 2 (3): 567–584. doi:10.1525/ae.1975.2.3.02a00130.

Sudan edit

  • Boddy, Janice (November 1989). Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan. University of Wisconsin Press.
  • Kapteijns, Lidwien; Spaulding, Jay (1994). "Women of the Zar and Middle-Class Sensibilities in Colonial Aden, 1923-1932". Sudanic Africa. 5: 7–38. Also in 1996, Voice and Power, (African Languages and Cultures, supplement 3), ed. by R.J. Hayward and I. M. Lewis, 171–189.
  • Makris, G. P. (2000). Changing Masters: Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press. ISBN 0-8101-1698-7.
  • Mohamed, Farah Eisa (2004). "ZAR: SPIRIT POSSESSION IN THE SUDAN". In Peek, Philip M.; Yankah, Kwesi (eds.). African Folklore: An Encyclopedia. Routledge. pp. 1061–1063.

Egypt edit

  • El Hadidi, Hager (2016). Zar: Spirit Possession, Music, and Healing Rituals in Egypt. The American University in Cairo Press.
  • Fakhouri, Hani (April 1968). "The Zar Cult in an Egyptian Village". Anthropological Quarterly. 41 (2): 49–56.
  • Seligmann, Brenda Z. (September 30, 1914). "On the Origin of the Egyptian Zar". Folklore. 25 (3): 300–323.

Somalia edit

  • Giannattasio, F (1983). "Somalia: La Terapia Corentico-musicale del Mingi". Culture Musicale, Quaderni di Ethnomusicologia. 2 (3): 93–119.

Iran edit

  • Modarressi, Taghi (1968). "The zar cult in south Iran". In Prince, Raymond (ed.). Trance and possession states. Montreal: R. M. Bucke Memorial Society.

External links edit

  • The zar and the tumbura cults
  • Changing_Masters (Ṭumbura in Sudan), part I
  • Changing_Masters (Ṭumbura in Sudan), parts II-III
  • Arieli, A.; Aychen, S. (1994). "Mental disease related to belief in being possessed by the 'Zar' spirit at". Harefuah. 126 (11): 636–42, 692. PMID 7926995.
  • Zar from the island of Qeshm in the Persian Gulf, recorded in Tehran by Neil van der Linden.

January 01, 1970
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Zaar redirects here For other uses see Zaar disambiguation In the cultures of the Horn of Africa and adjacent regions of the Middle East 1 Zar Arabic زار Ge ez ዛር is the term for a demon or spirit assumed to possess individuals mostly women and to cause discomfort or illness The so called zar ritual or zar cult is the practice of reconciling the possessing spirit and the possessed individual Zar possession is often considered lifelong and the rituals associated with it are a form of adorcism though some have falsely attributed it as an exorcism rite because it involves possession 2 It is similar to the Maghreb s Hamadsha 3 Hausa Animism 4 and various African Traditional religions such as Voodou Zar ceremony on Hormuz Island Zar is also a form of predominantly not solely women s 5 entertainment that has become popular in the contemporary urban culture of Cairo and other major cities of the Islamic world Participants have compared it to how those not involved in zar go to the discotheque 6 Zar gatherings involve food and musical performances and they culminate in ecstatic dancing lasting between three and seven nights 7 The tanbura a six string bowl lyre 8 is often used in the gathering 9 Other instruments include the manjur a leather belt sewn with many goat hooves and various percussion instruments 9 The term zar may be used to mean various different things in the places the belief is found it may refer to the hierarchy of zar spirits an individual spirit of this type the ceremonies concerning these spirits the possessed person or the troubles caused by these spirits 10 Contents 1 History 2 Varieties 3 Spirits 4 Ceremonies 5 Perception 6 Other African possession rites 7 See also 8 References 8 1 General references 9 Further reading 9 1 Ethiopia 9 2 Sudan 9 3 Egypt 9 4 Somalia 9 5 Iran 10 External linksHistory edit nbsp Depiction of a king of the zar Scholarship in the early 20th century attributed Abyssinian Ethiopian and Eritrean origin 11 to the custom although there were also proposals suggesting Persian or other origins Thus Frobenius suggested that zar and bori a comparable cult in Hausa culture were ultimately derived from a Persian source Modarressi 1986 suggests a Persian etymology for the term 12 The first known instance of the word zar used in Ethiopia to refer to a possessing spirit is from a 16th century Ge ez manuscript However it is unknown if zar rituals were being practiced in 16th century Ethiopia Abyssinia and if so what form they took 13 Some also strongly feel the practice originated in West Africa among native religious curing practices there 14 The origin of the word is unclear Walker 1935 suggested the name of the city of Zara in northern Iran or alternatively the Arabic root z w r to visit for the possessing spirit visiting the victim The Encyclopedia of Islam of 1934 favoured an Ethiopian origin of the word 15 Hager El Hadidi suggested a possible Hebrew origin from zwr in Hebrew meaning to turn aside deviate go away or zr one who distances or removes himself owed to Jewish craftsmen in the Red Sea area 16 The practice allegedly originated in Harar Ethiopia via Sheikh Abadir and was introduced by Harari and Somali women to Aden in Yemen 17 Messing 1958 states that the cult was particularly well developed in Northern Ethiopia Amhara with its center in the town of Gondar One late 19th century traveler describes the Abyssinian Sar cultists sacrificing a hen or goat and mixing the blood with grease and butter in the hopes of eliminating someone s sickness The concoction was then hidden in an alley in the belief that all who passed through the alley would take away the patient s ailment 18 Mirzai Asl 2002 suggests that the introduction to Iran likewise took place in the 19th century Qajar period by Africans brought to Iran via the Indian ocean slave trade 19 Natvig 1988 reports that the zar cult served as a refuge for women and effeminate men in the Sahel Sudan region under Islamic rule 20 It is thought to habe reached Egypt because of the trafficking of Ethiopian slaves in the 19th century particularly Oromo women They were taken for the purpose of bearing more children for Egyptian men and would be set free upon getting pregnant The children would be considered legitimate inheritors 21 Varieties editIn Sudan a distinction is made and emphasized by practitioners 22 between the zar bori or burei 23 or bore practiced widely in Northern Sudan by free born women and the comparatively more obscure zar tumbura practiced by the descendants of slaves from South and Western Sudan and the Nuba hills in Khartoum poor neighborhoods and shanty towns 24 Originally tumbura had a military association 25 In recent times some tumbura practitioners from the Nuba hills have selectively borrowed from bori practices as the social circumstances for tumbura practices have changed 26 The practices are similar in that they use drums Islamic praise chants for religious figures such as Muhammad and the way possession is acted out in trance is similar 27 In tumbura it is viewed as an indigenous practice used by Non Arab Sudanis of slave descent The many zar groups fall under the central authority of a high male officiant and there are male and female hierarchical lines though recently it has become a female dominant practice due to Arabization and Islamization 22 The therapeutic practices occur before any public rites and once performed the spirit becomes fully benevolent There is only one spirit that takes many forms and it is associated with the Self Tumbura may refer to the spirit or the practices 27 Tumbura adherents claim zar was created by Muhammad or Bilal with the latter curing the former s grandsons and inverting the master slave power dynamic as tumbura adherents view Bilal as a Sudani or both with the former hearing the latter play his tanbura and finding the sound so pleasing that he thought it should be used to cure the sick Some claim the tumbura came from Arabia as a result through certain cities and others say it came from the Red Sea area 28 Simultaneously to one of these origins or another some claim tumbura originated in the 99 peaks of the Nuba hills 29 By contrast in bori it is seen as coming from Egypt or elsewhere and is practiced mostly by Arab Sudanis though those of slave descent also practice it Zar groups are independent of each other and largely female with smaller numbers of homosexual and marginalized men among practitioners as well The public rites are the therapeutic practice and must be done periodically to keep peace with the spirits There are many spirits with different groups reporting different numbers associated with Otherness i e stereotypes and impressions of that which is not Sudanese Arab 30 Bori only refers to the practices not the spirits which are called zar 27 The zar in Sudan likely has never been homogeneous 31 and El Hadidi emphasizes the flexible nature of zar across Africa in her own writing Among extant varieties of Sudanese zar cults that receive little attention are zar Sawakni or zar Sawakiniyya the zar from the area of Suakin also called Daluka 32 practiced mostly by the Beja 30 There is also the zar Nyamanyam the zar of the Azande 27 which practitioners view as related to both the zar bori and zar tumbura Rather than the tanbura they use the nugara a drum Different origins are claimed for their zar some say it developed after the Azande were brought north as slaves and others say it was originally introduced by a man from the Dega tribe who was originally from Wau 30 In Sennar bori and tumbura have become melded mainly due to the marriage of a tumbura practitioner and a bori practitioner both of whom are still seen as influential 23 Other Sudanese zar cults that existed are those of the Dar Fertit Fertit peoples include the Karra Gula Feroge and Surro 33 the Shilluk people the Dinka people and the dinia of the Nuba which have all been absorbed by tumbura 34 In Egypt it used to be that there were clearer divides between different zar pantheons associated with region and race with bands specializing in specific pantheons This is no longer the case 35 In Aden alongside zar bori and zar tumbura mention was made of an Indian zar called Gamat It was described as a ladies party held in the name of Al Jilani and distinguished from Adeni zar bori by its lack of drums 36 Spirits editZar spirits are often identified with jinn or with winds 37 38 3 Zar spirits may be inherited with a spirit afflicting an older close relative going on to afflict their child or other younger relative 10 The plural of zar is zayran and adherents may use the plural to talk about 7 or more societies of spirits existing in a parallel world and these societies generally correspond to ethnic groups and or societies other than that of the given zar group 39 EgyptIn Egypt there are said to be 66 zar spirits however the spirits named vary depending on which ritual leader one speaks to and none will name all 66 They are loosely grouped into families and spirits are paired together as husband wife brother sister in the Cariene Upper Egyptian zar practice this is how all spirits are paired 40 or father daughter 41 They are also grouped into other overlapping pantheons such as the kings of the earth seas and heavens the sultans of the red yellow and green jinn and the guards of thresholds 42 The spirits are in a hierarchy At the very top is Mama an Ethiopian spirit whose name does not mean mother and all the songs begin for this spirit Spirits may be called wilad Mama sons of Mama 21 They are thought of as spirit doubles like the akran sing karin or karineh in essence We all have zar only some people don t know it 43 Some explicitly identify the zar spirit and the karin commonly regarded as a type of jinn as being the same 37 The akran are facsimiles of their human counterpart and in Upper Egypt are generally understood to be of the same race sex and temperament as the human When the human is sick the karin is sick When the human dies the karin dies though interestingly tales exist of a karineh s children dying and the spirit trying to take her human counterpart s children by killing them In some parts of Egypt this is explained by stating that the dead child goes it its mother s karineh 44 However zar spirits of either sex may possess a person 45 Yawra Bey is a male spirit but he frequently possesses women Further if a person is possessed by one spirit they are considered to be possessed by the other spirit they are paired with even if they do not display symptoms of possession for the other spirit 40 Sometimes a person of one sex while a spirit of the opposite sex explicitly acts through them is referred to by the spirit s name and sex for example record exists of a woman possessed by Sheikh Muhammad who would be referred to as such when the Sheikh was called forth 46 Some also report that the sex or gender of the spirit may be indeterminate calling these hermaphrodites 14 In addition to the terms zar and jinn zar spirits may be referred to as a arafit ghost reeh wind dastour spirit asyad master 37 or with the title Sheikh or Sheikha 45 46 The possessed person is called me affrat maryouh or menzar 37 The primary possessing spirit may be called the spirit of his her head or master of his her head 47 This spirit is identified in the girding ceremony and its identification is necessary if one wishes to become a zar leader 48 The zar spirits are said to be attracted to deserted places dark areas doorways staircases around water sources in cemeteries in toilets and in garbage dumps First experiences of possession often occur in one s teen years in a bathroom 37 Zar spirits are not seen as evil though they can be vengeful trivial offenses such as accidentally stepping on an invisible zar spirit often provoke the spirit to possess someone and cause illness or misfortune 49 In other instances possession may occur when a person is frightened suddenly 45 The possessed person in Egypt is usually said to be being worn by the spirit like a piece of clothing 37 46 however Hausa influence is evident in the zar of the Grand Lady a series of rites specific to menopause where the zar leader who hosts the titular spirit or spirit in the associated pantheon is called a horse kodya instead creating a riding metaphor The zar of the Grand Lady is unique in Egypt as it is a qualified zar leader the kodya who hosts the spirit during the ritual instead of the person the spirit is afflicting 50 Each spirit is associated with specific songs colors sacrificial animals and each spirit possessing a person must be placated In addition to songs and animals usually of a specific color or pattern they may demand specific incense clothes jewelry and candles 51 Christian spirits often call for consumption of alcohol such as whisky 52 Different spirits are associated with different afflictions with Ethiopian spirits being associated with aggression and nervousness 21 In the early 20th century in Upper Egypt different songs were needed but only one sacrificial animal was necessary 45 however in modern Cairo it seems each spirit gets its own sacrifices as well as its own songs 53 If a song displeases the zar spirit the possessed person may not be able to remain in the room where it is being played Once placated the spirits may aid the possessed person in divination and providing medical aid 45 46 In Egypt different spirits rise and fall they are connected to different bands specializations in different songs and when a band ceases to exist many of the spirits they played for will as well with the most popular spirits and their songs being adopted into other bands 54 It used to be a band would be associated to a single pantheon but this trend of fading bands and adopting of spirits has blurred these boundaries 35 For example the zar afnu a band made up of Black Egyptian women of slave descent no longer exists but many of its spirits the Harbiya or Liwa pantheon are invoked by Tambura bands and in the Grand Lady s pantheon Yawra Bey and Rakousha belong to the Harbiya pantheon 55 The spirits currently known in Egypt include Yawra Bey who is one of the most popular 56 57 and his daughter Rakousha Yawra is a handsome dark skinned playboy spirit said to be an Ottoman officer who wears a red tarboosh and sash and possesses young women and is said to make her suitors think she is ugly or to cause marital issues and homosexuality He will prevent marriage until he is placated He loves to smoke loves perfume and his animal sacrifices must be red The jewelry used to placate him is usually rings set with rubies or their glass and plastic imitations 57 He also likes whiskey and beer some bring soft drinks instead due to religious prohibitions and some zar ceremonies spill a bit of beer over the head of the person he possesses 52 In the Upper Egyptian tradition Yawra being from the Sudani tradition his equivalent was Rumi Nagdi who was associated with green and the crescent moon and star 58 Rumi is also sometimes mistakenly called Rumi Magdi His name indicates he was connected to the Ottomans and Hejaz and Rumi was popular while Egypt controlled Sudan 21 Yawra s daughter Rakousha is a child spirit She is placated with pink silky clothes luxury items and gold jewelry Her sacrifice is a speckled hen and she loves candy 57 and games so her diviners use playing cards instead of the more usual coffee cups prayer beads or dream interpretations She also likes charm or toy bracelets 59 Her Upper Egyptian counterpart was Rumi s daughter Marouma who also likes the color green gardens and is offered pomegranates Unlike Rakousha she is an adult 58 Other spirits include Gado a Nigerian spirit associated with the bathroom which is like a portal connecting the human and spirit worlds and summoned by drumming His wife is Meram or Maryouma and their sacrificial animals are black rabbits 47 Light brown candles are used for them because they wear light brown burnous Drops of blood from the rabbits and candies are dropped into the toilet for them during their zar Gado is the messenger between the human and spirit worlds He and Meram cause infertility and madness and they are provoked by hot water or human blood specifically menstrual or hymen blood being put in the toilet 60 There is also the spirits of the pantheon of the Grand Lady seven male Rumi Nagdi Hakim Basha Yawra Bey Rima Basha Collita Basha Welzami Basha and Okashi Basha all of whom also belong to the Sudani Tumbura and Upper Egyptian pantheons and seven female Arzuki Shurumbella Rora Dawa Baba Kiri Magaziya the Lady Inmatan Yaro and Folla the only white female spirit Rumi Nagdi and Hakim Basha get white sheep or chickens as sacrifices The others get black chickens or sheep The Grand Lady inflicts blindess arthritis nightmares and paralysis on others 61 The rites of the Grand Lady is the most secret set of rites and the most heavy and difficult with its music at times being played on pillow cases 21 Other spirits that have been known to Egyptian zars are Azuz a child spirit 47 Salila the Sudani pantheon s spirit of bathing associated with grace and beauty 62 When possessed by her one acts out bathing combing their hair and dances with a mirror or water jug on the head 63 64 Sayed El Dair spirit of the monastery placated with wine wearing priest s clothes and observing Coptic fasts and feasts 65 The Sultans mentioned before such as El Sultan El Ahmar who is placated by wearing a red cloak red candles and sacrificing red chickens 65 El Sudani the Sudanese placated by wearing a green galabiya and sacrificing both a male and female turkey 65 El Nabi the Prophet placated by wearing a white galabiya and sacrificing a lamb or two pigeons 65 Ahmed the Sudanese 14 Sayyidi Amr 14 Sayyedi Ahmed Zeidan 14 Amir Tadrus a Coptic spirit 14 Wullayi 14 Mamah 14 Rumatu 14 Merri father of the Abbassi 14 Sheikh El Arab 14 Sayyid al Bedawi and Madbouli 14 Al Sa iedeyya the Upper Egyptian woman a female Upper Egyptian spirit placated by wearing a tulle bi telli dress and balancing a water jug on one s head 52 Abu Damfa a male Upper Egyptian spirit placated by wearing a dark colored galabiya and dancing the naboot 52 Sitt Safina a mermaid and sister of the Sultan of the Seas appeased by submerging one s head in a tub of water with swimming fish 52 the Abyssinians a pair appeased by wearing a silver 65 belt and diadem with pellet bells and holding a stick with jingles as one dances 52 At one point the Khedive Abbas Hilmi 52 In Upper Egypt angels of the river may feature in zar rites with sheikhas inviting possession from those who desire incarnation They diagnose illness make prescriptions and solve problems Women throw offerings of candy sugar perfume and henna into the water for them 66 Additionally occasionally people may come to ceremonies with a personal spirit who is identified as a zar spirit but isn t known to be part of any of the existing pantheons 21 EthiopiaIn Ethiopia zar is used as a term for malevolent spirits or demons Meanwhile many Ethiopians believe in benevolent protective spirits or adbar 67 Zar spirits are thought to potentially cause psychological incapacitation 68 It is commonly thought that the origin of the zar is that Eve had 30 children and tried to hide 15 of them from God in the Garden of Eden to protect them from God s envy God knew she had done this and declared they should remain invisible forever and those 15 became the ancestors of the zar spirits 38 These 15 are often described as being the more beautiful and intelligent half of her children and this is used to explain why zar spirits in Ethiopia are more likely to possess beautiful women in some areas 69 Belief in such spirits is widespread among both Christians and Muslims 70 Ĥeṭ thread 71 clarification needed is a term of for the possessing spirits According to legend there are eighty eight Saroch emissaries of evil all under the service of a spirit named Warobal Mama 72 who dwells in Lake Alobar in the Menz region 73 Zar beliefs are common today even among Ethiopian immigrants to North America Europe or Israel For example Beta Israel are often raised with both Jewish and Zar beliefs and individuals who believe they house a spirit are bound to attend to it despite other demands However ceremonies can be performed by shamans to persuade a spirit to leave thus releasing the person from their duties to that spirit 74 IranIn southern Iran zar is interpreted as a harmful wind assumed to cause discomfort or illness Types of such winds include Maturi Sayḵ Sangar Dingemaru Omagare Bumaryom Pepe Babur Bibi Namrud 75 The 2012 film The African Baluchi Trance Dance depicts a variety of zar related activities in southeastern Iran 76 In Baluchistan the spirits are called Gowat wind bad also wind jinn jinn e zar or zar 3 and are considered contagious Possession is permanent and the zar is not as strongly associated with women and is instead more associated with the poor in general 38 Some state that the rich will never need to worry about zar possession The spirits are said to prefer the young and strong though they will afflict the old and weak as well They are also attracted to people with melancholy and weak personalities 10 Those who have been possessed and done a zar before are called Ahl e Hava Eve s family or People of the Air Wind 3 and must attend every zar If the spirit asked for something like clothes to be placated those must be worn to future zar ceremonies and nothing the spirit asked for can be sold The Ahl e Hava must always wear clean white clothes abstain from alcohol not touch dead bodies human or animal not commit adultery 38 not do anything illegal wear perfume bathe often among other prohibitions or else the spirit possessing them will cause them trouble 10 The spirits are described as mounting the people they possess treating them like horses They have names are associated with specific colors are said to be of specific religions Muslim Jewish Christian or infidel and national origins and there are unique ways to deal with them 3 The infidel spirits are considered more dangerous and may kill the person they possess while Muslim spirits rarely do so The possessed person may be called markab mount or faras horse and the spirit may be called habub or pehpeh 10 Some divide the winds into winds that can see bina and blind winds bad i kur Bina know everything about the whole world and will answer questions if asked Bina have had offering ceremonies and votive meals sufra drunk blood heard and been honored by poetry and songs They are also called clear pure winds bad i saf and are said to never disturb the people they possess The blind winds by contrast are never calm or clear and bother the people they possess They have never been honored as the bina have and the rituals effectively transform these blind spirits into spirits that can see 10 Locally spirits referred to as zar are infidels and are also called red winds bad i surkh and come from Zanzibar Somalia Ethiopia Saudi Arabia and India the former three being considered more dangerous They can be identified by what language they speak and will do so after drinking blood but only to the zar leader Baba or Mama There are over 72 different zar with corresponding ailments Nuban are spirits that make those that possess sad handicapped and infirm Mashayikh are Muslim spirits pure pak and settled on Muslim coasts Bad i jinn live on or under the Earth are interconnected and dangerous Bad i pari fairies are further divided into Muslim and infidel fairies Bad i div dib devils are over 40 meters tall live in deserts or islands and if they touch a human they will turn into a statue and die Bad i qul ogres look like drunks from afar and may try to kill en masse A specific spirit called Maturi is known for asking for golden items 10 OmanIn Oman the state of possession is often inherited and possession is contagious If a person resists possession it is said to cause the spirit to worsen their affliction Possession afflicts those who mock the zar spirits at ceremonies those with weak and pensive personalities those who are enviable those unmarried over a certain age and those unmarried who sleep alone 77 The possessed may lack enthusiasm refusing to eat or work The possession itself may be compared to intercourse nocturnal emissions are taken as evidence that one is possessed and when men have convulsive seizures it s thought of as the zar spirit orgasming Talking to oneself is also evidence of zar Different zayran will speak in different tones As is usual one person can ge possessed by many zayran Exorcism is possible in Omani zar unusual compared to other practices but if it cannot be done the spirit is kept tamed 77 Zar spirits are considered a type of jinn or ifrit Their origin story in Oman is very similar to the story told in Ethiopia 15 beautiful children who were hidden and turned into spirits These 15 are children of the night and the zar spirits are their offspring They have powers humans don t and are active only at night They are jealous of humans though humans are weaker and uglier because they come from Eve s 15 other children the children of the day 77 Spirits often bear the name Saif male or Maryam female They take control of the body to interact with others and their personality and behaviors take dominance 77 SudanThe names for the spirits vary slightly depending on which variety of the zar it is The zar bori uses the terms zar reeh dastur which in northern Sudan refers to a door jamb or bolt in addition to the more conventional meanings of permission 78 rowhan and reehSpirits often bear the name Saif male or Maryam female al ahmar 79 while the zar tumbura uses tumbura 27 reeh al ahmar red wind 80 reeh and dastur 39 In zar bori there are three types of jinn white good always Muslim may do work for holy men do not inflict severe behavior in possession black malevolent always pagan cause severe illness or death and red neither good or bad capricious and amoral cause mild illness Zar spirits are of the last type though men tend to blur the line between red and black jinn seeing the former as malevolent 69 By contrast in tumbura the red wind is ultimately viewed positively As before mentioned the bori practice believes there are many spirits while the tumbura believes in one spirit with different presentations 27 called khayt threads 81 The Nyamanyam adherents also believe in many spirits 30 The tumbura spirit once placated is identified with the Sufi sheikh Abd al Qadir al Jilani 82 After placation it does not cause the person illness again 27 and in fact is generally beneficial to tumbura devotees as long as they have an active relationship to the spirit This is similar to the blessing baraka a Muslim saint bestows upon those who follow him in a Sufi order 83 As a result less emphasis is placed on the demands of the spirit in tumbura than in bori What the spirit wants most is the person s initiation into tumbura 84 It has other demands talabat but these are specific and inexpensive usually consisting of clothes for the khayt s costume 85 However if a person abruptly withdraws from tumbura this is considered deeply offensive by the group and the spirit withdraws its blessing which can lead to misfortune and illness However it does not directly cause these so tumbura cannot treat them though one can return to the cult and regain the spirit s blessings Usually an attempt to withdraw is punished with a fine 83 Those who are affiliated with tumbura may find they are possessed by spirits from other traditions such as bori but will seek treatment through tumbura rather than other practices 84 Different tumbura spirit manifestations or modalities are associated with different days 86 and like in bori have different associated costumes mannerisms personalities songs and incense which are stereotypes specifically cultural and historical memories that transcend time and space through possession 87 of various ethnicities and religions 81 though there is no Arab khayt 88 Khayts can essentially represent a form of ancestral veneration as several represent the cultures tumbura adherents belonged to before slavery and certain khayts are associated with the souls of specific dead people leading to their songs no longer being performed 89 One may refer to a khayt not only with their name but also the names of characters in the songs associated with them such as Babinga and Grindi a hippo to refer to Banda 87 Khayts are summoned brought down which also refers to the formalization of a khayt by the sanjak playing specific songs The khayt are pictured as crawling upon a person s back and into their head 81 Khayt are considered eternal and existed before they were brought down with a jawab Information about the khayts mostly comes from songs called jawabs meaning letter message or answer When sanjaks no longer remember a jawab or lack the power to use it the khayt still exists but cannot be contacted 89 Jawabs likely record parts of Non Arab Muslim Sudani history 90 In tumbura some of the different presentations of the spirit are named as Khawajat Khawaja found in both tumbura and bori 91 This spirit represents white Christian foreigners The costume is a pith helmet khaki shorts fly whisk pipe and sunglasses This khayt has its own cult banner which is black blue or white with a white or black cross Khawajat as well as Bashawat is viewed positively because the English in particular fought the Mahdists and during that time many non Arab Muslims fought alongside them Additionally there is nostalgia among some non Arab Muslims in Sudan for the colonial era as Arab led governments have worsened their standard of living and have attacked tumbura as well as zar overall 92 Azraq Banda found in both tumbura and bori 91 Habashi a spirit once generally belonging only to bori 91 This spirit represents Ethiopians 88 Nuba which represents an originally pagan tribe before it was targeted by slavery and Islamization part of the history of non Arab Sudani Muslims The worst plunders they experienced under the Mahdists are recorded in tumbura songs They were conscripted into armies and even before slavery many were warriors As such this khayt has a fierce or violent character Its costume is a straw loincloth and a spear Elements of its character are used for spirits representing Southern tribes in bori but the Nuba itself does not appear 92 Banda 93 Bandawi 94 who is associated with Saturday 86 This modality represents an originally pagan tribe presented in the cult as Black cannibals from very far south who are warriors with a hundred sharp teeth before it was targeted by slavery and Islamization part of the history of non Arab Sudani Muslims It isn t entirely unclear which tribe or tribes this spirit refers to as there is a Banda tribe which was subjected to slave raids and harsh rule during the 1880s on recruited as soldiers and known for maintaining pagan practices even after conversion but the spirit has been identified by cult members with the Azande Banda does not seem to appear in bori Banda s costume involves dressing in black with a straw loincloth a spear and beaded leather fillet with looped fringes at the temples of red yellow white and blue beads reaching the shoulders and cowrie shells arranged in cross shapes on it as well More beads and cowries are worn crossing over the chest and back Sometimes anklets of bells or bottle caps were worn and sometimes the face was smeared with white ashes The Banda khayt has their own cult banner black with their name embroidered in white 92 Banda is associated with snakes and it is said that his snake comes from Mount Karur in the south of Azande land and would appear during the therapy of patients he possessed 95 The Azande are stereotyped as cannibals with teeth filing being seen as evidence of the practice but this is a stereotype based on ideology 96 Gumuz which represents an originally pagan tribe before it was targeted by slavery and Islamization part of the history of non Arab Sudani Muslims Like the Banda it is possibly referring to the tribe of the same name the Gumuz who suffered under slavery in the 1870s and 80s though cult members deny this and say it refers to Black dwarfs that live near the Nile The representation of this khayt is less concete and standardized than the Nuba or Banda 92 Tumburani a European Christian khayt 97 He is an archetype of Khawaja and no one goes into trance during his song His song is the most important song of the tumbura and people stand up and rejoice when it is performed 98 Sawakiniyya considered to be one of the two most ancient khayt brought down in the Turco Egyptian period It is named after the city of Sawakin This khayt lacks a specific personality or costume and does not appear in bori 92 Lambunat considered to be one of the two most ancient khayt brought down in the Turco Egyptian period The name refers to female slaves from Sawakin It has been identified with representing Ethiopians but this seems tenuous at best and cult members do not agree with this conclusion This khayt lacks a specific personality or costume and does not appear in bori 92 Baburat whose name means ships specifically those that brought Europeans the Anglo Egyptian army to Sudan This khayt is very old and has few that are possessed by it 92 Bashawat s name comes from the title basha and he represents an Anglo Egyptian soldier who fought against the Mahdists who represented the interests of the Sudanese Arab slave owners and as such is viewed positively by tumbura in comparison to Turco Egyptian soldiers In bori Bashawat is viewed as malevolent This khayt s costume includes a red fez 92 Abd al Qadir al Jilani who has his own cult banner 92 in white and blue 99 Bilal who has his own cult banner which is red with a white star and crescent 92 with his name embroidered in black He does not appear to possess people and no acts are performed in his name He has one song performed at the end of ceremonies before one dedicated to al Jilani His role is still important uniting Islam and Arabness with the non Arab Black Sudani identity without negating the difference between them 99 Bori spirits are particularly attracted to married women between 35 and 55 because of their fertility and covet women who use henna soap perfume and scented oil and wear gold and diaphanous toubs 38 because the spirits themselves covet those things 100 Men s public participation in zar bori is fairly uncommon though in private some men who aren t publicly involved will admit they believe they are possessed by bori spirits and that they believe in or admire the zar bori practice 101 Similarly unwed women may affirm they are possessed but typically do not publicly or officially acknowledge it as there is an impropriety to a woman whose fertility isn t activated via loss of virginity being possessed This is one of many ways zar bori draws similarity between zar spirits and husbands It is also less likely a zar spirit will bother a virgin as it cannot effectively threaten her fertility to obtain what it wants 102 Zar spirits and a likelihood to become possessed by zayran generally also tend to run in families along the maternal line though they are not really considered inherited 103 Bori spirits are commonly figures such as Darawish Holy men and women foreign spirits Khawajat which includes Europeans North Americans Hindus and Chinese spirits desert nomads Arab 104 Syrians Domari Halib not found in tumbura 88 Ethiopian prostitutes Habashi only recently and uncommonly found in tumbura 88 Ottoman and European officials Bashawat 104 West Africans Fallatas not found in tumbura 88 who as a group also include West Sudani spirits 104 and spirits from the South who are often prostitutes servants 105 and cannibal sorcerers 39 This last is a stereotype from Arab culture that was applied primarily for ideological reasons against African pagans 96 Though zar bori spirits represent that which is Other a person may be possessed by a spirit from the same tribe or ethnicity as them 106 When female zar spirits appear they appear as idealized versions of the woman they possess regardless of the spirit s own ethnicity 105 While women may be possessed by either male or female spirits in Hofriyati zar bori practice men are only possessed by male spirits though this does not hold true in Khartoum and Omdurman for gay male participants 107 Zar bori spirits are seen as inhabiting the natural physical world but are normally invisible 108 but when they take human form they always have animal feet particularly that of a camel or donkey They are capricious amoral ambivalent and not fully understood by adherents They may possess different aspects of their personality in different people that they possess 78 They are made of smokeless fire and wind can fly long distances quickly live for a long time but are ultimately mortal age from children to elderly marry and have children and homelands 109 Zar spirits like jinn overall frequent the desert abandoned houses and rubbish heaps especially at night 110 or at sunrise or sunset 111 They are more likely to invade in areas and times of ambiguity ambivalence disorder and when defenses are down 100 They also stay near above those they possess 78 Possession especially by more malicious spirits is more likely to occur in these areas It is less likely to occur while on the village paths and even less likely while in the enclosed female quarters of the home 110 Women are at increased risk of possession from jinn overall as well as zayran and river sprites during times when they experience blood loss from the genitals which is itself more likely to occur during or after childbirth circumcision or defloration Excessive blood loss at this time is also caused by spirits Possession in this instance will lead to fertility issues Gold jewelry can help alleviate or prevent such dangers particularly the khatim ginay masri a ring made from an Egyptian guinea coin 112 However spirits will still hover around a woman and her gold jewelry so if she comes near a woman who is not wearing any gold that woman is at risk of illnesses caused by spirits and of possession 113 The odors of sweat and blood may also make a woman susceptible to possession and illness and sweet incense is used to dispel jinn from areas 111 If a woman experiences zar affliction during pregnancy the child may be born possessed 114 This may also occur during breastfeeding 115 The onset of possession is not necessarily signaled by trance 78 Zar spirits cause various ailments such as anxiety depression fertility issues and hallucinations but for bori adherents the idea that a zar would cause these in extremity or kill the person they possess is illogical as it would make it difficult or impossible for the zar spirit s desires to be fulfilled 68 They want the person they possess to take care of themselves and may cause them trouble if they do not 116 Severe ailments are either natural in origin the work of sorcery the evil eye or more violent spirits and demons Though zar spirits aren t the cause they can worsen the situation 68 However some do speak of zar spirits taking infant children resulting in death 115 Zar bori spirits may cause those they possess to drink straight cologne 69 smoke dance wantonly flail about burp hiccup drink blood and or alcohol wear men s clothes threaten men with swords or speak loudly and offensively 117 They may confer knowledge to those they possess such as the ability to play an instrument associated with the zar spirit s ethnicity 114 or skills in poetry and story telling 118 Possession trance ghaybiya is conceived of as the spirit entering the body and displacing the possessed person 78 though adherents also insist the possessed is still present A person and the spirits may both speak during an incident and a person maybe referred and refer to themselves in plural to include the spirit as an aspect of their physicality even outside of trance 119 A rigid distinction is not drawn between the human and the zar spirit including in trance and one or the other or both may bear responsibility for certain behaviors 120 Possession trance is a learned behavior to facilitate a relationship with one s zar spirits 78 as well as a way of channeling and controlling their inclinations such as a spirit s aggression so it is expressed without causing harm and so the behavior makes sense to other zar adherents 68 Over time one becomes more skilled at switching between different states of consciousness which is framed as not resisting the entry of the zar spirits As such spontaneous trance outside of ceremonies is associated with long term zar bori adherents It is inappropriate for those menstruating to go into possession trance and women will signify this to their spirits by tying a knot in their braids 78 Men in possession trance typically sit calmly especially if possessed by holy man spirits 107 Possession is acted out at ceremonies by dressing in a manner associated with the spirit adopting stereotyped gestures and behaviors and dancing in response to specific music or incense The zar afflicts a person cannot be exorcised and makes demands The period of placation once these are fulfilled is referred to as the spirit sleeping naturally implying the reoccurrence of symptoms that occur in bori but not tumbura when the spirit wakes 39 This may also be called a spirit burning 121 After this dancing those who were possessed may scratch at themselves and hiccup or burp signifying the spirit s dormancy 117 The songs in zar bori are called khayt pl khuyut 117 The songs and ceremonies are an invitation for the spirit to cause possession trance and if this invitation isn t extended frequently it can aggravate the spirits and cause them to cause trance without invitation To enter the human world via possession is their primary motive so creating opportunities for the spirits to do so is a fulfillment of the agreement between the human and their zar spirits 78 This agreement is constantly renegotiated both in potential relapse due to the human s failure to uphold it and in gradual ideal symbiosis Relapses in zar affliction can also be caused by mourning strong emotions and exposure to foul and unclean things 122 The spirits found in zar bori include Abdalgadir al Jaylani a Dervish spirit who is the counterpart of a popular Baghdadi holy man and is known to both cause and heal fertility issues 102 This identification to a real human figure is the same as the Al Jilani central in zar tumbura Sitti Khudara the Green Lady daughter of a Holy Man zar She is associated with bitter incense called bakhur tayman incense of the twins or dowa medicine Evening in Paris cologne and the color green 117 She is pious beautiful and graceful She is specifically the daughter of al Jaylani and married to Birono and Ethiopian Christian spirit though she herself is Muslim This marriage means she s sometimes classifed among the Ethiopian spirits herself 123 Shaykh Mohammed a holy man Dervish spirit who belongs to the Qadriya fraternity which is popular in Sudan 124 He is associated with the Khatmiya brotherhood and its founder Mohammed Osman al Mirghani 123 Saida Zaineb is Shaykh Mohammed s daughter based on his real life Sudanese great granddaughter Her khayt attributes a degree of political power to her 123 Sayidi Bedawi Our Lord Bedawi the zar counterpart of Sayid Ahmed al Bedawi whose shrine is in Tanta Egypt He is also associated with women s fertility 123 Bedawiya is Bedawi s daughter and has similar associations with grace piousness and beauty to Sitt Khudara 123 Shaykh Hamid the zar counterpart of Hamid Abu Asa 123 Other holy men and women who themselves are usually daughters of holy men and inherit their baraka 123 spirits who have their host act in a serene and dignified manner while in possession trance Of all the zar bori spirit groups they are one of two likely to possess men outside of the circumstance of possession transferred during pregnancy 107 They are most commonly associated with the color white and will often ask for a white ram as sacrifice 125 They ask for white or green dresses jalabiyas white skullcaps white turbans white prayer shawls and forked walking sticks typical of wandering religious scholars 123 Luliya or Luliya Habishiya 102 an Ethiopian prostitute spirit who likes weddings and is known in Hofriyat to imitate the mannerisms associated with local virgin brides She may also take over a person s body during events associated with weddings but not intended to call upon zar 126 She may ask for or be associated with garments such as a red and white toub transparent toubs and short dresses 117 She also demands wedding incense agate beads a gold nose plug silver earrings and a silk firka garmosis all bridal wear 127 The Banat Jozay at Tomat Rongay Paired Girls Splendid Twins 127 are twin female Ethiopian spirits associated with potent fertility that has produced inappropriate results 102 Sulayman Ya Janna Sulayman O Veiled One is a gay male spirit from the Sudan Ethiopia border whose name has a pun jana fruit can refer to offspring He may be classed among both the Ethiopian and desert Nomad spirits 102 He makes his host chew tobacco drink marisa beer and wear a jalabiya which he fusses with like it s a woman s tob 128 Romani Ya Wazir Galla Roman Vizier of the Galla a spirit representing Italian presence in Ethiopia before World War Two 106 Mohammed Sa dabi a spirit of the Sa dab tribe to which Mek Nimir belonged and some of whom fled to Ethiopia in 1822 after the death of Ismail Pasha 106 Dodo Ya Jabal Nado Dodo O you Mount Nado a spirit of a mountain where coffee is grown He asks for coffee to drink 129 Dodo Sitt aj Jabana Dodo Lady of the Coffee is a female spirit who also demands coffee and a gold Ethiopian crucifix for her hosts to wear on Sunday 127 Wilad Mama an Ethiopian spirit or spirits it is often addressed in plural 125 and the vizier of all zar spirits 130 It must be summoned first to usher in the other spirits It is a spokesman and receives sacrificial blood on the behalf of other spirits Many zar bori shaykhas are possessed by it 125 This spirit is typically referred to as male but the behaviors associated with it such as nursing a baby are feminine 127 Maray a beautiful Ethiopian prostitute or salacious noblewoman 127 Birono an Ethiopian king 127 who has been recorded as demanding an ebony walking stick 131 He is Christian and married to Sitt Khudara 123 Shamharush a petty prince 127 Yo a court official 127 Bishir Tadir a dark skinned nobleman 127 Sultan al Habish the king of Ethiopia who wears red and rides a horse He is probably based on Haile Selassie 127 Galay Galay a chief of the Galla tribe He commands the people he possesses to hold a spear 127 Sultan ar Rih or Sultan al Ahmar Sultan of the Wind or the Red Sultan who is figured as the kind of the zar spirits He isn t common in areas like Hofriyat and seems to have been supplanted by Wilad Mama in that case 127 Sultan Mara iy Sultan of the grazing land 127 Owdalay an Ethiopian servant 127 Amelio an Italian amir or count 127 Habishi Nakhadar 127 Hamama t al Bahr Pigeon of the River is beautiful like a water bird and her hosts act out swimming through a river or do the Hofriyati pigeon dance in that locale Her khayt is often drummed out of order near the Crocodile spirit at Tumsah 127 Sitt am Mandil Lady of the Handkerchief who is flirtatious 127 Other Ethiopian spirits who as a class are associated with fertility issues 102 and the color red which is also the color of blood which is linked to fertility As such they demand red clothes and red sacrificial animals 69 Male spirits of this class are associated with political power and heritable authority and dance in a proud and stately manner They typically demand red fezes shawls jalabiyas and occasionally walking sticks of ebony or ivory Female spirits dance salaciously smoke drink alcohol love and use perfume to the point of drinking it and demand red dresses and headscarves of the Ethiopian style Spirits of this class are often Christian 127 Sitt agh Ghwayshat The Lady of the Bracelets an Egyptian who has been recorded as preventing people she possesses from eating until they obtain certain foods apples cherries fish sausages and figs 131 Gasis Romay a Catholic priest whose possessed act out benedictions and sword fights 117 Dodomayo a Greek spirit who often acts intoxicated and selects women from the crowd as a wife 108 Dondo Ya Rundu a wealthy Westerner 106 He smokes Benson and Hedges drinks whiskey and spends his time reclining in bed or riding in taxis 132 Mistayr Brinso Mister Prince a Khawaja archeologist 106 He asks for a pith helmet khakis socks black shoes and glasses 132 Abu Rish Ya Amir ad Daysh a Khawaja spirit that represents a British Pasha Those possessed may goose step salute shake hands in the Western style and mime holding swords 117 Daidan who asks for a good matress 132 Sitt Mama Lady Mother a Coptic Egyptian woman who enjoys eating pigeons and has her hosts cap their incisors in gold 132 Dona Bey an American doctor and big game hunter who drinks copious amounts of whiskey and beer wears a khaki suit and carries an elephant gun He is fierce though his prey are dik diks a small antelope that is sometimes locally kept as a pet and that beautiful women are often compared to As such he is also a lustful character 132 Miriam al Azraq Miriam the Black Dark Blue a zar counterpart to the Virgin Mary She asks for a black dress and head shawl like that of a Catholic nun 132 Gasis Gom Bi Tiyara a Coptic monk who flies in an airplane 132 Bamba Beya boy of the ancient monuments a Turk who is visiting Sudan s pyramids 132 Wad an Nasara Ya Mama Miya is an Italian Christian who hunts waterfowl 132 Aziza Lady of the Bracelets is a wealthy Egyptian Copt 132 Hindiya is an East Indian female spirit who drinks Pepsi and has her hosts drape their tobs to look like saris 132 Hashira is a disdainful Victorian English female spirit 132 Jamama is a female Chinese spirit who demands a qipao style dress of floral silk and wife of Ard as Sin 132 Ard as Sin Land of China who lives in England and rules China 132 Sitt an Nisa the Lady of Women a Canadian female spirit 132 This spirit s independent existence was short lived as it was identified as an expression of the Coptic spirit the Lady of the Bracelets It was identified as inquisitive and bringing metal to make musical instruments for zar 133 Various other Khawaja spirits who may be doctors lawyers military officers and airplane pilots The possessed may dance with a cane a symbol of authority other similar symbols being flywhisks batons and walking sticks The spirits may request a European belt and cane as well as items like cigarettes other clothes particularly of a Western style and a radio 117 They may also request a henna design for the sole of the foot where the heel and ball are covered but the instep only has three stripes resembling a sneaker print 118 They also demand certain foods associated with the West and held in containers bottled beverages tinned foods expensive fruit biscuits and white bread They have mustaches they twist while in humam form These spirits may also be called Nasarin Christians though not all of these spirits are 132 Al Wardi Karoma the zar counterpart of Lord Cromer 132 Gordel the zar counterpart of General Charles Gordon 132 Nimir al Khala Leopard of the Dessert or Nimir Kindo Babur al Khala Leopard Kindo Steamboat of the Desert who probably represents Sir Samuel Baker 132 Basha Basha Gordon and Baker s archetypal nemesis a merchant prince who trafficks South Sudanese into slavery 132 Birulu lord of the chains another slave trafficker 132 Basha Birdon who wears a European suit and a fez He may be the zar counterpart to Sir Richard Burton 132 Basha Korday who may be the zar counterpart of Sir Alexander Korda He has a mustache and wears khaki breeches 132 Hakim Basha an Egyptian doctor spirit sometimes also described as Turkish or European While possessing people he diagnoses others present and recommends treatments 124 He has two manifestations one is a turn of the century Islamic medical practitioner who asks for a white jalabiya long topcoat fez and walking stick The other is a modern doctor who asks for a white labcoat trousers a stethoscope and tongue depressors 132 Basha t Adil a Khawaja train conductor 117 and a secretary who asks for a whistle a peaked cap and a European men s suit He pumps his arm up and down like he s sounding a train whistle 132 Hakim bi Dur a Khawaja doctor 115 Beshir a comical English man who is uncomfortable in the desert wiping his face with a handkerchief and carrying a towel over his shoulder 132 Abu Rish Ya Amir ad Daysh Owner of the Feather O Amir of the Army who asks for a khaki uniform with a wide belt and epaulets and a topi hat with feathers 132 Other Bashawat the big Khawajat who are usually doctors military officials and bureaucrats who command respect They are sometimes called Turks though not all these spirits are In Khartoum they include Christians Jews and Hindus 132 Holiba Arabiya a male Beja lorry driver Those possessed by this spirit may wear a kuffiyeh and drape their tob to resemble traditional male Beja dress 117 He also requests a long toothed comb to wear in the hair His name is a pun that can refer to an automobile or a female nomad 128 Hassina Arabiya a female spirit who requests Hadendowa jewelry soured camels milk and rancid clarified butter 128 Luli Hassina a female spirit who requests Hadendowa jewelry soured camels milk and rancid clarified butter She and Hassina Arabiya are demure do not speak and must be watered by their husbands like cattle They may do the jabudi dance 128 Sulayman al Bedawi Sulayman the Bedouin is Hassina s bridegroom and often demands jirtig paste for his host s hair 128 Ahmed al Bashir shaykh of the Nomad spirits who demands a silk tob and whip 128 Jamali a male with an aggressive personality who demands a sword a whip and a Beja tob 128 Mohammed Bikeyfu beloved of power a fierce warrior who demands a sword that must be drawn and brandished 128 Bernowi 128 or Bernawi who appears in the tumbura Banda khayt s songs as someone who fought the Azande appears in bori as either a spear carrying West African Muslim from Bornu or a Ta ishi Baggara Arab who commands those he possesses to carry a spear 134 Wad al Arab Son of the Arabs a child spirit who attends school and wants an adult tob 128 Ali Ababa a child spirit who has lost his father and camel jamal and runs around looking for them and crying Jamal is also a local euphemism for a clitoris and as participants in zar bori are often adult or married women if their culture practices female circumcision they will have undergone it 128 al Quraishi a male spirit from Mecca and member of Muhammad s tribe He asks for a Saudi four cornered headdress 135 Other Arab Nomad spirits who may incline those they possess to sword fight or do the jabudi dance 117 They may ask for clothes and shoes associated with nomads such as oversized shirts and wide legged pants 128 especially Beja and items like whips 114 This is the other group likely to possess men 107 They are usually Beja spirits 128 Munira Halibiya t ag Guffa Munira Halibiya of the Basket who asks for a green dress blue tob and a peddler s basket 136 Abu Munira Munira s father 136 Nahali Skinny One a male Halib spirit 136 Barou Nayyar Luminous Scraps another male Halib 136 Other Syrian Domari Halib spirits whose female spirits are known for being forthright and bold when speaking to men and for convincing people to give them money often by trickery an offensive stereotype 125 Halib women peddle goods and men make leather items and sharpen and repair tools These spirits are associated with reproductive disorders and many are nameless 136 Sarikin Borno the Sarkin of Bornu He wears a striped jalabiya and is also classified as a Holy Man spirit 137 Nimir al Kondo Leopard of Kondo a traveling merchant from Chad He speaks French amd wears a fez He asks for a navy blue vest to wear over a white shirt 137 Meriam a shameless female spirit who asks for a flat mortar for grinding grain and a deep one for pounding spices She begs wears ragged clothes and requests plain boiled grain and water 137 Abu Bukari a male spirit who travels by camel and relies on Allah to provide food on his pilgrimage He begs wears ragged clothes and requests plain boiled grain and water 137 Tekonday a Nigerian immigrant to Darfur He begs wears ragged clothes and requests plain boiled grain and water 137 Fallatiyat the unnamed zar counterparts of Darfuri merchants who are reputed to do black magic They ask for broghtly colored homespun tobs and gold nose rings zumam 137 Other Fallata West African Muslim and West Sudanese Muslim spirits many of whom are on the Hajj pilgrimage Fallata is the Kanuri word for the Fulani These spirits are sometimes called Takarin those from Takrur 137 Dinkawi the Herdsman of Cattle He asks for cow milk for his host to drink 138 Maryjan an elderly male slave with a bent posture from a life of hard labor 138 At Tayr al Akhdar the Green Bird a pagan enslaved man who accompanies his master on Hajj 138 Farigallah Separated God an elderly pagan Nuba woman 138 Baharanil River Nile a Khudam prostitute 105 Jata Lady of the Rahat 138 another Khudam prostitute who wears a white satin dress and a rahat leather thong skirt 105 Muna Sitt ash Shabal Lady of the Shabal a southern prostitute who mimicks local village women 117 The shabal is a hair flick gesture done by women at weddings that grants luck to others Both Jata and Muna act demure at first but are ultimately flirtatious 138 NyamNyam Kubaida 119 or Nyam Nyam the Severe Afflicter 138 an Azande cannibal spirit who may demand raw meat 119 especially liver kibda He tries to make those who possesses take off their clothes 138 Bayakuba as Sahar Juba Bayakuba the Sorcerer of Juba a date loving sorcerer 138 and may demand raw meat 131 He tries to make those he possesses take off their clothes 138 At Tumsah a sorcerer in his animal crocodile form He makes his hosts wear rags and crawl on their bellies 138 Other Khudam Zirug South Sudanese spirits Many are Nuer Dinka Shilluk Nuba or from pagan West Sudanese groups They ask for black clothes and animal hides and pelts such as leopard pelts Male spirits ask for spears ebony walking sticks and clay pipes Female spirits ask for grain mortars All Khudam spirits are thought to know black magic and cause more serious forms of zar affliction Sorcerer Sahar spirits are all Azande and from further south than the other Khudam They are perceived as cannibals and make those they possess try to bite others 138 By the 2000s this group of spirits has come to be largely viewed as Christians 23 Many Southerners and Azande cannibals are known as refusing to speak when being questioned by shaykhas 131 A few spirits who don t represent cultural Others such as Sitt Amuna and Sakina daughters of the Sultan of the Red Sea and Salma Daughter of the River who is probably a malayka t al Bahr angel of the river Angels of the river in Sudan are tall women with long flowing hair and fish tails who live under the river They are benevolent but capricious as zar spirits 66 In Sennar which has a melded form of zar combining bori and tumbura there are the Darawish spirits of Sufi teachers and holy men 23 Yarima Pasha or Shalabi a Pashawat 23 Pashkatib the clerk and a Pashawat 23 Hakim Pasha the chief doctor and a Pashawat 23 Yowra Bey a Pashawat 23 Sharido Bey a Pashawat 23 In all there are said to be 300 Pashawat spirits They demand their hosts wear light and pastel colors jalabiyas in white cream and ivory and red fezes They are vain spirits and often also ask for mirrors If they speak they do so in a whisper They may also be called nas Bayud white people or al Bahriyyat People of the River Male and female spirits of this category do not possess the same hosts The female Pashawat are seen as somewhat intimidating with obscure origins disabling afflictions and difficult demands They are infrequent in today s zar 23 The Khawajat Europeans who are often given alcohol such as whisky or wine The ban of alcohol has led to the Europeans visiting less often and the respect given to them has declined The Chinese nas as Sin and Indian al Hinud spirits of this category have instead gained prominence 23 Bashir a half brother of Luliyya and Dasholay who all share an Ethiopian mother These three are very popular in contemporary practice He wears a red jalabiya with a white cross on his chest and is served coffee He comes to cure people with zar affliction on Sunday and Wednesday He also expects alcohol and cigarettes as does Dasholay He can be capricious vulgar opportunistic sociable and affectionate He and Dasholay speak directly to those who seek them out instead of speaking through a zar medium 23 Luliyya who reatins her flirtatious nature seen elsewhere She advises people on sexual amd reproductive issues and is served Pepsi Those she possesses wear colorful and attractive clothes 23 Dasholay also advises people He wears a black jalabiya with a white cross on his chest His father is said to be a Black soldier 23 Other Habashi Ethiopians who often dance around wearing heavy anklets and are sometimes offered local alcohol 23 the nas Arab Arab nomads 23 and the nas Zirug Black warriors from the mountains who dance with the same heavy anklets as the Habashi and may wear red fezes tilted at an angle They are sometimes offered local alcohol 23 The zar Nyamanyam adherents name some of their spirits to be Abd al Qadir al Jilani 30 Tumburani the king malik of the Sudani 30 Shakir Manzo 30 Nimr al Kindo also called Jabahana In bori this spirit is called Nimr al Kindo Babura 30 Babinga and Nakurma Azande ancestral spirits 30 Ceremonies editGenerally the zar follows this pattern the possessed person becomes ill or is struck by misfortune often seeks the help of more conventional medicine as is often encouraged by zar leaders 38 and once this fails they seek out the aid of the zar community 3 In Egypt zar and conventional medicine may be used simultaneously 139 For the Sudanese zar tumbura those who come to a shaykha complaining of illness are told to seek out certain medicines and then return for therapy but seemingly not with the implication that the medicine alone will fix the ailment 93 Hofriyati zar bori practitioners hold that the only treatment for zar affliction is zar itself that medicine won t help and that attempting an exorcism will worsen the affliction 122 In Egypt Bahrain and Oman it has historically been noted that zar leaders are not only mostly women but also mostly Black 10 nbsp Women playing music for a zar in Egypt In Iran and Egypt the zar spirit is identified by the response of the possessed to the music Different tunes are played changing every so often to invoke different spirits 38 ArabiaIn 19th century Mecca zar affliction often took the form of collapsing convulsions diseasee that initially resemble normal ones and fits of rage The zar leader s title was Sheikha ez Zar She would question the zar spirit either in Arabic or in the zar language which only she and the spirit understood The spirit would agree to a ceremony being held in a certain day as well as the usual placation offerings of clothes and jewelry The afflicted invited her friends and tea coffee pipes and food would be enjoyed as the Sheikha and her attendants performed zar songs with a drum 36 In an account given by Dijkstra in Neglected Arabia the zar ceremony in Arabia is called kabsh ram because the sacrifice is central and this sacrifice is a ram It begins in the evening with a simple dinner After dinner end a chant is done for an hour and after that the people in attendance crawl until they are exhausted There is a break and the musicians begin as the central patient comes in riding the ram that will be sacrificed which is decorated with green twigs This happens at either midnight or dawn if the person considers themself important They circle the room three or four times 14 The participants rest until an hour after daybreak and the central patient rides again After this the ram is slaughtered by the rider the leader of the ceremony and a third party All the blood is collected in a bowl and some is put in a glass with saffron and sugar which is drunk The rest is used to bathe the central patient who takes an hour long nap then bathes to wash off the blood and dresses in new clothes 14 During this the sacrificial meal is prepared and every part of the animal is cooked and used The food is put out and a stick that was anointed in the blood is held in front of the central patient called the zar in this form of the rite The leader asks them to ensure everything is as the spirit wishes it and that they have no further requests If the spirit refuses to answer the stick will be used to deliver a beating until it does 14 BahrainIn Bahrain zar adherents may signal their affiliation by wearing a ring with their name the name of their possessing spirit and the shahada engraved onto a red stone The ring has been bathed in blood before it is worn 14 EgyptIdentifying the possessing spirit may take quite some time potentially years especially as zar possession may not be suspected by the possessed or their family even if they assume another type of possession and seek out exorcism as treatment Further they may be reluctant to seek out the zar community if they are not already a part of it as it is a long term commitment requiring a fair amount of expense The zar leader or an old initiate is consulted in identifying the spirit and its demands The sid al ras spirit master of the head aids them in this One of the rituals to do so involves using incense in the home of the possessed person to make the spirit come forward and speak through the possessed person make them sleepy or appear in their dreams The spirit may also be found through coffee cup divination or a similar method 139 If the spirit is stubborn or this home ritual cannot be done another ritual called revealing the trace kashf al atar is performed The zar leader takes a piece of cloth with the smell of the possessed person s body such as underwear or a headscarf and a piece of paper with the possessed person s name and their mother s name written on it Before going to sleep the zar leader performs a rite with incense and places the two items under their pillow for three consecutive days prompting the spirit to appear in their dreams This is called tabyita 139 Upon identifying the spirit reconciliation rites may be arranged though these may not be for a while 140 nbsp Members of the Zar Masters The hadra presence is a weekly public musical ritual held in the home of the zar leader 140 limited to the musical part of placating the spirits and may temporarily appease spirits on the part of those who can t yet commit the money or time for an initiation 141 This may be located near a saint s shrine though it has long been illegal to hold zar rituals at shrines themselves Initiates who know their spirits may also call this ritual tazkira reminder which is the purpose it serves for them New and old initiates go into trance and dance at these and the crowd consists of those who can t afford their yearly zar ceremony those who attend regularly and curious outsiders 140 Zar leaders and musicians watch the crowd who sit on the floor at the edges of the room and encourage people to the dance floor based on their reactions such as facial expressions which indicate possession 142 143 A possessed person who hasn t identified their spirit may attend up to three hadras and the spirit may be summoned during this with music and incense and the leader may ask the spirits to fulfill their demands 139 Before going on the dancefloor one gives money to the band which is ritually circled around the person s head kissed and put away to be divided up later If a possessed person passes out they have pressure put on their head and are sprinkled with rosewater 142 Some zar leaders keep costumes on hand for use at hadras that correspond to certain spirits 144 Initiation rites may be called sulha reconciliation adq contract or midan vista as well as edwa feast tazkira reminder for those who are already initiated or madyafa or diyafa hosting if the sacrifice is a sheep goat or larger animal like a camel or bull It is a celebration done to acknowledge and placate the spirits using sacrifice dance offerings like incense spirit paraphernalia etc and other rituals Akkam in a bundle one in all may occur a rite where the initiate and all their guests consume the sacrificed animal together Non initiates may not eat the meat of this animal doing so may provoke the spirits 140 At one time these rituals took seven days and nights On the seventh day a rite signifying the end of ritual seclusion occurred where parts of the skulls of the sacrificed animals would be disposed of in the Nile Today this most commonly begins at sunset occurs over the course of a day and an evening and marks the beginning of a 7 sometimes 3 or 5 day period of seclusion During seclusion the possessed only eats of the animal sacrifice abstains from sex and opposite sex affection During this time one is with the spirits ma a al asyad A rite may be performed alone to end the period called as clear as milk safi ya laban or one have a zar of the river zar al bahr where the bones of sacrifices are disposed of At all of these milk products like yogurt or rice pudding are used with white symbolizing the end of a spirit s anger 145 Zars are broadly of two types silent al sakt and drummed zar daqqet The first is more common because it is less expensive and more private Being known to be involved in the zar can be a source of anxiety During the silent zar one sets an offering table the evening before and performs a ritual animal sacrifice The offerings on the table may include clothes food candles and special objects The blood of the animal is collected on a plate and used for anointing the jewelry body and parts of the home The sacrificed animal is then cooked and eaten It is done by a zar leader or the initiates alone if they are experienced The remaining blood is poured into the toilet as an offering to the spirits After the silent zar many go to the hadra later that day or the next day 141 The silent zar is considered secret while the drummed zar is more public Because of this it is hard to tell how widespread zar is in Egypt and how stong belief in it currently is Many have turned to silent zar instead of drummed because of finances and because of limited access to musical groups 21 The drummed zar is characterized by music which is used to draw the spirits to manifest by making the possessed dance The changes in facial expression are considered to be that of the spirit 141 In parts of Upper Egypt those whose spirits are known covered their faces at one time to hide the facial expressions during trance which could be grotesque 65 In private zars the possessed buys a trousseau of dresses shawls and scarves which they often wear to every zar ceremony they attend 144 In Alexandria and other parts of Egypt it was common for wealthy devotees to sponsor drummed zars whereas in Cairo devotees tended to sponsor ceremonies dedicated just to themselves 21 Every zar song has three sections that may be moved around as needed The first section moves one s emotions and causes the spirits to appear calling them forth The second section is a description often praising the spirit The thord section induces trance This section in particular may get moved as each person is considered possessed by at least a male and female spirit and needs at least two songs to be played When this happens the third section of the first song will be shorter and the third section of the last song will be longer The exact length of the song depends on how long it takes for someone tp go into trance A song may be fully repeated to this end Each spirit gets it s own song unless a person has a personal or unrecognized spirit in which case a generoc song is used 21 Once placated the zar spirits protect the possessed bring them prosperity and can help them divine After the initial placation of the spirit or spirits the person tries to hold a zar once a year to continue to keep the peace If they cannot afford it they often attend a hadra a type of weekly ceremony sometimes after having a silent zar at home 140 146 nbsp A silver amulet with an Arabic inscription Jewelry is important in the zar Even if an initiate ceases going to zars they keep their jewelry for the rest of their life so they don t offend the spirits 144 The jewelry as well as the initiate s body is anointed with sacrificial animal blood upon initiation and re anointed periodically signifying the contract they have with the spirits For this reason initiates may be called mitzaffar or mitzaffara anointed with the blood of sacrificial animals 141 The jewelry and amulets are re anointed with blood at every zar ceremony 144 It is most commonly silver with bells in odd numbers and often adorned with incised images of specific spirits either by themselves or in pairs 52 The jingles are indicative an item was used for zar Different regions of Egypt had different styles for making zar jewelry with the incised depictions of spirits being common in Alexandria and Cairo while Upper Egyptian amulets tended to have abstract designs 21 It is often called fadat al me affrateen silver of the possessed One of the most common amulets is the heart qalb either shaped like a tablet or framed heart made of glass plastic or semiprecious stone Many amulets are also inscribed with the throne verse from the Qur an or other Islamic phrases 144 The first piece of jewelry zar devotees get is a silver coin often made into a pendant symbolizing the contract between person and spirit Zar jewelry may be kept in a special box 21 Pieces are often selected by the possessed going into trance and picking ones they have seen in dreams or visions While initiates are often Muslims the silversmiths are often Coptic Christians 147 Other less common mediums for jewelry are beadwork The takiet kharz is a headdress made of beads and cowrie shells with a fringe 6 inches wide and three tassels It often has a matching belt sometimes of beads mounted on a base The amulets may also be made of beadwork 14 Winifred Blackman had a set of green and white zar beadwork from Upper Egypt consisting of a belt cap amulet and necklace Mention has also been made of sacrificial animals having jewelry such as a forehead piece made of two two foot long palm sticks bound in a T cross and decorated with tinsel and paper and a staff 42 inches long decorated with beads in brown white green red and three bands of cowrie shells equidistant from each other which is used when one rides the sacrificial animal 14 Many zar devotees also had special sticks for ceremonies and had bath and perfume zar paraphernalia 21 Zars are flexible with durations expanding and collapsing depend on the economics and other concerns of the possessed The numbers 1 3 5 and 7 appear often for durations spirits in pantheons numbers of items used in rituals and more 145 The Fatiha is recited at the start of many zar ceremonies in a ritual called the Openings al fawatih accompanied by use of incense this being a separate rite called al bukhoor to purify the bodies of those present and make them attractive to spirits Certain scents are said to be more attractive to certain spirits At the start money is discreetly placed on the tray the incense burner is held on the zar leader kisses it touches to their head and puts it away The tray is held under the possessed person s chin as the Fatiha is recited aloud by the zar leader silently by everyone else A veil is often put over the person s head so the incense will gather underneath it to be inhaled The tray is passed under the right arm left arm and placed between the legs so the smoke goes under the person s garment then the right and left foot is lifted over the burner as the recitation continues This is also used to diagnose possession and to invite spirits into dreams 148 Before animals are sacrificed they are given ablution in clean water their faces being washed three times Basins for this water and to collect the blood are needed Candles are distributed among initiates and lit The zar jewelry is taken off and put in a specially bought china plate tabaq ghasheem which will be used to collect blood A call for gifts of money happens during the ablution 149 Paul Kahle claims the sacrifice is performed over the head of the possessed so they can drink the blood as it comes forth It is also claimed that the feathers and claws of sacrificial birds are set aside as gifts to the spirit 14 neither practice is mentioned by Al Hadidi The mayanga from a Hausa word meaning cemetery is only built by serious zar participants who have undergone multiple initiations and wish to become zar leaders It is a private shrine where the bones of animal sacrifices are placed and can provide direct access to one s possessing spirits and resultingly increases a person s power This power in the mayanga must be renewed with sacrificial remains and blood The mayanga may be used even after the person who originally built it has died 150 To become a zar leader one must undergo the girding al hizam ceremony and identify the master of the head sid al ras who helps them in divination Those who inherit their position from their parents also undergo a special ritual where their parent passes on their incense burner and box Those chosen by their spirits to become leaders buy these items new and during their girding ceremony anoint them with sacrificial animal blood The sacrifices for the girding ceremony may include 2 4 sheep a camel or a bull Not all who undergo the girding ceremony become public zar leaders some really only offer services to family and friends called sheikh habaybo or sheikhat habayebha and others who don t provide services to others are called sheikh nafso or sheikhat nafsaha his her own sheikh 48 In Egypt altars for the spirits are often set up decorated with flowers candles and sweets 14 EthiopiaPaul Kahle claims the sacrifice animal is usually a chicken and that it is swung around the head of the possessed person and thrown to the floor If it does not die soon he says the sacrifice is considered to have been in vain 14 Iran nbsp Women at a zar In Iran zar leaders are called Baba zar or Mama zar or just Baba male or Mama female 3 instead of Sheikh or Sheikha and zar leaders are Black 38 They often inherit their position from their parents and they either appoint a successor or the local community elects a new leader after their death They have their own stands with drums other instruments and clay pots for incense 10 Before seeking their help a possessed person may have sought the help of a sheikh or mulla 3 Unlike in Egypt they may not necessarily be possessed themselves though this is the case for many Newly possessed people stay in a bamboo hut on the beach 10 or in the home of Baba Mama zar in the week before their first zar and after a payment for the ceremony has been agreed upon 3 during which they are bathed in seawater and rubbed with a mixture of herbs and spices such as basil saffron bukhish a local plant cardamom walnut chicken s tongue guraku and gest gasht an Indian wood from Mumbai soaked in rosewater and called girkou 10 75 They also may drink some of this 10 This is called the separation phase by researchers 38 This time can last a day or it may take several weeks and may also include certain foods contact with women 10 or looking at certain animals such as dogs and chickens being forbidden 3 The morning after this time ends they are bathed and rubbed with a mixture containing the dust of seven paths and seven leaves of seven thornless plants 10 Some reports say that after this and before the zar itself the possessed person is laid on the floor with their big toes tied together by goat hair fish oil is rubbed under their nose and the Baba or Mama skips around while brandishing a bamboo stick bakol and threatens the spirit 3 Others say the same except fish oil is rubbed on the body and goat hair is burned under the nose 10 nbsp Photo of the Maidan showing the drums and trays The zar itself also called the incorporation phase by researchers takes place in a U shaped area called a Maidan with the possessed person tea 3 and a tablecloth in the center The tablecloth has lotus fruits kunar food the meat and blood of the animal sacrifice 10 eggs dates confetti and herbs on it The possessed person has their head covered with white cloth then a tray with aromatic herbs laid over burning charcoal is passed around as incense and musical proceedings begin 38 Different instruments are used such as flutes but the most important of which are drums Three types are reportedly used are the modendo mudendu gap dohol large drums the former being a kettledrum and kesar a small drum 3 The instruments are fumigated with incense before the ceremony and in front of the modendo a silver tray of gashtahsuz and kundruk dried incense herbs is placed before it The Baba or Mama plays this drum while singing and signals the beginning of the ceremony and music woth their bamboo stick 10 Singing may be in a different language or it may be sounds without meaning 38 As people enter they do not greet each other or speak while sitting If they drink tea or coffee they do not put it on the floor and instead hold it until someone comes and collects cups People sit on the floor men and women beside each other and men and women dance and sing together responding in chorus to the Baba or Mama 10 Once identified the leader communicates with the spirit in a language that s a mixture of Persian Arabic Swahili and Indian 75 often Malayalam or Marathi one of these languages by themselves or potentially in gibberish 3 to find out why the possession happened and what the spirit wants To assure the spirit its demands will be met a cloth is tied around the possessed person s arm a binding 75 This is also allows the possessed person time to gather the money and requested items for placating the spirit 10 Babas and Mamas specialize in which spirits they can deal with if they find the person is possessed by a spirit they cannot deal with they recommend a Baba or Mama that can manage the spirit 3 If regular Babas and Mamas fail they may send the person to a gaptaran the most powerful Baba or Mama in a region If the ritual is for zar infidel spirit no one is allowed to mention God Muhammad or the 14 holy persons or else the spirit will never be placated If after trying multiple times for many days the spirit cannot be placated the Babas and Mamas will cease to work with the patient and they will be considered tahrans an outcast and hated status 10 If the demand is simple it is handled at this ceremony If it isn t another ceremony is held where the demand is fulfilled The zar or bazi ceremony 10 can last for up to a week 38 During its duration no one leaves if they are tired they sleep there 10 Demands can vary from wanting a small piece of bamboo to prayers to wanting an animal sacrifice typically a sheep or goat to white perfumed fabric 10 to wanting the possessed person to be beaten with a piece of bamboo In the last case beatings may be repeated at subsequent zars or may be done whenever the person feels ill again This is a common treatment for sailors that go out to sea for a month or more 3 The bamboo usually has two silver beads or is decorated with silver rings and on the day before the ceremony it is covered with henna and fish oil The surface will also be decorated with silver Another common request is for a special veil called a lang or languta made of two pieces of local shateh fabric eight meters in length and sewn together with blue yellow and green silk thread 10 Some participants claim to have drunk the blood of animal sacrifices in the ceremonies 75 and some say Babas and Mamas increase in credibility with the more blood they consume 10 In the past it was reported beautiful young virgin 10 women in bright clothes daughters of the wind dukhtaran i hava also seen in Bahrain would show up and sing 75 and dance 10 but this no longer seems to be the case 3 Those who attend ceremonies to sing and play instruments but are not possessed are called safi or people of love ahl i ashq 10 Today due to legal prohibitions the only official zars take place in the form of performances at folkloric music festivals though private zars still occur as a healing practice 10 OmanIn Muscat Fanny Lutton a missionary recorded that Bait e Zaar was the largest and most expensive house of sorcery She recounts that blood of the animal sacrifice was used liberally to anoint the possessed and that it was drunk By her account Black enslaved women danced at the ceremonies and the possessed danced with them until she was exhausted 14 Possession is partially determined by the afflictions experienced by the possessed The affliction will not be treatable by normal methods and common elements include persistent headaches dizziness insomnia lack of appetite loss of senses and time inability to work narcolepsy pain and fits of anger singing laughing crying and head banging 77 Zar leaders may inherit their position or be called to it They may be male or female and the titles given to them are Umm al Zar Mother of Zar Aqeed al Zar Commander of Zar or Sheikh Sheikhah Ziran They have mastery over the spirits and can summon them within themselves at will At zar ceremonies the zar leader induces their own spirit to possess them and then tries to lure the patient s zar 77 The initation exorcism ceremony is called a ramsa and lasts between one and seven days Ramsas are not held during pilgrimage prayer Ramadan or on Fridays The ramsa is considered temporary relief More lasting relief cones from initation and reoccurrence of symptoms or the spirit taking over at ceremonies is likely The patient mobtala a meaning possessed of afflicted one wears special clothes and fasts till the end of the ceremony sitting in the center of proceedings The zar leader wears colorful clothes and carries a cane while singing zar songs and closely watching the patient The patient s reactions to the songs are used to diagnose which spirits possess them The zar leader s singing is accompanied by drums usually three They are played slowly at first with the music gradually speeding up In addition to their own sings zar spirits are associated with certain beats People s movements correspond to the intensity of the drums 77 First the identity of the spirit must be determined Questions are asked of it in Arabic or zar language If the spirit is uncooperative the spirit is flogged via the patient cajoled or provoked into revealing itself If absolutely no zar reveals itself zar is not considered to be the real cause of affliction If a spirit does reveal itself it makes it clear why it has possessed someone It will ask for things related to envy jealousy social relationships or just for general gifts It may warn of some impending danger as well If the demands are reasonable they are generally agreed to 77 After this the patient dances temporarily expelling the spirit They then collapse trance and sleep The zar leader orders the sacrifice of an appropriate animal and the patient is given its blood to drink 77 SudanThe zar tumbura involves a four stage process First is a divination to determine if possession is the cause of the ailment done by a shaykha female ritual leader also called a usta 151 or ummiyya 152 If it is the second step is therapy fatah al ilba a seven day seclusion in the house of the shaykha while traditional medicines and incense is used Certain food and drink may be prohibited during this period 91 153 Once symptoms cease the two day thanksgiving ceremony gadah al bayad 154 occurs Then there is a seven day initiation ceremony called kursi 93 which culimates in the sacrifice of a white sheep in front of four cult banners bawariq 155 which are raised in the eastern side of the courtyard 92 in honor of Al Jilani whereupon they then drink some of the blood symbolizing permanent connection to tumbura 85 After this the new iniate is taken to the Nile and washed by the sanjak who also disposes of the sacrificial remains in the water These last two steps are done under the authority of a sanjak a male tanbura musician and leader Members of the group former patients who went through this process themselves gather at these last two steps 82 The tatriq homily is performed at every tumbura celebration 156 Afflictions treated by tumbura range from bodily aches to paralysis Treatment follows the general zar pattern of the first attempt at treatment through Western medicine then more conventional traditional Islamic medicine and finally going to the zar adherents In cases where divination does not confirm that zar is the cause it is often said the illness has come from God directly and it is God who can take it away 157 All affliction is seen as an expression of the same illness Upon initiation it is viewed as a matter of one spirit one illness one medicine coalescing Just as the tumbura unifies these three things it also unifies non Arabs into an identity as the Muslim Sudanese original people nas ali 158 The traditional tumbura divination method is called alaq It determines if one is possessed which khayt or khayts are responsible and specific steps to follow It has fallen out of favor as of the 1980s as it costs more than other methods To have it done the patient brings the shaykha a piece of dirty cloth they ve worn 2 ratls of sugar 1 ratl of sugar actual amounts vary a bottle of Bint al Sudan perfume and a 2 PT coin The coin is usually provided by the shaykha in actuality as it hasn t been used as currency in decades Some may also need to bring cigarettes and matches The perception is all these items are wrapped in the cloth and sprayed with perfume but in reality the shaykha usually puts in the coin a few dates or sweets a few beans and a teaspoon of sugar The other items brought are used mundanely and the bundle is put under her pillow for 3 or 7 days The khayt or khayts appear in her dreams and confess to being responsible It asks for the traditional ceremonies initiation of the patient and sometimes additional items like clothes and jewelry These items are not used outside ceremonies and may be loaned out by the shaykha for patient use The patient may appear in the dream themself 157 Another divination method that has fallen out of use involved the shaykha rubbing her thumb into the patient s palm or forehead then trying to see if she could smell the khayt s incense If nothing resulted alaq would proceed 159 Instead of alaq today many opt for exposing the patient to different kinds of incense in a ceremony called fatah al ilba This is a method used by many other variants of zar including bori Ideally this happens the same day as kashif Every shaykha is possessed by multiple khayt of which one is dominant This one aids her in the work of diagnosis The day she does kashif on is determined by this dominant spirit for example Banda s shaykhas do it on Saturday On this day patients and guests come to her home talk and are served coffee and drinks before the proceedings The khayt talks through the shaykha to the patient and discussion occurs to determine the cause of illness This is a more directly collaborative form of divination than alaq is 157 Upon confirmation of the zar spirit s involvement the patient decides whether or not to proceed with treatment They usually do though they often also discuss it with their family The family pays the shaykha and gives her 10 ratls of sugar 1 1 2 a ratl of coffee and tea each 3 packs of cigarettes 3 packs of matches 7 candles 3 kinds of sweets 1 bottle of Bint al Sudan and 1 bottle of sandaliyya perfume These are the things for the incense al hayat lil bakhur They are also often brought as gifts at births circumcisions and weddings The patient stays in the tumbura room for 7 days during which they are considered both dangerous and especially vulnerable to jinn evil eye and sorcery As such the whole process is private with no large gatherings Only the shaykha and jalisa are to enter the tumbura room and care for the patients The rababa is stored near the head of their bed 160 They are given medicine and fumigated with incense every morning and evening The incense and medicine are stored near the rababa the medications being powder that is applied to the body or mixed with water and drunk After the medication is used the incense burner is pressed three times to the top of the patient s head and each shoulder More incense is applied to the patient s hands and feet and inhaled by the patient three times The incense used corresponds to a khayt this is repeated for each khayt if there are multiple 161 The medicine treats biological symptoms and not the spiritual cause and itself is enabled to work by incense placating the spirit The process cures symptoms and changes relations between the patient and spirit 158 The patient during this time keeps a strict diet no food with a soul a restriction also observed in Coptic fasts and no salt and a safety amulet on their person This amulet is called an amana and consists of a medium sized knife with an ebony handle a foot long piece of wood decorated with beads and a bundle of straw all tied together with cloth or rope It has no equivalent in other Sudanese possession rites Some patients may hold a whip during this time instead 160 The thanksgiving ceremony gadah al bayad which translates to something like bowl of purity in context also called taṣbira meaning appetizer though this also refers to a lesser version of the kursi rite where birds are sacrificed instead of a sheep is 2 or occasionally 3 days marking the end of seclusion and start of initiation It starts Thursday afternoon and goes into late Friday evening If it is not performed and thanks is not given to al Jilani the zar affliction will return In the past it was held immediately after therapy but due to economic strain it may now be put off for up to two years It is generally held as soon as possible The ceremony is likened to a door one must open to reach kursi initiation and is a turning point where the group beings to be emphasized over the patient During the gadah al bayad one applies henna the tatriq is recited asida porridge is offered and pigeons are sacrificed for al Jilani 162 The opening rite for gadah al bayad kursi and all tumbura ceremonies is laylat al hinna the night of the henna Upon arrival at the shaykha s house the patient gives items considered necessary for the gadah al bayad which are kept on a large copper tray ṣiniyya set on the rababa s left in the tumbura room until needed The items include 7 candles 2 3 handfuls of dates and ground nuts 3 types of sweets mints candies and halawa sa d 1 pack of cigarettes 1 pack of matches 6 teacups 6 coffee cups 1 bottle of Bint al Sudan perfume 1 bottle of mahlabiyya perfume 1 bottle of suratiyya perfume and one bottle of majmu a perfume If the patient is only able to provide some of these items the shaykha will provide the rest Notably the last three perfumes are all used at weddings To start the former patient sanjak shaykha and devotees gather in the tumbura room The sanjak plays the tahlil while the former patient sits in front of him and the shaykha mixes up fresh henna paste on a white plate and sticks the candles in it while everyone sings The henna is given to the idda the hands and feet of the former patient and then everyone else A jirtiq bracelet is put on the former patient s right wrist The former patient now temporarily secludes in the tumbura room This entire process temporarily transforms the former patient into a bride or at least a bride like figure 162 The morning after laylat al hinna is typically uneventful In the afternoon the pigeons are brought over washed and have incense applied The maydan is set up the flags stood up a tray of coffee and tea cups bowls of asida or luqma plates of rōb sour milk samna clarified animal fat suksukaniyya boiled sorghum and shariyya pasta with sugar and tomato sauce The bride bathes and changes into a white jalabiya The harasan sticks Y shaped sha ba sticks of al Jilani and incense burner are brought out Everything is placed near the rababa The sanjak gets into position and the bride sits on front of him covered in a white tob The rest of the group stands around them with their hands close together palm facing palm at chest level The brigdar holds the sha ba stick in his right hand he does not speak unless holding one and recites the tatriq while the sanjak plays the tahlil If no brigdar is available this duty falls to the shaykha 163 The tatriq is a short piece with a few different versions for different occasions at most being 25 lines Supposedly it was once longer It functions as a way for the group to declare intent to do an important ritual and ask the presiding sanjak permission to proceed It is recited at the start of all ceremonies and Friday sacrifices Always the same is an invocation of Muhammad and his relatives Bilal the walis Abu Sa biyya and Abu Amsa Hawa and Adam the living and dead the known and unknown the lady of the idda and her assistants At the gadah al bayad the patient is mentioned it is explained they ve suffered the group is curing them the kursi is promised to occur and permission to sacrifice is asked At kursi the patient is instead called a bride their offerings are mentioned the sheep coffee henna and balila and it asked if these are accepted At annual ceremonies it states the group has paid for the ceremony and brought offerings as the will of God asks God to keep them healthy and together and asks permission to sacrifice 164 The tatriq provides continuity with Sufi Islam by mentioning conventional figures alongside tumbura figures It emphasizes its adherents humanity who being of slave descent have often been regarded as subhuman by linking them to Adam Eve and Mohammed It also involves the whole group in the ceremony The zar spirit is not mentioned in the recitation 165 After the recitation of tatriq the highest ranking shaykha and brigdar set the bowl of asida on the bride s head The brigdar takes some asida on his right forefinger and smears it on the idda seven times The bowl is then put on the bride s knees and the shaykha reaches under the tob to give them 3 mouthfuls to eat She pours tea and coffee into one cup for the bride to drink The pigeons are now brought out One is rubbed on the bride s head and set free it takes the illness away and whoever catches it will be lucky The brigdar asks permission of the group three times and slaughters the others three pigeons on the bride s head two on their knees and two near the flags The pigeons which are considered a clean animal are not considered a sacrifice and less important than the one that is released and the eating of asida which is the thanksgiving offering Their slaughter signifies something old ending and something new beginning The whole gadah al bayad is an anticipatory threshold event 166 The blood of pigeons is collected in a plate with a dibla a silver ring tied to a red cotton string Some Bint al Sudan perfume is added to the blood The dibla is worn around the neck by adherents for the rest of their life at the behest of the angels who follow al Jilani Once the dibla is on the bride s neck the shaykha uncovers them grabs their hands and makes her stand with three jumps to make the illness leave The bride sits once more without the tob on The shaykha sprays everyone with water to cool them from the illness Everyone eats the asida and wipes their hands on the bride Tea and coffee are served and the music and trances start Those who collapse are covered with a white tob and fumigated with incense 166 Kursi which means chair but probably didn t originally refer to that in context the origin and meaning are unknown but it can be translated as enthronement always starts on Thursday and lasts seven days It is the longest and most complex ceremony The laylat al hinna is on Thursday and is the same as before except the tray also includes four pieces of soap two lit candles stuck in coffee cups and should have twice the number of tea and coffee cups Friday has the sheep sacrifice for al Jilani Saturday has the ritual opening of the sheep head and optional mayz ritual for Banda with a black goat sacrifice Sunday is the ritual opening of the goat head the optional mayz for the Khawaja and sacrifice of a turkey Nothing happens Monday or Tuesday Wednesday has the bride s ritual bath in the river The ritual symbolism of the kursi presents the initate as a bride a woman having sex a birthing mother and a newborn simultaneously 167 Kursi only occurs once similar private rituals are considered optional vow renewals or thanksgiving ceremonies dedicated directly to al Jilani Kursi by the 1980s had become more of an optional ritual while gadah al bayad remains necessary 168 Friday is the day of the ritual procession and sacrifice for al Jilani which happen in the open People eat first and the ceremony starts around 5pm Ideally everyone wears white which is al Jilani s color The zaffa procession is first with the shaykha and jalisa escorting the initate out of the tumbura room to sit in front of the sanjak as the tahlil is played The shaykha and brigdar present the al Jilani and Bilal flags to the sanjak and the procession starts It is a counterclockwise half walk half dance around the maydan while the sanjak plays zaffa songs People stand on the sides and play kashakish rattles and drums and most ritual items are carried The novice initiate wears white tob and garmasis bridal veil while carrying an amana The shaykha wears a white dress tob and Banda s beaded accessories The procession goes until the sanjak finishes playing Much of this is similar to the three annual Sufi zaffas those and the tumbura s three annual zaffas ceased to be public due to a government ban in the 1960s 167 One of the songs sha yan li llah is from the Mirghaniyya order Some members of this order are mentioned in song during the procession and the ritual tea and coffee services are held in honor of Muhammad al Hassan born al Mirghani Notably this order was anti Madhist a sentiment shared by tumbura members due to the Madhists being pro slavery The zaffa songs also invoke Mohammed Bilal other Sufi figures mermaids and river angels The last two are associated with the Gumuz khayt and with childbirth 167 After eight songs leaving only Bilal s to be done the brigdar shouts everyone to a halt Everyone assumes the posture taken during the tahlil at the gadah al bayad and the tahlil is played The brigdar stands before the sanjak holding the sha ba in his right hand and a smoking incense burner in his left as he recites the tatriq The sheep covered in white cloth is brought forth Drums are occasionally beaten like applause during this After this is done the al Jilani and Bilal flags are returned to their usual position and the animal is brought in front of them The cloth is removed and the brigdar washes its mouth belly and genitals with water The shaykha applies incense to it The brigdar then lifts the animal into the air three times throws it to the ground on its left side It is immobilized and the shaykha digs a hole under its neck A plate with two rings some perfume and a few grains of coffee is put in the hole to collect blood The brigdar slaughters sheep without saying in the name of God The plate is taken to the bride as the sha yan li llah plays and the shaykha kneels on their left She uncovers their face and anoints the forehead temples throat both sides of the hands and the soles of the feet The remaining blood is licked off her fingers by the bride The shaykha puts the rings on the bride s right hand and puts the incense burner on their head right shoulder left shoulder and the rest of the body The bride drinks a mixture of tea and coffee and the shaykha thrice splatters water onto the bride s face The jalisa takes the bride to the tumbura room where she stays until Wednesday the final day of the kursi and the person is now the child of the tumbura idda The sanjak then plays the khayt songs and people dance Some dance on their knees covered with a tob and some dance standing without one People near the dancers undo their hair When the shaykha dances the others stand out of respect The harasan stick is held in front of her and the jalisa applies incense to the rababa Food may be brought out near the end of the ceremony 167 The opening of the head occurs the evening after the sacrifice Saturday for al Jilani To prepare the sheep is boiled Its head and hip bones are put in one covered wooden bowl and its genitals upper chest and neck bones are put in the other These are considered a complete animal These bowls an incense burner and a glass of milk are put on a mat The novice initiate is covered with a white tob and marital cloth and holds the amana as they re brought from the tumbura room to sit before the sanjak The sanjak plays tahlil and the brigdar recites the tatriq while holding the sha ba The jalisa stands next to the brigdar with a knife Once tatriq is finished the bowl with the sheep head is put on the bride s head and has incense applied The bowl is uncovered The brigdar opens the sheep s mouth with a knife then pours milk in it a symbolic consummation of the marriage between novice and spirit The brigdar cuts some tongue pieces and throws them towards the flags He is also supposed to request the bride taste a piece of tongue The sanjak plays khayt songs The bowl is put on the bride s knees then returned to mat The novice dances and then the jalisa brings them a coffee and tea mixture to drink The rababa harasan drums and flags are anointed with coffee The sanjak repeats tahlil and after the brigdar calls for a break The bride is returned to the tumbura room and everyone else dances 169 Early Wednesday evening the bride is brought out and people make their way to the river This procession was once on foot zaffa just without flags but the government ban means adherents proceed via a van Sanjak still plays the rababa as they ride and everyone sings and plays kashakish rattles Once there the jalisa leads the novice initiate into knee deep water and presents them to the sanjak and brigdar The jalisa goes further downstream invokes the Nile spirits and throws the remains of the ceremony in the water particularly the bones Simultaneously the sanjak washes the bride s face with water three times The brigdar has two white live chickens and hands them to the sanjak one at a time The sanjak submerged each chicken three times and strokes it with the novice s back chest and shoulders three times Everyone returns to the maydan and the asida offering is repeated but with balila instead Tea and coffee are served and the ritual paraphernalia is packed and returned to the tumbura room The river ceremony is similar to local post partum rituals 170 The maydan is set up the same way each time the sanjak stands on the west side the flags are set up on the east side the female devotees stand on the north side and the male devotees stand on the south side The tumbura room is to the sanjak s right Most of the ritual paraphernalia is placed near the flags or sanjak Incense burns the whole time 167 Once initiated one is called son or daughter of tumbura 82 or the son or daughter of the instruments utensils idda the ceremonial items of the cult including musical instruments flags and ritual sticks They may also address the shaykha and sanjak and mother and father and the other adherents as their brothers and sisters and behave accordingly during ceremonies 156 Jawab songs are performed on the rababa by the sanjak with three or five nugara drums played by other tumbura officiants and kashakish rattles played by devotees as accompaniment Devotees respond to the nizul 171 jawabs of their khayt with trance and ecstatic dance 172 The other type of jawab wanasa jawabs are performed for entertainment not to induce trance 171 During certain jawabs devotees are commanded to stand by the sanjak and two will stand on either side of him holding harasan wooden sticks covered in beads considered guardians of the rababa and the shaykha holds up the smoking incense burner with her right hand 89 nbsp a Shilluk lyre The tanbura or rababa is often important in zar rites as mentioned and often the instruments would have individual names like people and be passed down Whoever had the instrument in their possession was its master and protector 173 174 The name for the zar tumbura may in fact come from the instrument and the version of the intrument used in proceedings resembles the rababa found in the South and Nuba hills The sanjak summons the zar spirit through his playing and serves as a doorman between the human and spirit worlds with the instrument as the door 175 and the songs he plays are the key These songs are said to have been composed of past sanjaks 176 Faraj Allah al Sanduli is believed to have been the first sanjak simultaneously with and separate from Bilal s bringi sanjak role said to have attracted a mermaid with his rababa playing and to be currently living among them If someone falls unconscious due to the affect of the song of the tanbura they may be treated with balila a kind of porridge 29 If they enter the ecstatic state they may be covered with a cloth 155 nbsp An Egyptian zar musician likely of Sudanese descent playing a tanbura At one point sanjaks operated in a healing capacity especially in the hybrid role of shaykh sanjak 177 but now this is more so the role of a shaykha 178 The sanjaks of old are also attributed magical powers particularly power to harm others with hot roots from the South and the Blue Nile 179 Not everyone who plays tanbura for the tumbura is a sanjak some are brigdars assistants to the sanjak 178 Technically anyone who knows tumbura songs could become a sanjak but in practice they usually must be called by the spirit which happens in the form of a long ailment cured by tumbura 179 The term sanjak probably comes from a military title in the Turco Egyptian army the leader of a company of cavalry as does brigdar from baraq dar 180 Sanjaq is also what the Ottoman flag is called 176 The sanjak generally deals with matters of the public sphere such as initations of new members installing new officants and celebrating annual Islamic festivals which shaykhas organize under the sanjak s authority 151 Unlike the shaykha the sanjak exercises authority in multiple groups and ultimately appoints all other roles in the zar tumbura Because of this the sanjak performing this role is called the guide dalil which is also an army rank If the dalil isn t present at a ceremony no other sanjak can play and the dalil is viewed as owning the rababas the shaykha has in her house There is only one dalil in a group though multiple sanjak may play at ceremonies 176 The shaykh sanjak performed the role of the sanjak and the shaykha doing music healing 177 and divinations 179 and this role was more standard in the zar tumbura of Eastern Sudan 177 In Khartoum those that acted as both were viewed with some suspicion A sanjak after acquiring the knowledge of a shaykha by proximity could become a shaykh by sacrificing a bull 179 Today the sanjak role is greatly diminished in power due to tumbura overall declining and eroding the old social networks and sanjaks may primarily be viewed as musicians 181 The ceremony for a new sanjak would have the candidate seated while wearing a white jallabiyya and turban with a green shawl representing al Jilani and a red shawl representing Bilal crossed over his chest Behind him is the rababa The other sanjaks stand on either side of him Behind the sanjaks stand the brigdars and sawatary At the back are male devotees on the right female on the left All are facing Mecca and the cult banners are in front of them The dalil of the house brings 7 trays of sweets and gives the sanjaks one of each then the new sanjak then the male devotees The ummiyya or jalisa serves the women The dalil plays the tahil representing there is no God but God and the brigdar recites the Fatiha before slaughtering a sheep for al Jilani 179 The brigdar is responsible for putting the cult banners in the maydan reciting the tatriq and slaughtering incense the proper behavior of male devotees serving coffee and tea and music by playing the kashakish rattle 182 the rababa the nugara drum sometimes with a piece of hippo leather 182 and or singing especially to give the sanjak a break They are prohibited from sexual relations with those in the group Brigdar are informally selected by the sanjak and taught to play rababa and once the sanjak is satisfied he recites the tatriq and slaughters a white sheep in the name of al Jilani for them The brigdar wears a white jallabiyya and is anointed with blood from the sheep on the forehead temples throat palms and feet A red left to right and a green right to left shawl are crossed over his chest Brigdars usually do not have pedigree the way many sanjaks do They are listened to in a friendly way especially during ceremonies but not respected or feared as they once were and there are few if any who still hold the role The position is lifelong but one may retire or become a sanjak 180 The sawatary or sawatari role no longer exists in practice It is unknown where the word comes from When it did the sawatary would hold the flag of Bilal during officant installations reciting the tatriq and during ceremonial processions and assist the brigdar The muttariq role a specific reciter for the tatriq also no longer exists 182 When an initiate visits and seeks the advice of a shaykha they go to the tumbura room the home of the shaykha itself is the tumbura house and is where ceremonies are performed and paraphernalia is kept 151 Other guests and initiates would gather there as well and the shaykha would use incense to enter an ecstatic trance state called nazla 91 nazal 155 or kashif and assume the voice of her possessing spirit to talk to those in the room This possession state is not total the shaykha may for example speak as herself to clarify something the spirit said then continue speaking as the spirit Others in the room may chime in with their opinion 93 This state allows the shaykha to diagnose and the ailment may not necessarily be possession Magic and the evil eye may also fall under the shaykha s ability to treat usually with incense counter work with roots and written spells or charms hidden in the patient s home However the claimed ability to treat these which fall outside the realm of zar may be just a way of emphasizing a shaykha s power and not done in practice 94 The shaykha generally deals with matters of the private sphere such as treating patients day to day running of the group and ceremonies celebrated by individual devotees She is responsible for the costumes and objects of the spirit the order in which songs are sung and which incense should be used 151 To become a tumbura shaykha one would first become an primary assistant jalisa of the shaykha that healed them 183 They keep the incense burner going during ceremonies and take care of the women at them as well as assisting the shaykha with patients 184 They would then either wait to be appointed upon the shaykha s retirement as successor in which case they inherit the previous shaykha s rababa tanbura or try to establish themself somewhere else 183 A jalisa may not be eager to take up the role of shaykha upon appointment 185 Trying to establish oneself without appointment is often presented as an order from the spirit but may also stem from other motivations such as envy conflict with the group or ambition In the latter case one would either take one of the rababa from the group the more prestigious option as it represents a continuity of power and the instrument itself is generally thought of as more powerful or if the group only has one the prospective shaykha is acting without permission or she cannot have one of the rababa for geographic reasons a new one would be made The group the aspiring shaykha is from must accept her as well as the leadership across the region If unanimous acceptance doesn t occur those who do not accept will not recognize the new shaykha and may cut ties with those who accepted her 183 In the case of succession the new shaykha cannot seek the advice of the former shaykha 185 The establishment of a new shaykha is commemorated with the thanksgiving ceremony a procession outside the house the kursi and the opening of the head fatah al ras ceremony which is part of the kursi A belt is put on the new shaykha and saying they put a belt around me is an idiom referring to the appointment 155 Other official roles a woman may have include that of gerayya one who runs which is more minor 155 It is essentially a messenger role where she informs other group members of ceremonies and other events The now defunct role wagiba was the assistant of the jalisa The habbōba al kanun grandmother of the stove prepared food and sometimes beer for the ceremonies 184 To make a new rababa one takes two wooden bowls of appropriate shape and material applies incense to them and sacrifices pigeons The bowls would be buried for 40 days and guests would come and sleep on the ground near where they were buried The new rababas made from the buried bowls would appear in the existing shaykha s dreams if it was God s will for there to be a new shaykha Then an animal sacrifice would happen and the two bowls would be dug up The prospective shaykha may take time off work to prepare for the rababa construction ceremony Another animal sacrifice occurs before the instruments enter the home of the shaykha 174 Further sacrifices occur in the case of both old and new rababas in conjuction with new shaykhas being established 155 Sanjaks often nominated their wives as shaykha 174 and shaykhas generally say their relatives were themselves shaykhas or sanjaks This is also true for sanjaks 179 This is for two reasons one if they re being truthful they grew up around the zar tumbura and are very familiar with it Second this pedigree confers a high status and therefore some lie about this to elevate their standing Like the sanjak the rababa tanbura is important to the shaykha she will possess at least one 183 In Port Sudan and other parts of Eastern Sudan the roles and leadership structure for tumbura are slightly different There the shaykh is the leader who performs healing functions there are very few if any shaykha The sanjak is only the musical assistant of the shaykh and is appointed by the shaykh 32 The affliction in the tumbura context is connected to the subjugated status of practitioners being of slave descent and the healing relies on a positive alternative identity that negates that status 82 Tumbura adherents may wear an item called a tumbura ring as a necklace pendant 186 Today zar tumbura groups have become more isolated and independent from each other as zar bori groups are due to a decline in new initiates and many groups ceasing to exist However different groups still come together when a new high officant is appointed and during annual Islamic festivals 187 For zar bori a diagnosis of possession should be publicly affirmed before a curative rite occurs The possessed may be informed of it while attempting previous treatments outside of zar or they may be diagnosed by a sitt al ilba lady of the box referring to incense who may also be a shaykha The latter will take a piece of cloth that s had bodily contact with the possessed and the possessed will also provide a coin sweets or perfume The sitt will fumigate the items with spirit incense and chant a khayt that invokes all zar spirits collectively The items are then put under the pillow and dreams reveal the spirits and their demands The sitt al ilba or another experienced zar adherent may also interpret the possessed dreams to find out this information 188 On rare occasions possession may be confirmed by spontaneous trance outside of a ceremony A shaykha will be called to attend to the matter and will either attempt to speak to the spirit or judge its reactions to different incenses a process which may take several days Over time the spirit usually becomes more coherent and communicative progressing from muteness grunts and rotana to speaking Arabic 188 If this does not work the shaykha may call for a trial tajruba three nights of drumming where khayts are performed This is a condensed healing ceremony where incenses and colognes are used and spirit paraphernalia is made available for the possessed to interact with Usually the spirit reveals itself but if it does not zar possession is not necessarily ruled out 188 It is necessary that the possessed accept the diagnosis though resistance to the idea at first helps ensure others see them as genuine 188 Once the possessed has accepted the diagnosis she agrees to at some point hold a ceremony once she can afford it Her husband and male relatives may help her gather the funds for this The first zar is more expensive than any subsequent ones The usual items needed for a zar ceremony include incense cologne cigarettes alcohol especially beer a sacrificial animal and any specific demands of the spirit In rural areas it is polite for other attendees to help offset costs by bringing small gifts 189 The zar ceremony lasts 1 3 5 or 7 days during which the possessed is referred to as the bride of the zar and does not interact with anyone outside the ceremony Unless her husband is also possessed she must avoid him She must abstain from sex and physical labour others help her by doing her household tasks instead She does not leave her house until the procession to the Nile 189 Ceremonies for zar bori should ideally take place in a house particularly that of the possessed who commissioned it or the shaykha 189 but may be held outdoors if the heat is unbearable 117 proceedings usually start in the late afternoon and continue into the night and early morning 189 There is a break during sunset to avoid attracting malicious spirits that are active around that time Ceremonies are not held during Ramadan as Allah prevents the zar from bothering people then and spirit incense may not be used 130 When outside it usually takes place in a courtyard still inside the home The participants gather in a U shaped midan with the opening oriented towards the primary door 189 The ceremonies are conducted by a shaykha who plays a drum The central patient sits on a pillow 117 or mat next to the musicians with the shaykha at her right facing either east towards Mecca or towards the men s entrance of the home Once everyone is present a censer is passed around for participants to fumigate their orifices with 189 Drumming starts as blessings are requested from Muhammad and some Sufi saints then music is played to bring forth the zar spirits which is responded to with dance possession trance and movement 189 Others who are possessed dance nazal as well during proceedings Those who stand 117 and exhibit characteristics of their spirits 189 during the rites have sacrificed for their spirits while those who sit or kneel have not though they may know which spirit types afflict them 117 The dancing and possession usually ceases when the spirit s song does If it does not the shaykha tries to talk to it and ask its demands and bargain if they are excessive At some point before the final day the central bride becomes possessed and the spirit or spirits possessing her have their identity fully confirmed which enables communication and healing 189 Dancing occurs almost non stop with breaks to sleep 117 and for women to ensure their children are fed 189 On the final day of the ceremony the sacrificial animal a sheep or goat with color and markings associated with the spirit or class of spirits which has been washed and made up with henna on its head and back is brought in 189 It is covered with a red and gold bridal shawl garmosis or garmasis 190 while music is played and an incense brazier is placed underneath the shawl to fumigate the animal 117 If the animal bobs its head as a possessed woman does this is taken as a sign the spirit accepts the transaction 189 The animal also must inhale the smoke after this it is slaughtered with some of the blood collected in a bowl and placed in front of the drums The primary patient steps over the carcass 7 times before it is taken away for butchery 117 often by the only adult man in attendance He holds a coin in his mouth to prevent him from saying bismallah which might frighten the spirits and cause them to flee 189 Others at the zar place coins in the bowl of blood Those who are possessed are anointed with blood with the bride going first 189 and some may even drink it Attention in anointing is paid to the primary patient s feet and arms Dancing continues after this until the sacrificial meal typically fattah which is also made during a public sacrificial meal thanking God for good fortune 189 is ready 117 which is the completion of recovery 189 The ceremony soon ends and the next day the primary patient will eat the head meat of the sacrifice in a private ceremony and have a procession to the Nile 117 During this next day ceremony the opening of the head fakka t ar ras the head is boiled the night before and held on a tray above the patient s head The shaykha opens the patient s mouth and makes her eat especially the brain and sensory organs except for the eyes The Nile procession then occurs with the bones blood bowl and some sweets being carried in a basket The shaykha and bride enter the water and wash The contents of the basket are released in the water and the bowl is rinsed The bride returns home changes clothes puts on perfume goes into a room she hasn t occupied for the past few days and is fumigated with incense once more She avoids her husband for one more week and from now on does daily work for her spirit s 189 If the patient is sufficiently wealthy and possessed by a Khawaja spirit she may hold a ceremony called a mayz A long table is set up with a tablecloth and European cutlery and set with food the Khawajat enjoy such as various alcohols Western soda olives expensive fruit tinned fish and sausage Danish cheese tea biscuits and French bread Tall backed chairs are around the table for the hosts of the Khawajat to sit and eat or the whole thing may be done buffet style 132 Among the instruments played at the Sudanese zar bori there is the dalluka an earthenware drum with a goat hide head the nugarishan a brass mortar that rings when struck similar to a cowbell with a deeper sound as well as re use of items like washtubs 117 The musicians are devotees never outsider professionals 189 The order the khayts are played in to summon the spirits is usually as follows first are the Darawish Holy people second are the Ethiopians Habish third are the foreigners Khawajat Europeans North Americans Hindus and Chinese spirits fourth are the Egyptian Turkish and British colonial officials Bashawat fifth are the desert nomads Arab sixth are the Syrian tinkers and Domari Halib seventh are West Africans and west Sudanese Fallata and eighth are South Sudanese and other Black Africans called Abid which is offensive 191 or Zirug 23 or Khudam 104 This order is also the order of drum rhythms from light to heavy 138 The female spirits are sometimes drummed separately as their own group 66 When this happens they come last 23 The khayt are played even if no known hosts are present for the relevant spirit as a host may or may not be revealed at a ceremony Even if there are known hosts at a ceremony a spirit may not descend in response to their khayt Sometimes this is because the host s in question are menstruating and sometimes there is no clear reason at all 123 If it is a woman s first zar she is dressed in white In general the possessed generally wears a jalabiya with a red belt around their waist and two red sashes crossed over the chest This is because sometimes in the zar bori as in the tumbura zar spirits are called red winds as opposed to the more malicious black spirits 189 Zar bori ceremonies draw on the symbolism of weddings though they are not themselves thought of as weddings Both last either 7 or 3 days Small gifts of money are collected from guests Incense fumigations are done Music and dance feature Animals are sacrificed and processions to the Nile are held 192 There is a period of separation margin and transition and reaggregation Doorways orifices fluids grain blood and gold are all significant to both Brides in both are forbidden to do chores wear white and red bridal colors use wedding paraphernalia and follow wedding hygiene The gifts demanded by spirits are also similar to a bride s Opening rites occur signifying the start of a relationship husband and wife spirit and host Idioms and symbols associated with both are similar 193 The sacrificial animal is also adorned like a bride 194 The emphasis of this similarity varies by region urban zar bori rites typically resemble Sufi remembrance ceremonies zikr Even in urban rites however there are resonant symbols for example a handkerchief dipped in sacrificial blood and worn around the wrist by patients which is suggestive of the harira bracelet worn at weddings 195 The basic zar incense Bakhur az zar consists of uda brownish red wood yellow mastic resin luban mistika Pistacia lentiscus and a sprinkle of bottled cologne Other ingredients are added to create specific types of zar incense for example one adds frankensence to make the Khawajat s incense 193 To coax a zar spirit to reveal itself the possessed may be offered money have the shaykha blow in their ears and on their neck be lightly beaten with rope or an iron spear not enough to really cause injury censed with incense picked up by the shaykha as she dances and so on 117 The shaykha attains her position and knowledge by apprenticing to an existing shaykha often a maternal female relative The title is gradually bestowed by community perception of her abilities 188 The zar bori does not seem to typically use cult banners as the tumbura does though two written accounts include them 92 They may be an item associated more so with urban zar bori groups which are more formal more organized and run by well paid male and female professionals These urban professionals may run clinics where zar patients can stay during treatment and sell spirit paraphernalia Urban professionals are more jealous and territorial than rural ones and rural professionals only are paid with small voluntary donations 79 Transvestite individuals participate in zar bori rites 117 as well as homosexual men including in leadership positions 79 In Sennar the ceremonies include the jabana an informal coffee party which is held frequently Spirits usually Ethiopians are summoned with coffee and incense to advise and entertain adherents It has become popular and frequent in large part because it is less expensive than a formal ceremony Another ceremony is the al Kursi a healing ceremony that invites all spirits to visit It is resource intensive but seen as the only way of easing severe zar affliction It establishes communication and a relationship between human and spirit The 7 groups of spirits are summoned in the order of Darawish Pashawat Khawajat Habashi nas Arab and finally nas Zirug Typically at least one sacrifice occurs but details vary based on which spirit is connected to the primary patient Another is the Karama which is hosted by zar leaders with the support of their followers The most important of these are held before Ramadan a time of inactivity for spirits during Rajab It is communal and during Rajab it celebrates and renews the human spirit relationship 23 The dinia the possession rite of the Nuba hills before tumbura involved making marisa beer and balila slaughtering and circumambulating a large tree in the countryside three times The patient would be bathed in the morning and effigies of various animals would be made of mud They take these and an egg to a place with cultivated land and put the animal effigies down in a specific order They d go back to the tree have the patient circumambulate three times bathe again then smear the egg over the body from the neck to the toes The patient would throw the effigies at the tree and then everyone would run away back to the village without looking back It is no longer practiced having been replaced by tumbura 29 YemenIn Aden both zar bori and tumbura were extant and considered distinct with the latter being male dominant and tied closely to saint veneration In the 1920s both groups began denying their religious and spiritual nature in response to be targeted by religious reformers 36 In Aden s zar bori locally often just called zar groups were led by women called the Alaka Most of their devotees were women but the musicians tended to be men Regular participants were usually Ethiopian and Somali but all sectors of Adeni society sought out zar when needed The ceremonies could be semi public and held on common ground or held in the privacy of the home Placation offerings included perfume jewelry and sacrifices It did not use Sufi imagery such as flags or have a connection to Sufi saints as zar bori in Sudan and zar in Egypt sometimes do 36 Aden s tumbura leaders were typically male amd were called Akils Adeni tumbura had weekly ceremonies usually on Thursdays or Saturday a ceremonies held during the ziyarat annual festivals It was connected to saints who arguably were given the role of ancestor and their tombs 36 Perception editOutsiders in Egypt Iran 10 and Sudan tend to view zar negatively with some seeing it as an un Islamic practice Zar practitioners view outsiders in various ways with some being wary 196 especially of journalists and others being glad that their practices are being written down 197 147 EgyptEgyptian movies have provided a influential way for Egyptians to engage with and understand their culture Egyptian movies have overall shown zar as superstitious backwards and outdated Zar practitioners have been shown as scammers This has caused many young Egyptians to feel shame around zar However a few movies have portrayed zar respectfully and been enjoyed by real life devotees Zar is also characterized as satanic or frightening by outsiders 21 Zar itself is not illegal but things done during zar may be such as smoking hashish Noise complaints may also be filed and used against zar groups if they don t have a good relationship to their neighbors and local police 21 Drummed zar and musical groups have declined due in part to leaders not training the next generation in songs and how to do ceremonies This is particularly notable among female leaders and has led to men taking more leading and prominent roles 21 Publicly religious leaders generally take a stance against zar In private however their own family may be adherents 21 SudanIn Sudan zar bori which is associated with Arab and Arabized Northerners is often seen by male outsiders as women faking health issues so they can get away from their male relatives to drink smoke and gossip at zar gatherings a resistance and dismissal regarded as ignorant by women However its power is not denied entirely and men s own Islamic practice is not wholly incompatible with the predominant female zar practice Even upper class women who do not believe in the rite attend its ceremonies as occasional recreation and in Khartoum it is slowly becoming a club promoting theatrical activities music and folk art as well as a ritual practice Zar bori is seen as neither particularly Islamic or un Islamic 198 In the final years of the 19th century zar bori had enough followers that it was viewed as a threat to Orthodox Islam In the 1980s zar bori programs occasionally appeared on TV 78 Bori practitioners view their rites as beneficial and Islamic and attend them sometimes just to enjoy themselves but generally view tumbura rites as demanding difficult esoteric nasty and or unpleasant Bori leaders may claim the tumbura causes illness or call its practitioners drunk godless thieves slaves and murderers 199 They view the zar Nyamanyam as not really being a type of zar and as either non Islamic or less Islamic 30 However zar tumbura associated with non Arabs of slave descent is viewed as a bad fringe practice associated with magic and evil spirits Its often confused with the Nuba ceremonial dance kampala Practitioners acknowledge their relationship to slavery but not in the same negative light They state that they never drink smoke or dance lewdly during rituals as they claim bori practitioners do Thought it is a mixed sex space in a way bori isn t practitioners keep some distance from the opposite sex and are respectful 199 Practitioners view Sudanese Arabs overall as religiously ignorant and afraid of tumbura because it is strong and heavy with bori not being as strong as tumbura and its practitioners as wanting to make easy momey with bogus ceremonies By contrast tumbura practitioners in their own view do not make money but have kept their power faithfulness to tradition and knowledge 200 They view the zar Nyamanyam as a separate practice but not negatively though characters from the practice also appear in tumbura songs 30 All outsiders are viewed with caution due to the sentiment that they do not treat tumbura people well 196 YemenZar bori was first banned in Aden in the 1920s It was the first practice targeted by local reformers who claimed it was a practice done by scammers and its music was a public nuisance Adherents submitted counter proposals to the ban by citing how long the zar had been practiced locally it s local acceptance and by stating tumbura was worse as it was not gender segregated At first zar adherents did not deny its religious nature though they did so later on They also argued ceremonies were not exhoribitantly expensive and that thry allowed widows a way to earn income The last ditch effort was to turn to the courts in 1932 which ultimately failed Around this time tumbura was also banned from saint s festivals but allowed its weekly celebrations Tumbura adherents defended themselves by immediately denying their religious nature though over the years they unsuccessfully petitioned for access to saints tombs again Both practices were seen as religiously impure Both practices continued under restriction into the 1960s 36 Other African possession rites editAlongside the Hamadsha Hausa animism and Voodou other possession rites exist across Africa These include the Ethiopian shatana the Chadian liban sheitan the Kenyan Digo shaitani the Kenyan Wataita saka or pepo the Tanzanian Segeju shetani the Tanzanian Ndembu s takuka the Zambian Tonga masabe the Mayotte trumba and patros and the Songhay holey or hauka 78 Many of these names likely ultimately derive from the Arabic word for devil and many refer to the possessing spirits as winds pepo in Swahili iska in Hausa and of course reeh in Arabic who are representations of human foreigners that cause illness These practices are influenced by trade cross participation in ceremonies held during the Hajj and the migration of people While they bear some similarities they also maintain distinctions 78 See also editBuda folk religion Fann at Tanbura Mazaher Superstition in EthiopiaReferences editThis article has an unclear citation style The references used may be made clearer with a different or consistent style of citation and footnoting May 2021 Learn how and when to remove this template message found in Ethiopia Eritrea Djibouti Somalia Arabia south and south west Iran Egypt and the Sudan Natvig Richard 1987 Oromos Slaves and Zar Spirits a Contribution to the History of the Zar Cults The International Journal of African Historical Studies 20 4 647 668 doi 10 2307 219657 JSTOR 219657 El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 12 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Beeman William O The Zar in the Persian Gulf Performative dimensions a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help Bori OCCULT WORLD Retrieved 2024 01 22 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 19 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 35 ISBN 9781617977718 Guiley Rosemary Ellen 2009 The Encyclopedia of Demons and Demonology Infobase Publishing p 277 ISBN 978 1 4381 3191 7 Makris 2000 p 52 a b Poche Christian 2001 Tanbura In Sadie Stanley Tyrrell John eds The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians Vol xxv 2nd ed London Macmillan pp 62 63 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad Khosronejad P 2013 The people of the air healing and spirit possession South Iran Shamanism and Islam Sufism Healing Rituals and Spirits in the Muslim World pp 131 167 El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 17 ISBN 9781617977718 Taghi Modarressi The Zar Cult in South Iran in R Prince ed Trance and Possession States Montreal 1986 pp 149 55 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 57 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Zwemer Samuel Marinus Influence of Animism on Islam pp 232 242 cited after Fakhouri 1968 p 49 El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 58 ISBN 9781617977718 Spaulding Jay 1996 Women of the Zar and Middle Class Sensibilities in Colonial Aden 1923 1932 African Languages and Cultures Supplement 3 Taylor amp Francis Ltd 173 JSTOR 586659 William Cornwallis Harris The Highlands of Aethiopia volume 2 p 291 Behnaz A Mirzai Asl African Presence in Iran Identity and its Reconstruction in the 19th and 20th Centuries Revue francaise d histoire d Outre Mer 89 2002 pp 229 46 Natvig Richard July 1988 Liminal Rites and Female Symbolism in the Egyptian Zar Possession Cult Numen vol 35 no 1 pp 57 68 doi 10 2307 3270140 JSTOR 3270140 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p El Hadidi Hager March 12 2023 Virtual book discussion of Zar with its author Hager El Hadidi video youtube com The American University in Cairo Press a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 14 15 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Kenyon Susan M 2019 06 24 Memory and Alterity in Zar Religious Contact and Change in the Sudan Entangled Religions 8 doi 10 13154 er 8 2019 8323 ISSN 2363 6696 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 1 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 72 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 10 a b c d e f g Makris 2000 p 12 13 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 97 98 a b c Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 99 101 a b c d e f g h i j k Markis G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 63 64 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 11 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 141 Makris p 222 n 5 15 Makris 2000 pp 64 65 a b Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 83 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d e f Reese Scott S An Innocent Amusement Marginality Spirit Possession and the Moral Community Imperial Muslims Islam Community and Authority in the Indian Ocean 1839 1937 Edinburgh University Press 2017 a b c d e f El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 62 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d e f g h i j k l Mianji Fahimeh Semnani Yousef September 2015 Zar Spirit Possession in Iran and African Countries Group Distress Culture Bound Syndrome or Cultural Concept of Distress Iranian Journal of Psychiatry 10 4 225 232 ISSN 1735 4587 PMC 4801492 PMID 27006667 a b c d Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 193 194 a b Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 202 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 66 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 64 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 13 ISBN 9781617977718 Blackman Winifred 1929 The Fellahin of Upper Egypt The Geographical Journal 73 2 69 71 Bibcode 1929GeogJ 73 171R doi 10 2307 1783550 JSTOR 1783550 a b c d e Blackman Winifred 1929 The Fellahin of Upper Egypt The Geographical Journal 73 2 197 200 Bibcode 1929GeogJ 73 171R doi 10 2307 1783550 JSTOR 1783550 a b c d Blackman Winifred 1929 The Fellahin of Upper Egypt The Geographical Journal 73 2 184 185 Bibcode 1929GeogJ 73 171R doi 10 2307 1783550 JSTOR 1783550 a b c El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 105 112 ISBN 9781617977718 a b El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 72 74 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 67 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 158 159 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 79 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d e f g h Meet the Masters of the Underworld Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 107 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 212 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 206 207 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 100 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 203 205 ISBN 9781617977718 a b Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 209 210 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 216 217 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 129 130 ISBN 9781617977718 El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 156 158 ISBN 9781617977718 kajetan admin 2019 02 13 EGYPTIAN ZAR jujusounds Retrieved 2024 01 21 El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 85 ISBN 9781617977718 El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 153 154 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d e f Fakhouri Hani 1968 The Zar Cult in an Egyptian Village Anthropological Quarterly 41 2 49 56 doi 10 2307 3316878 ISSN 0003 5491 JSTOR 3316878 a b c Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 293 294 Turner John W Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity Faith and Practices A Country Study Ethiopia Thomas P Ofcansky and LaVerle Berry eds Washington Library of Congress Federal Research Division 1991 a b c d Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 145 148 a b c d Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 187 189 Beckwith Carol Angela Fisher and Graham Hancock African Ark New York Henry N Abrams Inc 1990 Makris 2000 p 195 William Cornwallis Harris The Highlands of Aethiopia volume 2 p 269 William Cornwallis Harris The Highlands of Aethiopia volume 2 p 343 Edelstein Monika 2002 Lost Tribes and Coffee Ceremonies Zar Spirit Possession and the Ethno Religious Identity of Ethiopian Jews in Israel PDF Journal of Refugee Studies 15 2 153 170 doi 10 1093 jrs 15 2 153 Retrieved 5 August 2015 a b c d e f Maria Sabaye Moghaddam ZAR Encyclopedia Iranica 2009 Hegland Mary Elaine 2017 Review essay Iranian Studies 50 1 169 172 a b c d e f g h i Zar Group distress and healing a b c d e f g h i j k Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 132 137 a b c Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 164 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 17 a b c Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 195 196 a b c d Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 53 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 216 218 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 129 130 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 215 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 165 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 212 213 a b c d e Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 207 a b c Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 227 231 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 258 a b c d e Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 132 a b c d e f g h i j k l Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 197 203 a b c d Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 122 123 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 127 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 298 299 a b Ivanov Paola 2002 Cannibals Warriors Conquerors and Colonizers Western Perceptions and Azande Historiography History in Africa 29 89 217 doi 10 2307 3172160 ISSN 0361 5413 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 177 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 249 250 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 220 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 141 142 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 138 a b c d e f Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 166 168 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 194 a b c d Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 165 a b c d Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 202 a b c d e Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 212 a b c d Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 210 211 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 3 6 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 272 273 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 70 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 106 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 101 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 104 a b c Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 204 205 a b c Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 239 244 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 153 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 125 131 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 214 a b c Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 151 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 236 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 208 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 143 a b c d e f g h i j Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 275 277 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 206 207 a b c d Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 232 233 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 17 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 280 283 a b c d e f g h i j k l m Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 284 287 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 218 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 226 228 a b c d Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 262 264 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 288 293 Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 359 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 251 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 303 a b c d e Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 284 295 a b c d e f g Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 296 297 a b c d e f g h i j k l m Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 297 300 a b c d El Hadidi Hager Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 74 76 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d e Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 77 79 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 81 82 ISBN 9781617977718 a b El Hadidi Hager Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 34 35 ISBN 9781617977718 El Hadidi Hager Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 98 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d e El Hadidi Hager Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 86 87 ISBN 9781617977718 a b El Hadidi Hager Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 80 81 ISBN 9781617977718 Al Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 116 117 ISBN 9781617977718 a b El Hadidi Hager 20 December 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 36 39 ISBN 9781617977718 El Hadidi Hager Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 167 171 ISBN 9781617977718 El Hadidi Hager Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press pp 172 175 ISBN 9781617977718 El Hadidi Hager Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press p 184 ISBN 9781617977718 a b c d Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 151 152 Markis G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 104 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 124 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 131 a b c d e f Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 158 159 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 149 150 a b c Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 269 278 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 287 291 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 302 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 279 283 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 286 287 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 307 318 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 320 321 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 322 325 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 327 330 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 330 333 a b c d e Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 334 349 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 359 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 351 354 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 355 357 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 260 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 228 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 108 a b c Markis G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 105 106 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 52 a b c Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 167 168 a b c Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 169 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 111 112 a b c d e f Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 171 174 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 180 182 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 175 a b c Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 184 185 a b c d Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 153 155 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 166 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 156 157 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 210 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 79 80 a b c d e Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 154 156 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 159 163 womensliteracysudan 2019 05 22 Anointing in Robes of Red and Gold Women s literacy in Sudan Retrieved 2024 02 23 The History Behind Sudan s Identity Crisis Wilson Center www wilsoncenter org Retrieved 2024 02 24 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 310 317 a b Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan pp 323 329 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 332 Boddy Janice Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan p 337 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 82 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 78 79 Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan p 55 a b Makris G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 56 58 Markis G P Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan pp 61 62 General references edit Lewis Ioan M 1991 Zar in context The past the present and future of an African healing cult In Lewis I M Al Safi A Hurreiz S eds Women s medicine The Zar Bori cult in Africa and Beyond Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press pp 1 16 Further reading editEthiopia edit Arieli A Aychek S 1996 Mental disease related to being belief in being possessed by the Zar spirit Harefuah Journal of the Israel Medical Association 126 636 642 Aspen Harald 2001 Amhara Traditions of Knowledge Spirit Mediums and Their Clients Wiesbaden Harrassowitz Edelstein Monika 2002 Lost Tribes and Coffee Ceremonies Zar Spirit Possession and the Ethno Religious Identity of Ethiopian Jews in Israel Journal of Refugee Studies 15 2 153 170 doi 10 1093 jrs 15 2 153 Finneran Niall 2003 Ethiopian Evil Eye Belief and the Magical Symbolism of Iron Working Folklore 114 3 427 432 doi 10 1080 0015587032000145414 S2CID 161976625 Grisaru N Budowski D Witztum E 1997 Possession by the Zar among Ethiopian immigrants to Israel psychopathology or culture bound syndrome Psychopathology 30 4 223 233 doi 10 1159 000285051 PMID 9239794 Kahana Y 1985 The zar spirits a category of magic in the system of mental health care in Ethiopia The International Journal of Social Psychiatry 31 2 125 143 Leiris Michel 1934 Le Culte des Zars a Gondar Aethiopica 4 96 103 125 136 Leiris Michel 1938 La Possession aux Genies Zar en Ethiopia du Nord Journale de Psychologie Normale et Pathologique 35 107 125 Messing Simon 1958 Group therapy and social status in the Zar cult of Ethiopia American Anthropologist 60 1120 1126 Messing Simon Group therapy and social status in the Zar cult of Ethiopia In Opler M ed Culture and Mental Health New York Macmillan pp 319 322 Messing Simon 1972 Group therapy and social status in the Zar cult of Ethiopia The Target of Health in Ethiopia New York MSS Information pp 228 241 Torrey E Fuller 1967 The Zar cult in Ethiopia International Journal of Social Psychiatry 13 3 216 223 doi 10 1177 002076406701300306 PMID 5585776 S2CID 39519787 Tubiana Joseph 1991 Zar and Buda in Northern Ethiopia In Lewis I M Al Safi A Hurreiz S eds Women s medicine The Zar Bori cult in Africa and beyond Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press pp 19 33 Witzum E Grisaru N Budowski D 1996 The Zar possession syndrome among Ethiopian immigrants to Israel cultural and clinical aspects British Journal of Medical Psychiatry 69 3 207 225 doi 10 1111 j 2044 8341 1996 tb01865 x PMID 8883974 Young Allan 1975 Why Amhara get kureynya sickness and possession in an Ethiopian Zar cult American Ethnologist 2 3 567 584 doi 10 1525 ae 1975 2 3 02a00130 Sudan edit Boddy Janice November 1989 Wombs and Alien Spirits Women Men and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan University of Wisconsin Press Kapteijns Lidwien Spaulding Jay 1994 Women of the Zar and Middle Class Sensibilities in Colonial Aden 1923 1932 Sudanic Africa 5 7 38 Also in 1996 Voice and Power African Languages and Cultures supplement 3 ed by R J Hayward and I M Lewis 171 189 Makris G P 2000 Changing Masters Spirit Possession and Identity Construction among Slave Descendants and Other Subordinates in the Sudan Evanston IL Northwestern University Press ISBN 0 8101 1698 7 Mohamed Farah Eisa 2004 ZAR SPIRIT POSSESSION IN THE SUDAN In Peek Philip M Yankah Kwesi eds African Folklore An Encyclopedia Routledge pp 1061 1063 Egypt edit El Hadidi Hager 2016 Zar Spirit Possession Music and Healing Rituals in Egypt The American University in Cairo Press Fakhouri Hani April 1968 The Zar Cult in an Egyptian Village Anthropological Quarterly 41 2 49 56 Seligmann Brenda Z September 30 1914 On the Origin of the Egyptian Zar Folklore 25 3 300 323 Somalia edit Giannattasio F 1983 Somalia La Terapia Corentico musicale del Mingi Culture Musicale Quaderni di Ethnomusicologia 2 3 93 119 Iran edit Modarressi Taghi 1968 The zar cult in south Iran In Prince Raymond ed Trance and possession states Montreal R M Bucke Memorial Society External links editThe zar and the tumbura cults Changing Masters Ṭumbura in Sudan part I Changing Masters Ṭumbura in Sudan parts II III Arieli A Aychen S 1994 Mental disease related to belief in being possessed by the Zar spirit at Harefuah 126 11 636 42 692 PMID 7926995 Zar from the island of Qeshm in the Persian Gulf recorded in Tehran by Neil van der Linden Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Zar amp oldid 1220305372, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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