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Stepan Bandera

January 07, 2023

In this name that follows Eastern Slavic naming conventions, the patronymic is Andriyovych and the family name is Bandera.

Stepan Andriyovych Bandera (Ukrainian: Степа́н Андрі́йович Банде́ра, IPA: [steˈpɑn ɐnˈd⁽ʲ⁾r⁽ʲ⁾ijoʋɪt͡ʃ bɐnˈdɛrɐ]; Polish: Stepan Andrijowycz Bandera; aka Stefan Popel;[1]1 January 1909 – 15 October 1959) was a Ukrainian far-right leader of the radical, terrorist wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists named OUN-B.[2][3][4][5][6][nb 1][nb 2][nb 3]

Stepan Bandera
Степан Бандера
Bandera in 1934
Personal details
Born
Stepan Andriyovych Bandera

1 January 1909
Staryi Uhryniv, Galicia, Austria-Hungary (now Ukraine)
Died15 October 1959(1959-10-15) (aged 50)
Munich, West Germany
Resting placeWaldfriedhof Cemetery
Citizenship
NationalityUkrainian
SpouseYaroslava Bandera [uk]
Relations
  • Ołeksandr Bandera [uk] (brother)
  • Vasyl Bandera [uk] (brother)
Children3
Parents
Alma materLviv Polytechnic
OccupationPolitician
AwardsHero of Ukraine (annulled)
Signature
Military service
Allegiance
Battles/warsWorld War II

Bandera was born in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in Galicia, into the family of a priest of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.[7] Involved in nationalist organizations from a young age, Bandera was sentenced to death for his involvement in the 1934 assassination of Poland's Minister of the Interior Bronisław Pieracki, commuted to life imprisonment.

Freed from prison in 1939 following the invasion of Poland, Bandera prepared the 30 June 1941 Proclamation of Ukrainian statehood in Lviv, pledging to work with Nazi Germany after Germany invaded the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941.[8][9]: 50 [nb 4] The Germans disapproved the proclamation and for his refusal to rescind the decree, Bandera was arrested by the Gestapo. After the war, Bandera settled with his family in West Germany, where he remained the leader of the OUN-B and worked with several anti-communist organizations such as the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations as well as with the US and British intelligence agencies.[10] Fourteen years after the end of the war, Bandera was assassinated in 1959 by KGB agents in Munich, West Germany.[11][12][1]

Bandera remains a highly controversial figure in Ukraine,[13][14][15] with many Ukrainians hailing him as a role model hero,[16][17] martyred liberation fighter,[6] while other Ukrainians, particularly in the south and east, condemn him as a fascist[18] Nazi collaborator[16] who was, together with his followers, responsible for the massacres of Polish and Jewish civilians.[19][7][20][21][22]

On 22 January 2010, the President of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko, awarded Bandera the posthumous title of Hero of Ukraine.[23] The European Parliament condemned the award, as did Russia, Poland and Jewish politicians and organizations.[24][25][26][27][28] President Viktor Yanukovych declared the award illegal, since Bandera was never a citizen of Ukraine, a stipulation necessary for getting the award. This announcement was confirmed by a court decision in April 2010.[29] In January 2011, the award was officially annulled.[30][31] A proposal to confer the award on Bandera was rejected by the Ukrainian parliament in August 2019.[32]

Early life

 
Young Stepan Bandera in the Plast uniform, 1923

Stepan Bandera was born on 1 January 1909 in Staryi Uhryniv, Galicia, Austria-Hungary (officially Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria, created after the first partition of Poland, now in Western Ukraine)[33] to Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church priest Andriy Bandera (1882–1941) and Myroslava (1890–1921). Bandera had two younger brothers, Oleksandr, who would go on to earn a doctorate in political economy at the University of Rome and Vasyl who finished a degree in philosophy at the University of Lviv.

Bandera grew up in a patriotic and religious household.[2] He did not attend primary school due to the First World War and was taught at home by his parents.[2]: 91  Young Bandera was undersized and slim.[2]: 97  He sang in a choir, played guitar and mandolin, enjoyed hiking, jogging, swimming, ice skating, basketball and chess.[2]: 93 

 
The house of Bandera's family in Staryi Uhryniv, Ukraine

After the dissolution of Austria-Hungary in the wake of World War I, Galicia briefly became a West Ukrainian People's Republic. Bandera's father, who joined Ukrainian Galician Army as a chaplain, was active in the nationalistic movement preceding the Polish–Ukrainian War which was fought between November 1918 to July 1919 and ended with Ukrainian defeat and the reintegration of the West Ukrainian People's Republic into eastern Poland. Stepan's mother, Myroslava moved with her sons to the town Yahilnytsya in Chortkiv district while her husband Andriy was away. The Chortkiv offensive in June 1919 initially saw the Ukrainian Galician Army successfully capture land in the area, but they were outnumbered about 1 to 5 and were repelled past the river Zbruch. With Poles arriving to reclaim the area and Myroslava separated from her husband, Myroslava and her sons began the almost 100-mile voyage back west to Staryi Uhryniv. Myroslava became ill on the way and never fully recovered. She died from tuberculosis at the age of 31.[citation needed]

Mykola Mikhnovsky's 1900 publication, Independent Ukraine influenced the young Bandera greatly.[5]: 558  After graduating from a Ukrainian high school in 1927, where he was engaged in a number of youth organizations, Bandera planned to attend the Husbandry Academy in Czechoslovakia, but he either did not get a passport or the Academy notified him that it was closed.[citation needed] In 1928, Bandera enrolled in the agronomy program at the Politechnika Lwowska in Lwów but never completed his studies due to his political activities and arrests.[2]: 93–94 

Pre-World War II activity

Early activities

 
Stepan Bandera in folkloristic Cossack costume

Stepan Bandera had met and associated himself with members of a variety of Ukrainian nationalist organizations throughout his schooling—from Plast, to the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (Ukrainian: Українська Визвольна Організація) and also the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN, formed in 1929 and in this period led by Yevhen Konovalets) (Ukrainian: Організація Українських Націоналістів).[citation needed]

The early 1930s would be a time of hardship and upheaval in Ukraine. During the autumn of 1930, the Pacification of Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia resulted in the destruction of property and arrests of Ukrainians in Poland.[citation needed] This "pacification" was a response to terrorist acts by Ukrainian nationalists.[34][nb 5]

At the same time, Stepan Bandera was actively recruiting groups of Ukrainian nationalists in both Western and Eastern Ukraine. He was arrested six times for unlawful crossings of the Polish-Czechoslovak frontier while smuggling prohibited OUN periodicals into Poland.[2]

OUN

 
General Council of the Red Viburnum Detachment at the Academic House in Lwów, Second Polish Republic. Stepan Bandera, standing fourth from the left. October 21, 1928.

Bandera joined OUN in 1929, and quickly climbed through the ranks, becoming the chief propaganda officer in 1931,[citation needed] the second in command of OUN in Galicia in 1932–1933,[35]: 18  and the head of the OUN national executive in Galicia in June 1933.[7]: 99 

In 1931, Polish politician Tadeusz Hołówko was assassinated by two members of the OUN. Although there is no direct implication of Bandera's involvement in his assassination, Bandera is known to have expanded the OUN's network in the borderlands between Poland and today’s Ukraine, known as Kresy, directing it against both Poland and the Soviet Union. An internal CIA report from 1946 stated that from 1932 Bandera controlled several "warrior units" in Poland in places such as the Free City of Danzig (Wolne Miasto Gdańsk), Drohobycz, Lwów, Stanisławów, Brzezany, and Truskawiec.[35]: 18 

To stop expropriations, Bandera turned OUN against the Polish officials who were directly responsible for anti-Ukrainian policies.[citation needed] Activities ranged from terrorist acts, such as attacks on post-offices, bomb-throwing at Polish exhibitions and murders of policemen[35]: 18–19  to mass campaigns against Polish tobacco and alcohol monopolies and against the denationalization of Ukrainian youth.[citation needed] In 1934 Bandera was arrested in Lwów and tried twice: first, concerning involvement in a plot to assassinate the minister of internal affairs, Bronisław Pieracki, and second at a general trial of OUN executives. He was convicted of terrorism and sentenced to death. The death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.[7][1]

 
Press report from the trial of Bandera and his associates for the murder of Polish minister Bronisław Pieracki, November 20, 1935

After the trials, Bandera became renowned and admired among Ukrainians in Poland and abroad[citation needed] as a symbol of a revolutionary who fought for Ukrainian independence.[2]: 535  While in prison Bandera was not completely isolated from the world political discourse of the late 1930s thanks to Ukrainian and other newspaper subscriptions delivered to his cell.[2]: 112 

Bandera was freed from Brest (Brześć) Prison in Eastern Poland in early September of 1939, as a result of the invasion of Poland. There are differing accounts of the circumstances of his release.[nb 6] Soon thereafter Eastern Poland was occupied by the Soviet Union. Upon release from prison, Bandera moved to Kraków, the capital of Germany's occupational General Government in the German-occupied zone of Poland, where he established close connections with the German Abwehr and Wehrmacht.[9][36][2] There, he also came in contact with the leader of the OUN, Andriy Atanasovych Melnyk. In 1940, the political differences and expectations between the two leaders caused the OUN to split into two factions, OUN-B and OUN-M (Banderites and Melnykites) each one claiming legitimacy.[42] A close collaborator of Bandera's at the time was Richard Yary, who sided with Bandera and helped him form OUN-B.

The OUN-M faction led by Melnyk preached a more conservative approach to nation-building, while the OUN-B faction, led by Bandera, supported a revolutionary approach, however in terms of radical nationalism, fascism, anti-semitism, xenophobia and violence both factions didn’t contradict each other.[43][2][44] The vast majority of young OUN members joined Bandera's faction, which was devoted to the independence of Ukraine, a single-party fascist totalitarian state free of national minorities[45][nb 7][46] and was later responsible for the ethnic cleansing,[47][48][49] pogroms,[7][page needed][50] implicated in collaboration with Nazi Germany[51][52][9] and the Holocaust.[6][nb 8][53][54][5][55][nb 9][56][2]

Formation of Mobile Groups

Before the independence proclamation of 30 June 1941, Bandera oversaw the formation of so-called "Mobile Groups" (Ukrainian: мобільні групи) which were small (5–15 members) groups of OUN-B members who would travel from General Government to Western Ukraine and, after a German advance to Eastern Ukraine, encourage support for the OUN-B and establish local authorities run by OUN-B activists.[57]

In total, approximately 7,000 people participated in these mobile groups, and they found followers among a wide circle of intellectuals, such as Ivan Bahriany, Vasyl Barka, Hryhorii Vashchenko and many others.[citation needed]

Formation of the UPA

Further information: Ukrainian Insurgent Army

World War II

Before World War II territory of today’s Ukraine was split between Poland, the Soviet Union, Romania and Czechoslovakia.[58][nb 10] Prior to 1939 invasion of Poland, German military intelligence recruited OUN members into Bergbauernhilfe unit, also smuggled Ukrainian nationalists into Poland in order to erode Polish defences by conducting a terror campaign directed at Polish farmers and Jews. OUN leaders Andriy Melnyk (code name Consul I) and Bandera (code name Consul II) both served as agents of the Nazi Germany military intelligence Abwehr Second Department. Their goal was to run diversion activities after Germany's attack on the Soviet Union. This information is part of the testimony that Abwehr Colonel Erwin Stolze gave on 25 December 1945 and submitted to the Nuremberg trials, with a request to be admitted as evidence.[9]: 20 [nb 11][59][60][61][62]

In the spring of 1941, Bandera held meetings with the heads of Germany's intelligence, regarding the formation of "Nachtigall" and "Roland" Battalions. In the spring of that year, the OUN received 2.5 million marks for subversive activities inside the Soviet Union.[57][63] Gestapo and Abwehr officials protected Bandera's followers, as both organizations intended to use them for their own purposes.[64]

 
Bandera's OUN and Nazi officials at joint Celebration dedicated to the establishment of Ukrainian Statehood in Western Ukraine, 7 July 1941. Occupied Eastern Poland.

On June 23, 1941, one day after the German attack on the Soviet Union, Bandera sent a letter to Hitler arguing the case for an independent Ukraine.[36] On 30 June 1941, with the arrival of Nazi troops in Ukraine, Bandera and the OUN-B unilaterally declared an independent Ukrainian state ("Act of Renewal of Ukrainian Statehood").[55] The proclamation pledged a cooperation of the new Ukrainian state with Nazi Germany under the leadership of Hitler with a closing note "Glory to the heroic German army and its Führer, Adolf Hitler".[9] The declaration was accompanied by violent pogroms.[55][44]

Bandera's expectation that the Nazi regime would post facto recognize an independent fascist Ukraine as an Axis ally proved to be wrong.[55] The Germans also barred Bandera from moving to newly conquered Lviv, limiting his residency to occupied Cracow.[2] In 1941 relations between Nazi Germany and the OUN-B had soured to the point where a Nazi document dated 25 November 1941 stated that "the Bandera Movement is preparing a revolt in the Reichskommissariat which has as its ultimate aim the establishment of an independent Ukraine. All functionaries of the Bandera Movement must be arrested at once and, after thorough interrogation, are to be liquidated".[65] On 5 July, Bandera was placed under house arrest[66] and later, as an honorary inmate in a Berlin prison.[67] On 12 July, the prime minister of the newly formed Ukrainian National Government, Yaroslav Stetsko, was also arrested and taken to Berlin. Although released from custody on 14 July, both were required to stay in Berlin. The Germans closed OUN-B offices in Berlin and Vienna,[2] and on 15 September 1941 Bandera and leading OUN members were arrested by the Gestapo.

In January 1942, Bandera was transferred to Sachsenhausen concentration camp's special prison cell building (Zellenbau) for high-profile political prisoners such as Horia Sima, the chancellor of Austria, Kurt von Schuschnigg or Stefan Grot-Rowecki[68][36]: 212  and was kept in special, comparatively comfortable detention.[39][2]: 538 [69] In April 1944, Bandera and his deputy Yaroslav Stetsko were approached by a Reich Security Main Office official to discuss plans for diversions and sabotage against the Soviet Army.[70] In September 1944,[71] Bandera was released by the German authorities and allowed to return to Ukraine in the hope that his partisans would unite with OUN-M and harass the Soviet troops, which by that time had handed the Germans major defeats. Germany sought to cooperate with the OUN and other Ukrainian leaders. According to Richard Breitman and Norman Goda in Hitler's Shadow, Bandera and Stetsko refused to do this, and in December 1944 they fled Berlin, heading south.[39][nb 12]

In February 1945, at a conference of the OUN-B in Vienna, Bandera was made the representative of the leadership of the Foreign Units of the OUN (Zakordonni Chastyny OUN or ZCh OUN). At a February meeting of the OUN in Ukraine, Bandera was re-elected as leader of the whole OUN. It was decided by the leadership that Bandera would not come back to Ukraine, but remain abroad and make propaganda for the cause of the OUN. Roman Shukhevych, another OUN nationalist, resigned as the leader of the OUN, and became the leader of OUN in Ukraine.[7]: 288 

Postwar activity

 
Kreittmayrstraße 7 in Munich where Bandera lived at the time of his assassination.

According to a September 1945 report by the Office of Strategic Services Bandera had "earned a fierce reputation for conducting a 'reign of terror' during World War II".[72]: 27  After the war, Bandera and his family moved several times around West Germany, staying close to and in Munich, where Bandera organized the ZCh OUN center. He used false identification documents that helped him to conceal his past relationship with the Nazis.[7]: 318–319  Bandera was protected by the Gehlen Organization but he also received help from underground organizations of former Nazis who helped Bandera to cross borders between Allied occupation zones.[7]: 322 

According to Stephen Dorril, author of MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, Bandera re-formed the OUN-B in Munich in 1946 with the sponsorship of MI6. The organization had been receiving some support from MI6 since the 1930s.[73]: 224, 233  One faction of Bandera's organization, associated with Mykola Lebed, became more closely associated with the CIA.[73]: 236 

In 1946, agents of the US Army intelligence agency Counterintelligence Corps (CIC) and NKVD entered into extradition negotiations based on the intra-Allied cooperation wartime agreement made at the Yalta Conference. The CIC wanted Frederick Wilhelm Kaltenbach, who would turn out to be deceased, and in return the Soviet Union proposed Bandera. Bandera and many Ukrainian nationalists had ended up in the American zone after the war. The Soviet Union regarded all Ukrainians as Soviet citizens and demanded their repatriation under the intra-Alied agreement. The US thought Bandera was too valuable to give up due to his knowledge of the Soviet Union, so the US started blocking his extradition under an operation called "Anyface". From the perspective of the US, the Soviet Union and Poland were issuing extradition attempts of these Ukrainians to prevent the US from getting sources of intelligence, so this became one of the factors in the breakdown of the cooperation agreement.[74] However, the CIC still considered Bandera untrustworthy and were concerned about the impact of his activities on Soviet-American relations, and in mid-1947 conducted an extensive and aggressive search to locate him.[39]: 80  It failed, having described their quarry as "extremely dangerous" and "constantly en route, frequently in disguise".[39]: 79  Some American intelligence reported that he even was guarded by former SS men.[58]: 173 

The Bavarian state government initiated a crackdown on Bandera's organization for crimes such as counterfeiting and kidnapping. Gerhard von Mende, a West German government official, provided protection to Bandera who in turn provided him with political reports, which were relayed to the West German Foreign Office. Bandera reached an agreement with the BND, offering them his service, despite the CIA warning the West Germans against cooperating with him.[39]: 83–84  Following the war Bandera also visited Ukrainian communities in Canada, Austria, Italy, Spain, Belgium, UK and Holland.[7]: 336 

His views

 
Dmytro Dontsov's book Nationalism (Ukrainian: Націоналізм) was published in 1926.

According to Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe "Bandera's worldview was shaped by numerous far-right values and concepts including ultranationalism, fascism, racism, and antisemitism; by fascination with violence; by the belief that only war could establish a Ukrainian state; and by hostility to democracy, communism, and socialism. Like other young Ukrainian nationalists, he combined extremism with religion and used religion to sacralize politics and violence."[2]: 115 

Historian John-Paul Himka writes that Bandera remained true to the fascist ideology to the end.[44]

Swedish-American historian Per Anders Rudling said that Bandera and his followers "advocated the selective breeding to create a 'pure' Ukrainian race[18] and that "the OUN shared the fascist attributes of anti-liberalism, anti-conservatism, and anti-communism, an armed party, totalitarianism, anti-Semitism, Führerprinzip, and adoption of fascist greetings. Its leaders eagerly emphasized to Hitler and Ribbentrop that they shared the Nazi Weltanschauung and a commitment to a fascist New Europe."[55]

American historian Timothy Snyder has described Bandera as a fascist.[45][nb 13] Political scientist Andreas Umland characterized Bandera as a "Ukrainian ultranationalist", and also told Deutsche Welle that he was not a "nazi", noting Ukrainian nationalism then was "not a copy of Nazism".[16]

Historian David Marples described Bandera’s views as "not untypical of his generation", but as holding "an extreme political stance that rejected any form of cooperation with the rulers of Ukrainian territories: the Poles and the Soviet authorities". For Bandera, Russia was the chief adversary, but he also lacked tolerance for Poles and Jews. Marples also described Bandera as "neither an orator nor a theoretician" and wrote that he had minimal importance as a thinker.[5] Marples considered Rossolinski-Liebe to place too much importance on Bandera's views, writing that Rossolinski-Liebe struggled to find anything of note written by Bandera, and had assumed he was influenced by OUN publicist Dmytro Dontsov and OUN journals.[75]

Ukrainian historian Andrii Portnov writes that Bandera remained a proponent of authoritarian and violent politics until his death.[76]

Views towards Poles

 
Monument to Poles killed by UPA, Liszna, Poland

In late 1942, when Bandera was in a German concentration camp, his organization, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, was involved in a massacre of Poles in Volhynia and, in early 1944, ethnic cleansing also spread to Eastern Galicia. It is estimated that more than 35,000 and up to 60,000 Poles, mostly women and children along with unarmed men, were killed during the spring and summer campaign of 1943 in Volhynia, and up to 133,000 if other regions, such as Eastern Galicia, are included.[77][78][79]

Despite the central role played by Bandera's followers in the massacre of Poles in western Ukraine, Bandera himself was interned in a German concentration camp when the concrete decision to massacre the Poles was made and when the Poles were killed.[clarification needed] According to Yaroslav Hrytsak, Bandera was not completely aware of events in Ukraine during his internment from the summer of 1941 and had serious differences of opinion with Mykola Lebed, the OUN-B leader who remained in Ukraine and who was one of the chief architects of the massacres of Poles.[80][81]

Views towards Jews

Bandera held anti-semitic views.[nb 14][nb 15] Speaking about Bandera and his men, political scientist Alexander John Motyl told Tablet that antisemitism was not a core part of Ukrainian nationalism in the way it was for Nazism, and the Soviet Union and Poland were considered to be the primary enemies of the OUN. According to him, the attitude of the Ukrainian nationalists towards Jews depended on political circumstances, and they considered Jews to be a "problem" because they were "implicated, or believed to be implicated" in aiding the Soviets take Ukrainian territory, as well as not being Ukrainian.[82] Norman Goda wrote that "Historian Karel Berkhoff, among others, has shown that Bandera, his deputies, and the Nazis shared a key obsession, namely the notion that the Jews in Ukraine were behind Communism and Stalinist imperialism and must be destroyed."[6]

On 10 August 1940 Bandera wrote a letter to Andriy Melnyk saying that he would accept Melnyk's leadership of the OUN, provided he expelled "traitors" in the leadership. One of these was Mykola Stsibors'kyi, who Bandera accused of an absence of "morality and ethics in family life" due to having married a Jewish woman, and especially, a "suspicious" Russian Jewish woman.[83]

In June 1941, Yaroslav Stetsko sent Bandera a report in which he stated "We are creating a militia which will help to remove the Jews and protect the population."[84]

However, Rossolinski-Liebe and Umland both note that Bandera personally had no part in the murders of Jews; Rossolinksi-Liebe said: "he had found no evidence that Bandera supported or condemned 'ethnic cleansing' or killing Jews and other minorities. It was, however, important that people from OUN and UPA 'identified with him'".[16] Similarly, Portnov notes that "Bandera did not participate personally in the underground war conducted by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), which included the organized ethnic cleansing of the Polish population of Volhynia in north-western Ukraine and killings of the Jews, but he also never condemned them."[76]

Death

 
Bandera's grave in Munich, July 2022

The MGB, and from 1954, the Soviet KGB, multiple times attempted to kidnap or assassinate Bandera.[2]: 347  On 15 October 1959, Bandera collapsed outside of Kreittmayrstrasse 7 in Munich and died shortly thereafter. A medical examination established that the cause of his death was poison by cyanide gas.[85][86] On 20 October 1959, Bandera was buried in the Waldfriedhof Cemetery in Munich.[2]: 407–408  His wife and three children moved to Toronto, Canada.[7]: 339 

Two years after his death, on 17 November 1961, the German judicial bodies announced that Bandera's murderer had been a KGB agent named Bohdan Stashynsky who used a cyanide dust spraying gun to murder Bandera acting on the orders of Soviet KGB head Alexander Shelepin and Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev.[39][87] After a detailed investigation against Stashynsky, who by then had defected from the KGB and confessed the killing, a trial took place from 8 to 15 October 1962. Stashynsky was convicted, and on 19 October he was sentenced to eight years in prison.

Stashynsky had earlier assassinated Bandera's associate Lev Rebet by similar means.[88]

Family

 
Stepan Bandera's family in Volya Zaderevatska, 1933

Bandera's brothers, Oleksandr and Vasyl, were arrested by the Germans and sent to Auschwitz concentration camp where they were allegedly killed by Polish inmates in 1942.[89][verification needed]

His father Andriy was arrested by the Soviets in late May 1941 for harboring an OUN member and transferred to Kyiv. On 8 July he was sentenced to death and executed on the 10th. His sisters Oksana and Marta–Maria were arrested by the NKVD in 1941 and sent to a gulag in Siberia. Both were released in 1960 without the right to return to Ukraine. Marta–Maria died in Siberia in 1982, and Oksana returned to Ukraine in 1989 where she died in 2004. Another sister, Volodymyra, was sentenced to a term in Soviet labor camps from 1946 to 1956. She returned to Ukraine in 1956.[90]

Legacy

 
Ukrainian postal stamp commemorating the centennial of Bandera's birth
 
Ukrainian nationalists march through Kyiv, holding a banner with Bandera's portrait, as well as the flags of the Right Sector and Svoboda.

According to The Guardian, "Post-war Soviet history propagated the image of Bandera and the UPA as exclusively fascist collaborators and xenophobes."[91] On the other hand, with the rise of nationalism in Ukraine, his memory there has been elevated.

In late 2006, the Lviv city administration announced the future transference of the tombs of Stepan Bandera, Andriy Melnyk, Yevhen Konovalets and other key leaders of OUN/UPA to a new area of Lychakiv Cemetery specifically dedicated to victims of the repressions of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle.[92]

In October 2007, the city of Lviv erected a statue dedicated to Bandera.[93] The appearance of the statue has engendered a far-reaching debate about the role of Stepan Bandera and UPA in Ukrainian history. The two previously erected statues were blown up by unknown perpetrators; the current is guarded by a militia detachment 24/7.[when?] On 18 October 2007, the Lviv City Council adopted a resolution establishing the Award of Stepan Bandera.[94][95]

On 1 January 2009, his 100th birthday was celebrated in several Ukrainian centres[96][97][98][99][100] and a postage stamp with his portrait was issued the same day.[101] On 1 January 2014, Bandera's 105th birthday was celebrated by a torchlight procession of 15,000 people in the centre of Kyiv and thousands more rallied near his statue in Lviv.[102][103][104] The march was supported by the far-right Svoboda party and some members of the center-right Batkivshchyna.[105]

In 2018, the Ukrainian Parliament voted to include Bandera's 110th birthday, on 1 January 2019, in a list of memorable dates and anniversaries to be celebrated that year.[106][107][108] The decision was criticized by the Jewish organization Simon Wiesenthal Center.[109]

Attitudes in Ukraine towards Bandera

 
Lviv soccer fans at a game against Donetsk. The Ukrainian banner reads "Bandera – our hero"

Bandera continues to be a divisive figure in Ukraine. Although Bandera is venerated in certain parts of western Ukraine, and 33% of Lviv's residents consider themselves to be followers of Bandera,[110] he, along with Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Gorbachev, is considered in surveys of Ukraine as a whole among the three historical figures who produce the most negative attitudes.[111]

A national survey conducted in Ukraine in 2009 inquired about attitudes by region towards Bandera's faction of the OUN. It produced the following results:[112]

Attitudes by region towards Bandera's faction of the OUN
Region Very positive Mostly positive Neutral Mostly negative Very negative Unsure
Galicia (Lviv, Ternopil, Ivano-Frankivsk) 37 26 20 5 6 6
Volhynia 5 20 57 7 5 6
Transcarpathia 4 32 50 0 7 7
Central Ukraine (Kyiv, Zhytomyr, Cherkasy, Chernihiv, Poltava, Sumy, Vinnytsia, Kirovohrad) 3 10 24 17 21 25
Eastern Ukraine (Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk, Zaporizhzhia) 1 1 19 13 26 20
Southern Ukraine (Odessa, Mykolaiv, Kherson, Crimea) 1 1 13 31 48 25
Ukraine as a whole 6 8 23 15 30 18

A poll conducted in early May 2021 by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation together with the Razumkov Centre's sociological service showed that 32% of citizens consider Stepan Bandera's activity as a historical figure to be positive for Ukraine, as many consider his activity negative; another 21% consider Bandera's activities as positive as they are negative. According to the poll, a positive attitude prevails in the western region of Ukraine (70%); in the central region of the state, 27% of respondents consider his activity positive, 27% consider his activity negative and 27% consider his activity both positive and negative;[113] negative attitude prevails in the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine (54% and 48% of respondents consider his activity negative for Ukraine, respectively).[113]

 
Torchlight procession in honor of the 106 anniversary of the birthday of Stepan Bandera, Kyiv, 1 January 2015.

Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, where references to Bandera and "Banderites" featured in Russian propaganda, Bandera's favorability appeared to shoot up rapidly, with 74% of Ukrainians viewing him favorably, according to an April 2022 poll from a Ukrainian research organization. Bandera continued to cause friction with countries such as Poland and Israel.[16]

Historian Vyacheslav Likhachev told Haaretz that for public consciousness in Ukraine the only important thing about Bandera was that he fought for Ukrainian independence, and that other details are not important, especially in the context of events from 2014 onwards, where the struggle for Ukrainian independence became more prominent.[114]

Political scientist Andreas Umland wrote in 2017 that issues of remembrance in Ukraine are complicated by its history of existing between and being terrorized by two totalitarian regimes, where millions of Ukrainians were killed, but some collaborated, and the extensive exploitation and manipulation of this history by an aggressive neighbor, Russia. According to him, public debate on these issues is also "spoiled" by biased narratives about the OUN and especially Bandera perpetuated by the Kremlin or "Western dilettante commentaries" featuring "frequent factual imprecisions and indiscriminate historical accusations". He wrote that these inaccuracies are deconstructed with "relish" by OUN apologists within Ukraine, and this has perpetuated a view within Ukraine that the Western public is not well informed about recent Ukrainian history, and even brainwashed by Soviet and Russian propaganda. However, he wrote, research from well regarded universities over the last decade was showing in greater detail where Ukrainians connected to the OUN did, and did not, take part in the Holocaust.[115]

2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine

 
Headquarters of the Euromaidan, Kyiv, January 2014. At the front entrance there is a portrait of Bandera.

During the 2014 Crimean crisis and unrest in Ukraine, pro-Russian Ukrainians, Russians (in Russia), and some Western authors alluded to the bad influence of Bandera on Euromaidan protesters and pro-Ukrainian Unity supporters in justifying their actions.[116] According to The Guardian, "The term 'Banderite' to describe his followers gained a recent new and malign life when Russian media used it to demonise Maidan protesters in Kiev, telling people in Crimea and east Ukraine that gangs of Banderites were coming to carry out ethnic cleansing of Russians."[91] Russian media used this to justify Russia's actions.[18] Putin welcomed the annexation of Crimea by declaring that he "was saving them from the new Ukrainian leaders who are the ideological heirs of Bandera, Hitler's accomplice during World War II."[18] Pro-Russian activists claimed: "Those people in Kyiv are Bandera-following Nazi collaborators."[18] Ukrainians living in Russia complained of being labelled a "Banderite", even when they were from parts of Ukraine where Bandera has no popular support.[18] Groups who idolize Bandera took part in the Euromaidan protests but were a minority element.[18][117]

2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine

References to Bandera and "Banderites" in Russian propaganda featured during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, with Vladimir Putin making references to "Banderites" in his speeches.[16][118] Russia heavily promoted the theme of "denazification", and used rhetoric that was similar to Soviet era policy of equating the development of Ukrainian national identity with Nazism due to Bandera's collaboration, which has a particular resonance in Russia.[119] The Washington Post reported on Russian soldiers rounding up villagers who were deemed to be "Nazis" or "Banderites".[120] Deutsche Welle revealed that media in Ukraine included many eyewitness accounts of Russian soldiers pursuing Bandera supporters, and wrote that "whoever is deemed to be a supporter faces torture or death".[16]

Hero of Ukraine award

 
The Hero of Ukraine award.

On 22 January 2010, on the Day of Unity of Ukraine, the then-President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko awarded to Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine (posthumously) for "defending national ideas and battling for an independent Ukrainian state".[121] A grandson of Bandera, also named Stepan, accepted the award that day from the Ukrainian President during the state ceremony to commemorate the Day of Unity of Ukraine at the National Opera House of Ukraine.[121][122][123][124]

This award was condemned by the Simon Wiesenthal Center.[26] On 25 February 2010, the European Parliament criticized the decision by then president of Ukraine, Yushchenko to award Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine and expressed hope it would be reconsidered.[125] On 14 May 2010, in a statement, the Russian Foreign Ministry said about the award: "that the event is so odious that it could no doubt cause a negative reaction in the first place in Ukraine. Already it is known a position on this issue of a number of Ukrainian politicians, who believe that solutions of this kind do not contribute to the consolidation of Ukrainian public opinion".[126] On the other hand, the decree was applauded by Ukrainian nationalists in western Ukraine and by a small portion of Ukrainian Americans.[127][128]

On 5 March 2010, President Viktor Yanukovych stated that he would make a decision to repeal the decrees to honor the title of Heroes of Ukraine to Bandera and fellow nationalist Roman Shukhevych before the next Victory Day,[129] although the Hero of Ukraine decrees do not stipulate the possibility that a decree on awarding this title can be annulled.[130] On 2 April 2010, an administrative Donetsk region court ruled the presidential decree awarding the title to be illegal. According to the court's decision, Bandera was not a citizen of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (vis-à-vis Ukraine).[131][132][133][134] On 5 April 2010, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine refused to start constitutional proceedings on the constitutionality of the President Yushchenko decree the award was based on. A ruling by the court was submitted by the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea on 20 January 2010.[135] In January 2011, the presidential press service informed that the award was officially annulled.[30][136] This was done after a cassation appeal filed against the ruling by Donetsk District Administrative Court was rejected by the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine on 12 January 2011.[137][138] Former President Yushchenko called the annulment "a gross error".[139]

In December 2018, the Ukrainian parliament considered a motion to again confer the award on Bandera, but the proposal was rejected in August 2019.[32]

Commemoration

 
Stepan Bandera monument in Ternopil

There are Stepan Bandera museums in Dubliany, Volia-Zaderevatska, Staryi Uhryniv, and Yahilnytsia. There is a Stepan Bandera Museum of Liberation Struggle in London, part of the OUN Archive,[140] and The Bandera Family Museum (Музей родини Бандерів) in Stryi.[141][142] There are also Stepan Bandera streets in Lviv (formerly vulytsia Myru, "Peace street"), Lutsk (formerly Suvorovska street), Rivne (formerly Moskovska street), Kolomyia, Ivano-Frankivsk, Chervonohrad (formerly Nad Buhom street),[143] Berezhany (formerly Cherniakhovskoho street), Drohobych (formerly Sliusarska street), Stryi, Kalush, Kovel, Volodymyr-Volynskyi, Horodenka, Dubrovytsia, Kolomyia, Dolyna, Iziaslav, Skole, Shepetivka, Brovary, and Boryspil, and a Stepan Bandera Avenue in Ternopil (part of the former Lenin Avenue).[144] On 16 January 2017, the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance stated that of the 51,493 streets, squares and "other facilities" that had been renamed (since 2015) due to decommunization 34 streets were named after Stepan Bandera.[145] Due to "association with the communist totalitarian regime", the Kyiv City Council on 7 July 2016 voted 87 to 10 in favor of supporting renaming Moscow Avenue to Stepan Bandera Avenue.[146][147] In September 2022 a street that was named after Otto Schmidt in Dnipro was renamed to honor Bandera.[148] (This street had originally been the Gymnasium Street until it was renamed to Otto Schmidt Street by Soviet authorities in 1934.[149]) In December 2022 recently liberated Izium decided to rename Pushkin Street to Stepana Bandera Street.[150]

After the fall of the Soviet Union, monuments dedicated to Stepan Bandera have been constructed in a number of western Ukrainian cities and villages, including a statue in Lviv.[151] Bandera was also named an honorary citizen of a number of western Ukrainian cities.[citation needed]

In late 2018, the Lviv Oblast Council decided to declare the year of 2019 to be the year of Stepan Bandera, sparking protests by Israel.[152][153] Two feature films have been made about Bandera, among them are Assassination: An October Murder in Munich (1995) and The Undefeated (2000), both directed by Oles Yanchuk, along with a number of documentary films. In 2021, the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory under the authority of the Ukrainian Ministry of Culture, included Bandera, among other Ukrainian nationalist figures, in Virtual Necropolis, a project intended to commemorate historical figures important for Ukraine.[154]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ This study investigates the life and the political cult of Stepan Bandera, a Ukrainian far-right leader who lived between 1909 and 1959. ... In 1932–1933 Stepan Bandera was arrested six times for matters such as an illegal crossing of the Polish- Czechoslovak border, smuggling illegal OUN journals to Poland. ... Because of the extremist nature of the OUN and its involvement in the Holocaust and other kinds of ethnic and political mass violence during and after the Second World War, OUN émigrés and UPA veterans began producing forged or manipulated documents during the Cold War, by means of which they whitewashed their own history... In terms of extreme nationalism, violence, fascism, and antisemitism, the two factions did not differ greatly from each other."[2]
  2. ^ From page 560: "A Second Extraordinary Congress of the OUN in April 1941 formally elected Bandera the leader of this more militant wing. As the head of terrorist activities in the recent past, he was considered the natural choice."[5]
  3. ^ As an uncompromising leader of the militant, terrorist branch of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). ... To this day, many Ukrainians view Bandera as a martyred freedom fighter.[6]
  4. ^ The proclamation issued by Stetsko on behalf of the Bandera faction of the OUN promised that the new Ukrainian state would faithfully 'cooperate with National Socialist Great Germany, which under the leadership of Adolf Hitler is establishing a New World Order in Europe and the world'. The proclamation's closing flourish called for: 'Glory to the heroic German army and its Führer, Adolf Hitler' ... In the confusion that accompanied the German invasion of Poland, Lebed and Bandera were released from prison in 1939 and allowed to continue their political work.[9]: 50 
  5. ^ From pages 75–76, 157: "In July 1930, Ukrainian nationalists began sabotage actions in Galicia, destroying Polish properties and homes throughout the region in hundreds of terrorist actions. In September, Piłsudski ordered the pacification of Galicia, sending a thousand policemen to search 450 villages for nationalist agitators... "In 1930, as the OUN terrorized the Galician countryside...Volhynia remained comparatively peaceful..."[34]
  6. ^ According to some accounts and sources, Bandera was released,[36][37][5] or walked out of prison.[38] According to others, he escaped.[2]: 167 [5][39]: 73 [40] According to Snyder, he was released due to Poland freeing its political prisoners to spare them German captivity.[41] According to Bandera's own account, he escaped on September 13,1939, with the help of Ukrainian prisoners in the turmoil of WWII.[2]: 166  In her book Borderland, author Anna Reid states that Germans freed him, but her sources for that are unclear.
  7. ^ Bandera aimed to make of Ukraine a one-party fascist dictatorship without national minorities.... UPA partisans murdered tens of thousands of Poles, most of them women and children. Some Jews who had taken shelter with Polish families were also killed.[45]
  8. ^ It is a sad comment on Ukrainian memory that the man declared a Hero of Ukraine in January headed a movement that was deeply involved in the Holocaust.[6]
  9. ^ The UPA’s ethnic cleansing of the Poles in Volhynia and Galicia continued through 1943 and much of 1944, until the arrival of the Soviets. Whereas the UPA also killed Jews, Czechs, Magyars, Armenians, and other ethnic minorities, Poles were their main target. “Long live the great, independent Ukraine without Jews, Poles, or Germans. Poles behind the San, the Germans to Berlin, and Jews to the gallows,” went one OUN(b) slogan in the late fall of 1941.[55]: 11–12 
  10. ^ From page 164: "Before 1939, Ukraine was not united in one republic, but remained divided between the Soviet Union, Poland, Romania and Czechoslovakia."[58]
  11. ^ ... in the Abwehr's Second Department, which specialized in sabotage and subversion under the direction of General Erwin Lahousen and Colonel Erwin Stolze. Skillfully playing one man against the other, Canaris bestowed Konovalets' former Abwehr code-name, Consul I, on Melnyk while Bandera became known as Consul II. In advance of the 1939 cam- paign against Poland, Canaris ordered Ukrainian exiles smuggled into Poland to weaken Polish defenses by launching a terror campaign against the Jews and the Polish farmers. According to General Lahousen's testimony at the Nuremberg Trials, the mission was to provoke an uprising in which all Polish homes would be set afire and Jews killed.[9]: 20 
  12. ^ From page 76: Berlin hoped to form a Ukrainian National Committee with both OUN factions and other Ukrainian leaders. The Committee was formed in November, but Bandera and Stetsko refused to cooperate. They escaped from Berlin in December and fled south, emerging after the war in Munich.[39]
  13. ^ The incoming Ukrainian president will have to turn some attention to history, because the outgoing one has just made a hero of a long-dead Ukrainian fascist. By conferring the highest state honor of 'Hero of Ukraine' upon Stepan Bandera ... Bandera aimed to make of Ukraine a one-party fascist dictatorship without national minorities. During World War II, his followers killed many Poles and Jews.[45]
  14. ^ Deeply embedded in Ukrainian nationalism, both types of antisemitism must have reached Bandera's consciousness in his youth. Either in his high school years in the 1920s or in his student life in the first half of the 1930s, the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism made Bandera aware of the 'Jewish problem' in Ukraine, the different and alien nature of the Jewish race, and the intrinsic link between Jews and communism. After the Second World War and the Holocaust, both Bandera and his admirers were embarrassed by the vehement antisemitic component of their interwar political views and denied it systematically [2]: 107 
  15. ^ From page 565: "His views were not untypical of his generation, although they represent an extreme political stance that rejected any form of cooperation with the rulers of Ukrainian territories: the Poles and the Soviet authorities. Like Dontsov, he regarded Russia as the principal enemy of Ukraine, and showed little tolerance for the other two groups inhabiting Ukrainian ethnic territories, Poles and Jews"[5]

References

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  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Rossolinski, Grzegorz (1 October 2014). Stepan Bandera: The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist: Fascism, Genocide, and Cult. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-3-8382-6684-8.
  3. ^ McBride, Jared (21 July 2016). "Ukrainian Holocaust Perpetrators Are Being Honored in Place of Their Victims". Tablet Magazine. Retrieved 15 October 2022. ..Kyiv city government just voted to name a street after far right-wing nationalist leader, Stepan Bandera..
  4. ^ Kuzio, Taras; D'Anieri, Paul J. (2002). Dilemmas of State-led Nation Building in Ukraine. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 166. ISBN 978-0-275-97786-3. The OUN divided in 1940 into a radical wing under Bandera and a more conservative one under Melnyk ...
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h Marples, David R. (2006). "Stepan Bandera: The Resurrection of a Ukrainian National Hero". Europe-Asia Studies. 58 (4): 555–566. doi:10.1080/09668130600652118. ISSN 0966-8136. JSTOR 20451225. S2CID 144243956.
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  8. ^ . Archived from the original on 5 January 2017. Retrieved 19 December 2016.
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  10. ^ Chastiy, Ruslan Viktorovych (2007). Степан Бандера: мифы, легенды, действительность [Stepan Bandera: myths, legends, reality] (in Russian). Kharkiv: Folio. p. 382. ISBN 978-9660336568. OCLC 83597856.
  11. ^ Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB, Basic Books, 1999. ISBN 0-465-00312-5, p. 362.
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  13. ^ Reuters, Thomson. "Ukrainians mark birthday anniversary of controversial nationalist". Reuters. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
  14. ^ "Ukrainians march in honour of controversial nationalist hero Stepan Bandera". euronews. 2 January 2016. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
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  17. ^ "Russia uses Israeli tweet against neo-Nazi march". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. Retrieved 2 January 2023.
  18. ^ a b c d e f g Faiola, Anthony (25 March 2014). "A ghost of World War II history haunts Ukraine's standoff with Russia". The Washington Post. Retrieved 9 October 2022.
  19. ^ Henryk Komański and Szczepan Siekierka, Ludobójstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na Polakach w województwie tarnopolskim w latach 1939–1946 (2006), p. 203 (in Polish)
  20. ^ Arad, Yitzhak (2009). The Holocaust in the Soviet Union. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. p. 89. ISBN 9780803222700. OCLC 466441935.
  21. ^ Himka, John-Paul (2011). "The Lviv Pogrom of 1941: The Germans, Ukrainian Nationalists, and the Carnival Crowd". Canadian Slavonic Papers/Revue Canadienne des Slavistes. LIII (2–3–4) – via academia.edu.
  22. ^ Filtenborg, Emil (19 March 2021). "In Ukraine, Stepan Bandera's legacy is a political football... again". Euronews. Retrieved 29 October 2022. There are few figures in Ukrainian history as controversial as Stepan Bandera, and fewer still are able to influence so profoundly modern politics more than six decades after their death. Bandera, who died in 1959 after being poisoned by Soviet agents, is seen as a national hero who fought for Ukrainian independence during the 1930s and 1940s. To others, he is a war criminal whose nationalist forces carried out atrocities against Jews and Poles during WW2.
  23. ^ [Decree of the President of Ukraine No. 46/2010: On the assignment of S. Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine]. President of Ukraine (in Russian). Archived from the original on 25 January 2010. Retrieved 22 January 2010.
  24. ^ "Texts adopted – Thursday, 25 February 2010 – Situation in Ukraine – P7_TA(2010)0035". Europarl.europa.eu. Retrieved 18 August 2018. Deeply deplores the decision by the outgoing President of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko, posthumously to award Stepan Bandera, a leader of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) which collaborated with Nazi Germany, the title of ‘National Hero of Ukraine', hopes, in this regard, that the new Ukrainian leadership will reconsider such decisions and will maintain its commitment to European values.
  25. ^ Rosenfeld, Alvin H. (19 June 2013). Resurgent Antisemitism: Global Perspectives. Indiana University Press. p. 226. ISBN 978-0-253-00890-9. In January 2010, former president of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko officially 'rehabilitated' Stepan Bandera, head of one of the two factions of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the political sponsor of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. This act drew condemnation from Russia, Poland, and Jewish groups.
  26. ^ a b Simon Wiesenthal Center (28 January 2010). "Wiesenthal Center Blasts Ukrainian Honor For Nazi Collaborator".
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  28. ^ Congress, World Jewish. "World Jewish Congress". World Jewish Congress. Retrieved 25 August 2022. World Jewish Congress troubled by honoring of Nazi collaborator in Ukraine
  29. ^ Донецький суд скасував указ Ющенка про присвоєння Бандері звання Героя [Donetsk court upholding Yushchenko's decree on awarding Bandera the title of Hero]. Radio Svoboda. Retrieved 6 January 2018.
  30. ^ a b "Рішенням суду президентський указ 'Про присвоєння С.Бандері звання Герой України' скасовано" [Presidential Decree 'On conferring the title of Hero of Ukraine on S. Bandera' passed to the decision of the court]. 15 January 2011 at the Wayback Machine. President.gov.ua. Retrieved 16 January 2011.
  31. ^ Ivan Katchanovski (2013). "The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, and the Nazi Genocide in Ukraine". Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, United States Holocaust MemorialMuseum & Vienna Wiesenthal Institute for Holocaust Studies: 3 – via Paper presented at the Collaboration in Eastern Europe during World War II and the Holocaust Conference.
  32. ^ a b Проект Постанови про звернення до Президента України щодо присвоєння звання Героя України Бандері Степану Андрійовичу (посмертно) [Draft Resolution on the appeal to the President of Ukraine regarding awarding the title of Hero of Ukraine to Stepan Andriyovych Bandera (posthumously)]. Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Retrieved 5 December 2018.
  33. ^ Encyclopedia of Nationalism, Two-Volume Set. Elsevier. 27 October 2000. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-08-054524-0.
  34. ^ a b Snyder, Timothy (2007). Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300125993.
  35. ^ a b c William Holzmann; Zolt Aradi (1946). The Ukrainian Nationalist Movement: an interim study (PDF) (Report).
  36. ^ a b c d Piotrowski, Tadeusz (9 January 2007). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918–1947. McFarland. pp. 221, 363. ISBN 978-0-7864-2913-4. [p. 221] On June 30, 1941, the Bandera faction unilaterally declared Ukrainian independence! This event was preceded by a letter to Hitler from Bandera, who argued the case for an independent Ukrainian state but said nothing about the OUN-B's intended course of action. The letter was dated June 23, 1941, just one day after the German invasion of the Soviet Union. There was no reply from Hitler. ... [p. 363] After their release from Bereza Kartuska (September 5–10, 1939), Bandera and the others contacted the Abwehr and, after a rest, returned to their operational base (called Kochstelle by Volodymyr Kubiiovych) in Krakow. There, they maintained close contact with Wehrmacht officials.
  37. ^ Fatic, Aleksandar; Bachmann, Klaus; Lyubashenko, Igor (26 November 2018). Transitional Justice in Troubled Societies. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 192. ISBN 978-1-78660-590-0.
  38. ^ Plokhy, Serhii (6 December 2016). "Chapter 1: Stalin's Call". The Man with the Poison Gun: A Cold War Spy Story. Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-465-09660-2. had walked out of the prison in 1939 following the German invasion of Poland, slipping through Soviet hands
  39. ^ a b c d e f g h Breitman, Richard; Goda, Norman J. W. (2010). "Hitler's Shadow" (PDF). National Archives.
  40. ^ Plokhy, Serhii (6 December 2016). "Chapter 17: Man At The Top". The Man with the Poison Gun: A Cold War Spy Story. Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-465-09660-2. Khrushchev's major regret was that in September 1939, when the Red Army had crossed the Polish border under the terms of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and taken over Western Ukraine and Belarus, Bandera had been able to escape his Polish prison
  41. ^ Snyder, Timothy (2003). "The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943". Past & Present. 179 (179): 197–234. doi:10.1093/past/179.1.197. ISSN 0031-2746. JSTOR 3600827.
  42. ^ Carynnyk, M. (2011). "Foes of our rebirth: Ukrainian nationalist discussions about Jews, 1929-1947". Nationalities Papers. 39 (3): 315–352. doi:10.1080/00905992.2011.570327. S2CID 159894460.
  43. ^ "Ukraine :: World War II and its aftermath – Britannica Online Encyclopedia". Britannica.com. Retrieved 17 March 2010.
  44. ^ a b c Himka, John-Paul (2010). "The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army: Unwelcome Elements of an Identity Project". Ab Imperio. 2010 (4): 83–101. doi:10.1353/imp.2010.0101. ISSN 2164-9731. S2CID 130590374. It is an undeniable fact, though, that OUN organized pogroms and mass violence against Jews and others throughout Western Ukraine in July 1941.German documentation and Jewish testimony are unanimous that Ukrainians were the pogromists. The pattern of the violence exhibits many features of coordination over the whole territory .... Both were anti-democratic, anti-Semitic, xenophobic, and admirers of the Italian fascists and German national socialists. Both were involved in atrocities, though the Bandera wing was much more deeply involved .... after Stalingrad and after Kursk, OUN began to distance itself from fascism, particularly at its Third Extraordinary Grand Assembly in August 1943. Bandera himself, however, remained true to the old ideology to the end.
  45. ^ a b c d Timothy Snyder (24 February 2010). "A Fascist Hero in Democratic Kiev". The New York Review of Books. NYR Daily.
  46. ^ Radeljić, Branislav (18 January 2021). The Unwanted Europeanness?: Understanding Division and Inclusion in Contemporary Europe. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. ISBN 978-3-11-068425-4. For instance, the chant, "Glory to Ukraine!" (Slava Ukraini!), followed by "Glory to the Heroes!" (Heroiam slava!), had its origins in Ukraine's national revolution of 1917-1920, but it became widespread as a slogan under the wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) under the leadership of Stepan Bandera. By 1941, the Bandera wing of the OUN had embraced the ideals of fascism and Nazism, emphasizing militarism, one-party rule, and the cult of the leader.
  47. ^ Sakwa, Richard (2015). Frontline Ukraine : crisis in the borderlands. Internet Archive. London : I.B. Tauris. p. 17. ISBN 978-1-78453-064-8. Beginning on ‘bloody Sunday, 11 July 1943, the UPA slaughtered some 70,000 Poles, mainly women and children and some unarmed men, in Volyn, and by 1945 it had killed at least 130,000 in Eastern Galicia. Whole families had their eyes gouged out if suspected of being informers, before being hacked to death.
  48. ^ Delphine, Bechtel (2013). The Holocaust in Ukraine - New Sources and Perspectives - The 1941 pogroms as represented in Western Ukrainian historiography and memorial culture (PDF). United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. pp. 3, 6. Some Ukrainian immigrant circles in Canada, the United States, and Germany had been active for decades in trying to suppress the topic and reacted to any testimony about Ukrainian anti-Jewish violence with virulent diatribes against what they dismissed as “Jewish propaganda”...the Ukrainian Insurrectional Army (UPA), which was responsible for ethnic “cleansing” actions against Poles and Jews in Volhynia and Galicia.
  49. ^ Winstone, Martin (2015). The Dark Heart of Hitler's Europe: Nazi Rule in Poland Under the General Government. I.B. Tauris & Company Limited. pp. 104, 205. ISBN 978-0-7556-2395-2. Both factions of the OUN hoped that the Germans would permit the establishment of an independent Ukrainian state, at least in Galicia... OUN-B who used it as a vehicle to perpetrate ethnic cleansing — indeed genocide — across Wolyn. As German forces abandoned the countryside, UPA units murdered the entire populations of Polish villages (and many Ukrainians as well) in an attempt to frighten the remainder into fleeing.
  50. ^ Rossoliński-Liebe, Grzegorz. "Holocaust Amnesia: The Ukrainian Diaspora and the Genocide of the Jews". German Yearbook of Contemporary History 1 (2016). On 22 June 1941, the first phase of the Holocaust in these territories began when at least 140 pogroms broke out, resulting in the murder of thirteen to thirty-five thousand Jews. In the largest pogrom, in Lviv, which began around ten o’clock at night, just a few hours before the proclamationof the Ukrainian state, four thousand Jews were killed. The perpetrators of this pogrom consisted of the militia of the OUN-B, which worked together with the Germans, groups of local civilians, as well as various German units, including some from the Wehrmacht.
  51. ^ Ivan Katchanovski (2015). "Terrorists or national heroes? Politics and perceptions of the OUN and the UPA in Ukraine". Communist and Post-Communist Studies - Paper Prepared for Presentation at the Annual Conference of the Canadian Political Science Association, Montreal, June 1–3, 2010. 48 (2–3): 15. doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.06.006. ISSN 0967-067X. However, historical studies and archival documents show that the OUN relied on terrorism and collaborated with Nazi Germany in the beginning of World War II. The OUN-B (Stepan Bandera faction) by means of its control over the UPA masterminded a campaign of ethnic cleansing of Poles in Volhynia during the war and mounted an anti-Soviet terror campaign in Western Ukraine after the war. These nationalist organizations, based mostly in Western Ukraine, primarily, in Galicia, were also involved in mass murder of Jews during World War II. The 2009 Kyiv International Institute of Sociology survey shows that only minorities of the residents of Ukraine have favorable views of the OUN-B and the UPA and deny involvement of these organizations in mass murders of Ukrainians, Poles, and Jews in the 1940s.
  52. ^ Friedman, Philip; Friedman, Ada June (1980). Roads to extinction : essays on the Holocaust. Internet Archive. New York : Conference on Jewish Social Studies : Jewish Publication Society of America. p. 179. ISBN 978-0-8276-0170-3. After the outbreak of World War II, the Germans constantly favored the OUN, at the expense of more moderate Ukrainian groups. The extremist Ukrainian nationalist groups then launched a campaign of vilification against moderate leaders, accusing them of various misdeeds...As early as the spring of 1940, a central Ukrainian committee was organized in Cracow under the chairmanship of Volodimir Kubiovitch...Shortly before the outbreak of Russo-German hostilities, the Germans, through Colonel Erwin Stolze, of the Abwehr, conducted negotiations with both OUN leaders, Melnyk and Bandera, requesting that they engage in underground activities in the rear of the Soviet armies in the Ukraine.
  53. ^ Efraim, Zuroff. "Wiesenthal Center Harshly Criticizes Kiev March to Mark Birthday of Ukrainian Nazi Collaborator Stefan Bandera". www.wiesenthal.com. Retrieved 20 September 2022. Holocaust historian Dr. Efraim Zuroff, the Center noted Bandera's role in Holocaust crimes and the tens of thousands of Jewish victims murdered in Ukraine...
  54. ^ International, Radio Canada; Himka, John-Paul American-Canadian historian and retired professor of history of the University of Alberta (13 August 2018). "Canadian monument to controversial Ukrainian national hero ignites debate". RCI | English. Retrieved 20 September 2022. Himka says attempts to whitewash UPA’s wartime record harm Ukraine’s fledgling democracy by encouraging the far right in Ukraine and negatively impact democratic practices within the Ukrainian community in Canada. I think personally that you can’t be making heroes out of Holocaust perpetrators and ethnic cleansers, says Himka.
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Further reading

External links

  •   Media related to Stepan Bandera at Wikimedia Commons
  •   Quotations related to Stepan Bandera at Wikiquote
  • Article about the assassination of Stepan Bandera The Assassination of Stepan Bandera - ARTICLE Bright Review 31 October 2019 at the Wayback Machine
  • Burial of S.Bandera (October 20, 1959, Munich) on YouTube [1]


January 07, 2023
stepan, bandera, this, name, that, follows, eastern, slavic, naming, conventions, patronymic, andriyovych, family, name, bandera, stepan, andriyovych, bandera, ukrainian, Степа, Андрі, йович, Банде, ра, steˈpɑn, ɐnˈd, ijoʋɪt, bɐnˈdɛrɐ, polish, stepan, andrijow. In this name that follows Eastern Slavic naming conventions the patronymic is Andriyovych and the family name is Bandera Stepan Andriyovych Bandera Ukrainian Stepa n Andri jovich Bande ra IPA steˈpɑn ɐnˈd ʲ r ʲ ijoʋɪt ʃ bɐnˈdɛrɐ Polish Stepan Andrijowycz Bandera aka Stefan Popel 1 1 January 1909 15 October 1959 was a Ukrainian far right leader of the radical terrorist wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists named OUN B 2 3 4 5 6 nb 1 nb 2 nb 3 Stepan BanderaStepan BanderaBandera in 1934Personal detailsBornStepan Andriyovych Bandera1 January 1909Staryi Uhryniv Galicia Austria Hungary now Ukraine Died15 October 1959 1959 10 15 aged 50 Munich West GermanyResting placeWaldfriedhof CemeteryCitizenshipAustria Hungary 1909 1918 PolandNationalityUkrainianSpouseYaroslava Bandera uk RelationsOleksandr Bandera uk brother Vasyl Bandera uk brother Children3ParentsAndriy Bandera father Myroslava Glodzinska uk mother Alma materLviv PolytechnicOccupationPoliticianAwardsHero of Ukraine annulled SignatureMilitary serviceAllegianceOUN 1929 1940 OUN B 1940 1959 Battles warsWorld War IIBandera was born in the Austro Hungarian Empire in Galicia into the family of a priest of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church 7 Involved in nationalist organizations from a young age Bandera was sentenced to death for his involvement in the 1934 assassination of Poland s Minister of the Interior Bronislaw Pieracki commuted to life imprisonment Freed from prison in 1939 following the invasion of Poland Bandera prepared the 30 June 1941 Proclamation of Ukrainian statehood in Lviv pledging to work with Nazi Germany after Germany invaded the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941 8 9 50 nb 4 The Germans disapproved the proclamation and for his refusal to rescind the decree Bandera was arrested by the Gestapo After the war Bandera settled with his family in West Germany where he remained the leader of the OUN B and worked with several anti communist organizations such as the Anti Bolshevik Bloc of Nations as well as with the US and British intelligence agencies 10 Fourteen years after the end of the war Bandera was assassinated in 1959 by KGB agents in Munich West Germany 11 12 1 Bandera remains a highly controversial figure in Ukraine 13 14 15 with many Ukrainians hailing him as a role model hero 16 17 martyred liberation fighter 6 while other Ukrainians particularly in the south and east condemn him as a fascist 18 Nazi collaborator 16 who was together with his followers responsible for the massacres of Polish and Jewish civilians 19 7 20 21 22 On 22 January 2010 the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko awarded Bandera the posthumous title of Hero of Ukraine 23 The European Parliament condemned the award as did Russia Poland and Jewish politicians and organizations 24 25 26 27 28 President Viktor Yanukovych declared the award illegal since Bandera was never a citizen of Ukraine a stipulation necessary for getting the award This announcement was confirmed by a court decision in April 2010 29 In January 2011 the award was officially annulled 30 31 A proposal to confer the award on Bandera was rejected by the Ukrainian parliament in August 2019 32 Contents 1 Early life 2 Pre World War II activity 2 1 Early activities 2 2 OUN 2 3 Formation of Mobile Groups 2 4 Formation of the UPA 3 World War II 4 Postwar activity 5 His views 5 1 Views towards Poles 5 2 Views towards Jews 6 Death 7 Family 8 Legacy 8 1 Attitudes in Ukraine towards Bandera 8 2 2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine 8 3 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine 8 4 Hero of Ukraine award 8 5 Commemoration 9 See also 10 Notes 11 References 12 Further reading 13 External linksEarly life Young Stepan Bandera in the Plast uniform 1923 Stepan Bandera was born on 1 January 1909 in Staryi Uhryniv Galicia Austria Hungary officially Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria created after the first partition of Poland now in Western Ukraine 33 to Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church priest Andriy Bandera 1882 1941 and Myroslava 1890 1921 Bandera had two younger brothers Oleksandr who would go on to earn a doctorate in political economy at the University of Rome and Vasyl who finished a degree in philosophy at the University of Lviv Bandera grew up in a patriotic and religious household 2 He did not attend primary school due to the First World War and was taught at home by his parents 2 91 Young Bandera was undersized and slim 2 97 He sang in a choir played guitar and mandolin enjoyed hiking jogging swimming ice skating basketball and chess 2 93 The house of Bandera s family in Staryi Uhryniv Ukraine After the dissolution of Austria Hungary in the wake of World War I Galicia briefly became a West Ukrainian People s Republic Bandera s father who joined Ukrainian Galician Army as a chaplain was active in the nationalistic movement preceding the Polish Ukrainian War which was fought between November 1918 to July 1919 and ended with Ukrainian defeat and the reintegration of the West Ukrainian People s Republic into eastern Poland Stepan s mother Myroslava moved with her sons to the town Yahilnytsya in Chortkiv district while her husband Andriy was away The Chortkiv offensive in June 1919 initially saw the Ukrainian Galician Army successfully capture land in the area but they were outnumbered about 1 to 5 and were repelled past the river Zbruch With Poles arriving to reclaim the area and Myroslava separated from her husband Myroslava and her sons began the almost 100 mile voyage back west to Staryi Uhryniv Myroslava became ill on the way and never fully recovered She died from tuberculosis at the age of 31 citation needed Mykola Mikhnovsky s 1900 publication Independent Ukraine influenced the young Bandera greatly 5 558 After graduating from a Ukrainian high school in 1927 where he was engaged in a number of youth organizations Bandera planned to attend the Husbandry Academy in Czechoslovakia but he either did not get a passport or the Academy notified him that it was closed citation needed In 1928 Bandera enrolled in the agronomy program at the Politechnika Lwowska in Lwow but never completed his studies due to his political activities and arrests 2 93 94 Pre World War II activityEarly activities Stepan Bandera in folkloristic Cossack costume Stepan Bandera had met and associated himself with members of a variety of Ukrainian nationalist organizations throughout his schooling from Plast to the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine Ukrainian Ukrayinska Vizvolna Organizaciya and also the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists OUN formed in 1929 and in this period led by Yevhen Konovalets Ukrainian Organizaciya Ukrayinskih Nacionalistiv citation needed The early 1930s would be a time of hardship and upheaval in Ukraine During the autumn of 1930 the Pacification of Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia resulted in the destruction of property and arrests of Ukrainians in Poland citation needed This pacification was a response to terrorist acts by Ukrainian nationalists 34 nb 5 At the same time Stepan Bandera was actively recruiting groups of Ukrainian nationalists in both Western and Eastern Ukraine He was arrested six times for unlawful crossings of the Polish Czechoslovak frontier while smuggling prohibited OUN periodicals into Poland 2 OUN General Council of the Red Viburnum Detachment at the Academic House in Lwow Second Polish Republic Stepan Bandera standing fourth from the left October 21 1928 Bandera joined OUN in 1929 and quickly climbed through the ranks becoming the chief propaganda officer in 1931 citation needed the second in command of OUN in Galicia in 1932 1933 35 18 and the head of the OUN national executive in Galicia in June 1933 7 99 In 1931 Polish politician Tadeusz Holowko was assassinated by two members of the OUN Although there is no direct implication of Bandera s involvement in his assassination Bandera is known to have expanded the OUN s network in the borderlands between Poland and today s Ukraine known as Kresy directing it against both Poland and the Soviet Union An internal CIA report from 1946 stated that from 1932 Bandera controlled several warrior units in Poland in places such as the Free City of Danzig Wolne Miasto Gdansk Drohobycz Lwow Stanislawow Brzezany and Truskawiec 35 18 To stop expropriations Bandera turned OUN against the Polish officials who were directly responsible for anti Ukrainian policies citation needed Activities ranged from terrorist acts such as attacks on post offices bomb throwing at Polish exhibitions and murders of policemen 35 18 19 to mass campaigns against Polish tobacco and alcohol monopolies and against the denationalization of Ukrainian youth citation needed In 1934 Bandera was arrested in Lwow and tried twice first concerning involvement in a plot to assassinate the minister of internal affairs Bronislaw Pieracki and second at a general trial of OUN executives He was convicted of terrorism and sentenced to death The death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment 7 1 Press report from the trial of Bandera and his associates for the murder of Polish minister Bronislaw Pieracki November 20 1935 After the trials Bandera became renowned and admired among Ukrainians in Poland and abroad citation needed as a symbol of a revolutionary who fought for Ukrainian independence 2 535 While in prison Bandera was not completely isolated from the world political discourse of the late 1930s thanks to Ukrainian and other newspaper subscriptions delivered to his cell 2 112 Bandera was freed from Brest Brzesc Prison in Eastern Poland in early September of 1939 as a result of the invasion of Poland There are differing accounts of the circumstances of his release nb 6 Soon thereafter Eastern Poland was occupied by the Soviet Union Upon release from prison Bandera moved to Krakow the capital of Germany s occupational General Government in the German occupied zone of Poland where he established close connections with the German Abwehr and Wehrmacht 9 36 2 There he also came in contact with the leader of the OUN Andriy Atanasovych Melnyk In 1940 the political differences and expectations between the two leaders caused the OUN to split into two factions OUN B and OUN M Banderites and Melnykites each one claiming legitimacy 42 A close collaborator of Bandera s at the time was Richard Yary who sided with Bandera and helped him form OUN B The OUN M faction led by Melnyk preached a more conservative approach to nation building while the OUN B faction led by Bandera supported a revolutionary approach however in terms of radical nationalism fascism anti semitism xenophobia and violence both factions didn t contradict each other 43 2 44 The vast majority of young OUN members joined Bandera s faction which was devoted to the independence of Ukraine a single party fascist totalitarian state free of national minorities 45 nb 7 46 and was later responsible for the ethnic cleansing 47 48 49 pogroms 7 page needed 50 implicated in collaboration with Nazi Germany 51 52 9 and the Holocaust 6 nb 8 53 54 5 55 nb 9 56 2 Formation of Mobile Groups Before the independence proclamation of 30 June 1941 Bandera oversaw the formation of so called Mobile Groups Ukrainian mobilni grupi which were small 5 15 members groups of OUN B members who would travel from General Government to Western Ukraine and after a German advance to Eastern Ukraine encourage support for the OUN B and establish local authorities run by OUN B activists 57 In total approximately 7 000 people participated in these mobile groups and they found followers among a wide circle of intellectuals such as Ivan Bahriany Vasyl Barka Hryhorii Vashchenko and many others citation needed Formation of the UPA Further information Ukrainian Insurgent ArmyWorld War II Declaration of the Ukrainian State June 30 1941 Before World War II territory of today s Ukraine was split between Poland the Soviet Union Romania and Czechoslovakia 58 nb 10 Prior to 1939 invasion of Poland German military intelligence recruited OUN members into Bergbauernhilfe unit also smuggled Ukrainian nationalists into Poland in order to erode Polish defences by conducting a terror campaign directed at Polish farmers and Jews OUN leaders Andriy Melnyk code name Consul I and Bandera code name Consul II both served as agents of the Nazi Germany military intelligence Abwehr Second Department Their goal was to run diversion activities after Germany s attack on the Soviet Union This information is part of the testimony that Abwehr Colonel Erwin Stolze gave on 25 December 1945 and submitted to the Nuremberg trials with a request to be admitted as evidence 9 20 nb 11 59 60 61 62 In the spring of 1941 Bandera held meetings with the heads of Germany s intelligence regarding the formation of Nachtigall and Roland Battalions In the spring of that year the OUN received 2 5 million marks for subversive activities inside the Soviet Union 57 63 Gestapo and Abwehr officials protected Bandera s followers as both organizations intended to use them for their own purposes 64 Bandera s OUN and Nazi officials at joint Celebration dedicated to the establishment of Ukrainian Statehood in Western Ukraine 7 July 1941 Occupied Eastern Poland On June 23 1941 one day after the German attack on the Soviet Union Bandera sent a letter to Hitler arguing the case for an independent Ukraine 36 On 30 June 1941 with the arrival of Nazi troops in Ukraine Bandera and the OUN B unilaterally declared an independent Ukrainian state Act of Renewal of Ukrainian Statehood 55 The proclamation pledged a cooperation of the new Ukrainian state with Nazi Germany under the leadership of Hitler with a closing note Glory to the heroic German army and its Fuhrer Adolf Hitler 9 The declaration was accompanied by violent pogroms 55 44 Bandera s expectation that the Nazi regime would post facto recognize an independent fascist Ukraine as an Axis ally proved to be wrong 55 The Germans also barred Bandera from moving to newly conquered Lviv limiting his residency to occupied Cracow 2 In 1941 relations between Nazi Germany and the OUN B had soured to the point where a Nazi document dated 25 November 1941 stated that the Bandera Movement is preparing a revolt in the Reichskommissariat which has as its ultimate aim the establishment of an independent Ukraine All functionaries of the Bandera Movement must be arrested at once and after thorough interrogation are to be liquidated 65 On 5 July Bandera was placed under house arrest 66 and later as an honorary inmate in a Berlin prison 67 On 12 July the prime minister of the newly formed Ukrainian National Government Yaroslav Stetsko was also arrested and taken to Berlin Although released from custody on 14 July both were required to stay in Berlin The Germans closed OUN B offices in Berlin and Vienna 2 and on 15 September 1941 Bandera and leading OUN members were arrested by the Gestapo In January 1942 Bandera was transferred to Sachsenhausen concentration camp s special prison cell building Zellenbau for high profile political prisoners such as Horia Sima the chancellor of Austria Kurt von Schuschnigg or Stefan Grot Rowecki 68 36 212 and was kept in special comparatively comfortable detention 39 2 538 69 In April 1944 Bandera and his deputy Yaroslav Stetsko were approached by a Reich Security Main Office official to discuss plans for diversions and sabotage against the Soviet Army 70 In September 1944 71 Bandera was released by the German authorities and allowed to return to Ukraine in the hope that his partisans would unite with OUN M and harass the Soviet troops which by that time had handed the Germans major defeats Germany sought to cooperate with the OUN and other Ukrainian leaders According to Richard Breitman and Norman Goda in Hitler s Shadow Bandera and Stetsko refused to do this and in December 1944 they fled Berlin heading south 39 nb 12 In February 1945 at a conference of the OUN B in Vienna Bandera was made the representative of the leadership of the Foreign Units of the OUN Zakordonni Chastyny OUN or ZCh OUN At a February meeting of the OUN in Ukraine Bandera was re elected as leader of the whole OUN It was decided by the leadership that Bandera would not come back to Ukraine but remain abroad and make propaganda for the cause of the OUN Roman Shukhevych another OUN nationalist resigned as the leader of the OUN and became the leader of OUN in Ukraine 7 288 Postwar activity Kreittmayrstrasse 7 in Munich where Bandera lived at the time of his assassination According to a September 1945 report by the Office of Strategic Services Bandera had earned a fierce reputation for conducting a reign of terror during World War II 72 27 After the war Bandera and his family moved several times around West Germany staying close to and in Munich where Bandera organized the ZCh OUN center He used false identification documents that helped him to conceal his past relationship with the Nazis 7 318 319 Bandera was protected by the Gehlen Organization but he also received help from underground organizations of former Nazis who helped Bandera to cross borders between Allied occupation zones 7 322 According to Stephen Dorril author of MI6 Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty s Secret Intelligence Service Bandera re formed the OUN B in Munich in 1946 with the sponsorship of MI6 The organization had been receiving some support from MI6 since the 1930s 73 224 233 One faction of Bandera s organization associated with Mykola Lebed became more closely associated with the CIA 73 236 In 1946 agents of the US Army intelligence agency Counterintelligence Corps CIC and NKVD entered into extradition negotiations based on the intra Allied cooperation wartime agreement made at the Yalta Conference The CIC wanted Frederick Wilhelm Kaltenbach who would turn out to be deceased and in return the Soviet Union proposed Bandera Bandera and many Ukrainian nationalists had ended up in the American zone after the war The Soviet Union regarded all Ukrainians as Soviet citizens and demanded their repatriation under the intra Alied agreement The US thought Bandera was too valuable to give up due to his knowledge of the Soviet Union so the US started blocking his extradition under an operation called Anyface From the perspective of the US the Soviet Union and Poland were issuing extradition attempts of these Ukrainians to prevent the US from getting sources of intelligence so this became one of the factors in the breakdown of the cooperation agreement 74 However the CIC still considered Bandera untrustworthy and were concerned about the impact of his activities on Soviet American relations and in mid 1947 conducted an extensive and aggressive search to locate him 39 80 It failed having described their quarry as extremely dangerous and constantly en route frequently in disguise 39 79 Some American intelligence reported that he even was guarded by former SS men 58 173 The Bavarian state government initiated a crackdown on Bandera s organization for crimes such as counterfeiting and kidnapping Gerhard von Mende a West German government official provided protection to Bandera who in turn provided him with political reports which were relayed to the West German Foreign Office Bandera reached an agreement with the BND offering them his service despite the CIA warning the West Germans against cooperating with him 39 83 84 Following the war Bandera also visited Ukrainian communities in Canada Austria Italy Spain Belgium UK and Holland 7 336 His views Dmytro Dontsov s book Nationalism Ukrainian Nacionalizm was published in 1926 According to Grzegorz Rossolinski Liebe Bandera s worldview was shaped by numerous far right values and concepts including ultranationalism fascism racism and antisemitism by fascination with violence by the belief that only war could establish a Ukrainian state and by hostility to democracy communism and socialism Like other young Ukrainian nationalists he combined extremism with religion and used religion to sacralize politics and violence 2 115 Historian John Paul Himka writes that Bandera remained true to the fascist ideology to the end 44 Swedish American historian Per Anders Rudling said that Bandera and his followers advocated the selective breeding to create a pure Ukrainian race 18 and that the OUN shared the fascist attributes of anti liberalism anti conservatism and anti communism an armed party totalitarianism anti Semitism Fuhrerprinzip and adoption of fascist greetings Its leaders eagerly emphasized to Hitler and Ribbentrop that they shared the Nazi Weltanschauung and a commitment to a fascist New Europe 55 American historian Timothy Snyder has described Bandera as a fascist 45 nb 13 Political scientist Andreas Umland characterized Bandera as a Ukrainian ultranationalist and also told Deutsche Welle that he was not a nazi noting Ukrainian nationalism then was not a copy of Nazism 16 Historian David Marples described Bandera s views as not untypical of his generation but as holding an extreme political stance that rejected any form of cooperation with the rulers of Ukrainian territories the Poles and the Soviet authorities For Bandera Russia was the chief adversary but he also lacked tolerance for Poles and Jews Marples also described Bandera as neither an orator nor a theoretician and wrote that he had minimal importance as a thinker 5 Marples considered Rossolinski Liebe to place too much importance on Bandera s views writing that Rossolinski Liebe struggled to find anything of note written by Bandera and had assumed he was influenced by OUN publicist Dmytro Dontsov and OUN journals 75 Ukrainian historian Andrii Portnov writes that Bandera remained a proponent of authoritarian and violent politics until his death 76 Views towards Poles Monument to Poles killed by UPA Liszna Poland In late 1942 when Bandera was in a German concentration camp his organization the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists was involved in a massacre of Poles in Volhynia and in early 1944 ethnic cleansing also spread to Eastern Galicia It is estimated that more than 35 000 and up to 60 000 Poles mostly women and children along with unarmed men were killed during the spring and summer campaign of 1943 in Volhynia and up to 133 000 if other regions such as Eastern Galicia are included 77 78 79 Despite the central role played by Bandera s followers in the massacre of Poles in western Ukraine Bandera himself was interned in a German concentration camp when the concrete decision to massacre the Poles was made and when the Poles were killed clarification needed According to Yaroslav Hrytsak Bandera was not completely aware of events in Ukraine during his internment from the summer of 1941 and had serious differences of opinion with Mykola Lebed the OUN B leader who remained in Ukraine and who was one of the chief architects of the massacres of Poles 80 81 Views towards Jews Bandera held anti semitic views nb 14 nb 15 Speaking about Bandera and his men political scientist Alexander John Motyl told Tablet that antisemitism was not a core part of Ukrainian nationalism in the way it was for Nazism and the Soviet Union and Poland were considered to be the primary enemies of the OUN According to him the attitude of the Ukrainian nationalists towards Jews depended on political circumstances and they considered Jews to be a problem because they were implicated or believed to be implicated in aiding the Soviets take Ukrainian territory as well as not being Ukrainian 82 Norman Goda wrote that Historian Karel Berkhoff among others has shown that Bandera his deputies and the Nazis shared a key obsession namely the notion that the Jews in Ukraine were behind Communism and Stalinist imperialism and must be destroyed 6 On 10 August 1940 Bandera wrote a letter to Andriy Melnyk saying that he would accept Melnyk s leadership of the OUN provided he expelled traitors in the leadership One of these was Mykola Stsibors kyi who Bandera accused of an absence of morality and ethics in family life due to having married a Jewish woman and especially a suspicious Russian Jewish woman 83 In June 1941 Yaroslav Stetsko sent Bandera a report in which he stated We are creating a militia which will help to remove the Jews and protect the population 84 However Rossolinski Liebe and Umland both note that Bandera personally had no part in the murders of Jews Rossolinksi Liebe said he had found no evidence that Bandera supported or condemned ethnic cleansing or killing Jews and other minorities It was however important that people from OUN and UPA identified with him 16 Similarly Portnov notes that Bandera did not participate personally in the underground war conducted by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army UPA which included the organized ethnic cleansing of the Polish population of Volhynia in north western Ukraine and killings of the Jews but he also never condemned them 76 Death Bandera s grave in Munich July 2022 The MGB and from 1954 the Soviet KGB multiple times attempted to kidnap or assassinate Bandera 2 347 On 15 October 1959 Bandera collapsed outside of Kreittmayrstrasse 7 in Munich and died shortly thereafter A medical examination established that the cause of his death was poison by cyanide gas 85 86 On 20 October 1959 Bandera was buried in the Waldfriedhof Cemetery in Munich 2 407 408 His wife and three children moved to Toronto Canada 7 339 Two years after his death on 17 November 1961 the German judicial bodies announced that Bandera s murderer had been a KGB agent named Bohdan Stashynsky who used a cyanide dust spraying gun to murder Bandera acting on the orders of Soviet KGB head Alexander Shelepin and Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev 39 87 After a detailed investigation against Stashynsky who by then had defected from the KGB and confessed the killing a trial took place from 8 to 15 October 1962 Stashynsky was convicted and on 19 October he was sentenced to eight years in prison Stashynsky had earlier assassinated Bandera s associate Lev Rebet by similar means 88 Family Stepan Bandera s family in Volya Zaderevatska 1933 Bandera s brothers Oleksandr and Vasyl were arrested by the Germans and sent to Auschwitz concentration camp where they were allegedly killed by Polish inmates in 1942 89 verification needed His father Andriy was arrested by the Soviets in late May 1941 for harboring an OUN member and transferred to Kyiv On 8 July he was sentenced to death and executed on the 10th His sisters Oksana and Marta Maria were arrested by the NKVD in 1941 and sent to a gulag in Siberia Both were released in 1960 without the right to return to Ukraine Marta Maria died in Siberia in 1982 and Oksana returned to Ukraine in 1989 where she died in 2004 Another sister Volodymyra was sentenced to a term in Soviet labor camps from 1946 to 1956 She returned to Ukraine in 1956 90 Legacy Ukrainian postal stamp commemorating the centennial of Bandera s birth Ukrainian nationalists march through Kyiv holding a banner with Bandera s portrait as well as the flags of the Right Sector and Svoboda According to The Guardian Post war Soviet history propagated the image of Bandera and the UPA as exclusively fascist collaborators and xenophobes 91 On the other hand with the rise of nationalism in Ukraine his memory there has been elevated In late 2006 the Lviv city administration announced the future transference of the tombs of Stepan Bandera Andriy Melnyk Yevhen Konovalets and other key leaders of OUN UPA to a new area of Lychakiv Cemetery specifically dedicated to victims of the repressions of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle 92 In October 2007 the city of Lviv erected a statue dedicated to Bandera 93 The appearance of the statue has engendered a far reaching debate about the role of Stepan Bandera and UPA in Ukrainian history The two previously erected statues were blown up by unknown perpetrators the current is guarded by a militia detachment 24 7 when On 18 October 2007 the Lviv City Council adopted a resolution establishing the Award of Stepan Bandera 94 95 On 1 January 2009 his 100th birthday was celebrated in several Ukrainian centres 96 97 98 99 100 and a postage stamp with his portrait was issued the same day 101 On 1 January 2014 Bandera s 105th birthday was celebrated by a torchlight procession of 15 000 people in the centre of Kyiv and thousands more rallied near his statue in Lviv 102 103 104 The march was supported by the far right Svoboda party and some members of the center right Batkivshchyna 105 In 2018 the Ukrainian Parliament voted to include Bandera s 110th birthday on 1 January 2019 in a list of memorable dates and anniversaries to be celebrated that year 106 107 108 The decision was criticized by the Jewish organization Simon Wiesenthal Center 109 Attitudes in Ukraine towards Bandera Lviv soccer fans at a game against Donetsk The Ukrainian banner reads Bandera our hero Bandera continues to be a divisive figure in Ukraine Although Bandera is venerated in certain parts of western Ukraine and 33 of Lviv s residents consider themselves to be followers of Bandera 110 he along with Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Gorbachev is considered in surveys of Ukraine as a whole among the three historical figures who produce the most negative attitudes 111 A national survey conducted in Ukraine in 2009 inquired about attitudes by region towards Bandera s faction of the OUN It produced the following results 112 Attitudes by region towards Bandera s faction of the OUN Region Very positive Mostly positive Neutral Mostly negative Very negative UnsureGalicia Lviv Ternopil Ivano Frankivsk 37 26 20 5 6 6Volhynia 5 20 57 7 5 6Transcarpathia 4 32 50 0 7 7Central Ukraine Kyiv Zhytomyr Cherkasy Chernihiv Poltava Sumy Vinnytsia Kirovohrad 3 10 24 17 21 25Eastern Ukraine Donetsk Luhansk Kharkiv Dnipropetrovsk Zaporizhzhia 1 1 19 13 26 20Southern Ukraine Odessa Mykolaiv Kherson Crimea 1 1 13 31 48 25Ukraine as a whole 6 8 23 15 30 18A poll conducted in early May 2021 by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation together with the Razumkov Centre s sociological service showed that 32 of citizens consider Stepan Bandera s activity as a historical figure to be positive for Ukraine as many consider his activity negative another 21 consider Bandera s activities as positive as they are negative According to the poll a positive attitude prevails in the western region of Ukraine 70 in the central region of the state 27 of respondents consider his activity positive 27 consider his activity negative and 27 consider his activity both positive and negative 113 negative attitude prevails in the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine 54 and 48 of respondents consider his activity negative for Ukraine respectively 113 Torchlight procession in honor of the 106 anniversary of the birthday of Stepan Bandera Kyiv 1 January 2015 Following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine where references to Bandera and Banderites featured in Russian propaganda Bandera s favorability appeared to shoot up rapidly with 74 of Ukrainians viewing him favorably according to an April 2022 poll from a Ukrainian research organization Bandera continued to cause friction with countries such as Poland and Israel 16 Historian Vyacheslav Likhachev told Haaretz that for public consciousness in Ukraine the only important thing about Bandera was that he fought for Ukrainian independence and that other details are not important especially in the context of events from 2014 onwards where the struggle for Ukrainian independence became more prominent 114 Political scientist Andreas Umland wrote in 2017 that issues of remembrance in Ukraine are complicated by its history of existing between and being terrorized by two totalitarian regimes where millions of Ukrainians were killed but some collaborated and the extensive exploitation and manipulation of this history by an aggressive neighbor Russia According to him public debate on these issues is also spoiled by biased narratives about the OUN and especially Bandera perpetuated by the Kremlin or Western dilettante commentaries featuring frequent factual imprecisions and indiscriminate historical accusations He wrote that these inaccuracies are deconstructed with relish by OUN apologists within Ukraine and this has perpetuated a view within Ukraine that the Western public is not well informed about recent Ukrainian history and even brainwashed by Soviet and Russian propaganda However he wrote research from well regarded universities over the last decade was showing in greater detail where Ukrainians connected to the OUN did and did not take part in the Holocaust 115 2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine Headquarters of the Euromaidan Kyiv January 2014 At the front entrance there is a portrait of Bandera During the 2014 Crimean crisis and unrest in Ukraine pro Russian Ukrainians Russians in Russia and some Western authors alluded to the bad influence of Bandera on Euromaidan protesters and pro Ukrainian Unity supporters in justifying their actions 116 According to The Guardian The term Banderite to describe his followers gained a recent new and malign life when Russian media used it to demonise Maidan protesters in Kiev telling people in Crimea and east Ukraine that gangs of Banderites were coming to carry out ethnic cleansing of Russians 91 Russian media used this to justify Russia s actions 18 Putin welcomed the annexation of Crimea by declaring that he was saving them from the new Ukrainian leaders who are the ideological heirs of Bandera Hitler s accomplice during World War II 18 Pro Russian activists claimed Those people in Kyiv are Bandera following Nazi collaborators 18 Ukrainians living in Russia complained of being labelled a Banderite even when they were from parts of Ukraine where Bandera has no popular support 18 Groups who idolize Bandera took part in the Euromaidan protests but were a minority element 18 117 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine References to Bandera and Banderites in Russian propaganda featured during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine with Vladimir Putin making references to Banderites in his speeches 16 118 Russia heavily promoted the theme of denazification and used rhetoric that was similar to Soviet era policy of equating the development of Ukrainian national identity with Nazism due to Bandera s collaboration which has a particular resonance in Russia 119 The Washington Post reported on Russian soldiers rounding up villagers who were deemed to be Nazis or Banderites 120 Deutsche Welle revealed that media in Ukraine included many eyewitness accounts of Russian soldiers pursuing Bandera supporters and wrote that whoever is deemed to be a supporter faces torture or death 16 Hero of Ukraine award The Hero of Ukraine award On 22 January 2010 on the Day of Unity of Ukraine the then President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko awarded to Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine posthumously for defending national ideas and battling for an independent Ukrainian state 121 A grandson of Bandera also named Stepan accepted the award that day from the Ukrainian President during the state ceremony to commemorate the Day of Unity of Ukraine at the National Opera House of Ukraine 121 122 123 124 This award was condemned by the Simon Wiesenthal Center 26 On 25 February 2010 the European Parliament criticized the decision by then president of Ukraine Yushchenko to award Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine and expressed hope it would be reconsidered 125 On 14 May 2010 in a statement the Russian Foreign Ministry said about the award that the event is so odious that it could no doubt cause a negative reaction in the first place in Ukraine Already it is known a position on this issue of a number of Ukrainian politicians who believe that solutions of this kind do not contribute to the consolidation of Ukrainian public opinion 126 On the other hand the decree was applauded by Ukrainian nationalists in western Ukraine and by a small portion of Ukrainian Americans 127 128 On 5 March 2010 President Viktor Yanukovych stated that he would make a decision to repeal the decrees to honor the title of Heroes of Ukraine to Bandera and fellow nationalist Roman Shukhevych before the next Victory Day 129 although the Hero of Ukraine decrees do not stipulate the possibility that a decree on awarding this title can be annulled 130 On 2 April 2010 an administrative Donetsk region court ruled the presidential decree awarding the title to be illegal According to the court s decision Bandera was not a citizen of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic vis a vis Ukraine 131 132 133 134 On 5 April 2010 the Constitutional Court of Ukraine refused to start constitutional proceedings on the constitutionality of the President Yushchenko decree the award was based on A ruling by the court was submitted by the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea on 20 January 2010 135 In January 2011 the presidential press service informed that the award was officially annulled 30 136 This was done after a cassation appeal filed against the ruling by Donetsk District Administrative Court was rejected by the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine on 12 January 2011 137 138 Former President Yushchenko called the annulment a gross error 139 In December 2018 the Ukrainian parliament considered a motion to again confer the award on Bandera but the proposal was rejected in August 2019 32 Commemoration Stepan Bandera monument in Ternopil There are Stepan Bandera museums in Dubliany Volia Zaderevatska Staryi Uhryniv and Yahilnytsia There is a Stepan Bandera Museum of Liberation Struggle in London part of the OUN Archive 140 and The Bandera Family Museum Muzej rodini Banderiv in Stryi 141 142 There are also Stepan Bandera streets in Lviv formerly vulytsia Myru Peace street Lutsk formerly Suvorovska street Rivne formerly Moskovska street Kolomyia Ivano Frankivsk Chervonohrad formerly Nad Buhom street 143 Berezhany formerly Cherniakhovskoho street Drohobych formerly Sliusarska street Stryi Kalush Kovel Volodymyr Volynskyi Horodenka Dubrovytsia Kolomyia Dolyna Iziaslav Skole Shepetivka Brovary and Boryspil and a Stepan Bandera Avenue in Ternopil part of the former Lenin Avenue 144 On 16 January 2017 the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance stated that of the 51 493 streets squares and other facilities that had been renamed since 2015 due to decommunization 34 streets were named after Stepan Bandera 145 Due to association with the communist totalitarian regime the Kyiv City Council on 7 July 2016 voted 87 to 10 in favor of supporting renaming Moscow Avenue to Stepan Bandera Avenue 146 147 In September 2022 a street that was named after Otto Schmidt in Dnipro was renamed to honor Bandera 148 This street had originally been the Gymnasium Street until it was renamed to Otto Schmidt Street by Soviet authorities in 1934 149 In December 2022 recently liberated Izium decided to rename Pushkin Street to Stepana Bandera Street 150 After the fall of the Soviet Union monuments dedicated to Stepan Bandera have been constructed in a number of western Ukrainian cities and villages including a statue in Lviv 151 Bandera was also named an honorary citizen of a number of western Ukrainian cities citation needed In late 2018 the Lviv Oblast Council decided to declare the year of 2019 to be the year of Stepan Bandera sparking protests by Israel 152 153 Two feature films have been made about Bandera among them are Assassination An October Murder in Munich 1995 and The Undefeated 2000 both directed by Oles Yanchuk along with a number of documentary films In 2021 the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory under the authority of the Ukrainian Ministry of Culture included Bandera among other Ukrainian nationalist figures in Virtual Necropolis a project intended to commemorate historical figures important for Ukraine 154 See alsoLviv pogroms 1941 Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia Nachtigall Battalion Monuments to Stepan BanderaNotes This study investigates the life and the political cult of Stepan Bandera a Ukrainian far right leader who lived between 1909 and 1959 In 1932 1933 Stepan Bandera was arrested six times for matters such as an illegal crossing of the Polish Czechoslovak border smuggling illegal OUN journals to Poland Because of the extremist nature of the OUN and its involvement in the Holocaust and other kinds of ethnic and political mass violence during and after the Second World War OUN emigres and UPA veterans began producing forged or manipulated documents during the Cold War by means of which they whitewashed their own history In terms of extreme nationalism violence fascism and antisemitism the two factions did not differ greatly from each other 2 From page 560 A Second Extraordinary Congress of the OUN in April 1941 formally elected Bandera the leader of this more militant wing As the head of terrorist activities in the recent past he was considered the natural choice 5 As an uncompromising leader of the militant terrorist branch of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists OUN To this day many Ukrainians view Bandera as a martyred freedom fighter 6 The proclamation issued by Stetsko on behalf of the Bandera faction of the OUN promised that the new Ukrainian state would faithfully cooperate with National Socialist Great Germany which under the leadership of Adolf Hitler is establishing a New World Order in Europe and the world The proclamation s closing flourish called for Glory to the heroic German army and its Fuhrer Adolf Hitler In the confusion that accompanied the German invasion of Poland Lebed and Bandera were released from prison in 1939 and allowed to continue their political work 9 50 From pages 75 76 157 In July 1930 Ukrainian nationalists began sabotage actions in Galicia destroying Polish properties and homes throughout the region in hundreds of terrorist actions In September Pilsudski ordered the pacification of Galicia sending a thousand policemen to search 450 villages for nationalist agitators In 1930 as the OUN terrorized the Galician countryside Volhynia remained comparatively peaceful 34 According to some accounts and sources Bandera was released 36 37 5 or walked out of prison 38 According to others he escaped 2 167 5 39 73 40 According to Snyder he was released due to Poland freeing its political prisoners to spare them German captivity 41 According to Bandera s own account he escaped on September 13 1939 with the help of Ukrainian prisoners in the turmoil of WWII 2 166 In her book Borderland author Anna Reid states that Germans freed him but her sources for that are unclear Bandera aimed to make of Ukraine a one party fascist dictatorship without national minorities UPA partisans murdered tens of thousands of Poles most of them women and children Some Jews who had taken shelter with Polish families were also killed 45 It is a sad comment on Ukrainian memory that the man declared a Hero of Ukraine in January headed a movement that was deeply involved in the Holocaust 6 The UPA s ethnic cleansing of the Poles in Volhynia and Galicia continued through 1943 and much of 1944 until the arrival of the Soviets Whereas the UPA also killed Jews Czechs Magyars Armenians and other ethnic minorities Poles were their main target Long live the great independent Ukraine without Jews Poles or Germans Poles behind the San the Germans to Berlin and Jews to the gallows went one OUN b slogan in the late fall of 1941 55 11 12 From page 164 Before 1939 Ukraine was not united in one republic but remained divided between the Soviet Union Poland Romania and Czechoslovakia 58 in the Abwehr s Second Department which specialized in sabotage and subversion under the direction of General Erwin Lahousen and Colonel Erwin Stolze Skillfully playing one man against the other Canaris bestowed Konovalets former Abwehr code name Consul I on Melnyk while Bandera became known as Consul II In advance of the 1939 cam paign against Poland Canaris ordered Ukrainian exiles smuggled into Poland to weaken Polish defenses by launching a terror campaign against the Jews and the Polish farmers According to General Lahousen s testimony at the Nuremberg Trials the mission was to provoke an uprising in which all Polish homes would be set afire and Jews killed 9 20 From page 76 Berlin hoped to form a Ukrainian National Committee with both OUN factions and other Ukrainian leaders The Committee was formed in November but Bandera and Stetsko refused to cooperate They escaped from Berlin in December and fled south emerging after the war in Munich 39 The incoming Ukrainian president will have to turn some attention to history because the outgoing one has just made a hero of a long dead Ukrainian fascist By conferring the highest state honor of Hero of Ukraine upon Stepan Bandera Bandera aimed to make of Ukraine a one party fascist dictatorship without national minorities During World War II his followers killed many Poles and Jews 45 Deeply embedded in Ukrainian nationalism both types of antisemitism must have reached Bandera s consciousness in his youth Either in his high school years in the 1920s or in his student life in the first half of the 1930s the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism made Bandera aware of the Jewish problem in Ukraine the different and alien nature of the Jewish race and the intrinsic link between Jews and communism After the Second World War and the Holocaust both Bandera and his admirers were embarrassed by the vehement antisemitic component of their interwar political views and denied it systematically 2 107 From page 565 His views were not untypical of his generation although they represent an extreme political stance that rejected any form of cooperation with the rulers of Ukrainian territories the Poles and the Soviet authorities Like Dontsov he regarded Russia as the principal enemy of Ukraine and showed little tolerance for the other two groups inhabiting Ukrainian ethnic territories Poles and Jews 5 References a b c CIA National Archives NextGen Catalog catalog archives gov p 1 251 259 Retrieved 2 January 2023 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Rossolinski Grzegorz 1 October 2014 Stepan Bandera The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist Fascism Genocide and Cult Columbia University Press ISBN 978 3 8382 6684 8 McBride Jared 21 July 2016 Ukrainian Holocaust Perpetrators Are Being Honored in Place of Their Victims Tablet Magazine Retrieved 15 October 2022 Kyiv city government just voted to name a street after far right wing nationalist leader Stepan Bandera Kuzio Taras D Anieri Paul J 2002 Dilemmas of State led Nation Building in Ukraine Greenwood Publishing Group p 166 ISBN 978 0 275 97786 3 The OUN divided in 1940 into a radical wing under Bandera and a more conservative one under Melnyk a b c d e f g h Marples David R 2006 Stepan Bandera The Resurrection of a Ukrainian National Hero Europe Asia Studies 58 4 555 566 doi 10 1080 09668130600652118 ISSN 0966 8136 JSTOR 20451225 S2CID 144243956 a b c d e f Goda Norman J W 22 January 2010 Who Was Stepan Bandera History News Network Retrieved 24 September 2022 a b c d e f g h i j Rossolinski Grzegorz 2014 The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist Fascism Genocide and Cult Columbia University Press ISBN 9783838206844 Derzhavnij arhiv Lvivskoyi oblasti Archived from the original on 5 January 2017 Retrieved 19 December 2016 a b c d e f g Littman Sol 2003 Pure Soldiers Or Sinister Legion The Ukrainian 14th Waffen SS Division Black Rose Books ISBN 978 1 55164 219 2 Chastiy Ruslan Viktorovych 2007 Stepan Bandera mify legendy dejstvitelnost Stepan Bandera myths legends reality in Russian Kharkiv Folio p 382 ISBN 978 9660336568 OCLC 83597856 Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin The Sword and the Shield The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB Basic Books 1999 ISBN 0 465 00312 5 p 362 Kondratyuk Kostyantin Novitnya istoriya Ukrayini 1914 1945 New History of Ukraine Lviv Vidavnichij centr LNU imeni Ivana Franka 2007 in Ukrainian Reuters Thomson Ukrainians mark birthday anniversary of controversial nationalist Reuters Retrieved 27 November 2018 Ukrainians march in honour of controversial nationalist hero Stepan Bandera euronews 2 January 2016 Retrieved 27 November 2018 Cohen Josh Dear Ukraine Please Don t Shoot Yourself in the Foot Foreign Policy Retrieved 27 November 2018 a b c d e f g Goncharenko Roman 22 May 2022 Stepan Bandera Ukrainian hero or Nazi collaborator Deutsche Welle Retrieved 11 October 2022 Russia uses Israeli tweet against neo Nazi march The Jerusalem Post JPost com Retrieved 2 January 2023 a b c d e f g Faiola Anthony 25 March 2014 A ghost of World War II history haunts Ukraine s standoff with Russia The Washington Post Retrieved 9 October 2022 Henryk Komanski and Szczepan Siekierka Ludobojstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistow ukrainskich na Polakach w wojewodztwie tarnopolskim w latach 1939 1946 2006 p 203 in Polish Arad Yitzhak 2009 The Holocaust in the Soviet Union Lincoln Nebraska University of Nebraska Press p 89 ISBN 9780803222700 OCLC 466441935 Himka John Paul 2011 The Lviv Pogrom of 1941 The Germans Ukrainian Nationalists and the Carnival Crowd Canadian Slavonic Papers Revue Canadienne des Slavistes LIII 2 3 4 via academia edu Filtenborg Emil 19 March 2021 In Ukraine Stepan Bandera s legacy is a political football again Euronews Retrieved 29 October 2022 There are few figures in Ukrainian history as controversial as Stepan Bandera and fewer still are able to influence so profoundly modern politics more than six decades after their death Bandera who died in 1959 after being poisoned by Soviet agents is seen as a national hero who fought for Ukrainian independence during the 1930s and 1940s To others he is a war criminal whose nationalist forces carried out atrocities against Jews and Poles during WW2 UKAZ PREZIDENTA UKRAINY 46 2010 O prisvoenii S Bandere zvaniya Geroj Ukrainy Decree of the President of Ukraine No 46 2010 On the assignment of S Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine President of Ukraine in Russian Archived from the original on 25 January 2010 Retrieved 22 January 2010 Texts adopted Thursday 25 February 2010 Situation in Ukraine P7 TA 2010 0035 Europarl europa eu Retrieved 18 August 2018 Deeply deplores the decision by the outgoing President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko posthumously to award Stepan Bandera a leader of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists OUN which collaborated with Nazi Germany the title of National Hero of Ukraine hopes in this regard that the new Ukrainian leadership will reconsider such decisions and will maintain its commitment to European values Rosenfeld Alvin H 19 June 2013 Resurgent Antisemitism Global Perspectives Indiana University Press p 226 ISBN 978 0 253 00890 9 In January 2010 former president of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko officially rehabilitated Stepan Bandera head of one of the two factions of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the political sponsor of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army This act drew condemnation from Russia Poland and Jewish groups a b Simon Wiesenthal Center 28 January 2010 Wiesenthal Center Blasts Ukrainian Honor For Nazi Collaborator Narvselius Eleonora 2012 The Bandera Debate The Contentious Legacy of World War II and Liberalization of Collective Memory in Western Ukraine Canadian Slavonic Papers 54 3 4 469 490 doi 10 1080 00085006 2012 11092718 ISSN 0008 5006 S2CID 154360507 Congress World Jewish World Jewish Congress World Jewish Congress Retrieved 25 August 2022 World Jewish Congress troubled by honoring of Nazi collaborator in Ukraine Doneckij sud skasuvav ukaz Yushenka pro prisvoyennya Banderi zvannya Geroya Donetsk court upholding Yushchenko s decree on awarding Bandera the title of Hero Radio Svoboda Retrieved 6 January 2018 a b Rishennyam sudu prezidentskij ukaz Pro prisvoyennya S Banderi zvannya Geroj Ukrayini skasovano Presidential Decree On conferring the title of Hero of Ukraine on S Bandera passed to the decision of the court Archived 15 January 2011 at the Wayback Machine President gov ua Retrieved 16 January 2011 Ivan Katchanovski 2013 The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and the Nazi Genocide in Ukraine Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies United States Holocaust MemorialMuseum amp Vienna Wiesenthal Institute for Holocaust Studies 3 via Paper presented at the Collaboration in Eastern Europe during World War II and the Holocaust Conference a b Proekt Postanovi pro zvernennya do Prezidenta Ukrayini shodo prisvoyennya zvannya Geroya Ukrayini Banderi Stepanu Andrijovichu posmertno Draft Resolution on the appeal to the President of Ukraine regarding awarding the title of Hero of Ukraine to Stepan Andriyovych Bandera posthumously Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Retrieved 5 December 2018 Encyclopedia of Nationalism Two Volume Set Elsevier 27 October 2000 p 40 ISBN 978 0 08 054524 0 a b Snyder Timothy 2007 Sketches from a Secret War A Polish Artist s Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine Yale University Press ISBN 978 0300125993 a b c William Holzmann Zolt Aradi 1946 The Ukrainian Nationalist Movement an interim study PDF Report a b c d Piotrowski Tadeusz 9 January 2007 Poland s Holocaust Ethnic Strife Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic 1918 1947 McFarland pp 221 363 ISBN 978 0 7864 2913 4 p 221 On June 30 1941 the Bandera faction unilaterally declared Ukrainian independence This event was preceded by a letter to Hitler from Bandera who argued the case for an independent Ukrainian state but said nothing about the OUN B s intended course of action The letter was dated June 23 1941 just one day after the German invasion of the Soviet Union There was no reply from Hitler p 363 After their release from Bereza Kartuska September 5 10 1939 Bandera and the others contacted the Abwehr and after a rest returned to their operational base called Kochstelle by Volodymyr Kubiiovych in Krakow There they maintained close contact with Wehrmacht officials Fatic Aleksandar Bachmann Klaus Lyubashenko Igor 26 November 2018 Transitional Justice in Troubled Societies Rowman amp Littlefield p 192 ISBN 978 1 78660 590 0 Plokhy Serhii 6 December 2016 Chapter 1 Stalin s Call The Man with the Poison Gun A Cold War Spy Story Basic Books ISBN 978 0 465 09660 2 had walked out of the prison in 1939 following the German invasion of Poland slipping through Soviet hands a b c d e f g h Breitman Richard Goda Norman J W 2010 Hitler s Shadow PDF National Archives Plokhy Serhii 6 December 2016 Chapter 17 Man At The Top The Man with the Poison Gun A Cold War Spy Story Basic Books ISBN 978 0 465 09660 2 Khrushchev s major regret was that in September 1939 when the Red Army had crossed the Polish border under the terms of the Molotov Ribbentrop Pact and taken over Western Ukraine and Belarus Bandera had been able to escape his Polish prison Snyder Timothy 2003 The Causes of Ukrainian Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Past amp Present 179 179 197 234 doi 10 1093 past 179 1 197 ISSN 0031 2746 JSTOR 3600827 Carynnyk M 2011 Foes of our rebirth Ukrainian nationalist discussions about Jews 1929 1947 Nationalities Papers 39 3 315 352 doi 10 1080 00905992 2011 570327 S2CID 159894460 Ukraine World War II and its aftermath Britannica Online Encyclopedia Britannica com Retrieved 17 March 2010 a b c Himka John Paul 2010 The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army Unwelcome Elements of an Identity Project Ab Imperio 2010 4 83 101 doi 10 1353 imp 2010 0101 ISSN 2164 9731 S2CID 130590374 It is an undeniable fact though that OUN organized pogroms and mass violence against Jews and others throughout Western Ukraine in July 1941 German documentation and Jewish testimony are unanimous that Ukrainians were the pogromists The pattern of the violence exhibits many features of coordination over the whole territory Both were anti democratic anti Semitic xenophobic and admirers of the Italian fascists and German national socialists Both were involved in atrocities though the Bandera wing was much more deeply involved after Stalingrad and after Kursk OUN began to distance itself from fascism particularly at its Third Extraordinary Grand Assembly in August 1943 Bandera himself however remained true to the old ideology to the end a b c d Timothy Snyder 24 February 2010 A Fascist Hero in Democratic Kiev The New York Review of Books NYR Daily Radeljic Branislav 18 January 2021 The Unwanted Europeanness Understanding Division and Inclusion in Contemporary Europe Walter de Gruyter GmbH amp Co KG ISBN 978 3 11 068425 4 For instance the chant Glory to Ukraine Slava Ukraini followed by Glory to the Heroes Heroiam slava had its origins in Ukraine s national revolution of 1917 1920 but it became widespread as a slogan under the wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists OUN under the leadership of Stepan Bandera By 1941 the Bandera wing of the OUN had embraced the ideals of fascism and Nazism emphasizing militarism one party rule and the cult of the leader Sakwa Richard 2015 Frontline Ukraine crisis in the borderlands Internet Archive London I B Tauris p 17 ISBN 978 1 78453 064 8 Beginning on bloody Sunday 11 July 1943 the UPA slaughtered some 70 000 Poles mainly women and children and some unarmed men in Volyn and by 1945 it had killed at least 130 000 in Eastern Galicia Whole families had their eyes gouged out if suspected of being informers before being hacked to death Delphine Bechtel 2013 The Holocaust in Ukraine New Sources and Perspectives The 1941 pogroms as represented in Western Ukrainian historiography and memorial culture PDF United States Holocaust Memorial Museum pp 3 6 Some Ukrainian immigrant circles in Canada the United States and Germany had been active for decades in trying to suppress the topic and reacted to any testimony about Ukrainian anti Jewish violence with virulent diatribes against what they dismissed as Jewish propaganda the Ukrainian Insurrectional Army UPA which was responsible for ethnic cleansing actions against Poles and Jews in Volhynia and Galicia Winstone Martin 2015 The Dark Heart of Hitler s Europe Nazi Rule in Poland Under the General Government I B Tauris amp Company Limited pp 104 205 ISBN 978 0 7556 2395 2 Both factions of the OUN hoped that the Germans would permit the establishment of an independent Ukrainian state at least in Galicia OUN B who used it as a vehicle to perpetrate ethnic cleansing indeed genocide across Wolyn As German forces abandoned the countryside UPA units murdered the entire populations of Polish villages and many Ukrainians as well in an attempt to frighten the remainder into fleeing Rossolinski Liebe Grzegorz Holocaust Amnesia The Ukrainian Diaspora and the Genocide of the Jews German Yearbook of Contemporary History 1 2016 On 22 June 1941 the first phase of the Holocaust in these territories began when at least 140 pogroms broke out resulting in the murder of thirteen to thirty five thousand Jews In the largest pogrom in Lviv which began around ten o clock at night just a few hours before the proclamationof the Ukrainian state four thousand Jews were killed The perpetrators of this pogrom consisted of the militia of the OUN B which worked together with the Germans groups of local civilians as well as various German units including some from the Wehrmacht Ivan Katchanovski 2015 Terrorists or national heroes Politics and perceptions of the OUN and the UPA in Ukraine Communist and Post Communist Studies Paper Prepared for Presentation at the Annual Conference of the Canadian Political Science Association Montreal June 1 3 2010 48 2 3 15 doi 10 1016 j postcomstud 2015 06 006 ISSN 0967 067X However historical studies and archival documents show that the OUN relied on terrorism and collaborated with Nazi Germany in the beginning of World War II The OUN B Stepan Bandera faction by means of its control over the UPA masterminded a campaign of ethnic cleansing of Poles in Volhynia during the war and mounted an anti Soviet terror campaign in Western Ukraine after the war These nationalist organizations based mostly in Western Ukraine primarily in Galicia were also involved in mass murder of Jews during World War II The 2009 Kyiv International Institute of Sociology survey shows that only minorities of the residents of Ukraine have favorable views of the OUN B and the UPA and deny involvement of these organizations in mass murders of Ukrainians Poles and Jews in the 1940s Friedman Philip Friedman Ada June 1980 Roads to extinction essays on the Holocaust Internet Archive New York Conference on Jewish Social Studies Jewish Publication Society of America p 179 ISBN 978 0 8276 0170 3 After the outbreak of World War II the Germans constantly favored the OUN at the expense of more moderate Ukrainian groups The extremist Ukrainian nationalist groups then launched a campaign of vilification against moderate leaders accusing them of various misdeeds As early as the spring of 1940 a central Ukrainian committee was organized in Cracow under the chairmanship of Volodimir Kubiovitch Shortly before the outbreak of Russo German hostilities the Germans through Colonel Erwin Stolze of the Abwehr conducted negotiations with both OUN leaders Melnyk and Bandera requesting that they engage in underground activities in the rear of the Soviet armies in the Ukraine Efraim Zuroff Wiesenthal Center Harshly Criticizes Kiev March to Mark Birthday of Ukrainian Nazi Collaborator Stefan Bandera www wiesenthal com Retrieved 20 September 2022 Holocaust historian Dr Efraim Zuroff the Center noted Bandera s role in Holocaust crimes and the tens of thousands of Jewish victims murdered in Ukraine International Radio Canada Himka John Paul American Canadian historian and retired professor of history of the University of Alberta 13 August 2018 Canadian monument to controversial Ukrainian national hero ignites debate RCI English Retrieved 20 September 2022 Himka says attempts to whitewash UPA s wartime record harm Ukraine s fledgling democracy by encouraging the far right in Ukraine and negatively impact democratic practices within the Ukrainian community in Canada I think personally that you can t be making heroes out of Holocaust perpetrators and ethnic cleansers says Himka a b c d e f Rudling Per A 2011 The OUN the UPA and the Holocaust A Study in the Manufacturing of Historical Myths The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies 2107 doi 10 5195 CBP 2011 164 ISSN 2163 839X Cooke Philip Shepherd Ben 2014 Hitler s Europe Ablaze Occupation Resistance and Rebellion during World War II Skyhorse Publishing p 336 ISBN 978 1632201591 a b OUN v 1941 roci dokumenti V 2 h ch In t istoriyi Ukrayini NAN Ukrayini K 2006 ISBN 966 02 2535 0 a b c Rudling Per Anders 2006 Historical representation of the wartime accounts of the activities of the OUN UPA Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists Ukrainian Insurgent Army East European Jewish Affairs 36 2 163 189 doi 10 1080 13501670600983008 ISSN 1350 1674 S2CID 161270139 Piotrowski Tadeusz 1 January 2000 Genocide and Rescue in Wolyn Recollections of the Ukrainian Nationalist Ethnic Cleansing Campaign Against the Poles During World War II McFarland p 229 ISBN 978 0 7864 0773 6 Ukrainian Nationalist Socialists who were in the German Intelligence Service and other members of the nationalist fascist groups Instructions were given by me personally to the leaders of the Ukrainian Nationalists Melnyk Code Name Consul I and Bandera Code Name Consul II Nuremberg The Trial of German Major War Criminals Nizkor org Archived from the original on 24 March 2010 Retrieved 18 August 2018 CIA examples of Soviet Propaganda PDF CIA Archived from the original PDF on 23 January 2017 Retrieved 25 May 2020 Mueller Michael 18 August 2018 Canaris The Life and Death of Hitler s Spymaster Naval Institute Press ISBN 9781591141013 Retrieved 18 August 2018 via Google Books I K Patrylyak 2004 Vijskova diyalnist OUN B u 1940 1942 rokah Military activity of the OUN B in 1940 1942 Kyiv Institute of Ukrainian History Shevchenko University p 15 OUN v 1941 roci dokumenti The OUN in 1941 documents Kyiv Institute of Ukrainian History Shevchenko University 2006 ISBN 966 02 2535 0 U vladnih strukturah rejhu znajshlisya sili yaki z pragmatichnih mirkuvan stali na zahist banderivciv Kerivniki gestapo spodivalisya vikoristovuvati yih u vlasnih cilyah a kerivniki abveru a radyanskomu tilu In the power structures of the Reich there were forces that for pragmatic reasons came to the defense of Bandera s people The leaders of the Gestapo hoped to use them for their own purposes and the leaders of the Abwehr for the Soviet rear Ukrainian History World War II in Ukraine InfoUkes Retrieved 17 March 2010 Taras Hunczak 1994 OUN German Relations 1941 1945 In Hans Joachim Torke John Paul Himka eds German Ukrainian relations in historical perspective Edmonton Alberta Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press University of Alberta p 178 Rossolinski Liebe Grzegorz 2010 Celebrating Fascism and War Criminality in Edmonton The Political Myth and Cult of Stepan Bandera in Multicultural Canada took Bandera into captivity on July 5 1941 He was transported to Berlin where he stayed under house arrest until September 15 1941 He was subsequently arrested and kept in a Berlin prison as an honorary prisoner Ehrenhaftling until October 1943 From October 1943 to October 1944 Bandera stayed in Zellenbau a part of the concentration camp Sachsenhausen for political prisoners After Bandera was released he was once more allowed to collaborate Berkhoff Karel C Carynnyk M 1999 The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and Its Attitude toward Germans and Jews Iaroslav Stets ko s 1941 Zhyttiepys Harvard Ukrainian Studies 23 3 149 184 JSTOR 41036794 Bandera Stepan Andrijovich History org ua in Ukrainian Retrieved 6 January 2018 Vyedeneyev D Lysenko O et al 2009 Zavdannya pidrivnoyi diyalnosti proti Chervonoyi armiyi obgovoryuvalosya na naradi pid Berlinom u kvitni togo zh roku 1944 mizh kerivnikom tayemnih operacij vermahtu O Skorceni j liderami ukrayinskih nacionalistiv S banderoyu ta Ya Steckom The task of subversive activity against the Red Army was discussed at a meeting near Berlin in April of the same year 1944 between the head of secret operations of the Wehrmacht O Skortseni and the leaders of Ukrainian nationalists S Bandera and Y Stetska PDF Ukrainian Historical Magazine 3 137 Institut istoriyi Ukrayini History org ua Retrieved 18 August 2018 Kevin C Ruffner 1998 Cold War Allies CIA s Relations w Ukrainian Nationalists PDF Fifty Years of the CIA CIA declassified records a b Stephen Dorril 2002 MI6 Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty s Secret Intelligence Service Simon and Schuster ISBN 9780743217781 Boghardt Thomas 2022 Covert Legions U S Army Intelligence in Germany 1944 1949 Washington D C U S Army Center of Military History pp 229 234 Marples David R 19 November 2020 Stepan Bandera The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist Fascism Genocide and CultGrzegorz Rossolinski Liebe Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34 2 317 319 doi 10 1093 hgs dcaa035 ISSN 8756 6583 a b Portnov Andrii 2016 Bandera mythologies and their traps for Ukraine Open Democracy Until his death in 1959 Bandera remained a supporter of authoritarian and violent politics Snyder Timothy 1999 To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland 1943 1947 Journal of Cold War Studies 1 2 86 120 doi 10 1162 15203979952559531 ISSN 1520 3972 JSTOR 26925017 S2CID 57564179 Od rzezi wolynskiej do akcji Wisla 2011 pages 447 448 Grzegorz Motyka Od rzezi wolynskiej do akcji Wisla Krakow 2011 ISBN 978 83 08 04576 3 s 447 Ewa Siemaszko estimates victims to be 133 000 in Stan badan nad ludobojstwem dokonanym na ludnosci polskiej przez Organizacje Ukrainskich Nacjonalistow i Ukrainska Powstancza Armie Boguslaw Paz ed Ludobojstwo na Kresach poludniowo wschodniej Polski w latach 1939 1946 Wroclaw 2011 ISBN 978 83 229 3185 1 s 341 Marples David R 1 January 2007 Heroes and Villains Creating National History in Contemporary Ukraine Central European University Press ISBN 9789637326981 Retrieved 18 August 2018 via Google Books Hrycak Jaroslaw 10 May 2008 Bandera romantyczny terrorysta Gazeta Wyborcza Interview Interviewed by Marcin Wojciechowski Archived from the original on 7 April 2014 Retrieved 1 April 2014 a href Template Cite interview html title Template Cite interview cite interview a CS1 maint bot original URL status unknown link Batya Ungar Sargon 7 March 2014 Who is Stepan Bandera The Man Whose Political Legacy Looms Over Ukraine Revolution Tablet Magazine Retrieved 17 September 2022 So while Bandera and his men were responsible for killing Jews their ideology wasn t fundamentally anti Semitic rather it was pro Ukrainian and anti everyone who appeared to be in the way of that which included the pro Soviet Jews For the Nazis anti Semitism was an unconditional core belief and Nazi anti Semitism was an all or nothing proposition that was both immutable and immune to circumstances explained Alexander John Motyl a professor of political science at Rutgers in an email For the Ukrainian nationalists their attitude toward Jews depended on political circumstances The primary enemy of the OUN was Poland and then the Soviet Union or rather Poles and Russians Jews were a problem because they weren t Ukrainian and because they were implicated or believed to be implicated in helping the Soviets take over Ukrainian territory Carynnyk Marco May 2011 Foes of our rebirth Ukrainian nationalist discussions about Jews 1929 1947 Nationalities Papers 39 3 327 doi 10 1080 00905992 2011 570327 ISSN 0090 5992 S2CID 159894460 Bruder Franziska June 2008 Radicalization of the Ukrainian Nationalist Policy in the context of the Holocaust The International Institute for Holocaust Research No 12 p 37 ISSN 1565 8643 The Partisan Time Vol 74 no 18 2 November 1959 Archived from the original on 12 June 2008 Roszkowski Wojciech Kofman Jan 2015 Biographical Dictionary of Central and Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century London Routledge p 57 ISBN 978 1 317 47594 1 The Poison Pistol Time Vol 78 no 22 1 December 1961 Archived from the original on 6 June 2008 Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin The Sword and the Shield The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB Basic Books 1999 ISBN 978 0 465 00312 9 p 362 Devin O Pendas 2006 The Frankfurt Auschwitz trial 1963 1965 genocide history and the limits of the law Cambridge University Press p 190 ISBN 9780521844062 Bandershtadt misto Bander Banderstadt the city of Bander Gk press if ua 22 January 2009 Archived from the original on 5 November 2011 Retrieved 18 August 2018 a b Hyde Lily 20 April 2015 Ukraine to rewrite Soviet history with controversial decommunisation laws the Guardian Retrieved 8 June 2022 Information website of the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group Khpg org Retrieved 17 March 2010 Events by themes Monument to Stepan Bandera in Lvov UNIAN photo service 13 October 2007 Design by Maxim Tkachuk web architecture by Volkova Dasha templated by Alexey Kovtanets programming by Irina Batvina Maxim Bielushkin Sergey Bogatyrchuk Vitaliy Galkin Victor Lushkin Dmitry Medun Igor Sitnikov Vladimir Tarasov Alexander Filippov Sergei Koshelev Yaroslav Ostapiuk Korrespondent Ukraina Sobytiya Lvov osnoval zhurnalistskuyu premiyu imeni Bandery Korrespondent net Retrieved 17 March 2010 Rozporyadzhennya 495 City adm lviv ua Retrieved 17 March 2010 Events by themes Celebration of 100 birth anniversary of Stepan Bandera in Zaporozhye Zaporozhye UNIAN photo service 1 January 2009 Events by themes Mass meeting devoted to 100 birth anniversary of Stepan Bandera in Stariy Ugriniv village UNIAN photo service 1 January 2009 Events by themes Monument to Stepan Banderq and memorial complex the heroes of UPA were opened in Ivano Frankivsk Ivano Frankivsk UNIAN photo service 1 January 2009 Events by themes Kharkiv nationalists were disallowed to arrange a torchlight procession in honor of Bandera s birthday Kharkiv UNIAN photo service 1 January 2009 Events by themes Action Stepan Bandera is a national hero Kyiv UNIAN photo service 1 January 2009 2009 Philatelic Issues Stefan Bandera 1909 1959 The Ukrainian Electronic Stamp Album 15 000 nationalists march in Kiev Archived from the original on 2 January 2014 Retrieved 2 January 2014 Torchlight procession to honor Bandera taking place in Kyiv Interfax Ukraine 1 January 2014 Lviv hosts rally to mark 105th anniversary of Ukrainian nationalist leader Bandera Interfax Ukraine 1 January 2014 MP Euromaidan exposed to neo Nazi trends Kyiv Post 3 January 2014 Pro vidznachennya pam yatnih dat i yuvileyiv u 2019 roci Oficijnij vebportal parlamentu Ukrayini in Ukrainian Retrieved 3 January 2023 Verhovna Rada zatverdila kalendar pam yatnih dat ta yuvileyiv v Ukrayini u 2019 roci Novinarnya novynarnia com in Ukrainian 18 December 2018 Retrieved 3 January 2023 Liphshiz Cnaan 27 December 2018 Ukraine Designates National Holiday to Commemorate Nazi Collaborator Haaretz Wiesenthal Center Harshly Criticizes Decision By Ukranian sic Parliament To Designate Birthday Of Nazi Collaborator Bandera As National Holiday wiesenthal com 27 December 2018 Paul Goble 12 September 2010 In Western Ukraine Even Ethnic Russians Vote for Pro Ukrainian Parties Archived 13 September 2010 at the Wayback Machine Eurasia Review Yaroslav Hrytsak 2005 Historical Memory and Regional Identity In Christopher Hann and Paul Robert Magocsi eds Galicia A Multicultured Land Toronto University of Toronto Press pp 185 209 Ivan Katchanovski 2009 Terrorists or National Heroes Politics of the OUN and the UPA in Ukraine Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Conference of the Canadian Political Science Association Montreal 1 3 June 2010 a b Opituvannya diyalnist Banderi pozitivnoyu dlya Ukrayini vvazhayut 32 ukrayinciv stilki zh negativnoyu Poll 32 of Ukrainians consider Bandera s activities positive for Ukraine the same number negative Radio Svoboda in Ukrainian Retrieved 7 May 2021 The Truth About Ukrainian Nationalism and Claims It s Tainted by Nazism Haaretz Retrieved 29 September 2022 Umland Andreas 2017 The Ukrainian Government s Memory Institute Against the West IndraStra Global 3 3 7 ISSN 2381 3652 Hero Or Villain Historical Ukrainian Figure Symbolizes Today s Feud NPR Retrieved 18 August 2018 Ukraine crisis Does Russia have a case BBC News 5 March 2014 Treisman Rachel 1 March 2022 Putin s claim of fighting against Ukraine neo Nazis distorts history scholars say NPR Retrieved 24 September 2022 Debunking Denazification CSCE 21 April 2022 Retrieved 15 June 2022 Khurshudyan Isabelle Chavez Michael Robinson Ukrainian villagers describe cruel and brutal Russian occupation Washington Post Retrieved 24 September 2022 a b Stepan Bandera becomes Ukrainian hero Kyiv Post 22 January 2010 President Viktor Yushchenko awarded title Hero of Ukraine to OUN Head Stepan Bandera Archived 6 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine Radio Ukraine 22 January 2010 Events by themes 91th sic anniversary of Collegiality of Ukraine UNIAN 22 January 2010 Ukraine Rehabilitation and new heroes EuropaRussia 29 January 2010 European parliament hopes new Ukraine s leadership will reconsider decision to award Bandera title of hero Kyiv Post 25 February 2010 Izdatelskij dom Kommersant Kommersant Retrieved 26 October 2019 Analysis Ukraine leader struggles to handle Bandera legacy Kyiv Post 13 April 2010 Ukrainians in New York take to streets to protest Russian fleet Kyiv Post 6 May 2010 Yanukovych to strip nationalists of hero status Kyiv Post 5 March 2010 Party of Regions proposes legal move to strip Bandera of Hero of Ukraine title Kyiv Post 17 February 2010 Donetsk court deprives Shukhevych of Ukrainian hero title Kyiv Post 21 April 2010 High Administrative Court dismisses appeals against illegal award of Hero of Ukraine title to Soviet soldiers Kyiv Post 13 August 2010 Ukraine court strips Bandera of Hero of Ukraine title Top RBC 2 April 2010 Ukraine court strips Bandera of Hero of Ukraine title because he wasn t citizen of Ukraine Gzt ru 3 April 2010 Constitutional Court refuses to consider case on Bandera s title of Hero of Ukraine Kyiv Post 12 April 2010 Press sluzhba Yanukovicha Ukaz o prisvoenii Bandere zvaniya Geroya Ukrainy otmenen Korrespondent Retrieved 12 January 2011 Court Ruling on Bandera legal Kyiv Post 12 January 2011 Update Stepan Bandera is no longer a Hero of Ukraine Kyiv Post 12 January 2011 Yushchenko No Bandera no statehood Kyiv Post 12 January 2011 Muzej Vizvolnoyi borotbi im Stepana Banderi v Londoni Museum of Liberation Struggle named after Stepan Bandera in London Ounuis info Retrieved 18 August 2018 karpaty info Banderas Family Museum Stryj Karpaty info Retrieved 18 August 2018 Vidkrito muzej rodini Banderiv onovleno foto Stryi com ua Archived from the original on 11 August 2018 Retrieved 18 August 2018 Karta M Chervonograda Vulici 14 Chervnya 2009 BLoG Chervonograda l Gumor l Video l Chervonograd 4ervonograd at ua Retrieved 18 August 2018 Vozduhoflotskij prospekt mogut pereimenovat v chest Bandery Povitroflotsky Prospekt may be renamed in honor of Bandera Kiyany obozrevatel com 12 March 2010 Retrieved 18 August 2018 in Ukrainian Dekomunizuvali 1320 pam yatnikiv Leninu Banderi postavili 4 1 320 Lenin monuments decommunized 4 erected to Bandera Ukrayinska Pravda 16 January 2017 in Ukrainian With 50 Thousand renamed Objets Place Names Only 34 Are Named After Bandera Archived 19 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance 16 January 2017 Moskovskij prospekt nositime im ya Stepana Banderi Kiyivska Miska Rada Moscow Avenue will bear the name of Stepan Bandera Kyiv City Council Kmr gov ua 7 July 2016 Retrieved 18 August 2018 Kyiv s Moskovskiy Avenue renamed after Stepan Bandera Unian info Retrieved 18 August 2018 In the center of Dnipro the street of Stepan Bandera appeared the mayor Ukrayinska Pravda in Ukrainian 21 September 2022 Retrieved 18 October 2022 L M Markova About the renaming of streets in the city of Katerynoslava Dnipropetrovsk in the 1920s and 1930s gorod dp ua in Ukrainian Retrieved 16 October 2022 Bandera Street appeared in the liberated Izium Ukrayinska Pravda in Ukrainian 3 December 2022 Retrieved 3 December 2022 Leibich Andre Myshlovska Oksana 2014 Bandera memorialization and commemoration Nationalities Papers 42 5 750 770 doi 10 1080 00905992 2014 916666 S2CID 128407114 Israeli ambassador shocked by Lviv region s decision to declare Year of Bandera Kyiv Post 13 December 2018 Israeli ambassador bemoans glorification of Ukrainian leader AP NEWS 14 December 2018 Retrieved 25 August 2022 Nazi collaborators included in Ukrainian memorial project Jerusalem Post 21 January 2021 Further readingRossolinski Liebe Grzegorz 2014 Stepan Bandera The Life and Afterlife of a Ukrainian Nationalist Fascism Genocide and Cult Ibidem Verlag ISBN 978 3 8382 0604 2 External links Media related to Stepan Bandera at Wikimedia Commons Quotations related to Stepan Bandera at Wikiquote Article about the assassination of Stepan Bandera The Assassination of Stepan Bandera ARTICLE Bright Review Archived 31 October 2019 at the Wayback Machine Burial of S Bandera October 20 1959 Munich on YouTube 1 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Stepan Bandera amp oldid 1131420275, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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