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Han–Xiongnu War

February 16, 2024

"Sino-Xiongnu War" redirects here. For the military campaign of the Qin Empire against the tribes, see Qin's campaign against the Xiongnu.
Han–Xiongnu War
漢匈戰爭

Emperor Wu dispatching the diplomat Zhang Qian to Central Asia, Mogao Caves mural, 8th century
Date133 BC – 89 AD
90–91 AD (punitive campaign)
Location
Present-day China, Mongolia, Siberia, and Central Asia
Result

Han victory,

destruction of Xiongnu steppe hegemony and vassalization of Southern Xiongnu
Belligerents
Xiongnu
Qiang[1]
Wuhuan[2]		 Han dynasty
Xin dynasty (9–23 AD)
Tributary and allied forces:
Southern Xiongnu[3]
Qiang[4]
Wuhuan[4]
Xianbei[4]
Wusun
Commanders and leaders
Junchen Chanyu
Yizhixie Chanyu
Hunye Chanyu  
Xiutu Chanyu  †
Zhizhi Chanyu †
...and others		 Emperor Wu of Han
General Wei Qing
General Huo Qubing
General Dou Gu
General Ban Chao
General Dou Xian
General Li Guang †
...and others

The Han–Xiongnu War,[5] also known as the Sino–Xiongnu War,[6] was a series of military conflicts fought over two centuries (from 133 BC to 89 AD) between the Chinese Han Empire and the nomadic Xiongnu confederation, although extended conflicts can be traced back as early as 200 BC and ahead as late as 188 AD.

The Chinese civilization initially clashed with nomadic tribes that would later become the Xiongnu confederation during the Warring States period, and various northern states built elongated fortifications (which later became the Great Wall) to defend against raids from the Mongolian Plateau. The unified Qin dynasty, who conquered all other states under the First Emperor, dispatched General Meng Tian in 215 BC in a successful campaign to expel the Xiongnu from the Ordos region. However, the subsequent civil wars following Qin dynasty's collapse gave the Xiongnu tribes, who were then unified into a large confederacy under Modu Chanyu, the opportunity to reinvade the Ordos region. After the Western Han dynasty was established in 202 BC, Emperor Gao tried to fight off Xiongnu invasions but had himself trapped in an ambush during the Battle of Baideng, and a truce was negotiated. Decades of de jure "peace" then ensued then followed with the Chinese gifting "marriage alliance" to appease the Xiongnu, who still raided Chinese borderlands routinely.

However, starting from the reign of the seventh Han ruler, Emperor Wu, the Han Empire began to change from a relatively passive foreign policy to a proactively offensive strategy seeking to permanently remove the northern threat. The tension fully escalated in 133 BC when the Han army unsuccessfully tried to ambush Xiongnu raiders at Mayi, and retaliatory raids intensified. Emperor Wu then started deploying newer generations of military commanders and launched several expeditions to control the Ordos Loop, Hexi Corridor and Western Regions, eventually pushing the Xiongnu north beyond the Gobi Desert with a decisive campaign in 119 BC. After the death of Emperor Wu in 87 BC, the conflict de-escalated to mostly small border conflicts, although Emperor Xuan and Yuan had each sanctioned major offensives against the Xiongnu during their reigns. The overall strategic Han successes against the Xiongnu allowed the Chinese to project their influence deeply into Central Asia, which eventually led to the establishment of a regional protectorate in 60 BC. For the Xiongnu, the situation deteriorated with each setback, leading to erosion of the chanyu's prestige and dominance, and the subsequent internal power struggles further weakened the confederation, fracturing it into various self-ruling factions. The Han Empire then adhered to a divide and rule strategy, using marriage alliances (such as that of Wang Zhaojun to Huhanye) to recruit some against others.

During the interregnum Xin dynasty, Wuzhuliu chanyu waged war in 11 AD after Wang Mang, who usurped the Han throne and attempted to split the Xiongnu by installing 15 new chanyu. Wang Mang mobilized 300,000 troops against Xiongnu and forced Goguryeo, Wuhuan and various Western Regions city-states to send conscripts and provisions, which led to the mass defection of these vassal states. After the Eastern Han dynasty was established in 25 AD, the Chinese initially found their hands full after the chaotic civil war and could not afford any full-scale mobilizations against the Xiongnu raids, they therefore resorted to continue lobbying amongst Xiongnu faction rulers instead. This continued for another two decades until 46 AD, when repeated natural disasters severely weakened the Xiongnu and forced them to flee north from an attack by Wuhuan. Xiongnu then permanently split in 48 AD into two groups, known as the Northern and Southern Xiongnu, respectively. The Southern Xiongnu eventually submitted to the Han Empire and became auxiliaries/mercenaries against the Northern Xiongnu, who continued to resist and was eventually evicted westwards by the further expeditions by the Han Empire and its vassals, as well as the rise of other hostile Donghu states like Xianbei. In 89 AD, General Dou Xian led 50,000 cavalry on an expedition that decisively defeated the Northern Xiongnu's main force, causing it to split further. In 91 AD, Northern Chanyu was defeated in the Battle of the Altai Mountains, and they fled west into Dzungaria, where they continued causing sporadic troubles until 151 AD when a 4,000-strong Han militia was enough to defeat them, causing them to flee further west into Central Asia where they disappeared from historical records. Southern Xiongnu, on the other hand, continued cycles of "rebel then resubmit" under the Eastern Han dynasty until as late as the Yellow Turban Rebellion, but from 89 AD onwards the Han Empire's main concern had already switched to the Qiang people, who had become a bigger threat than the Xiongnu.

Background edit

During the Warring States period, the Qin, Zhao, and Yan states conquered various nomadic territories inhabited by the Xiongnu and other Hu peoples.[7] They strengthened their new frontiers with elongated wall fortifications.[8] By 221 BC, the Qin ended the chaotic Eastern Zhou period by conquering all other states and unifying China proper. In 215 BC, Qin Shi Huang ordered General Meng Tian to set out against the Xiongnu tribes, situated in the Ordos region, and establish a frontier region at the Ordos Loop.[9] Believing that the Xiongnu were a possible threat, the emperor launched a pre-emptive strike against the Xiongnu with the intention of expanding his empire.[9] Later that year (215 BC), General Meng Tian succeeded in defeating the Xiongnu and driving them from the Ordos region, seizing their territory as result.[10] After the catastrophic defeat at the hands of Meng, Touman Chanyu and his followers fled far into the Mongolian Plateau.[11] Fusu (Prince of Qin) and General Meng Tian were stationed at a garrison in Suide and soon began the construction of the walled defences, connecting them with the old walls built by Qin, Yan and Zhao states.[12] The fortified walls ran from Liaodong to Lintao, thus enclosing the conquered Ordos region,[10] safeguarding the Qin empire against the Xiongnu and other northern nomadic people.[8] Due to the northward expansion, the threat that the Qin empire posed to the Xiongnu ultimately led to the state formation of the many tribes towards a confederacy.[7]

However, after the sudden death of Qin Shi Huang, the ensuing political corruption and chaos during the short reign of Qin Er Shi would lead to various anti-Qin rebellions, eventually bringing about the collapse of the Qin dynasty. A massive civil war then erupted between various reinstated states, with Liu Bang eventually victorious to establish the Han dynasty. During the transitional years between Qin and Han, while the Chinese were mainly focused towards the interior of their nation, the Xiongnu took the opportunity to retake the territory north of the wall.[7] The Xiongnu frequently led incursions to the Han frontier and had considerable political influence over the border regions.[13] In response, Emperor Gaozu led a Han army against the Xiongnu in 200 BC, pursuing them as far as Pingcheng (present-day Datong, Shanxi) before being ambushed by Modu Chanyu's cavalry.[13] His encampment was encircled by the Xiongnu, but Emperor Gaozu escaped after seven days.[14] After realizing that a military solution was not feasible for the time being, Emperor Gaozu sent Liu Jing to negotiate peace with Modu Chanyu.[14] In 198 BC, a marriage alliance was concluded between the Han and the Xiongnu,[14] but this proved far from effective as the incursions in the frontier regions continued.[15][16][17]

Course edit

Onset edit

Further information: Battle of Mayi
 
The expansion of the Han empire under Emperor Wu's reign (r. 141–87 BC)

By the reign of Emperor Wu, the Han empire was prospering and the national treasury had accumulated large surpluses.[18] However, burdened by the frequent Xiongnu raids at the frontier of the Han empire, the emperor abandoned the policies of his predecessors to maintain peace with the Xiongnu early in his reign.[19] In 136 BC, after continued Xiongnu incursions near the northern frontier, Emperor Wu had a court conference assembled.[20][21] The faction supporting war against the Xiongnu was able to sway the majority opinion by making a compromise for those worried about stretching financial resources on an indefinite campaign: in an engagement along the border near Mayi, Han forces would lure Junchen Chanyu over with wealth and promises of defections in order to eliminate him and cause political chaos for the Xiongnu.[20][21] Emperor Wu launched his military campaigns against the Xiongnu in 133 BC.[22][23]

In 133 BC, the Xiongnu forces led by the Chanyu[a] were lured into a trap at Mayi, while a Han army of about 300,000 troops laid in ambush against the Xiongnu.[23] Wang Hui (王恢) led this campaign and commanded a force of 30,000 men strong, advancing from Dai with the intention of attacking the Xiongnu supply route.[24] Han Anguo (韓安國) and Gongsun He (公孫賀) commanded the remaining forces and advanced towards Mayi.[24] Junchen Chanyu led his army of 100,000 men towards Mayi, but he became increasingly suspicious of the situation.[24] When the ambush failed, because Junchen Chanyu realized he was about to fall into a trap and fled back north, the peace was broken and the Han court resolved to engage in full-scale war.[21][25][26] In light of this battle, the Xiongnu became aware of the Han court's intentions to go to war.[23] By that point the Han empire was long consolidated politically, militarily, and economically, and was led by an increasingly pro-war faction in the imperial court.[27]

Skirmishes at the northern frontier edit

In the autumn of 129 BC, a Han force of 40,000 cavalrymen launched a surprise attack against the Xiongnu in the frontier markets, where masses of Xiongnu people visited to trade.[28] In 128 BC, General Wei Qing led 30,000 men to battle at the regions north of Yanmen and came out victorious.[29] The next year (127 BC), the Xiongnu invaded Liaoxi, killing its governor, and advanced towards Yanmen.[30] Han Anguo mobilized 700 men, but was defeated and withdrew to Yuyang.[30] Thereafter, Wei Qing moved out with a force and captured some Xiongnu troops, causing the main force of the Xiongnu to withdraw.[30] Meanwhile, Li Xi had led a force across the frontier and also captured some of the Xiongnu troops.[30]

Early campaigns by the Han empire edit

 
Emperor Wu of Han

Between 127 and 119 BC, Emperor Wu ordered the generals Wei Qing and Huo Qubing to lead several large-scale military campaigns against the Xiongnu.[23] Leading campaigns involving tens of thousands of troops, General Wei Qing captured the Ordos Desert region from the Xiongnu in 127 BC and General Huo Qubing expelled them from the Qilian Mountains in 121 BC, gaining the surrender of many Xiongnu aristocrats.[31][32] The Han court also sent expeditions, ranging to over 100,000 troops, into Mongolia in 124 BC, 123 BC, and 119 BC,[33] attacking the heart of Xiongnu territory. Following the successes of these 127–119 BC campaigns, Emperor Wu wrote edicts in which he heavily praised the two generals for their achievements.[34]

Ordos Loop edit

In 127 BC, General Wei Qing invaded and retook full control of the Ordos region.[35][36] Earlier that year, he had departed from Yunzhong towards Longxi to invade the Xiongnu in Ordos.[28] After the conquest, about 100,000 people resettled in the Ordos.[28] In the region, two commanderies were established, Wuyuan and Shuofang.[28][37] With the old Qin walled fortifications in their control, the Han set out to repair and extend the walls.[38] In 126 BC, the Xiongnu sent out three forces of 30,000 troops each to raid Dai, Dinxiang, and Shang.[35] In that same year (126 BC), General Wei Qing advanced from Gaoque into Mongolia with 30,000 men and inflicted defeat to the Xiongnu forces of the Tuqi King[b] and captured 15,000 men along with 10 tribal chiefs.[39] In the autumn of 126 BC, the Xiongnu raided Dai once again; they took some prisoners and killed a Han military commander.[39]

Southern Gobi Desert edit

During the spring of 123 BC, General Wei Qing set off to Mongolia with an army to attack the Xiongnu; they marched back victorious to Dingxiang.[40] Two months later, the Han army advanced towards the Xiongnu again, but this time the Xiongnu were prepared for the invasion by the Han forces.[40] However, hereafter, due to the military expeditions that the Han empire undertook, the Xiongnu moved their capital and retreated to the far northern regions of the Gobi Desert.[40]

Hexi Corridor edit

 
The ruins of a Han rammed-earth watchtower in Dunhuang

In the Battle of Hexi (121 BC), the Han forces had inflicted a major defeat to the Xiongnu.[41] Emperor Wu desired to place firm control over the Hexi Corridor and decided to launch a large military offensive to purge the Xiongnu from the area.[38] The campaign was undertaken in 121 BC by General Huo Qubing.[42] Departing from Longxi that year, General Huo Qubing led light cavalry through five Xiongnu kingdoms, conquering the Yanzhi and Qilian mountain ranges from the Xiongnu.[28]

In the spring of 121 BC, Huo set out from Longxi and advanced into the territory of the Xiutu King (休屠王), beyond the Yanzhi Mountains.[43] About 18,000 Xiongnu cavalry were captured or killed.[43]

That summer (121 BC), Huo advanced into the Anshan Desert to invade the regions at the Qilian Mountains.[43] At the Qilian Mountains, the Hunye King (渾邪王) saw the deaths of over 30,000 troops in battle against the Han, while 2800 of his troops were captured.[44]

Distraught by the huge losses and fearing the wrath of the Xiongnu Chanyu, the Xiutu King and the Hunye King planned to surrender to the Han forces of General Huo Qubing.[45] However, the Xiutu King suddenly changed his mind and fled with his followers.[45] General Huo Qubing and the Hunye King gave chase and killed Xiutu and his 8000 troops.[45] In the end, the Hunye King and 40,000 Xiongnu soldiers surrendered,[28][41][44][45] which also led to the Xiongnu tribes of Hunye and Xiutu submitting to the rule of the Han empire.[46][47] Due to the series of victories, the Han had conquered a territory stretching from the Hexi Corridor to Lop Nur, thus cutting the Xiongnu off from their Qiang allies.[48] In 111 BC, a major Qiang–Xiongnu allied force was repelled from the Hexi Corridor.[49] Hereafter, four commanderies were established in the Hexi Corridor—Jiuquan, Zhangye, Dunhuang, and Wuwei—which were populated with Han settlers.[48][49]

North of the Gobi edit

Further information: Battle of Mobei
 
Painted ceramic statues of Chinese cavalrymen and infantrymen, from the Western Han period (202 BC – 9 AD)

The Battle of Mobei (119 BC) saw Han forces invade the northern Gobi Desert, as well as areas north of the Gobi.[41] In 119 BC, two separate expeditionary forces led by the Han generals Wei Qing and Huo Qubing mobilized towards the Xiongnu.[41][50] The two generals led the campaign to the Khangai Mountains and the Orkhon Valley, where they forced the Chanyu to flee north of the Gobi Desert.[31][51] The two forces together comprised 100,000 cavalrymen,[52][53] 140,000 horses,[52][53] and few hundred thousand infantry.[53] They advanced into the desert in pursuit of the main force of the Xiongnu.[23] The military campaign was a major Han military victory against Xiongnu,[54] where the Xiongnu were driven from the Gobi Desert.[55] The Xiongnu casualties ranged from 80 to 90 thousand troops, while the Han casualties ranged from 20 to 30 thousand troops.[56] In the aftermath, the Han forces had lost around 100,000 horses during the campaign.[56]

During this campaign, Huo Qubing's elite troops had set off from Dai to link up with Lu Bode's forces in Yucheng, after which they advanced further and engaged the Tuqi King of the Left[c] and his army.[56] Huo Qubing's army encircled and overran their enemy, killing around 70,000 Xiongnu,[41] including the Tuqi King of the Left.[57] He then went on to conduct a series of rituals upon arrival at the Khentii Mountains to symbolize the historic Han victory, then continued his pursuit as far as Lake Baikal.[58]

Wei Qing's army, setting off from Dingxiang, encountered Yizhixie Chanyu's army.[52] Wei Qing ordered his troops to arrange heavy-armoured chariots in a ring formation,[56] creating mobile fortresses that provided archers, crossbowmen, and infantry protection from the Xiongnu's cavalry charges, and allowing the Han troops to utilize their ranged weapons' advantages. A 5000-strong cavalry was deployed to reinforce the array against any Xiongnu attack.[56] The Xiongnu charged the Han forces with a 10,000-strong vanguard cavalry.[59] The battle solidified into a stalemate until dusk, when a sandstorm obscured the battlefield.[59] Subsequently, Wei Qing sent in his main forces and overwhelmed the Xiongnu.[56] The Han cavalry used the low visibility as cover and encircled the Xiongnu army from both flanks, but Yizhixie Chanyu and a contingent of troops broke through and escaped.[56]

Control over the Western Regions edit

Further information: Battle of Loulan, Battle of Tian Shan, and Battle of Jushi
See also: History of the Great Wall of China § Han dynasty (206 BC–220 AD), and War of the Heavenly Horses

With the Han conquest of the Hexi Corridor in 121 BC, the city-states at the Tarim Basin were caught in between the onslaught of the war, with much shifting of allegiance.[60] There were several Han military expeditions undertaken to secure the submission of the local kings to the Han empire; the Han took control of the regions for strategic purposes while the Xiongnu needed the regions as a source of revenue.[60][61] Due to the ensuing war with the Han empire, the Xiongnu were forced to extract more crafts and agricultural foodstuffs from the Tarim Basin urban centres.[62] By 115 BC, the Han had set up commanderies at Jiuquan and Wuwei, while extending the old Qin fortifications from Lingju to the area west of Dunhuang.[23] From 115 to 60 BC, the Han and Xiongnu competed for control and influence over these states,[63] which saw the rise of power of the Han empire over eastern Central Asia with the decline of that of the Xiongnu's.[64] The Han empire brought the states of Loulan, Jushi (Turfan), Luntai (Bügür), Dayuan (Ferghana), and Kangju (Soghdiana) into tributary submission between 108 and 101 BC.[65][66] The long-walled defence line that now stretched all the way to Dunhuang protected the people, guided caravans and troops to and from Central Asia, and served to separate the Xiongnu from their allies, the Qiang people.[67]

 
Tomb of Chinese general Huo Qubing (died 117 BC): statue of a horse stomping a Xiongnu warrior, with detail of the head of the vanquished Xiongnu warrior.[68][69]

In 115 BC Zhang Qian was once again dispatched to the Western Regions to secure military alliances against the Xiongnu.[70][71] He sought out the various states in Central Asia, such as the Wusun.[70] He came back without achieving his goals, but he gained valuable knowledge about the Western Regions like in his previous travels.[71] Emperor Wu received reports from Zhang about the large and powerful horses of Ferghana.[72] These horses were known as "heavenly horses"[72][73] or "blood-sweating horses".[73] Zhang brought back some of these horses to the Han empire.[71] The emperor thought that the horses were of high importance to fight the Xiongnu.[73] The refusal of the Dayuan kingdom, a nation centred in Ferghana, to provide the Han empire with the horses and the execution of a Han envoy led to conflict;[74] the Han forces brought Dayuan into submission in 101 BC.[70][75] The Xiongnu, aware of this predicament, had tried to halt the Han advance, but they were outnumbered and suffered defeat.[76]

General Zhao Ponu (趙破奴) was sent on an expedition in 108 BC to invade Jushi (Turfan), a critical economic and military stronghold of the Xiongnu in the Western Regions.[76] After he conquered the region, the Han forces repelled all Xiongnu attacks to regain control over Jushi.[76] When King Angui acceded the throne of Loulan, the kingdom—which was the easternmost state of the Western Regions—became increasingly apprehensive towards the Han.[77] Their policies became somewhat anti-Han in nature and supportive towards the Xiongnu, such as allowing the killing of passing Han envoys to happen and revealing Han military logistics.[77][78] In 77 BC, King Angui received the Han emissary Fu Jiezi and held a banquet for the envoy, who came under the guise of bringing many coveted gifts.[77] During the banquet, Fu Jiezi requested a private discussion with King Angui, which was a pretence for the assassination of the Loulan ruler by two of Fu Jiezi's officers.[77] Amid the cries of horror, Fu Jiezi proclaimed an admonition[d] to the Loulan aristocracy and beheaded the dead king.[77] The Han court informed Weituqi—who was an ally of the Han—of his brother's death, had him escorted back from Chang'an to Loulan, and installed him as the new monarch of the kingdom, which was renamed Shanshan.[77][79] Thereafter, the royal seat was relocated to the southern parts of Shanshan (present-day Kargilik or Ruoqiang), outside the sphere of Xiongnu influence.[78]

The Xiongnu practised marriage alliances with Han dynasty officers and officials who defected to their side. The older sister of the Chanyu (the Xiongnu ruler) was married to the Xiongnu General Zhao Xin, the Marquis of Xi who was serving the Han dynasty. The daughter of the Chanyu was married to the Han Chinese General Li Ling after he surrendered and defected.[80][81] The Yenisei Kirghiz Khagans claimed descent from Li Ling. Another Han Chinese General who defected to the Xiongnu was Li Guangli who also married a daughter of the Chanyu.

Decline of the Xiongnu edit

 
Ceramic statues of a prancing horse (foreground) and a cavalryman on horseback (background), Eastern Han period (25–220 AD)

Due to the many losses inflicted on the Xiongnu, rebellion broke out and their enslaved rose up in arms.[82] Around 80 BC, the Xiongnu attacked the Wusun in a punitive campaign and the Wusun monarch requested military support from the Han empire.[83] In 72 BC, the joint forces of the Wusun and Han invaded the territory of the Luli King[e] of the Right.[82] Around 40,000 Xiongnu people and many of their livestock were captured before their city was sacked.[82] The very next year, various tribes invaded and raided the Xiongnu territory on all fronts; Wusun from the west, Dingling from the north, and Wuhuan from the east.[82] The Han forces set out in five columns and invaded from the south. According to Hanshu, this event marks the beginning of Xiongnu decline and the dismantlement of the confederation.

Internal discord between the Xiongnu edit

Further information: Battle of Zhizhi

As the Xiongnu economic and military situation deteriorated, the Xiongnu were willing to renew peace during the reigns of Huyandi Chanyu (r. 85–69 BC) and Xulüquanqu Chanyu (r. 68–60 BC), but the Han court gave only one option, tributary submission.[84] After Xulüquanqu Chanyu's death in 60 BC,[85] a Xiongnu civil war broke out in 57 BC over the succession, which fully fragmented the Xiongnu confederation with many contenders.[86] In the end, only Zhizhi Chanyu and Huhanye Chanyu survived the struggle to power.[87] After Zhizhi Chanyu (r. 56–36 BC) had inflicted serious losses against his rival Huhanye Chanyu (r. 58–31 BC), Huhanye and his supporters debated whether to request military protection and become a Han vassal.[88] In 53 BC, Huhanye decided to do so and surrendered to the reign of the Han empire.[88][89][90]

General Chen Tang and Protector General Gan Yanshou, acting without explicit permission from the Han court, killed Zhizhi Chanyu at his capital city (present-day Taraz, Kazakhstan) in 36 BC.[91][92] Taking the initiative, Chen Tang had forged an imperial decree, which led to the mobilization of 40,000 troops in two columns.[93] The Han forces besieged and defeated the forces of Zhizhi Chanyu, and afterwards beheaded him.[93] His head was sent to the Han capital Chang'an.[94] On return to Chang'an, the two officers faced legal enquiries for forging a decree, but were pardoned.[95] Chen and Gan received modest rewards, although the Han court was reluctant to do so due to the precedent that this event set.[91][92]

Collapse of power edit

Further information: Battle of Yiwulu
 
In 74 AD, General Ban Chao (left) captured King Douti of Kashgar and replaced him with King Yule (right), who was granted the name Zhong.

In 9 AD, the Han official Wang Mang usurped the Han throne and proclaimed a new Chinese dynasty, known as Xin.[96] He regarded the Xiongnu as lowly vassals and relations rapidly deteriorated.[97][96] During the winter 10 to 11 AD, Wang amassed 300,000 troops along the northern frontier, which forced the Xiongnu to defer launching large-scale attacks.[97][98] Although Han rule was restored in August 25 AD by Emperor Guangwu,[99] its grip over the Tarim Basin had weakened.[100] The Xiongnu had taken advantage of the situation and gained control over the Western Regions.[101][102]

The first half of the 1st century BC witnessed several succession crises for the Xiongnu leadership, allowing the Han empire to reaffirm its control over the Western Regions.[103][104] Huduershi Chanyu was succeeded by his son Punu (蒲奴) in 46 AD, thus breaking the late Huhanye's orders that only a Xiongnu ruler's brother was a valid successor.[105] Bi (比), the Rizhu King of the Right and Huduershi's nephew, was outraged and was declared a rival Chanyu by eight southern Xiongnu tribes in 48 AD.[105] The Xiongnu confederation fell apart in the Northern Xiongnu and Southern Xiongnu, and Bi submitted to the reign of the Han empire in 50 AD.[105] The Han took control of the Southern Xiongnu under Bi, which had 30–40 thousand troops and a population of roughly twice or thrice the size.[106]

Between 73 and 102 AD, General Ban Chao led several expeditions in the Tarim Basin, re-establishing Han control over the region.[101] At the capital of Shanshan by Lop Nur, Ban Chao and a small party of his men slaughtered a visiting Northern Xiongnu embassy to Shanshan.[107] Ban Chao presented their heads to King Guang of Shanshan, who was overwhelmed by the ordeal, whereupon he sent hostages to Han.[107] When Ban Chao traveled further to Yutian (Khotan), King Guangde received him with little courtesy.[107] The king's soothsayer told the king that he should demand Ban Chao's horse, so Ban Chao killed the soothsayer for the insult.[107] Impressed by the ruthlessness that he witnessed, the king killed a Xiongnu agent and offered submission to Han.[107] Going further westward, Ban Chao and his party arrived at Shule.[107] Earlier, King Jian of Qiuci had deposed the former king and replaced him with his officer Douti.[107] In 74 AD, Ban Chao's forces captured King Douti of Kashgar (Shule 疏勒), both a puppet of Kucha (Qiuci 龜玆) and an ally of the Xiongnu.[108] Local opponents to the new regime had offered support to the Han.[107] Tian Lü (Ban Chao's officer) took Douti captive and Ban Chao put Zhong (a prince of the native dynasty) on the throne.[107] Ban Chao, insisting on leniency, send Douti back to Qiuci unharmed.[107]

In 73 AD, General Dou Gu and his army departed from Jiuquan and advanced towards the Northern Xiongnu, defeating the Northern Xiongnu and pursuing them as far as Lake Barkol before establishing a garrison at Hami.[109] In 74 AD, Dou Gu retook Turfan from the Xiongnu.[109] The Han campaigns resulted in the retreat of the Northern Xiongnu to Dzungaria, while Ban Chao was threatening and bringing the city-states at the Tarim Basin to submission under the Han empire once again.[101] In 74 AD, the King of Jushi submitted to the Han forces under General Dou Gu as the Xiongnu were unable to engage the Han forces.[108]

Later in the year (74 AD), the kingdoms of Karasahr (Yanqi 焉耆) and Kucha were forced to surrender to the Han empire.[108] Although Dou Gu was able to evict the Xiongnu from Turfan in 74 AD, the Northern Xiongnu soon invaded the Bogda Mountains while their allies from Karasahr and Kucha killed the Protector General Chen Mu and his men.[110] As a result, the Han garrison at Hami was forced to withdraw in 77 AD, which was not reestablished until 91 AD.[110][111]

Final stages edit

Further information: Battle of the Altai Mountains

In 89 AD, General Dou Xian led a Han expedition against the Northern Xiongnu.[112][113] The army advanced from Jilu, Manyi, and Guyang in three great columns. In the summer, the forces, comprising a total of 40,000 troops, assembled at Zhuoye Mountain.[114] Near the end of the campaign, Dou's forces chased the Northern Chanyu into the Altai Mountains, killing 13,000 Xiongnu and accepting the surrender of 200,000 Xiongnu from 81 tribes.[112][113] A light cavalry of 2000 was sent towards the Xiongnu at Hami, capturing the region from them.[112] General Dou Xian marched with his troops in a triumphal progress to the heartland of the Northern Xiongnu's territory and engraved an inscription commemorating the victory on Mount Yanran, before returning to Han.[114] The Han victory in the campaign of 89 AD resulted in the destruction of the Xiongnu state.[115] In 2017, a joint Sino-Mongolian archaeological expedition rediscovered the Inscription of Yanran in the Khangai Mountains of central Mongolia.[116]

Aftermath edit

 
Mingqi (Chinese funerary statuette) of a young Central Asian man, with Scythian-type caftan and conical hat reminiscent of early 3rd century CE Kushans. Later Han, 3rd century CE. Guimet Museum (MA 4660).[117]

In 90 AD, General Dou Xian had encamped at Wuwei.[5] He sent Deputy Colonel Yan Pan with 2000 light cavalry to strike down the final Xiongnu defenses in the Western Regions, capturing Yiwu and receiving the surrender of Jushi.[5] Major Liang Feng was dispatched to capture the Northern Chanyu, which he did, but he was forced to leave him behind as Dou Xian had already broken camp and returned to China.[5] In the tenth month of 90 AD, Dou Xian sent Liang Feng and Ban Gu to help the Northern Chanyu make preparations for his planned travel as he wished to submit to the Han court in person the following month.[118]

However, this never came to pass as Dou Xian dispatched General Geng Kui and Shizi of the Southern Xiongnu with 8,000 light cavalry to attack the Northern Chanyu, encamped at Heyun (河雲), in 90 AD.[118] Once the Han forces arrived at Zhuoye Mountains, they left their heavy equipment behind to launch a swift pincer movement towards Heyun.[118] Geng Kui attacked from the east via the Khangai Mountains and Ganwei River (甘微河), while Shizi attacked from the west via the Western Lake (西海).[118] The Northern Chanyu—said to be greatly shocked by this—launched a counterattack, but he was forced to flee and left his family and seal behind.[118] The Han killed 8,000 men and captured several thousands.[118] In 91 AD, General Geng Kui and Major Ren Shang with a light cavalry of 800 advanced further via the Juyan Gol (Juyansai) into the Altai Mountains, where the Northern Chanyu had encamped.[118] At the Battle of Altai Mountains, they massacred 5000 Xiongnu men and pursued the Northern Chanyu until he escaped to an unknown place.[118] By 91 AD, the last remnants of the Northern Xiongnu had migrated west towards the Ili River valley.[119]

The Southern Xiongnu—who had been situated in the Ordos region since about 50 AD—remained within the territory of the Han empire as semi-independent tributaries.[120] They were dependent to the Han empire for their livelihood as indicated by a memorial[f] from the Southern Chanyu to the Han court in 88 AD.[121] Following the military successes against the Xiongnu, General Ban Chao was promoted to the position of Protector General and stationed in Kucha in 91 AD.[122] At the remote frontier, Ban Chao reaffirmed absolute Han control over the Western Regions from 91 AD onwards.[112]

Impact edit

Military edit

See also: Army of the Han dynasty
 
The statue Horse Stepping on a Xiongnu Soldier (馬踏匈奴), dated to the Western Han period, from the tomb of General Huo Qubing near present-day Xi'an

Chao Cuo was one of the first known ministers to suggest to Emperor Wen that Han armies should have a cavalry-centric army to counter the nomadic Xiongnu to the north, since Han armies were still primarily infantry with cavalry and chariots playing a supporting role.[123] He advocated the policy of "using barbarians to attack barbarians", that is, incorporating surrendered Xiongnu and other nomadic tribes into the Han military, a suggestion that was eventually adopted, especially with the establishment of dependent states of different nomads living on the Han empire's frontiers.[124]

In a memorandum entitled Guard the Frontiers and Protect the Borders that he presented to the throne in 169 BC, Chao compared the relative strengths of Xiongnu and Han battle tactics.[125] In regards to the Han armies, Chao deemed the Xiongnu horsemen better prepared for rough terrain due to their better horses, better with horseback archery, and better able to withstand the elements and harsh climates.[126][127] However, on level plains, he regarded Xiongnu cavalry inferior especially when faced with Han shock cavalry and chariots as the Xiongnu are easily dispersed.[126] He emphasized that the Xiongnu were incapable of countering the superior equipment and weaponry.[126] He also noted that in contrast the Han armies were better capable to fight in disciplined formations.[126] According to Chao, the Xiongnu were also defenseless against coordinated onslaughts of arrows—especially long-ranged and in unison—due to their inferior leather armour and wooden shields.[126][127] When dismounted in close combat, he believed that the Xiongnu, lacking the ability as infantry, would be decimated by Han soldiers.[126][127]

During Emperor Jing's reign, the Han court initiated breeding programs for military horses and established 36 large government pastures in the border regions, extending from Liaodong to Beidi.[128] In preparation for the military use of the horses, the best breeds were selected to partake military training.[128] The Xiongnu frequently raided the Han government pastures, because the military horses were of great strategic importance for the Han military against them.[128] By the time of Emperor Wu's reign, the horses amounted to well over 450,000.[128]

At the start of Emperor Wu's reign, the Han empire had a standing army comprising 400,000 troops, which included 80,000 to 100,000 cavalrymen, essential to the future campaigns against the Xiongnu.[129] However, by 124 BC, that number had grown to a total of 600,000 to 700,000 troops, including 200,000 to 250,000 cavalrymen.[129] In order to sustain the military expeditions against the Xiongnu and its resulting conquests, Emperor Wu and his economic advisors undertook many economic and financial reforms, which proved to be highly successful.[129]

In 14 AD, Yan Yu presented the difficulties of conducting extended military campaigns against the Xiongnu.[63] For a 300-day campaign, each Han soldier needed 360 liters of dried grain.[63] These heavy supplies had to be carried by oxen, but experience showed that an ox could only survive for about 100 days in the desert.[63] Once in the territory of the Xiongnu, the harsh weather would also prove to be very inhospitable for the Han soldiers, who could not carry enough fuel for the winter.[63] For these reasons, according to Yan Yu, military expeditions seldom lasted longer than 100 days.[63]

For their western campaigns against the Xiongnu, the Han armies exacted their food supplies from the Western Regions.[130] This placed a heavy burden to the western states, thus the Han court decided to initiate agricultural garrisons in Bugur and Kurla.[130] During Emperor Zhao's reign (r. 87–74 BC), the agricultural garrison in Bugur was expanded to accommodate the heavy Han military presence which was the natural result of the empire's westward expansion.[130] During Emperor Xuan's reign (r. 74–49 BC), the farming soldiers in Kurla were increased to 1500 under Protector-General Zheng Ji's administration in order to support the military expeditions against the Xiongnu in Turfan.[130] Immediately after the Han conquest of Turfan, Zheng established an agricultural garrison in Turfan.[130] Even though, the Xiongnu unsuccessfully tried to prevent the Han from making Turfan into a major economic base by military force and threats.[130]

Diplomacy edit

 
Belt Buckle with nomadic-inspired zoomorphic design, manufactured in China for the Xiongnu. Mercury-gilded bronze (a Chinese technique). North China, 3rd-2nd century BC.[131][132]

In 162 BC, the Xiongnu troops of Laoshang Chanyu had invaded and driven the Yuezhi from their homeland; the Chanyu had the Yuezhi monarch executed and his skull fashioned into a drinking cup.[61][133] Thus the Han court decided it was favourable to send an envoy to the Yuezhi to secure a military alliance.[134] In 138 BC, the diplomat Zhang Qian left with an envoy and headed towards the Yuezhi encampments.[61][135] However, the envoy was captured by the Xiongnu and held hostage.[61][134] A decade went by, until Zhang Qian and some of his convoy escaped.[61][134] They travelled to the territories of Ferghana (Dayuan 大宛), Soghdiana (Kangju 康居), and Bactria (Daxia 大夏), ultimately finding the Yuezhi forces north of the Amu River.[134] Despite their efforts, the envoy could not secure a military alliance.[72][134] As the Yuezhi had settled in those new lands for quite some time, they had almost no desire to wage a war against the Xiongnu.[72][134] In 126 BC, Zhang Qian headed to the Hexi Corridor in order to return to his nation.[35] While traveling through the area, he was captured by the Xiongnu, only to escape a year later and return to China in 125 BC.[50]

The Xiongnu attempted to negotiate peace several times, but every time the Han court would accept nothing less than tributary submission of the Xiongnu.[136] Tributary relations with the Han comprised out of several things.[137] Firstly, the Chanyu or his representative was required to come pay homage to the Han court.[137] Secondly the heir apparent or a prince needed to be delivered to the Han court as hostage.[137] Thirdly, the Chanyu had to present tribute to the Han emperor and in return will receive imperial gifts.[137] Accepting the tributary system meant that the Xiongnu were lowered to the status of outer vassal, while the marriage alliance meant that the two nations were regarded as equal states.[137][138] In 119 BC, Yizhixie Chanyu (126–114) sent an envoy, hoping to achieve peaceful relations with the Han.[136] However, the peace negotiations collapsed, since the Han court disregarded his terms and gave him the option to become an outer vassal instead, which infuriated Yizhixie Chanyu.[136] In 107 BC, Wuwei Chanyu (114–105) also attempted to negotiate peaceful relations and even halted the border raids.[136] In response, the Han disregarded his terms and demanded that the Chanyu sent his heir apparent as a hostage to Chang'an, which once again led to the breakdown of the peace negotiations.[136]

In 53 BC, Huhanye Chanyu decided to submit to the Han court.[137] He sent his son Zhulouqutang (朱鏤蕖堂), the Tuqi King of the Right, as hostage to the Han court in 53 BC.[137] In 52 BC, he formally requested through the officials at the Wuyuan commandery to have an audience with the Han court to pay homage.[137] Thus, the next year (51 BC), he arrived at court and personally paid homage to Emperor Xuan during the Chinese New Year.[137] In 49 BC, he traveled to the Han court for a second time to pay homage to the emperor.[121] In 53 BC, Zhizhi Chanyu also sent his son as hostage to the Han court.[139] In 51 and 50 BC, he sent two envoys respectively to Han to present tribute, but failed to personally come to the Han court to pay homage.[139] Therefore, he was rejected by the Han court, leading to the execution of a Han envoy in 45 BC.[140] In 33 BC, Huhanye Chanyu came to the Han court to pay homage again.[139] During his visit, he asked to become an imperial son-in-law.[139] Instead of granting him this request, Emperor Yuan decided to give him a court lady-in-waiting.[139] Thus, the Han court allowed Huhanye Chanyu to marry Lady Wang Zhaojun.[139][140] Yituzhiyashi (伊屠智牙師), the son of Huhanye and Wang Zhaojun, became a vocal partisan for the Han empire within the Xiongnu realm.[141] Although peaceful relations were momentarily achieved, it fully collapsed when the Han official Wang Mang came to power.[106][142]

When Bi, the Southern Chanyu, decided submit to the Han in 50 AD, he sent a princely son as hostage to the Han court and prostrated to the Han envoy as he received the imperial edict from them.[143] During the Eastern Han period, the tributary system had made some significant changes, which placed the Southern Xiongnu more tightly under regulation and supervision of the Han.[143] The Chanyu was required to send tribute and a princely hostage annually, while an imperial messenger would be dispatched to escort the previous princely hostage back.[144] The Southern Xiongnu were resettled inside the empire at the northern commanderies and were overseen by a Han prefect, who acted as an arbiter in their legal cases and monitored their movements.[145] Attempts by Punu, the Northern Chanyu, to establish peaceful relations with the Han empire always failed, because the Northern Xiongnu were unwilling to come under Han's tributary system and the Han court had no interest to treat them along the same lines as the Southern Xiongnu instead of dividing them.[146]

Geography edit

 
Commanderies of the Han empire, 2 AD

In 169 BC, the Han minister Chao Cuo presented to Emperor Wen a memorandum on frontier defence and the importance of agriculture.[147] Chao characterized the Xiongnu as people whose livelihood did not depend on permanent settlement and were always migrating.[148] As such, he wrote, the Xiongnu could observe the Han frontier and attack when there were too few troops stationed in a certain region.[148] He noted that if troops are mobilized in support, then few troops will be insufficient to defeat the Xiongnu, while many troops will arrive too late as the Xiongnu will have retreated by then.[148] He also noted that keeping the Xiongnu mobilized will be at a great expense, while they will just raid another time after dispersing them.[148] To negate these difficulties, Chao Cuo elaborated a proposal, which in essence suggested that military-agricultural settlements with permanent residents should be established to secure the frontier and that surrendered tribes should serve along the frontier against the Xiongnu.[148]

When Emperor Wu made the decision to conquer the Hexi Corridor, he had the intention to separate the Xiongnu from the Western Regions and from the Qiang people.[149] In 88 BC, the Xianling tribe of the Qiang people sent an envoy to the Xiongnu, proposing a joint-attack against the Han in the region as they were discontented that they had lost the fertile lands at Jiuquan and Zhangye.[149] It had often been the meeting place between the Xiongnu and the Qiang before the Han empire had conquered and annexed the Hexi Corridor.[149] In 6 BC, Wang Shun (王舜) and Liu Xin noted that the frontier commanderies of Jiuquan, Zhangye, and Dunhuang were established by Emperor Wu to separate the then-powerful Chuoqiang tribe of the Qiang people from the Xiongnu.[149] The Chuoqiang tribe and its king, however, eventually submitted to the Han empire and took part in the campaigns against the Xiongnu.[150]

In 119 BC, when the Xiongnu suffered a catastrophic defeat by the Han armies, the Chanyu moved his court (located in present-day Inner Mongolia) to another location north.[151][152] This had the desired result that the Xiongnu were separated from the Wuhuan people, which also prevented the Xiongnu from exacting many resources from the Wuhuan.[151] The Han court placed the Wuhuan in tributary protection and resettled them in five northeastern commanderies, namely Shanggu, Yuyang, Youbeiping (present-day Hebei), Liaoxi, and Liaodong (present-day Liaoning).[153] A new office, the Colonel-Protector of the Wuhuan, was established in Shanggu in order to prevent contact between the Wuhuan with the Xiongnu and to use them to monitor the Xiongnu activities.[153] Nevertheless, the effective Han control over the Wuhuan was lacking through much of the Western Han period, since the Xiongnu had considerable military and political influence over the Wuhuan while relations between the Wuhuan and Han often remained strained at best.[154] This can be exemplified by a situation in 78 BC, when the Xiongnu led a punitive campaign against the Wuhuan, resulting in General Fan Mingyou (范明友) leading a Han army to impede further incursions.[155] When they learned that the Xiongnu had left by the time the army arrived, the Han court ordered Fan to attack the Wuhuan instead, killing 6000 Wuhuan men and three chieftains, since the Wuhuan had recently raided Han territory.[155] Only in 49 AD, when 922 Wuhuan chieftains submitted during Emperor Guangwu's reign, did many of the Wuhuan tribes come under tributary system of the Han empire.[156] The Han court provided for the Wuhuan and in return the Wuhuan tribes guarded the Han frontier against the Xiongnu and other nomadic peoples.[156][157]

When the Hunye King surrendered to the Han in 121 BC, the Han court resettled all the 40,000 Xiongnu people from the Hexi Corridor into the northern frontier regions.[158] The Hexi Corridor proved to be an invaluable region, since it gave direct access and became the base of military operations into the Western Regions[48] Possession of the Western Regions was economically critical to the Xiongnu, since they exacted many of their necessary resources from the western states.[159] The diplomat Zhang Qian suggested to the emperor to establish diplomatic relations with the western states.[160] He proposed to try convince the Wusun in reoccupying their former territory in the Hexi Corridor and to form an alliance with them against the Xiongnu.[160] In 115 BC, Zhang Qian and his men were sent towards the Western Regions, but they did not succeed in convincing the Wusun to relocate.[161] They were, however, successful in establishing contact with the many states, such as Wusun, Dayuan (Ferghana), Kangju (Soghdiana), Daxia (Bactria), and Yutian (Khotan).[161] Although the Han empire tried to diplomatically sway the western states over the years, it met with little success due to the Xiongnu's influence over the Western Regions at the time.[162] Therefore, from 108 BC onwards, the Han resorted to conquest in order to bring the western states to submission.[163]

Since Loulan (Cherchen) was the closest western state to Han, it was key for the Han empire's expansion into Central Asia.[164] Turfan (Jushi), on the other hand, was the Xiongnu's entrance into the Western Regions.[165] By conquering Loulan and Turfan, the Han empire would gain two critical locations in the Western Regions, achieving direct access to the Wusun in the Ili River valley and Dayuan (Ferghana) between Syr and Amu Darya.[164] This happened in 108 BC, when General Zhao Ponu conquered these two states.[164] The farthest-reaching invasion was Li Guangli's campaign against Ferghana.[66] If the Han armies succeeded in conquering Ferghana, the Han empire would demonstrate certain military might to the western states and consolidate its control, while gaining many of the famed Ferghana horses.[164] The Xiongnu were aware of the situation and attempted to stop the invasion, but they were defeated by Li Guangli's forces.[164] After a campaign that lasted four years, Li Guangli conquered Ferghana in 101 BC.[164]

The control over Turfan, however, often fluctuated due to its proximity to the Xiongnu.[166] In 90 BC, General Cheng Wan (成娩) led the troops of six western states against Turfan to prevent it from allying the Xiongnu.[166] The fact that the forces used comprised solely from the troops of the western states was, as Lewis (2007) remarked, a clear indication of the political influence that the Han empire had over the region.[167] Cheng was a former Xiongnu king himself, but he had submitted to the Han and was ennobled as Marquis of Kailing (開陵侯).[166] As a result of the expedition, the Han court received the formal submission of Turfan later in the year (90 BC).[166] This victory was significant in the sense that Turfan's location was the closest to the Xiongnu of all the western states, thereby they lost their access into the Western Regions with this Han conquest.[167]

In 67 BC, the Han empire gained absolute control over the Turfan Depression after inflicting a significant defeat to the Xiongnu.[166] During the former Xiongnu rule of the Western Regions, the area was under the jurisdiction of the Rizhu King (日逐王) with the office "Commandant in Charge of Slaves".[168] However, in 60 BC, the Rizhu King surrendered to Protector General Zheng Ji.[168] Afterwards (60 BC), the Han imperial court established the Protectorate of the Western Regions.[70][166][169] The Han empire, now in absolute control of the Western Regions, placed it under the jurisdiction of its Protector General.[170][171] As its dominance of the area was established, the Han were effectively controlling the trade and shaping the early history of what would be known as the Silk Road.[70]

In 25 AD, Liu Xiu was established as Emperor Guangwu, restoring the Han throne after a usurpation by the Han official Wang Mang, thus initiating the Eastern Han period.[98] During his reign, the Han empire began to abandon its offensive strategy against the Xiongnu, which allowed the latter to frequently raid the northern frontier.[172] It resulted in large migrations southwards, which led to the depopulation of the frontier regions.[172] During the Eastern Han period, various nomadic peoples were resettled in these frontier regions, serving the Han empire as cavalry against the Xiongnu.[172] With his primary focus still towards the interior of the empire, Emperor Guangwu declined several requests from the western states to re-establish the office of Protector-General of the Western Regions.[173] Early in Emperor Guangwu's reign, King Kang of Yarkand united neighbouring kingdoms to resist the Xiongnu.[174] At the same time, he protected the Han officials and people of the former Protector-General, who were still left behind after Wang Mang's reign.[174] In 61 AD, Yarkand was conquered by Khotan and the western states fell in conflict with each other.[174] Taking this opportunity, the Northern Xiongnu recovered their control over the Western Regions, which threatened the security of the Hexi Corridor.[174] In 73 AD, General Dou Gu was sent on a punitive expedition to the Xiongnu and inflicted them a considerable defeat.[109] Immediately, the fertile lands of Hami (Yiwu) was reoccupied and an agricultural garrison established.[109] The next year (74 AD), he expelled the Xiongnu from Turfan and reoccupied the state.[109] The recovery of Hami and Turfan facilitated the re-establishment of the Protector-General, since these important locations were key points to control the Western Regions.[109]

See also edit

  • Book of Han, a classical historiographical work covering the early history of the Han empire
  • Han dynasty in Inner Asia, expansion of realm and influence of the Han dynasty in Inner Asia
  • Han–Nanyue War, a military campaign launched by Emperor Wu against Nanyue
  • Gojoseon–Han War, a military campaign launched by Emperor Wu against Gojoseon
  • The Emperor in Han Dynasty, a 2005 Chinese television series based on the life story of Emperor Wu
  • Li Ling, a Han military leader and defector to the Xiongnu
  • Records of the Grand Historian, a classical historiographical work written in this era
  • Sima Qian, author of the Records of the Grand Historian who was punished for defending Li Ling
  • Su Wu, a Han statesman and diplomat who was a captive of the Xiongnu for about two decades

Notes edit

  1. ^ In the Xiongnu hierarchy, the Chanyu was the supreme leader (Lewis 2007, 131).
  2. ^ Second to the Chanyu in power were the Tuqi Kings; the Tuqi Kings are also called the "Wise Kings", where the Xiongnu word for "Tuqi" means "Wise" (Lewis 2007, 131).
  3. ^ The Tuqi King of the Left was generally designated as the successor of the Chanyu (Lewis 2007, 131).
  4. ^ The translation given by Hulsewé (1979, 90) is as follows: "The Son of Heaven has sent me to punish the king, by reason of his crime in turning against Han. It is fitting that in his place you should enthrone his younger brother Wei-t'u-ch'i who is at present in Han. Han troops are about to arrive here; do not dare to make any move which would result in yourselves bringing about the destruction of your state."
  5. ^ Second to the Chanyu in power were the Tuqi Kings, followed by the Luli Kings (Lewis 2007, 131).
  6. ^ The translation given by Lewis (2007, 137) states: "Your servant humbly thinks back on how since his ancestor submitted to the Han we have been blessed with your support, keeping a sharp watch on the passes and providing strong armies for more than forty years. Your subjects have been born and reared in Han territory and have depended entirely on the Han for food. Each year we received gifts counted in the hundreds of millions [of cash]."

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  135. ^ Lewis 2007, 21.
  136. ^ a b c d e Yü 1986, 394.
  137. ^ a b c d e f g h i Yü 1986, 395.
  138. ^ Chang 2007a, 140–141.
  139. ^ a b c d e f Yü 1986, 398.
  140. ^ a b Christian 1998, 201.
  141. ^ Bielenstein 1986, 236.
  142. ^ Yü 1986, 398–399.
  143. ^ a b Yü 1986, 400.
  144. ^ Yü 1986, 400–401.
  145. ^ Yü 1986, 401.
  146. ^ Yü 1986, 403–404.
  147. ^ Chang 2007a, 147.
  148. ^ a b c d e Lewis 2000, 46–48.
  149. ^ a b c d Yü 1986, 424.
  150. ^ Yü 1986, 424–425.
  151. ^ a b Yü 1986, 436–437.
  152. ^ Lewis 2007, 149.
  153. ^ a b Yü 1986, 437.
  154. ^ Yü 1986, 437–438.
  155. ^ a b Yü 1986, 438.
  156. ^ a b Yü 1986, 438–439.
  157. ^ Lewis 2007, 150.
  158. ^ Yü 1986, 407.
  159. ^ Lewis 2007, 140.
  160. ^ a b Yü 1986, 407–408.
  161. ^ a b Yü 1986, 408.
  162. ^ Yü 1986, 408–409.
  163. ^ Yü 1986, 409.
  164. ^ a b c d e f Yü 1986, 409–410.
  165. ^ Yü 1986, 409 & 415.
  166. ^ a b c d e f Yü 1986, 410–411.
  167. ^ a b Lewis 2007, 145.
  168. ^ a b Yü 1986, 411.
  169. ^ Bowman 2000, 12.
  170. ^ Millward 2006, 22.
  171. ^ Chang 2007a, 229.
  172. ^ a b c Lewis 2007, 25.
  173. ^ Yü 1986, 413.
  174. ^ a b c d Yü 1986, 414.

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Further reading edit

  • Yap, Joseph P. (2019). The Western Regions, Xiongnu and Han, from the Shiji, Hanshu and Hou Hanshu. ISBN 978-1792829154.

February 16, 2024
xiongnu, sino, xiongnu, redirects, here, military, campaign, empire, against, tribes, campaign, against, xiongnu, 漢匈戰爭emperor, dispatching, diplomat, zhang, qian, central, asia, mogao, caves, mural, centurydate133, punitive, campaign, locationpresent, china, m. Sino Xiongnu War redirects here For the military campaign of the Qin Empire against the tribes see Qin s campaign against the Xiongnu Han Xiongnu War 漢匈戰爭Emperor Wu dispatching the diplomat Zhang Qian to Central Asia Mogao Caves mural 8th centuryDate133 BC 89 AD 90 91 AD punitive campaign LocationPresent day China Mongolia Siberia and Central AsiaResultHan victory destruction of Xiongnu steppe hegemony and vassalization of Southern XiongnuBelligerentsXiongnuQiang 1 Wuhuan 2 Han dynastyXin dynasty 9 23 AD Tributary and allied forces Southern Xiongnu 3 Qiang 4 Wuhuan 4 Xianbei 4 WusunCommanders and leadersJunchen Chanyu Yizhixie Chanyu Hunye Chanyu Xiutu Chanyu Zhizhi Chanyu and othersEmperor Wu of Han General Wei Qing General Huo Qubing General Dou Gu General Ban Chao General Dou Xian General Li Guang and others The Han Xiongnu War 5 also known as the Sino Xiongnu War 6 was a series of military conflicts fought over two centuries from 133 BC to 89 AD between the Chinese Han Empire and the nomadic Xiongnu confederation although extended conflicts can be traced back as early as 200 BC and ahead as late as 188 AD The Chinese civilization initially clashed with nomadic tribes that would later become the Xiongnu confederation during the Warring States period and various northern states built elongated fortifications which later became the Great Wall to defend against raids from the Mongolian Plateau The unified Qin dynasty who conquered all other states under the First Emperor dispatched General Meng Tian in 215 BC in a successful campaign to expel the Xiongnu from the Ordos region However the subsequent civil wars following Qin dynasty s collapse gave the Xiongnu tribes who were then unified into a large confederacy under Modu Chanyu the opportunity to reinvade the Ordos region After the Western Han dynasty was established in 202 BC Emperor Gao tried to fight off Xiongnu invasions but had himself trapped in an ambush during the Battle of Baideng and a truce was negotiated Decades of de jure peace then ensued then followed with the Chinese gifting marriage alliance to appease the Xiongnu who still raided Chinese borderlands routinely However starting from the reign of the seventh Han ruler Emperor Wu the Han Empire began to change from a relatively passive foreign policy to a proactively offensive strategy seeking to permanently remove the northern threat The tension fully escalated in 133 BC when the Han army unsuccessfully tried to ambush Xiongnu raiders at Mayi and retaliatory raids intensified Emperor Wu then started deploying newer generations of military commanders and launched several expeditions to control the Ordos Loop Hexi Corridor and Western Regions eventually pushing the Xiongnu north beyond the Gobi Desert with a decisive campaign in 119 BC After the death of Emperor Wu in 87 BC the conflict de escalated to mostly small border conflicts although Emperor Xuan and Yuan had each sanctioned major offensives against the Xiongnu during their reigns The overall strategic Han successes against the Xiongnu allowed the Chinese to project their influence deeply into Central Asia which eventually led to the establishment of a regional protectorate in 60 BC For the Xiongnu the situation deteriorated with each setback leading to erosion of the chanyu s prestige and dominance and the subsequent internal power struggles further weakened the confederation fracturing it into various self ruling factions The Han Empire then adhered to a divide and rule strategy using marriage alliances such as that of Wang Zhaojun to Huhanye to recruit some against others During the interregnum Xin dynasty Wuzhuliu chanyu waged war in 11 AD after Wang Mang who usurped the Han throne and attempted to split the Xiongnu by installing 15 new chanyu Wang Mang mobilized 300 000 troops against Xiongnu and forced Goguryeo Wuhuan and various Western Regions city states to send conscripts and provisions which led to the mass defection of these vassal states After the Eastern Han dynasty was established in 25 AD the Chinese initially found their hands full after the chaotic civil war and could not afford any full scale mobilizations against the Xiongnu raids they therefore resorted to continue lobbying amongst Xiongnu faction rulers instead This continued for another two decades until 46 AD when repeated natural disasters severely weakened the Xiongnu and forced them to flee north from an attack by Wuhuan Xiongnu then permanently split in 48 AD into two groups known as the Northern and Southern Xiongnu respectively The Southern Xiongnu eventually submitted to the Han Empire and became auxiliaries mercenaries against the Northern Xiongnu who continued to resist and was eventually evicted westwards by the further expeditions by the Han Empire and its vassals as well as the rise of other hostile Donghu states like Xianbei In 89 AD General Dou Xian led 50 000 cavalry on an expedition that decisively defeated the Northern Xiongnu s main force causing it to split further In 91 AD Northern Chanyu was defeated in the Battle of the Altai Mountains and they fled west into Dzungaria where they continued causing sporadic troubles until 151 AD when a 4 000 strong Han militia was enough to defeat them causing them to flee further west into Central Asia where they disappeared from historical records Southern Xiongnu on the other hand continued cycles of rebel then resubmit under the Eastern Han dynasty until as late as the Yellow Turban Rebellion but from 89 AD onwards the Han Empire s main concern had already switched to the Qiang people who had become a bigger threat than the Xiongnu Contents 1 Background 2 Course 2 1 Onset 2 2 Skirmishes at the northern frontier 2 3 Early campaigns by the Han empire 2 3 1 Ordos Loop 2 3 2 Southern Gobi Desert 2 3 3 Hexi Corridor 2 3 4 North of the Gobi 2 4 Control over the Western Regions 2 5 Decline of the Xiongnu 2 6 Internal discord between the Xiongnu 2 7 Collapse of power 2 8 Final stages 3 Aftermath 4 Impact 4 1 Military 4 2 Diplomacy 4 3 Geography 5 See also 6 Notes 7 References 8 Bibliography 9 Further readingBackground editDuring the Warring States period the Qin Zhao and Yan states conquered various nomadic territories inhabited by the Xiongnu and other Hu peoples 7 They strengthened their new frontiers with elongated wall fortifications 8 By 221 BC the Qin ended the chaotic Eastern Zhou period by conquering all other states and unifying China proper In 215 BC Qin Shi Huang ordered General Meng Tian to set out against the Xiongnu tribes situated in the Ordos region and establish a frontier region at the Ordos Loop 9 Believing that the Xiongnu were a possible threat the emperor launched a pre emptive strike against the Xiongnu with the intention of expanding his empire 9 Later that year 215 BC General Meng Tian succeeded in defeating the Xiongnu and driving them from the Ordos region seizing their territory as result 10 After the catastrophic defeat at the hands of Meng Touman Chanyu and his followers fled far into the Mongolian Plateau 11 Fusu Prince of Qin and General Meng Tian were stationed at a garrison in Suide and soon began the construction of the walled defences connecting them with the old walls built by Qin Yan and Zhao states 12 The fortified walls ran from Liaodong to Lintao thus enclosing the conquered Ordos region 10 safeguarding the Qin empire against the Xiongnu and other northern nomadic people 8 Due to the northward expansion the threat that the Qin empire posed to the Xiongnu ultimately led to the state formation of the many tribes towards a confederacy 7 However after the sudden death of Qin Shi Huang the ensuing political corruption and chaos during the short reign of Qin Er Shi would lead to various anti Qin rebellions eventually bringing about the collapse of the Qin dynasty A massive civil war then erupted between various reinstated states with Liu Bang eventually victorious to establish the Han dynasty During the transitional years between Qin and Han while the Chinese were mainly focused towards the interior of their nation the Xiongnu took the opportunity to retake the territory north of the wall 7 The Xiongnu frequently led incursions to the Han frontier and had considerable political influence over the border regions 13 In response Emperor Gaozu led a Han army against the Xiongnu in 200 BC pursuing them as far as Pingcheng present day Datong Shanxi before being ambushed by Modu Chanyu s cavalry 13 His encampment was encircled by the Xiongnu but Emperor Gaozu escaped after seven days 14 After realizing that a military solution was not feasible for the time being Emperor Gaozu sent Liu Jing to negotiate peace with Modu Chanyu 14 In 198 BC a marriage alliance was concluded between the Han and the Xiongnu 14 but this proved far from effective as the incursions in the frontier regions continued 15 16 17 Course editOnset edit Further information Battle of Mayi nbsp The expansion of the Han empire under Emperor Wu s reign r 141 87 BC By the reign of Emperor Wu the Han empire was prospering and the national treasury had accumulated large surpluses 18 However burdened by the frequent Xiongnu raids at the frontier of the Han empire the emperor abandoned the policies of his predecessors to maintain peace with the Xiongnu early in his reign 19 In 136 BC after continued Xiongnu incursions near the northern frontier Emperor Wu had a court conference assembled 20 21 The faction supporting war against the Xiongnu was able to sway the majority opinion by making a compromise for those worried about stretching financial resources on an indefinite campaign in an engagement along the border near Mayi Han forces would lure Junchen Chanyu over with wealth and promises of defections in order to eliminate him and cause political chaos for the Xiongnu 20 21 Emperor Wu launched his military campaigns against the Xiongnu in 133 BC 22 23 In 133 BC the Xiongnu forces led by the Chanyu a were lured into a trap at Mayi while a Han army of about 300 000 troops laid in ambush against the Xiongnu 23 Wang Hui 王恢 led this campaign and commanded a force of 30 000 men strong advancing from Dai with the intention of attacking the Xiongnu supply route 24 Han Anguo 韓安國 and Gongsun He 公孫賀 commanded the remaining forces and advanced towards Mayi 24 Junchen Chanyu led his army of 100 000 men towards Mayi but he became increasingly suspicious of the situation 24 When the ambush failed because Junchen Chanyu realized he was about to fall into a trap and fled back north the peace was broken and the Han court resolved to engage in full scale war 21 25 26 In light of this battle the Xiongnu became aware of the Han court s intentions to go to war 23 By that point the Han empire was long consolidated politically militarily and economically and was led by an increasingly pro war faction in the imperial court 27 Skirmishes at the northern frontier edit In the autumn of 129 BC a Han force of 40 000 cavalrymen launched a surprise attack against the Xiongnu in the frontier markets where masses of Xiongnu people visited to trade 28 In 128 BC General Wei Qing led 30 000 men to battle at the regions north of Yanmen and came out victorious 29 The next year 127 BC the Xiongnu invaded Liaoxi killing its governor and advanced towards Yanmen 30 Han Anguo mobilized 700 men but was defeated and withdrew to Yuyang 30 Thereafter Wei Qing moved out with a force and captured some Xiongnu troops causing the main force of the Xiongnu to withdraw 30 Meanwhile Li Xi had led a force across the frontier and also captured some of the Xiongnu troops 30 Early campaigns by the Han empire edit nbsp Emperor Wu of HanBetween 127 and 119 BC Emperor Wu ordered the generals Wei Qing and Huo Qubing to lead several large scale military campaigns against the Xiongnu 23 Leading campaigns involving tens of thousands of troops General Wei Qing captured the Ordos Desert region from the Xiongnu in 127 BC and General Huo Qubing expelled them from the Qilian Mountains in 121 BC gaining the surrender of many Xiongnu aristocrats 31 32 The Han court also sent expeditions ranging to over 100 000 troops into Mongolia in 124 BC 123 BC and 119 BC 33 attacking the heart of Xiongnu territory Following the successes of these 127 119 BC campaigns Emperor Wu wrote edicts in which he heavily praised the two generals for their achievements 34 Ordos Loop edit In 127 BC General Wei Qing invaded and retook full control of the Ordos region 35 36 Earlier that year he had departed from Yunzhong towards Longxi to invade the Xiongnu in Ordos 28 After the conquest about 100 000 people resettled in the Ordos 28 In the region two commanderies were established Wuyuan and Shuofang 28 37 With the old Qin walled fortifications in their control the Han set out to repair and extend the walls 38 In 126 BC the Xiongnu sent out three forces of 30 000 troops each to raid Dai Dinxiang and Shang 35 In that same year 126 BC General Wei Qing advanced from Gaoque into Mongolia with 30 000 men and inflicted defeat to the Xiongnu forces of the Tuqi King b and captured 15 000 men along with 10 tribal chiefs 39 In the autumn of 126 BC the Xiongnu raided Dai once again they took some prisoners and killed a Han military commander 39 Southern Gobi Desert edit During the spring of 123 BC General Wei Qing set off to Mongolia with an army to attack the Xiongnu they marched back victorious to Dingxiang 40 Two months later the Han army advanced towards the Xiongnu again but this time the Xiongnu were prepared for the invasion by the Han forces 40 However hereafter due to the military expeditions that the Han empire undertook the Xiongnu moved their capital and retreated to the far northern regions of the Gobi Desert 40 Hexi Corridor edit nbsp The ruins of a Han rammed earth watchtower in DunhuangIn the Battle of Hexi 121 BC the Han forces had inflicted a major defeat to the Xiongnu 41 Emperor Wu desired to place firm control over the Hexi Corridor and decided to launch a large military offensive to purge the Xiongnu from the area 38 The campaign was undertaken in 121 BC by General Huo Qubing 42 Departing from Longxi that year General Huo Qubing led light cavalry through five Xiongnu kingdoms conquering the Yanzhi and Qilian mountain ranges from the Xiongnu 28 In the spring of 121 BC Huo set out from Longxi and advanced into the territory of the Xiutu King 休屠王 beyond the Yanzhi Mountains 43 About 18 000 Xiongnu cavalry were captured or killed 43 That summer 121 BC Huo advanced into the Anshan Desert to invade the regions at the Qilian Mountains 43 At the Qilian Mountains the Hunye King 渾邪王 saw the deaths of over 30 000 troops in battle against the Han while 2800 of his troops were captured 44 Distraught by the huge losses and fearing the wrath of the Xiongnu Chanyu the Xiutu King and the Hunye King planned to surrender to the Han forces of General Huo Qubing 45 However the Xiutu King suddenly changed his mind and fled with his followers 45 General Huo Qubing and the Hunye King gave chase and killed Xiutu and his 8000 troops 45 In the end the Hunye King and 40 000 Xiongnu soldiers surrendered 28 41 44 45 which also led to the Xiongnu tribes of Hunye and Xiutu submitting to the rule of the Han empire 46 47 Due to the series of victories the Han had conquered a territory stretching from the Hexi Corridor to Lop Nur thus cutting the Xiongnu off from their Qiang allies 48 In 111 BC a major Qiang Xiongnu allied force was repelled from the Hexi Corridor 49 Hereafter four commanderies were established in the Hexi Corridor Jiuquan Zhangye Dunhuang and Wuwei which were populated with Han settlers 48 49 North of the Gobi edit Further information Battle of Mobei nbsp Painted ceramic statues of Chinese cavalrymen and infantrymen from the Western Han period 202 BC 9 AD The Battle of Mobei 119 BC saw Han forces invade the northern Gobi Desert as well as areas north of the Gobi 41 In 119 BC two separate expeditionary forces led by the Han generals Wei Qing and Huo Qubing mobilized towards the Xiongnu 41 50 The two generals led the campaign to the Khangai Mountains and the Orkhon Valley where they forced the Chanyu to flee north of the Gobi Desert 31 51 The two forces together comprised 100 000 cavalrymen 52 53 140 000 horses 52 53 and few hundred thousand infantry 53 They advanced into the desert in pursuit of the main force of the Xiongnu 23 The military campaign was a major Han military victory against Xiongnu 54 where the Xiongnu were driven from the Gobi Desert 55 The Xiongnu casualties ranged from 80 to 90 thousand troops while the Han casualties ranged from 20 to 30 thousand troops 56 In the aftermath the Han forces had lost around 100 000 horses during the campaign 56 During this campaign Huo Qubing s elite troops had set off from Dai to link up with Lu Bode s forces in Yucheng after which they advanced further and engaged the Tuqi King of the Left c and his army 56 Huo Qubing s army encircled and overran their enemy killing around 70 000 Xiongnu 41 including the Tuqi King of the Left 57 He then went on to conduct a series of rituals upon arrival at the Khentii Mountains to symbolize the historic Han victory then continued his pursuit as far as Lake Baikal 58 Wei Qing s army setting off from Dingxiang encountered Yizhixie Chanyu s army 52 Wei Qing ordered his troops to arrange heavy armoured chariots in a ring formation 56 creating mobile fortresses that provided archers crossbowmen and infantry protection from the Xiongnu s cavalry charges and allowing the Han troops to utilize their ranged weapons advantages A 5000 strong cavalry was deployed to reinforce the array against any Xiongnu attack 56 The Xiongnu charged the Han forces with a 10 000 strong vanguard cavalry 59 The battle solidified into a stalemate until dusk when a sandstorm obscured the battlefield 59 Subsequently Wei Qing sent in his main forces and overwhelmed the Xiongnu 56 The Han cavalry used the low visibility as cover and encircled the Xiongnu army from both flanks but Yizhixie Chanyu and a contingent of troops broke through and escaped 56 Control over the Western Regions edit Further information Battle of Loulan Battle of Tian Shan and Battle of JushiSee also History of the Great Wall of China Han dynasty 206 BC 220 AD and War of the Heavenly Horses With the Han conquest of the Hexi Corridor in 121 BC the city states at the Tarim Basin were caught in between the onslaught of the war with much shifting of allegiance 60 There were several Han military expeditions undertaken to secure the submission of the local kings to the Han empire the Han took control of the regions for strategic purposes while the Xiongnu needed the regions as a source of revenue 60 61 Due to the ensuing war with the Han empire the Xiongnu were forced to extract more crafts and agricultural foodstuffs from the Tarim Basin urban centres 62 By 115 BC the Han had set up commanderies at Jiuquan and Wuwei while extending the old Qin fortifications from Lingju to the area west of Dunhuang 23 From 115 to 60 BC the Han and Xiongnu competed for control and influence over these states 63 which saw the rise of power of the Han empire over eastern Central Asia with the decline of that of the Xiongnu s 64 The Han empire brought the states of Loulan Jushi Turfan Luntai Bugur Dayuan Ferghana and Kangju Soghdiana into tributary submission between 108 and 101 BC 65 66 The long walled defence line that now stretched all the way to Dunhuang protected the people guided caravans and troops to and from Central Asia and served to separate the Xiongnu from their allies the Qiang people 67 nbsp Tomb of Chinese general Huo Qubing died 117 BC statue of a horse stomping a Xiongnu warrior with detail of the head of the vanquished Xiongnu warrior 68 69 In 115 BC Zhang Qian was once again dispatched to the Western Regions to secure military alliances against the Xiongnu 70 71 He sought out the various states in Central Asia such as the Wusun 70 He came back without achieving his goals but he gained valuable knowledge about the Western Regions like in his previous travels 71 Emperor Wu received reports from Zhang about the large and powerful horses of Ferghana 72 These horses were known as heavenly horses 72 73 or blood sweating horses 73 Zhang brought back some of these horses to the Han empire 71 The emperor thought that the horses were of high importance to fight the Xiongnu 73 The refusal of the Dayuan kingdom a nation centred in Ferghana to provide the Han empire with the horses and the execution of a Han envoy led to conflict 74 the Han forces brought Dayuan into submission in 101 BC 70 75 The Xiongnu aware of this predicament had tried to halt the Han advance but they were outnumbered and suffered defeat 76 General Zhao Ponu 趙破奴 was sent on an expedition in 108 BC to invade Jushi Turfan a critical economic and military stronghold of the Xiongnu in the Western Regions 76 After he conquered the region the Han forces repelled all Xiongnu attacks to regain control over Jushi 76 When King Angui acceded the throne of Loulan the kingdom which was the easternmost state of the Western Regions became increasingly apprehensive towards the Han 77 Their policies became somewhat anti Han in nature and supportive towards the Xiongnu such as allowing the killing of passing Han envoys to happen and revealing Han military logistics 77 78 In 77 BC King Angui received the Han emissary Fu Jiezi and held a banquet for the envoy who came under the guise of bringing many coveted gifts 77 During the banquet Fu Jiezi requested a private discussion with King Angui which was a pretence for the assassination of the Loulan ruler by two of Fu Jiezi s officers 77 Amid the cries of horror Fu Jiezi proclaimed an admonition d to the Loulan aristocracy and beheaded the dead king 77 The Han court informed Weituqi who was an ally of the Han of his brother s death had him escorted back from Chang an to Loulan and installed him as the new monarch of the kingdom which was renamed Shanshan 77 79 Thereafter the royal seat was relocated to the southern parts of Shanshan present day Kargilik or Ruoqiang outside the sphere of Xiongnu influence 78 The Xiongnu practised marriage alliances with Han dynasty officers and officials who defected to their side The older sister of the Chanyu the Xiongnu ruler was married to the Xiongnu General Zhao Xin the Marquis of Xi who was serving the Han dynasty The daughter of the Chanyu was married to the Han Chinese General Li Ling after he surrendered and defected 80 81 The Yenisei Kirghiz Khagans claimed descent from Li Ling Another Han Chinese General who defected to the Xiongnu was Li Guangli who also married a daughter of the Chanyu Decline of the Xiongnu edit nbsp Ceramic statues of a prancing horse foreground and a cavalryman on horseback background Eastern Han period 25 220 AD Due to the many losses inflicted on the Xiongnu rebellion broke out and their enslaved rose up in arms 82 Around 80 BC the Xiongnu attacked the Wusun in a punitive campaign and the Wusun monarch requested military support from the Han empire 83 In 72 BC the joint forces of the Wusun and Han invaded the territory of the Luli King e of the Right 82 Around 40 000 Xiongnu people and many of their livestock were captured before their city was sacked 82 The very next year various tribes invaded and raided the Xiongnu territory on all fronts Wusun from the west Dingling from the north and Wuhuan from the east 82 The Han forces set out in five columns and invaded from the south According to Hanshu this event marks the beginning of Xiongnu decline and the dismantlement of the confederation Internal discord between the Xiongnu edit Further information Battle of Zhizhi As the Xiongnu economic and military situation deteriorated the Xiongnu were willing to renew peace during the reigns of Huyandi Chanyu r 85 69 BC and Xuluquanqu Chanyu r 68 60 BC but the Han court gave only one option tributary submission 84 After Xuluquanqu Chanyu s death in 60 BC 85 a Xiongnu civil war broke out in 57 BC over the succession which fully fragmented the Xiongnu confederation with many contenders 86 In the end only Zhizhi Chanyu and Huhanye Chanyu survived the struggle to power 87 After Zhizhi Chanyu r 56 36 BC had inflicted serious losses against his rival Huhanye Chanyu r 58 31 BC Huhanye and his supporters debated whether to request military protection and become a Han vassal 88 In 53 BC Huhanye decided to do so and surrendered to the reign of the Han empire 88 89 90 General Chen Tang and Protector General Gan Yanshou acting without explicit permission from the Han court killed Zhizhi Chanyu at his capital city present day Taraz Kazakhstan in 36 BC 91 92 Taking the initiative Chen Tang had forged an imperial decree which led to the mobilization of 40 000 troops in two columns 93 The Han forces besieged and defeated the forces of Zhizhi Chanyu and afterwards beheaded him 93 His head was sent to the Han capital Chang an 94 On return to Chang an the two officers faced legal enquiries for forging a decree but were pardoned 95 Chen and Gan received modest rewards although the Han court was reluctant to do so due to the precedent that this event set 91 92 Collapse of power edit Further information Battle of Yiwulu nbsp In 74 AD General Ban Chao left captured King Douti of Kashgar and replaced him with King Yule right who was granted the name Zhong In 9 AD the Han official Wang Mang usurped the Han throne and proclaimed a new Chinese dynasty known as Xin 96 He regarded the Xiongnu as lowly vassals and relations rapidly deteriorated 97 96 During the winter 10 to 11 AD Wang amassed 300 000 troops along the northern frontier which forced the Xiongnu to defer launching large scale attacks 97 98 Although Han rule was restored in August 25 AD by Emperor Guangwu 99 its grip over the Tarim Basin had weakened 100 The Xiongnu had taken advantage of the situation and gained control over the Western Regions 101 102 The first half of the 1st century BC witnessed several succession crises for the Xiongnu leadership allowing the Han empire to reaffirm its control over the Western Regions 103 104 Huduershi Chanyu was succeeded by his son Punu 蒲奴 in 46 AD thus breaking the late Huhanye s orders that only a Xiongnu ruler s brother was a valid successor 105 Bi 比 the Rizhu King of the Right and Huduershi s nephew was outraged and was declared a rival Chanyu by eight southern Xiongnu tribes in 48 AD 105 The Xiongnu confederation fell apart in the Northern Xiongnu and Southern Xiongnu and Bi submitted to the reign of the Han empire in 50 AD 105 The Han took control of the Southern Xiongnu under Bi which had 30 40 thousand troops and a population of roughly twice or thrice the size 106 Between 73 and 102 AD General Ban Chao led several expeditions in the Tarim Basin re establishing Han control over the region 101 At the capital of Shanshan by Lop Nur Ban Chao and a small party of his men slaughtered a visiting Northern Xiongnu embassy to Shanshan 107 Ban Chao presented their heads to King Guang of Shanshan who was overwhelmed by the ordeal whereupon he sent hostages to Han 107 When Ban Chao traveled further to Yutian Khotan King Guangde received him with little courtesy 107 The king s soothsayer told the king that he should demand Ban Chao s horse so Ban Chao killed the soothsayer for the insult 107 Impressed by the ruthlessness that he witnessed the king killed a Xiongnu agent and offered submission to Han 107 Going further westward Ban Chao and his party arrived at Shule 107 Earlier King Jian of Qiuci had deposed the former king and replaced him with his officer Douti 107 In 74 AD Ban Chao s forces captured King Douti of Kashgar Shule 疏勒 both a puppet of Kucha Qiuci 龜玆 and an ally of the Xiongnu 108 Local opponents to the new regime had offered support to the Han 107 Tian Lu Ban Chao s officer took Douti captive and Ban Chao put Zhong a prince of the native dynasty on the throne 107 Ban Chao insisting on leniency send Douti back to Qiuci unharmed 107 In 73 AD General Dou Gu and his army departed from Jiuquan and advanced towards the Northern Xiongnu defeating the Northern Xiongnu and pursuing them as far as Lake Barkol before establishing a garrison at Hami 109 In 74 AD Dou Gu retook Turfan from the Xiongnu 109 The Han campaigns resulted in the retreat of the Northern Xiongnu to Dzungaria while Ban Chao was threatening and bringing the city states at the Tarim Basin to submission under the Han empire once again 101 In 74 AD the King of Jushi submitted to the Han forces under General Dou Gu as the Xiongnu were unable to engage the Han forces 108 Later in the year 74 AD the kingdoms of Karasahr Yanqi 焉耆 and Kucha were forced to surrender to the Han empire 108 Although Dou Gu was able to evict the Xiongnu from Turfan in 74 AD the Northern Xiongnu soon invaded the Bogda Mountains while their allies from Karasahr and Kucha killed the Protector General Chen Mu and his men 110 As a result the Han garrison at Hami was forced to withdraw in 77 AD which was not reestablished until 91 AD 110 111 Final stages edit Further information Battle of the Altai Mountains In 89 AD General Dou Xian led a Han expedition against the Northern Xiongnu 112 113 The army advanced from Jilu Manyi and Guyang in three great columns In the summer the forces comprising a total of 40 000 troops assembled at Zhuoye Mountain 114 Near the end of the campaign Dou s forces chased the Northern Chanyu into the Altai Mountains killing 13 000 Xiongnu and accepting the surrender of 200 000 Xiongnu from 81 tribes 112 113 A light cavalry of 2000 was sent towards the Xiongnu at Hami capturing the region from them 112 General Dou Xian marched with his troops in a triumphal progress to the heartland of the Northern Xiongnu s territory and engraved an inscription commemorating the victory on Mount Yanran before returning to Han 114 The Han victory in the campaign of 89 AD resulted in the destruction of the Xiongnu state 115 In 2017 a joint Sino Mongolian archaeological expedition rediscovered the Inscription of Yanran in the Khangai Mountains of central Mongolia 116 Aftermath edit nbsp Mingqi Chinese funerary statuette of a young Central Asian man with Scythian type caftan and conical hat reminiscent of early 3rd century CE Kushans Later Han 3rd century CE Guimet Museum MA 4660 117 In 90 AD General Dou Xian had encamped at Wuwei 5 He sent Deputy Colonel Yan Pan with 2000 light cavalry to strike down the final Xiongnu defenses in the Western Regions capturing Yiwu and receiving the surrender of Jushi 5 Major Liang Feng was dispatched to capture the Northern Chanyu which he did but he was forced to leave him behind as Dou Xian had already broken camp and returned to China 5 In the tenth month of 90 AD Dou Xian sent Liang Feng and Ban Gu to help the Northern Chanyu make preparations for his planned travel as he wished to submit to the Han court in person the following month 118 However this never came to pass as Dou Xian dispatched General Geng Kui and Shizi of the Southern Xiongnu with 8 000 light cavalry to attack the Northern Chanyu encamped at Heyun 河雲 in 90 AD 118 Once the Han forces arrived at Zhuoye Mountains they left their heavy equipment behind to launch a swift pincer movement towards Heyun 118 Geng Kui attacked from the east via the Khangai Mountains and Ganwei River 甘微河 while Shizi attacked from the west via the Western Lake 西海 118 The Northern Chanyu said to be greatly shocked by this launched a counterattack but he was forced to flee and left his family and seal behind 118 The Han killed 8 000 men and captured several thousands 118 In 91 AD General Geng Kui and Major Ren Shang with a light cavalry of 800 advanced further via the Juyan Gol Juyansai into the Altai Mountains where the Northern Chanyu had encamped 118 At the Battle of Altai Mountains they massacred 5000 Xiongnu men and pursued the Northern Chanyu until he escaped to an unknown place 118 By 91 AD the last remnants of the Northern Xiongnu had migrated west towards the Ili River valley 119 The Southern Xiongnu who had been situated in the Ordos region since about 50 AD remained within the territory of the Han empire as semi independent tributaries 120 They were dependent to the Han empire for their livelihood as indicated by a memorial f from the Southern Chanyu to the Han court in 88 AD 121 Following the military successes against the Xiongnu General Ban Chao was promoted to the position of Protector General and stationed in Kucha in 91 AD 122 At the remote frontier Ban Chao reaffirmed absolute Han control over the Western Regions from 91 AD onwards 112 Impact editMilitary edit See also Army of the Han dynasty nbsp The statue Horse Stepping on a Xiongnu Soldier 馬踏匈奴 dated to the Western Han period from the tomb of General Huo Qubing near present day Xi anChao Cuo was one of the first known ministers to suggest to Emperor Wen that Han armies should have a cavalry centric army to counter the nomadic Xiongnu to the north since Han armies were still primarily infantry with cavalry and chariots playing a supporting role 123 He advocated the policy of using barbarians to attack barbarians that is incorporating surrendered Xiongnu and other nomadic tribes into the Han military a suggestion that was eventually adopted especially with the establishment of dependent states of different nomads living on the Han empire s frontiers 124 In a memorandum entitled Guard the Frontiers and Protect the Borders that he presented to the throne in 169 BC Chao compared the relative strengths of Xiongnu and Han battle tactics 125 In regards to the Han armies Chao deemed the Xiongnu horsemen better prepared for rough terrain due to their better horses better with horseback archery and better able to withstand the elements and harsh climates 126 127 However on level plains he regarded Xiongnu cavalry inferior especially when faced with Han shock cavalry and chariots as the Xiongnu are easily dispersed 126 He emphasized that the Xiongnu were incapable of countering the superior equipment and weaponry 126 He also noted that in contrast the Han armies were better capable to fight in disciplined formations 126 According to Chao the Xiongnu were also defenseless against coordinated onslaughts of arrows especially long ranged and in unison due to their inferior leather armour and wooden shields 126 127 When dismounted in close combat he believed that the Xiongnu lacking the ability as infantry would be decimated by Han soldiers 126 127 During Emperor Jing s reign the Han court initiated breeding programs for military horses and established 36 large government pastures in the border regions extending from Liaodong to Beidi 128 In preparation for the military use of the horses the best breeds were selected to partake military training 128 The Xiongnu frequently raided the Han government pastures because the military horses were of great strategic importance for the Han military against them 128 By the time of Emperor Wu s reign the horses amounted to well over 450 000 128 At the start of Emperor Wu s reign the Han empire had a standing army comprising 400 000 troops which included 80 000 to 100 000 cavalrymen essential to the future campaigns against the Xiongnu 129 However by 124 BC that number had grown to a total of 600 000 to 700 000 troops including 200 000 to 250 000 cavalrymen 129 In order to sustain the military expeditions against the Xiongnu and its resulting conquests Emperor Wu and his economic advisors undertook many economic and financial reforms which proved to be highly successful 129 In 14 AD Yan Yu presented the difficulties of conducting extended military campaigns against the Xiongnu 63 For a 300 day campaign each Han soldier needed 360 liters of dried grain 63 These heavy supplies had to be carried by oxen but experience showed that an ox could only survive for about 100 days in the desert 63 Once in the territory of the Xiongnu the harsh weather would also prove to be very inhospitable for the Han soldiers who could not carry enough fuel for the winter 63 For these reasons according to Yan Yu military expeditions seldom lasted longer than 100 days 63 For their western campaigns against the Xiongnu the Han armies exacted their food supplies from the Western Regions 130 This placed a heavy burden to the western states thus the Han court decided to initiate agricultural garrisons in Bugur and Kurla 130 During Emperor Zhao s reign r 87 74 BC the agricultural garrison in Bugur was expanded to accommodate the heavy Han military presence which was the natural result of the empire s westward expansion 130 During Emperor Xuan s reign r 74 49 BC the farming soldiers in Kurla were increased to 1500 under Protector General Zheng Ji s administration in order to support the military expeditions against the Xiongnu in Turfan 130 Immediately after the Han conquest of Turfan Zheng established an agricultural garrison in Turfan 130 Even though the Xiongnu unsuccessfully tried to prevent the Han from making Turfan into a major economic base by military force and threats 130 Diplomacy edit nbsp Belt Buckle with nomadic inspired zoomorphic design manufactured in China for the Xiongnu Mercury gilded bronze a Chinese technique North China 3rd 2nd century BC 131 132 In 162 BC the Xiongnu troops of Laoshang Chanyu had invaded and driven the Yuezhi from their homeland the Chanyu had the Yuezhi monarch executed and his skull fashioned into a drinking cup 61 133 Thus the Han court decided it was favourable to send an envoy to the Yuezhi to secure a military alliance 134 In 138 BC the diplomat Zhang Qian left with an envoy and headed towards the Yuezhi encampments 61 135 However the envoy was captured by the Xiongnu and held hostage 61 134 A decade went by until Zhang Qian and some of his convoy escaped 61 134 They travelled to the territories of Ferghana Dayuan 大宛 Soghdiana Kangju 康居 and Bactria Daxia 大夏 ultimately finding the Yuezhi forces north of the Amu River 134 Despite their efforts the envoy could not secure a military alliance 72 134 As the Yuezhi had settled in those new lands for quite some time they had almost no desire to wage a war against the Xiongnu 72 134 In 126 BC Zhang Qian headed to the Hexi Corridor in order to return to his nation 35 While traveling through the area he was captured by the Xiongnu only to escape a year later and return to China in 125 BC 50 The Xiongnu attempted to negotiate peace several times but every time the Han court would accept nothing less than tributary submission of the Xiongnu 136 Tributary relations with the Han comprised out of several things 137 Firstly the Chanyu or his representative was required to come pay homage to the Han court 137 Secondly the heir apparent or a prince needed to be delivered to the Han court as hostage 137 Thirdly the Chanyu had to present tribute to the Han emperor and in return will receive imperial gifts 137 Accepting the tributary system meant that the Xiongnu were lowered to the status of outer vassal while the marriage alliance meant that the two nations were regarded as equal states 137 138 In 119 BC Yizhixie Chanyu 126 114 sent an envoy hoping to achieve peaceful relations with the Han 136 However the peace negotiations collapsed since the Han court disregarded his terms and gave him the option to become an outer vassal instead which infuriated Yizhixie Chanyu 136 In 107 BC Wuwei Chanyu 114 105 also attempted to negotiate peaceful relations and even halted the border raids 136 In response the Han disregarded his terms and demanded that the Chanyu sent his heir apparent as a hostage to Chang an which once again led to the breakdown of the peace negotiations 136 In 53 BC Huhanye Chanyu decided to submit to the Han court 137 He sent his son Zhulouqutang 朱鏤蕖堂 the Tuqi King of the Right as hostage to the Han court in 53 BC 137 In 52 BC he formally requested through the officials at the Wuyuan commandery to have an audience with the Han court to pay homage 137 Thus the next year 51 BC he arrived at court and personally paid homage to Emperor Xuan during the Chinese New Year 137 In 49 BC he traveled to the Han court for a second time to pay homage to the emperor 121 In 53 BC Zhizhi Chanyu also sent his son as hostage to the Han court 139 In 51 and 50 BC he sent two envoys respectively to Han to present tribute but failed to personally come to the Han court to pay homage 139 Therefore he was rejected by the Han court leading to the execution of a Han envoy in 45 BC 140 In 33 BC Huhanye Chanyu came to the Han court to pay homage again 139 During his visit he asked to become an imperial son in law 139 Instead of granting him this request Emperor Yuan decided to give him a court lady in waiting 139 Thus the Han court allowed Huhanye Chanyu to marry Lady Wang Zhaojun 139 140 Yituzhiyashi 伊屠智牙師 the son of Huhanye and Wang Zhaojun became a vocal partisan for the Han empire within the Xiongnu realm 141 Although peaceful relations were momentarily achieved it fully collapsed when the Han official Wang Mang came to power 106 142 When Bi the Southern Chanyu decided submit to the Han in 50 AD he sent a princely son as hostage to the Han court and prostrated to the Han envoy as he received the imperial edict from them 143 During the Eastern Han period the tributary system had made some significant changes which placed the Southern Xiongnu more tightly under regulation and supervision of the Han 143 The Chanyu was required to send tribute and a princely hostage annually while an imperial messenger would be dispatched to escort the previous princely hostage back 144 The Southern Xiongnu were resettled inside the empire at the northern commanderies and were overseen by a Han prefect who acted as an arbiter in their legal cases and monitored their movements 145 Attempts by Punu the Northern Chanyu to establish peaceful relations with the Han empire always failed because the Northern Xiongnu were unwilling to come under Han s tributary system and the Han court had no interest to treat them along the same lines as the Southern Xiongnu instead of dividing them 146 Geography edit nbsp Commanderies of the Han empire 2 ADIn 169 BC the Han minister Chao Cuo presented to Emperor Wen a memorandum on frontier defence and the importance of agriculture 147 Chao characterized the Xiongnu as people whose livelihood did not depend on permanent settlement and were always migrating 148 As such he wrote the Xiongnu could observe the Han frontier and attack when there were too few troops stationed in a certain region 148 He noted that if troops are mobilized in support then few troops will be insufficient to defeat the Xiongnu while many troops will arrive too late as the Xiongnu will have retreated by then 148 He also noted that keeping the Xiongnu mobilized will be at a great expense while they will just raid another time after dispersing them 148 To negate these difficulties Chao Cuo elaborated a proposal which in essence suggested that military agricultural settlements with permanent residents should be established to secure the frontier and that surrendered tribes should serve along the frontier against the Xiongnu 148 When Emperor Wu made the decision to conquer the Hexi Corridor he had the intention to separate the Xiongnu from the Western Regions and from the Qiang people 149 In 88 BC the Xianling tribe of the Qiang people sent an envoy to the Xiongnu proposing a joint attack against the Han in the region as they were discontented that they had lost the fertile lands at Jiuquan and Zhangye 149 It had often been the meeting place between the Xiongnu and the Qiang before the Han empire had conquered and annexed the Hexi Corridor 149 In 6 BC Wang Shun 王舜 and Liu Xin noted that the frontier commanderies of Jiuquan Zhangye and Dunhuang were established by Emperor Wu to separate the then powerful Chuoqiang tribe of the Qiang people from the Xiongnu 149 The Chuoqiang tribe and its king however eventually submitted to the Han empire and took part in the campaigns against the Xiongnu 150 In 119 BC when the Xiongnu suffered a catastrophic defeat by the Han armies the Chanyu moved his court located in present day Inner Mongolia to another location north 151 152 This had the desired result that the Xiongnu were separated from the Wuhuan people which also prevented the Xiongnu from exacting many resources from the Wuhuan 151 The Han court placed the Wuhuan in tributary protection and resettled them in five northeastern commanderies namely Shanggu Yuyang Youbeiping present day Hebei Liaoxi and Liaodong present day Liaoning 153 A new office the Colonel Protector of the Wuhuan was established in Shanggu in order to prevent contact between the Wuhuan with the Xiongnu and to use them to monitor the Xiongnu activities 153 Nevertheless the effective Han control over the Wuhuan was lacking through much of the Western Han period since the Xiongnu had considerable military and political influence over the Wuhuan while relations between the Wuhuan and Han often remained strained at best 154 This can be exemplified by a situation in 78 BC when the Xiongnu led a punitive campaign against the Wuhuan resulting in General Fan Mingyou 范明友 leading a Han army to impede further incursions 155 When they learned that the Xiongnu had left by the time the army arrived the Han court ordered Fan to attack the Wuhuan instead killing 6000 Wuhuan men and three chieftains since the Wuhuan had recently raided Han territory 155 Only in 49 AD when 922 Wuhuan chieftains submitted during Emperor Guangwu s reign did many of the Wuhuan tribes come under tributary system of the Han empire 156 The Han court provided for the Wuhuan and in return the Wuhuan tribes guarded the Han frontier against the Xiongnu and other nomadic peoples 156 157 When the Hunye King surrendered to the Han in 121 BC the Han court resettled all the 40 000 Xiongnu people from the Hexi Corridor into the northern frontier regions 158 The Hexi Corridor proved to be an invaluable region since it gave direct access and became the base of military operations into the Western Regions 48 Possession of the Western Regions was economically critical to the Xiongnu since they exacted many of their necessary resources from the western states 159 The diplomat Zhang Qian suggested to the emperor to establish diplomatic relations with the western states 160 He proposed to try convince the Wusun in reoccupying their former territory in the Hexi Corridor and to form an alliance with them against the Xiongnu 160 In 115 BC Zhang Qian and his men were sent towards the Western Regions but they did not succeed in convincing the Wusun to relocate 161 They were however successful in establishing contact with the many states such as Wusun Dayuan Ferghana Kangju Soghdiana Daxia Bactria and Yutian Khotan 161 Although the Han empire tried to diplomatically sway the western states over the years it met with little success due to the Xiongnu s influence over the Western Regions at the time 162 Therefore from 108 BC onwards the Han resorted to conquest in order to bring the western states to submission 163 Since Loulan Cherchen was the closest western state to Han it was key for the Han empire s expansion into Central Asia 164 Turfan Jushi on the other hand was the Xiongnu s entrance into the Western Regions 165 By conquering Loulan and Turfan the Han empire would gain two critical locations in the Western Regions achieving direct access to the Wusun in the Ili River valley and Dayuan Ferghana between Syr and Amu Darya 164 This happened in 108 BC when General Zhao Ponu conquered these two states 164 The farthest reaching invasion was Li Guangli s campaign against Ferghana 66 If the Han armies succeeded in conquering Ferghana the Han empire would demonstrate certain military might to the western states and consolidate its control while gaining many of the famed Ferghana horses 164 The Xiongnu were aware of the situation and attempted to stop the invasion but they were defeated by Li Guangli s forces 164 After a campaign that lasted four years Li Guangli conquered Ferghana in 101 BC 164 The control over Turfan however often fluctuated due to its proximity to the Xiongnu 166 In 90 BC General Cheng Wan 成娩 led the troops of six western states against Turfan to prevent it from allying the Xiongnu 166 The fact that the forces used comprised solely from the troops of the western states was as Lewis 2007 remarked a clear indication of the political influence that the Han empire had over the region 167 Cheng was a former Xiongnu king himself but he had submitted to the Han and was ennobled as Marquis of Kailing 開陵侯 166 As a result of the expedition the Han court received the formal submission of Turfan later in the year 90 BC 166 This victory was significant in the sense that Turfan s location was the closest to the Xiongnu of all the western states thereby they lost their access into the Western Regions with this Han conquest 167 In 67 BC the Han empire gained absolute control over the Turfan Depression after inflicting a significant defeat to the Xiongnu 166 During the former Xiongnu rule of the Western Regions the area was under the jurisdiction of the Rizhu King 日逐王 with the office Commandant in Charge of Slaves 168 However in 60 BC the Rizhu King surrendered to Protector General Zheng Ji 168 Afterwards 60 BC the Han imperial court established the Protectorate of the Western Regions 70 166 169 The Han empire now in absolute control of the Western Regions placed it under the jurisdiction of its Protector General 170 171 As its dominance of the area was established the Han were effectively controlling the trade and shaping the early history of what would be known as the Silk Road 70 In 25 AD Liu Xiu was established as Emperor Guangwu restoring the Han throne after a usurpation by the Han official Wang Mang thus initiating the Eastern Han period 98 During his reign the Han empire began to abandon its offensive strategy against the Xiongnu which allowed the latter to frequently raid the northern frontier 172 It resulted in large migrations southwards which led to the depopulation of the frontier regions 172 During the Eastern Han period various nomadic peoples were resettled in these frontier regions serving the Han empire as cavalry against the Xiongnu 172 With his primary focus still towards the interior of the empire Emperor Guangwu declined several requests from the western states to re establish the office of Protector General of the Western Regions 173 Early in Emperor Guangwu s reign King Kang of Yarkand united neighbouring kingdoms to resist the Xiongnu 174 At the same time he protected the Han officials and people of the former Protector General who were still left behind after Wang Mang s reign 174 In 61 AD Yarkand was conquered by Khotan and the western states fell in conflict with each other 174 Taking this opportunity the Northern Xiongnu recovered their control over the Western Regions which threatened the security of the Hexi Corridor 174 In 73 AD General Dou Gu was sent on a punitive expedition to the Xiongnu and inflicted them a considerable defeat 109 Immediately the fertile lands of Hami Yiwu was reoccupied and an agricultural garrison established 109 The next year 74 AD he expelled the Xiongnu from Turfan and reoccupied the state 109 The recovery of Hami and Turfan facilitated the re establishment of the Protector General since these important locations were key points to control the Western Regions 109 See also editBook of Han a classical historiographical work covering the early history of the Han empire Han dynasty in Inner Asia expansion of realm and influence of the Han dynasty in Inner Asia Han Nanyue War a military campaign launched by Emperor Wu against Nanyue Gojoseon Han War a military campaign launched by Emperor Wu against Gojoseon The Emperor in Han Dynasty a 2005 Chinese television series based on the life story of Emperor Wu Li Ling a Han military leader and defector to the Xiongnu Records of the Grand Historian a classical historiographical work written in this era Sima Qian author of the Records of the Grand Historian who was punished for defending Li Ling Su Wu a Han statesman and diplomat who was a captive of the Xiongnu for about two decadesNotes edit In the Xiongnu hierarchy the Chanyu was the supreme leader Lewis 2007 131 Second to the Chanyu in power were the Tuqi Kings the Tuqi Kings are also called the Wise Kings where the Xiongnu word for Tuqi means Wise Lewis 2007 131 The Tuqi King of the Left was generally designated as the successor of the Chanyu Lewis 2007 131 The translation given by Hulsewe 1979 90 is as follows The Son of Heaven has sent me to punish the king by reason of his crime in turning against Han It is fitting that in his place you should enthrone his younger brother Wei t u ch i who is at present in Han Han troops are about to arrive here do not dare to make any move which would result in yourselves bringing about the destruction of your state Second to the Chanyu in power were the Tuqi Kings followed by the Luli Kings Lewis 2007 131 The translation given by Lewis 2007 137 states Your servant humbly thinks back on how since his ancestor submitted to the Han we have been blessed with your support keeping a sharp watch on the passes and providing strong armies for more than forty years Your subjects have been born and reared in Han territory and have depended entirely on the Han for food Each year we received gifts counted in the hundreds of millions of cash References edit Chang 2007b 8 Yu 1986 438 Graff 2002 pp 39 40 a b c Graff 2002 p 40 a b c d Wu 2013 71 Nara Shiruku Rōdo haku Kinen Kokusai Kōryu Zaidan Shiruku Rōdo gaku Kenkyu Senta 2007 Opening up the Silk Road the Han and the Eurasian world Nara International Foundation Commemorating the Silk Road Exposition p 23 ISBN 978 4 916071 61 3 Retrieved 2 February 2013 a b c Cosmo 1999 892 893 a b Lewis 2007 59 a b Cosmo 1999 964 a b Beckwith 2009 71 Beckwith 2009 71 72 Cheng 2005 15 a b Yu 1986 385 386 a b c Yu 1986 386 Yu 1986 388 Lewis 2007 132 136 Chang 2007a 152 Guo 2002 180 Lewis 2000 43 a b Cosmo 2002 211 214 a b c Yu 1986 389 390 Barfield 2001 25 a b c d e f Guo 2002 185 a b c Whiting 2002 146 Cosmo 2002 214 Torday 1997 91 92 Chang 2007a 159 a b c d e f Yu 1986 390 Whiting 2002 147 a b c d Whiting 2002 148 a b Yu 1986 390 Cosmo 2002 237 239 Gernet 1996 120 Chang 2007a 189 a b c Whiting 2002 149 Lovell 2006 71 Loewe 2009 69 70 a b Yamashita amp Lindesay 2007 153 154 a b Whiting 2002 151 a b c Whiting 2002 151 152 a b c d e Tucker et al 2010 109 Chang 2007a 5 a b c Whiting 2002 152 153 a b Deng 2007 53 54 a b c d Chang 2007a 201 Whiting 2002 153 Barfield 1981 50 a b c Yu 1986 391 a b Chang 2007b 8 a b Christian 1998 196 Cosmo 2002 240 a b c Whiting 2002 154 a b c Chang 1966 158 Loewe 2009 72 Barfield 1981 58 a b c d e f g Whiting 2002 154 155 Chang 1966 161 Sima amp Watson 1993 a b Whiting 2002 155 a b Millward 2006 21 a b c d e Golden 2011 29 Cosmo 2002 250 251 a b c d e f Yu 1986 390 391 Lewis 2007 137 138 Chang 2007b 174 a b Yu 1986 409 411 Loewe 2009 71 Qingbo Duan January 2023 Sino Western Cultural Exchange as Seen through the Archaeology of the First Emperor s Necropolis Journal of Chinese History 7 1 52 doi 10 1017 jch 2022 25 Maenchen Helfen Otto Helfen Otto 1 January 1973 The World of the Huns Studies in Their History and Culture University of California Press pp 369 370 ISBN 978 0 520 01596 8 a b c d e Golden 2011 30 a b c Haar 2009 75 a b c d Lovell 2006 73 a b c Golden 2011 29 30 Boulnois 2004 82 Millward 1998 25 a b c Yu 1994 132 a b c d e f Hulsewe 1979 89 91 a b Baumer 2003 134 Chang 2007a 225 Cosmo Nicola Di Aristocratic elites in the Xiongnu empire 161 Retrieved 2019 01 11 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help Monumenta Serica Volume 52 2004 p 81 a b c d Yu 1994 135 Zadneprovskiy 1999 460 Yu 2002 138 Barfield 1981 51 Lewis 2007 137 Spakowski 1999 216 a b Yu 1986 394 395 Psarras 2004 82 Grousset 2002 37 38 a b Yu 1986 396 398 a b Loewe 1986 211 213 a b Whiting 2002 179 Yu 1986 396 Loewe 2006 60 a b Higham 2004 368 a b Bielenstein 1986 237 a b Tanner 2009 110 Tanner 2009 112 Millward 2006 22 23 a b c Millward 2006 23 24 Yu 1986 399 Loewe 1986 196 198 Yu 1986 392 394 a b c Yu 1986 399 400 a b Christian 1998 202 a b c d e f g h i j Crespigny 2007 4 6 a b c Whiting 2002 195 a b c d e f Yu 1986 414 415 a b Crespigny 2007 73 Yu 1986 415 amp 420 a b c d Yu 1986 415 a b Crespigny 2007 171 a b Crespigny 2009 101 Lewis 2007 138 Chen Laurie 21 August 2017 Archaeologists discover story of China s ancient military might carved in cliff face South China Morning Post Kurbanov Sharofiddin 2021 Tadjikistan au pays des fleuves d or Paris Gand Musee Guimet Editions Snoeck p 142 ISBN 978 9461616272 a b c d e f g h Wu 2013 71 72 Yu 1986 405 Tanner 2009 116 a b Lewis 2007 137 Wintle 2002 99 Cosmo 2002 203 204 Yu 1967 14 Chang 2007b 18 a b c d e f Lewis 2000 46 47 a b c Cosmo 2002 203 a b c d Chang 2007a 151 152 a b c Chang 2007a 86 88 a b c d e f Yu 1986 419 Bunker Emma C 2002 Nomadic Art of the Eastern Eurasian Steppes The Eugene V Thaw and Other Notable New York Collections Metropolitan Museum of Art p 100 item 67 Bunker Emma C 2002 Nomadic Art of the Eastern Eurasian Steppes The Eugene V Thaw and Other Notable New York Collections Metropolitan Museum of Art p 29 Yu 1994 127 a b c d e f Millward 2006 20 Lewis 2007 21 a b c d e Yu 1986 394 a b c d e f g h i Yu 1986 395 Chang 2007a 140 141 a b c d e f Yu 1986 398 a b Christian 1998 201 Bielenstein 1986 236 Yu 1986 398 399 a b Yu 1986 400 Yu 1986 400 401 Yu 1986 401 Yu 1986 403 404 Chang 2007a 147 a b c d e Lewis 2000 46 48 a b c d Yu 1986 424 Yu 1986 424 425 a b Yu 1986 436 437 Lewis 2007 149 a b Yu 1986 437 Yu 1986 437 438 a b Yu 1986 438 a b Yu 1986 438 439 Lewis 2007 150 Yu 1986 407 Lewis 2007 140 a b Yu 1986 407 408 a b Yu 1986 408 Yu 1986 408 409 Yu 1986 409 a b c d e f Yu 1986 409 410 Yu 1986 409 amp 415 a b c d e f Yu 1986 410 411 a b Lewis 2007 145 a b Yu 1986 411 Bowman 2000 12 Millward 2006 22 Chang 2007a 229 a b c Lewis 2007 25 Yu 1986 413 a b c d Yu 1986 414 Bibliography editBarfield Thomas J 1981 The Hsiung nu Imperial Confederacy Organization and Foreign Policy The Journal of Asian Studies 41 1 45 61 doi 10 2307 2055601 JSTOR 2055601 S2CID 145078285 Barfield Thomas J 2001 The Shadow Empires Imperial State Formation Along the Chinese Nomad Frontier Empires Perspectives from Archaeology and History New York Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 77020 0 Baumer Christoph 2003 Southern Silk Road In the Footsteps of Sir Aurel Stein and Sven Hedin 2nd ed Orchid Press ISBN 978 974 8304 38 0 Beckwith Christopher I 2009 Empires of the Silk Road A History of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the Present Princeton Princeton University Press ISBN 9780691150345 Bielenstein Hans 1986 Wang Mang the Restoration of the Han Dynasty and Later Han The Cambridge History of China Volume 1 The Ch in and Han Empires 221 B C A D 220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 24327 0 Boulnois Luce 2004 Silk Road Monks Warriors amp Merchants on the Silk Road Translated ed Hong Kong Odyssey ISBN 978 962 217 720 8 Bowman John S 2000 Columbia Chronologies of Asian History and Culture New York Columbia University Press ISBN 978 0 231 11004 4 Chang Chun shu 1966 Military Aspects of Han Wu ti s Northern and Northwestern Campaigns Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 26 148 173 doi 10 2307 2718463 JSTOR 2718463 Chang Chun shu 2007a The Rise of the Chinese Empire Volume 1 Nation State and Imperialism in Early China ca 1600 B C A D 8 Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press ISBN 978 0 472 11533 4 Chang Chun shu 2007b The Rise of the Chinese Empire Volume 2 Frontier Immigration amp Empire in Han China 130 B C A D 157 Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press ISBN 978 0 472 11534 1 Cheng Dalin 2005 The Great Wall of China Borders and Border Politics in a Globalizing World Lanham SR Books ISBN 0 8420 5103 1 Christian David 1998 A History of Russia Central Asia and Mongolia Oxford Blackwell Publishers ISBN 978 0 631 20814 3 Cosmo Nicola Di 1999 The Northern Frontier in Pre Imperial China The Cambridge History of Ancient China Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 47030 7 Cosmo Nicola Di 2002 Ancient China and its Enemies The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 77064 5 Crespigny Rafe de 2007 A Biographical Dictionary of Later Han to the Three Kingdoms 23 220 AD Leiden Brill Publishers ISBN 978 90 04 15605 0 Crespigny Rafe de 2009 The Western Han Army The Military Culture of Later Han Cambridge Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 03109 8 Deng Yinke 2007 History of China Translated ed Beijing China Intercontinental Press ISBN 978 7 5085 1098 9 Gernet Jacques 1996 A History of Chinese Civilization 2nd ed Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 49781 7 Golden Peter B 2011 Central Asia in World History Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 515947 9 Graff David A 2002 Medieval Chinese Warfare 300 900 London New York City Routledge ISBN 0 415 23955 9 Grousset Rene 2002 The Empire of the Steppes A History of Central Asia 8th print ed New Brunswick Rutgers University Press ISBN 978 0 8135 1304 1 Guo Xuezhi 2002 The Ideal Chinese Political Leader A Historical and Cultural Perspective Westport Praeger Publishers ISBN 978 0 275 97259 2 Haar Barend J ter 2009 Het Hemels Mandaat De Geschiedenis van het Chinese Keizerrijk in Dutch Amsterdam Amsterdam University Press ISBN 978 90 8964 120 5 Higham Charles F W 2004 Encyclopedia of Ancient Asian Civilizations New York Facts On File ISBN 978 0 8160 4640 9 Hulsewe Anthony Francois Paulus 1979 China in Central Asia The Early Stage 125 B C A D 23 Leiden Brill ISBN 978 90 04 05884 2 Lewis Mark Edward 2000 The Han Abolition of Universal Military Service Warfare in Chinese History Leiden Brill Publishers ISBN 978 90 04 11774 7 Lewis Mark Edward 2007 The Early Chinese Empires Qin and Han Cambridge Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 02477 9 Loewe Michael 1986 The Former Han Dynasty The Cambridge History of China Volume 1 The Ch in and Han Empires 221 B C A D 220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 24327 0 Loewe Michael 2006 The Government of the Qin and Han Empires 221 BCE 220 CE Indianapolis Hackett Publishing Company ISBN 978 0 87220 818 6 Loewe Michael 2009 The Western Han Army Military Culture in Imperial China Cambridge Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 03109 8 Lovell Julia 2006 The Great Wall China Against the World 1000 BC AD 2000 New York Grove Press ISBN 978 0 8021 4297 9 Millward James A 1998 Beyond the pass Economy Ethnicity and Empire in Qing Central Asia 1759 1864 Stanford Stanford University Press ISBN 978 0 8047 2933 8 Millward James 2006 Eurasian Crossroads A History of Xinjiang New York Columbia University Press ISBN 978 0 231 13924 3 Morton William Scott Lewis Charlton M 2005 China Its History and Culture 4th ed New York McGraw Hill ISBN 0 07 141279 4 Psarras Sophia Karin 2004 Han and Xiongnu A Reexamination of Cultural and Political Relations II Monumenta Serica 52 37 93 doi 10 1080 02549948 2004 11731409 ISSN 0254 9948 JSTOR 40727309 S2CID 193415523 Sima Qian Watson Burton translator 1993 Records of the Grand Historian Han Dynasty II Revised ed Hong Kong Columbia University Press ISBN 978 0231081672 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a author2 has generic name help Spakowski Nicola 1999 Helden Monumente Traditionen Nationale Identitat und historisches Bewusstsein in der VR China in German Hamburg Lit ISBN 978 3 8258 4117 1 Tanner Harold Miles 2009 China A History Indianapolis Hackett ISBN 978 0 87220 915 2 Torday Laszlo 1997 Mounted Archers The Beginning of Central Asian History Edinburgh Durham Academic Press ISBN 1 900838 03 6 Tucker Spencer C et al 2010 A Global Chronology of Conflict From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East Santa Barbara ABC CLIO ISBN 978 1 85109 667 1 Whiting Marvin C 2002 Imperial Chinese Military History 8000BC 1912AD Lincoln iUniverse ISBN 978 0 595 22134 9 Wintle Justin 2002 The Rough Guide History of China London Rough Guides ISBN 978 1 85828 764 5 Wu Shu hui 2013 Debates and Decision Making The Battle of the Altai Mountains Jinweishan 金微山 in AD 91 Debating War in Chinese History Leiden Brill ISBN 978 90 04 22372 1 Yamashita Michael Lindesay William 2007 The Great Wall From Beginning to End New York Sterling Publishing ISBN 978 1 4027 3160 0 Yu Ying shih 1967 Trade and Expansion in Han China Study in the Structure of Sino barbarian Economic Relations Berkeley University of California Press ISBN 9780520013742 Yu Ying shih 1986 Han Foreign Relations The Cambridge History of China Volume 1 The Ch in and Han Empires 221 B C A D 220 Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 24327 0 Yu Ying shih 1994 The Hsiung nu The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 24304 9 Yu Ying shih 2002 Nomads and Han China Expanding Empires Cultural Interaction and Exchange in World Societies from Ancient to Early Modern Times Wilmington Scholarly Resources ISBN 978 0 8420 2731 1 Zadneprovskiy Y A 1999 The Nomads of Northern Central Asia After the Invasion of Alexander History of Civilizations of Central Asia Volume 2 1st Indian ed Delhi Motilal Banarsidass Publishing ISBN 81 208 1408 8 Further reading editYap Joseph P 2019 The Western Regions Xiongnu and Han from the Shiji Hanshu and Hou Hanshu ISBN 978 1792829154 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Han Xiongnu War amp oldid 1203872014, 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