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Józef Piłsudski

May 04, 2023

This article is about the Polish chief of state. For other uses, see Pilsudski (disambiguation).

Józef Klemens Piłsudski[a] (Polish: [ˈjuzɛf ˈklɛmɛns piwˈsutskʲi] (listen); 5 December 1867 – 12 May 1935) was a Polish statesman who served as the Chief of State (1918–1922) and First Marshal of Poland (from 1920). In the aftermath of World War I, he became an increasingly dominant figure in Polish politics and exerted significant influence on shaping the country's foreign policy. Piłsudski is viewed as a father of the Second Polish Republic, which was re-established in 1918, 123 years after the final Partition of Poland in 1795, and was considered de facto leader (1926–35) of the Second Polish Republic as the Minister of Military Affairs.

Marshal
Józef Piłsudski
Piłsudski c. 1920s
Chief of State
In office
22 November 1918 – 14 December 1922
Prime Minister
List
Preceded byRegency Council
Succeeded byGabriel Narutowicz (as President)
Prime Minister of Poland
In office
2 October 1926 – 27 June 1928
PresidentIgnacy Mościcki
DeputyKazimierz Bartel
Preceded byKazimierz Bartel
Succeeded byKazimierz Bartel
Personal details
Born
Józef Klemens Piłsudski

(1867-12-05)5 December 1867
Zułów (Lithuanian: Zalavas), Vilna Governorate, Russian Empire (now Lithuania)
Died12 May 1935(1935-05-12) (aged 67)
Warsaw, Poland
Political partyNone (formerly PPS)
Spouse(s)
​
​
(m. 1899, died 1921)​

​
​
(m. 1921)​
ChildrenWanda, Jadwiga
Signature
Military service
AllegianceAustria-Hungary
Second Polish Republic
Branch/servicePolish Legions
Polish Army
Years of service1914–1923
1926–1935
Rank Marshal of Poland
Battles/warsWorld War I
Polish–Ukrainian War
Polish–Lithuanian War
Polish–Soviet War

Seeing himself as a descendant of the culture and traditions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Piłsudski believed in a multi-ethnic Poland—"a home of nations" including indigenous ethnic and religious minorities. Early in his political career, Piłsudski became a leader of the Polish Socialist Party. Believing Poland's independence would be won militarily, he formed the Polish Legions. In 1914, he predicted a new major war would defeat the Russian Empire and the Central Powers. After World War I began in 1914, Piłsudski's Legions fought alongside Austria-Hungary against Russia. In 1917, with Russia faring poorly in the war, he withdrew his support for the Central Powers, and was imprisoned in Magdeburg by the Germans.

Piłsudski was Poland's Chief of State from November 1918, when Poland regained its independence, until 1922. From 1919–21 he commanded Polish forces in six wars that re-defined the country's borders. On the verge of defeat in the Polish–Soviet War in August 1920, his forces repelled the invading Soviet Russians at the Battle of Warsaw. In 1923, with a government dominated by his opponents, in particular the National Democrats, Piłsudski retired from active politics. Three years later he returned to power in the May Coup and became the strongman of the Sanacja regime. He focused on military and foreign affairs until his death in 1935, developing a cult of personality that has survived into the 21st century.

Although some aspects of Piłsudski's administration, such as imprisoning his political opponents at Bereza Kartuska, are controversial, he remains one of the most influential figures in Polish twentieth-century history and is widely regarded as a founder of modern Poland.

Early life

Birth, family, and education

 
Piłsudski as a schoolboy

Piłsudski was born 5 December 1867 to the noble Piłsudski family at their manor near the village of Zułów (Zalavas, now in Lithuania).[1] At his birth, the village was part of the Russian Empire and had been so since 1795. Before that, it was in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, an integral part of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth from 1569 to 1795. After World War I, the village fell under Polish administration and was part of Poland when Piłsudski became Prime Minister. During World War II, the village became part of the USSR. The estate was part of the dowry brought by his mother, Maria, a member of the wealthy Billewicz family.[2][3] The Piłsudski family, although pauperized,[4] cherished Polish patriotic traditions,[5][6] and are characterized either as Polish[7][8] or as Polonized-Lithuanian.[4][9][b] Józef was the second son born to the family.[10]

Józef was not an especially diligent student when he attended the Russian Gymnasium in Vilnius.[11] Along with his brothers Bronisław, Adam and Jan, Józef was introduced by his mother Maria to Polish history and literature, which were suppressed by the Imperial authorities.[12] His father, also named Józef, fought in the January 1863 Uprising against Russian rule.[5] The family resented the government's Russification policies. Young Józef profoundly disliked having to attend Russian Orthodox Church service[12] and left school with an aversion for the Russian Tsar, its empire, and its culture.[4]

 
Piłsudski in 1899

In 1885 Piłsudski started medical studies at Kharkov University where he became involved with Narodnaya Volya, part of the Russian Narodniki revolutionary movement.[13] In 1886, he was suspended for participating in student demonstrations.[5] He was rejected by the University of Dorpat, whose authorities had been informed of his political affiliation.[5] On 22 March 1887, he was arrested by Tsarist authorities on a charge of plotting with Vilnius socialists to assassinate Tsar Alexander III; Piłsudski's main connection to the plot was the involvement of his brother Bronisław.[14][15] Józef was sentenced to five years' exile in Siberia, first at Kirensk on the Lena River, then at Tunka.[5][15]

Exile to Siberia

While being transported in a prisoners' convoy to Siberia, Piłsudski was held for several weeks at a prison in Irkutsk.[16] During his stay, another inmate insulted a guard and refused to apologize; Piłsudski and other political prisoners were beaten by the guards for their defiance and Piłsudski lost two teeth. He took part in a subsequent hunger strike until the authorities reinstated political prisoners' privileges that had been suspended after the incident.[17] For his involvement, he was sentenced in 1888 to six months' imprisonment. He had to spend the first night of his incarceration in 40-degree-below-zero Siberian cold; this led to an illness that nearly killed him and health problems that would plague him throughout life.[18]

During his exile, Piłsudski met many Sybiraks, groups of people who have resettled to Siberia.[19] He was allowed to work in an occupation of his choosing and tutored local children in mathematics and foreign languages[4] (he knew French, German and Lithuanian in addition to Russian and his native Polish; he would later learn English).[20] Local officials decided that, as a Polish noble, he was not entitled to the 10-ruble pension received by others.[21]

Polish Socialist Party

Early activism and marriages

In 1892, Piłsudski returned from exile and settled in Adomavas Manor near Teneniai. In 1893, he joined the Polish Socialist Party (PPS)[5], and helped organize their Lithuanian branch.[22] Initially, he sided with the Socialists' more radical wing, but despite the socialist movement's ostensible internationalism, he remained a Polish nationalist.[23] In 1894, as its chief editor, he published an underground socialist newspaper called Robotnik (The Worker); he would also be one of its chief writers and a typesetter.[5][13][24][25] In 1895, he became a PPS leader, promoting the position that doctrinal issues were of minor importance and socialist ideology should be merged with nationalist ideology because this combination offered the greatest chance of restoring Polish independence.[13]

On 15 July 1899, while an underground organizer, Piłsudski married a fellow socialist organizer named Maria Juszkiewiczowa (née Koplewska).[26][27][28] According to his biographer, Wacław Jędrzejewicz, the marriage was less romantic than pragmatic in nature. The printing press of "Robotnik" was in their apartment first in Vilnius, then in Łódź. A pretext of regular family life made them less subject to suspicion. Russian law also protected a wife from prosecution for the illegal activities of her husband.[29] The marriage deteriorated when, several years later, Piłsudski began an affair with a younger socialist,[23] Aleksandra Szczerbińska. Maria died in 1921, and in October, Piłsudski married Aleksandra. By then, the couple had two daughters, Wanda and Jadwiga.[30]

 
"Lingwood", Leytonstone, where Piłsudski stayed in 1900

In February 1900 Piłsudski was imprisoned at the Warsaw Citadel when Russian authorities found Robotnik's underground printing press in Łódź. He feigned mental illness in May 1901 and escaped from a mental hospital at Saint Petersburg with the help of a Polish physician, Władysław Mazurkiewicz, and others. He fled to Galicia, then part of Austria-Hungary, and thence to Leytonstone in London, staying with Leon Wasilewski and his family.[5]

Creation of an armed resistance

At the beginning of the 1900s, almost all parties in Russian Poland and Lithuania took a conciliatory position toward the Russian Empire and aimed at negotiating within it a limited autonomy for Poland. Piłsudski's PPS was the only political force prepared to fight the Empire for Polish independence and to resort to violence to achieve that goal.[4]

On the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in the summer of 1904, Piłsudski traveled to Tokyo, Japan, where he tried unsuccessfully to obtain that country's assistance for an uprising in Poland. He offered to supply Japan with intelligence to support its war with Russia, and proposed the creation of a Polish Legion from Poles,[31] conscripted into the Russian Army, who had been captured by Japan. He also suggested a "Promethean" project directed at breaking up the Russian Empire, a goal that he later continued to pursue.[32] Meeting with Yamagata Aritomo, he suggested that starting a guerrilla war in Poland would distract Russia and asked for Japan to supply him with weapons. Although the Japanese diplomat Hayashi Tadasu supported the plan, the Japanese government, including Yamagata, was more skeptical.[33] Piłsudski's arch-rival, Roman Dmowski, travelled to Japan and argued against Piłsudski's plan, discouraging the Japanese government from supporting a Polish revolution because he thought it was doomed to fail.[31][34] The Japanese offered Piłsudski much less than he hoped; he received Japan's help in purchasing weapons and ammunition for the PPS and their combat organisation, and the Japanese declined the Legion proposal.[5][31]

In the fall of 1904, Piłsudski formed a paramilitary unit (the Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party, or bojówki) aiming to create an armed resistance movement against the Russian authorities.[34] The PPS organized demonstrations, mainly in Warsaw; on 28 October 1904, Russian Cossack cavalry attacked a demonstration, and in reprisal, during a demonstration on 13 November, Piłsudski's paramilitary opened fire on Russian police and military.[34][35] Initially concentrating their attention on spies and informers, in March 1905 the paramilitary began using bombs to assassinate selected Russian police officers.[36]

Russian Revolution

During the Russian Revolution of 1905, Piłsudski played a leading role in events in Congress Poland. In early 1905 he ordered the PPS to launch a general strike there; it involved some 400,000 workers and lasted two months until it was broken by the Russian authorities.[34] In June 1905, Piłsudski sent paramilitary aid to an uprising in Łódź, later called June Days. In Łódź, armed clashes broke out between Piłsudski's paramilitaries and gunmen loyal to Dmowski and his National Democrats.[34] On 22 December 1905, Piłsudski called for all Polish workers to rise up; the call went largely unheeded.[34]

Piłsudski instructed the PPS to boycott the elections to the First Duma.[34] The decision, and his resolve to try to win Polish independence through revolution, caused tensions within the PPS, and in November 1906, the party fractured over Piłsudski's leadership.[37] His faction came to be called the "Old Faction" or "Revolutionary Faction" ("Starzy" or "Frakcja Rewolucyjna"), while their opponents were known as the "Young Faction", "Moderate Faction" or "Left Wing" ("Młodzi", "Frakcja Umiarkowana", "Lewica"). The "Young" sympathized with the Social Democrats of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, and believed priority should be given to co-operation with Russian revolutionaries in toppling the tsarist regime and creating a socialist utopia to facilitate negotiations for independence.[13] Piłsudski and his supporters in the Revolutionary Faction continued to plot a revolution against Tsarist Russia to secure Polish independence.[5] By 1909, his faction was the majority in the PPS, and Piłsudski remained an important PPS leader until the outbreak of the First World War.[38]

Preparation for WWI

Piłsudski anticipated a coming European war[39] with the need to organize the leadership of a future Polish Army. He wanted to secure Poland's independence from the three empires that partitioned Poland out of political existence in the late 18th century. In 1906 Piłsudski, with the connivance of the Austrian authorities, founded a military school in Kraków for the training of paramilitary units.[37] In 1906 alone, the 800-strong paramilitaries, operating in five-man teams in Congress Poland, killed 336 Russian officials; in subsequent years, the number of their casualties declined, and the paramilitaries' numbers increased to some 2,000 in 1908.[37][40] The paramilitaries also held up Russian currency transports that were leaving Polish territories. On the night of 26/27 September 1908, they robbed a Russian mail train that was carrying tax revenues from Warsaw to Saint Petersburg.[37] Piłsudski, who took part in this Bezdany raid near Vilnius, used the obtained funds to finance his secret military organization.[41] The funds totaled 200,812 rubles was a fortune for the time and equaled the paramilitaries' entire takes of the two preceding years.[40]

 
Józef Piłsudski with Supreme Command of Polish Military Organisation in 1917

In 1908, Piłsudski transformed his paramilitary units into an "Association for Active Struggle" (Związek Walki Czynnej, or ZWC), headed by three of his associates, Władysław Sikorski, Marian Kukiel and Kazimierz Sosnkowski.[37] The ZWC's main purpose was to train officers and noncommissioned officers for a future Polish Army.[13] In 1910, two legal paramilitary organizations were created in the Austrian zone of Poland, one in Lwów (now Lviv, Ukraine), and one in Kraków, to conduct training in military science. With the permission of the Austrian officials, Piłsudski founded a series of "sporting clubs", then the Riflemen's Association, for cover to train a Polish military force. In 1912, Piłsudski (using the pseudonym "Mieczysław") became commander-in-chief of a Riflemen's Association (Związek Strzelecki). By 1914, they increased to 12,000 men.[5][37] In 1914, while giving a lecture in Paris, Piłsudski declared, "Only the sword now carries any weight in the balance for the destiny of a nation", arguing that Polish independence can only be achieved through military struggle against the partitioning powers.[37][42]

World War I

Main article: History of Poland during World War I
 
Piłsudski and his staff in Kielce, in front of the Gubernator' Palace, 12 August 1914.

At a meeting in Paris in 1914, Piłsudski presciently declared that for Poland to regain independence in the impending war, Russia must be beaten by the Central Powers (the Austro-Hungarian and German Empires), and the latter powers must in their turn be beaten by France, Britain and the United States.[39] At the outbreak of the war on 3 August in Kraków, Piłsudski formed a small cadre military unit called the First Cadre Company from members of the Riflemen's Association and Polish Rifle Squads.[43] That same day, a cavalry unit under Władysław Belina-Prażmowski were sent to reconnoitre across the Russian border before the official declaration of war between Austria-Hungary and Russia on 6 August.[44]

Piłsudski's strategy was to send his forces north across the border into Russian Poland into an area the Russian Army evacuated in the hope of breaking through to Warsaw and sparking a nation-wide revolution.[13][45] Using his limited forces in those early days, he backed his orders with the sanction of a fictitious "National Government in Warsaw",[46] and he bent and stretched Austrian orders to the utmost, taking initiatives, moving forward, and establishing Polish institutions in liberated towns while the Austrians saw his forces as good only for scouting or for supporting main Austrian formations.[47] On 12 August 1914, Piłsudski's forces took the town of Kielce, of Kielce Governorate, but Piłsudski found the residents less supportive than he had expected.[48]

On 27 August Piłsudski established the Polish Legions, formed within the Austro-Hungarian Army,[49] and took personal command of their First Brigade,[5] which he would lead into several victorious battles.[13] He also secretly informed the British government in the fall of 1914 that his Legions would never fight against France or Britain, only Russia.[45] Piłsudski decreed that Legions' personnel were to be addressed by the French Revolution-inspired "Citizen" (Obywatel), and he was referred to as "the Commandant" ("Komendant").[50] Piłsudski enjoyed extreme respect and loyalty from his men, which would remain for years to come.[50] The Polish Legions fought against Russia, at the side of the Central Powers, until 1917.[51] In August 1914, Piłsudski set up the Polish Military Organisation (Polska Organizacja Wojskowa), which served as a precursor Polish intelligence agency and was designed to perform espionage and sabotage missions.[13][45][52]

 
Piłsudski. Painting by Jacek Malczewski, 1916

In mid-1916, after the Battle of Kostiuchnówka, in which the Polish Legions delayed a Russian offensive at a cost of over 2,000 casualties,[53] Piłsudski demanded that the Central Powers issue a guarantee of independence for Poland. He supported that demand with his own proffered resignation and that of many of the Legions' officers.[54] On 5 November 1916 the Central Powers proclaimed the independence of Poland, hoping to increase the number of Polish troops that could be sent to the Eastern Front against Russia, thereby relieving German forces to bolster the Western Front.[41][55]

Piłsudski agreed to serve in the Regency Kingdom of Poland, created by the Central Powers, and acted as minister of war in the newly formed Polish Regency government; as such, he was responsible for the Polnische Wehrmacht.[50] After the Russian Revolution in early 1917, and in view of the worsening situation of the Central Powers, Piłsudski took an increasingly uncompromising stance by insisting that his men no longer be treated as "German colonial troops" and be only used to fight Russia. Anticipating the Central Powers' defeat in the war, he did not wish to be allied with the losing side.[56][57] In the aftermath of a July 1917 "Oath Crisis" when Piłsudski forbade Polish soldiers to swear a loyalty oath to the Central Powers, he was arrested and imprisoned at Magdeburg. The Polish units were disbanded and the men were incorporated into the Austro-Hungarian Army[5][45] while the Polish Military Organization began attacking German targets.[13] Piłsudski's arrest greatly enhanced his reputation among Poles, many of whom began to see him as the leader who was willing to take on all the partitioning powers.[13]

On 8 November 1918, three days before the Armistice, Piłsudski and his colleague, Colonel Kazimierz Sosnkowski, were released by the Germans from Magdeburg and soon placed on a train bound for Polish capital of Warsaw, as the collapsing Germans hoped that Piłsudski would create a force that was friendly to them.[45]

Rebuilding Poland

Head of state

 
Ulica Mokotowska 50, Warsaw, where Piłsudski stayed 13–29 November 1918, after his release from Magdeburg
 
Piłsudski improvised armored car, 1919, named after Piłsudski

On 11 November 1918, Piłsudski was appointed Commander in Chief of Polish forces by the Regency Council and was entrusted with creating a national government for the newly independent country. Later that day, which would become Poland's Independence Day, he proclaimed an independent Polish state.[45] That week, Piłsudski negotiated the evacuation of the German garrison from Warsaw and of other German troops from Ober Ost. Over 55,000 Germans peacefully departed Poland, leaving their weapons to the Poles. In the coming months, over 400,000 in total departed over Polish territories.[45][58]

On 14 November 1918, Piłsudski was asked to supervise provisionally the running of the country. On 22 November he officially received, from the new government of Jędrzej Moraczewski, the title of Provisional Chief of State (Tymczasowy Naczelnik Państwa) of renascent Poland.[5] Various Polish military organizations and provisional governments (the Regency Council in Warsaw; Ignacy Daszyński's government in Lublin; and the Polish Liquidation Committee in Kraków) supported Piłsudski. He established a coalition government that was predominantly socialist and introduced many reforms long proclaimed as necessary by the Polish Socialist Party, such as the eight-hour day, free school education and women's suffrage, to avoid major unrest. As head of state, Piłsudski believed he must remain separated from partisan politics.[13][45]

The day after his arrival in Warsaw, he met with old colleagues from his time working with the underground resistance, who addressed him socialist-style as "Comrade" (Towarzysz) and asked for his support for their revolutionary policies. He refused it and supposedly answered: "Comrades, I took the red tram of socialism to the stop called Independence, and that's where I got off. You may keep on to the final stop if you wish, but from now on let's address each other as 'Mister' [rather than continue using the socialist term of address, 'Comrade']!"[5] However, the authenticity of this quote is disputed.[59][60] Piłsudski declined to support any party and did not form any political organization of his own; instead, he advocated creating a coalition government.[13][61]

First policies

Piłsudski set about organizing a Polish army out of Polish veterans of the German, Russian, and Austrian armies. Much of former Russian Poland had been destroyed in the war, and systematic looting by the Germans had reduced the region's wealth by at least 10%.[62] A British diplomat who visited Warsaw in January 1919 reported: "I have nowhere seen anything like the evidence of extreme poverty and wretchedness that meet one's eye at almost every turn."[62] In addition, the country had to unify the disparate systems of law, economics, and administration in the former German, Austrian, and Russian sectors of Poland. There were nine legal systems, five currencies, and 66 types of rail systems (with 165 models of locomotives), each needing to be consolidated.[62]

 
Statue of Piłsudski before Warsaw's Belweder Palace, Piłsudski's official residence during his years in power

Biographer Wacław Jędrzejewicz described Piłsudski as very deliberate in his decision-making: Piłsudski collected all available pertinent information, then took his time weighing it before arriving at a final decision. He held long working hours, and maintained a simple lifestyle, eating plain meals alone at an inexpensive restaurant.[62] Though he was popular with much of the Polish public, his reputation as a loner (the result of many years' underground work) and as a man who distrusted almost everyone led to strained relations with other Polish politicians.[23]

Piłsudski and the first Polish government were distrusted in the West because he had co-operated with the Central Powers from 1914 to 1917 and because the governments of Daszyński and Moraczewski were primarily socialist.[45] It was not until January 1919, when pianist and composer Ignacy Jan Paderewski became Prime Minister of Poland and foreign minister of a new government, that Poland was recognized in the West.[45] Two separate governments were claiming to be Poland's legitimate government: Piłsudski's in Warsaw and Dmowski's in Paris.[62] To ensure that Poland had a single government and to avert civil war, Paderewski met with Dmowski and Piłsudski and persuaded them to join forces, with Piłsudski acting as Provisional Chief of State and Commander-in-Chief, while Dmowski and Paderewski represented Poland at the Paris Peace Conference.[63] Articles 87–93 of the Treaty of Versailles[64] and the Little Treaty of Versailles, signed on 28 June 1919, formally established Poland as an independent and sovereign state in the international arena.[65]

Piłsudski often clashed with Dmowski for viewing the Poles as the dominant nationality in renascent Poland, and attempting to send the Blue Army to Poland through Danzig, Germany (now Gdańsk, Poland).[66][67] On 5 January 1919, some of Dmowski's supporters (Marian Januszajtis-Żegota and Eustachy Sapieha) attempted a coup against Piłsudski but failed.[68] On 20 February 1919 Polish parliament (the Sejm) confirmed his office when it passed the Little Constitution of 1919, although Piłsudski proclaimed his intention to eventually relinquish his powers to the parliament. "Provisional" was struck from his title, and Piłsudski held the office of the Chief of State until 9 December 1922, after Gabriel Narutowicz was elected as the first president of Poland.[5]

Piłsudski's major foreign policy initiative was a proposed federation (to be called "Międzymorze" (Polish for "Between-Seas"), and known from the Latin as Intermarium, stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. In addition to Poland and Lithuania, it was to consist of Ukraine, Belarus, Latvia and Estonia,[45] somewhat in emulation of the pre-partition Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.[13][69] Piłsudski's plan met with opposition from most of the prospective member states, which refused to relinquish their independence, as well as the Allied powers, who thought it to be too bold a change to the existing balance-of-power structure.[70] According to historian George Sanford, it was around 1920 that Piłsudski came to realize the infeasibility of that version of his Intermarium project.[71] Instead of a Central and Eastern European alliance, there soon appeared a series of border conflicts, including the Polish-Ukrainian War (1918–19), the Polish-Lithuanian War (1920, culminating in Żeligowski's Mutiny), Polish-Czechoslovak border conflicts (beginning in 1918), and most notably the Polish-Soviet War (1919–21).[13] Winston Churchill commented, "The war of giants has ended, the wars of the pygmies begun."[72]

Polish–Soviet War

Main article: Polish–Soviet War
 
Piłsudski in Poznań in 1919

In the aftermath of World War I, there was unrest on all Polish borders. Regarding Poland's future frontiers, Piłsudski said: "All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente—on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany." The situation was different in the east, of which Piłsudski said that "there are doors that open and close, and it depends on who forces them open and how far."[73] In the east, Polish forces clashed with Ukrainian forces in the Polish–Ukrainian War, and Piłsudski's first orders as Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, on 12 November 1918, were to provide support for the Polish struggle in Lviv.[74]

Piłsudski was aware that the Bolsheviks would not ally with an independent Poland and predicted that war with them was inevitable.[75] He viewed their advance west as a major problem, but he also considered the Bolsheviks less dangerous for Poland than their White opponents.[76] The "White Russians", representatives of the old Russian Empire, were willing to accept limited independence for Poland, probably within borders similar to those of the former Congress Poland. They objected to Polish control of Ukraine, which was crucial for Piłsudski's Intermarium project.[77] This contrasted with the Bolsheviks, who proclaimed the partitions of Poland null and void.[78] Piłsudski speculated that Poland would be better off with the Bolsheviks, alienated from the Western powers, than with a restored Russian Empire.[76][79] By ignoring the strong pressures from the Entente Cordiale to join the attack on Lenin's struggling Bolshevik government, Piłsudski probably saved it in the summer and the fall of 1919.[80]

 
In March 1920, Piłsudski was made "First Marshal of Poland".

After the Russian westward offensive of 1918–1919, and a series of escalating battles that resulted in the Poles advancing eastward, on 21 April 1920, Marshal Piłsudski (as his rank had been since March 1920) signed a military alliance called the Treaty of Warsaw with Ukrainian leader Symon Petliura. The treaty allowed both countries to conduct joint operations against Soviet Russia. The goal of the Polish-Ukrainian Treaty was to establish an independent Ukraine and independent Poland in alliance, resembling that once existing within Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.[81] The Polish and Ukrainian Armies under Piłsudski's command launched a successful offensive against the Russian forces in Ukraine and on 7 May 1920, with remarkably little fighting, they captured Kiev.[82]

The Bolshevik leadership framed the Polish actions as an invasion, successfully generating popular support for their cause at home.[83] The Soviets then launched a counter-offensive from Belarus, and counterattacked in Ukraine, advancing into Poland[82] in a drive toward Germany to encourage the Communist Party of Germany in their struggles for power.[84] The Soviets announced their plans to invade Western Europe; Soviet Communist theoretician Nikolai Bukharin, writing in Pravda, hoped for the resources to carry the campaign beyond Warsaw "straight to London and Paris".[85] Soviet commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky's order of the day for 2 July 1920 read: "To the West! Over the corpse of White Poland lies the road to worldwide conflagration. March upon Vilnius, Minsk, Warsaw!"[86] and "onward to Berlin over the corpse of Poland!"[45]

 
Piłsudski (left) and Edward Rydz-Śmigły (right), 1920, during Polish-Soviet War

On 1 July 1920, in view of the rapidly advancing Soviet offensive, Poland's parliament, the Sejm, formed a Council for Defense of the Nation, chaired by Piłsudski, to provide expeditious decision-making as a temporary supplanting of the fractious Sejm.[87] The National Democrats contended that the string of Bolshevik victories had been Piłsudski's fault[88] and demanded that he resign; some even accused him of treason.[89] On 19 July they failed to carry a vote of no-confidence in the council and this led to Dmowski's withdrawal from the Council.[89] On 12 August, Piłsudski tendered his resignation to Prime Minister Wincenty Witos, offering to be the scapegoat if the military solution failed, but Witos refused to accept his resignation.[89] The Entente pressured Poland to surrender and enter into negotiations with the Bolsheviks. Piłsudski, however, was a staunch advocate of continuing the fight.[89]

Miracle at the Vistula

Piłsudski's plan called for Polish forces to withdraw across the Vistula River and to defend the bridgeheads at Warsaw and on the Wieprz River while some 25% of the available divisions concentrated to the south for a counteroffensive. Afterwards, two armies under General Józef Haller, facing Soviet frontal attack on Warsaw from the east, were to hold their entrenched positions while an army under General Władysław Sikorski was to strike north from outside Warsaw, cutting off Soviet forces that sought to envelop the Polish capital from that direction. The most important role of the plan was assigned to a relatively small, approximately 20,000-man, newly assembled "Reserve Army" (also known as the "Strike Group", "Grupa Uderzeniowa"), comprising the most determined, battle-hardened Polish units that were commanded by Piłsudski. Their task was to spearhead a lightning northward offensive, from the Vistula-Wieprz triangle south of Warsaw, through a weak spot that had been identified by Polish intelligence between the Soviet Western and Southwestern Fronts. That offensive would separate the Soviet Western Front from its reserves and disorganize its movements. Eventually, the gap between Sikorski's army and the "Strike Group" would close near the East Prussian border, bringing about the destruction of the encircled Soviet forces.[90][91]

Piłsudski's plan was criticized as "amateurish" by high-ranking army officers and military experts, quick to point out Piłsudski's lack of formal military education. However, the desperate situation of the Polish forces persuaded other commanders to support it. When a copy of the plan was acquired by the Soviets, Western Front commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky thought it was a ruse and disregarded it.[92] Days later, the Soviets were defeated in the Battle of Warsaw, halting the Soviet advance in one of the worst defeats for the Red Army.[82][91] Stanisław Stroński, a National Democrat Sejm deputy, coined the phrase "Miracle at the Vistula" (Cud nad Wisłą)[93] to express his disapproval of Piłsudski's "Ukrainian adventure". Stroński's phrase was adopted as praise for Piłsudski by some patriotically- or piously-minded Poles, who were unaware of Stroński's ironic intent.[91][94]

While Piłsudski had a major role in crafting the war strategy, he was aided by others, notably Tadeusz Rozwadowski.[95] Later, some supporters of Piłsudski would seek to portray him as the sole author of the Polish strategy, while his opponents would try to minimize his role.[96] On the other hand, in the West, the role of General Maxime Weygand of the French Military Mission to Poland was, for a time, exaggerated.[45][96][97]

In February 1921, Piłsudski visited Paris, where, in negotiations with French President Alexandre Millerand, he laid the foundations for the Franco-Polish Military Alliance, which would be signed later that year.[98] The Treaty of Riga, ending the Polish-Soviet War in March 1921, partitioned Belarus and Ukraine between Poland and Russia. Piłsudski called the treaty an "act of cowardice".[99] The treaty and his secret approval of General Lucjan Żeligowski's capture of Vilnius from the Lithuanians marked an end to this incarnation of Piłsudski's federalist Intermarium plan.[13] After Vilnius was occupied by the Central Lithuanian Army, Piłsudski said that he "could not help but regard them [Lithuanians] as brothers".[100] In parliament, Piłsudski once said: "I cannot not reach out to Kaunas. .. I cannot disregard those brothers who consider the day of our triumph a day of shock and mourning."[101] On 25 September 1921, when Piłsudski visited Lwów (now Lviv) for the opening of the first Eastern Trade Fair (Targi Wschodnie), he was the target of an unsuccessful assassination attempt by Stepan Fedak, acting on behalf of Ukrainian-independence organizations, including the Ukrainian Military Organization.[102]

Retirement and coup

 
At Belweder Palace, Chief of State Piłsudski (left) transferred his powers to President-elect Gabriel Narutowicz (right). Two days later, the President was assassinated.

The Polish Constitution of March 1921 severely limited the powers of the presidency intentionally, to prevent Piłsudski from waging war. This caused Piłsudski to decline to run for the office.[13] On 9 December 1922, the Polish National Assembly elected Gabriel Narutowicz of Polish People's Party "Wyzwolenie"; his election, opposed by the right-wing parties, caused public unrest.[103] On 14 December at the Belweder Palace, Piłsudski officially transferred his powers as Chief of State to his friend Narutowicz; the Naczelnik was replaced by the President.[104][41]

 
At Warsaw's Hotel Bristol, 3 July 1923, Piłsudski announced his retirement from active politics.

Two days later, on 16 December 1922, Narutowicz was shot dead by a right-wing painter and art critic, Eligiusz Niewiadomski, who had originally wanted to kill Piłsudski but had changed his target, influenced by National Democrat anti-Narutowicz propaganda.[105] For Piłsudski, that was a major shock; he started to doubt that Poland could function as a democracy[106] and supported a government led by a strong leader.[107] He became Chief of the General Staff and, together with Minister of Military Affairs Władysław Sikorski, quelled the unrest by instituting a state of emergency.[108]

Stanisław Wojciechowski of Polish People's Party "Piast" (PSL Piast), another of Piłsudski's old colleagues, was elected the new president, and Wincenty Witos, also of PSL Piast, became prime minister. The new government, an alliance among the centrist PSL Piast, the right-wing Popular National Union and Christian Democrat parties, contained right-wing enemies of Piłsudski. He held them responsible for Narutowicz's death and declared that it was impossible to work with them.[109] On 30 May 1923, Piłsudski resigned as Chief of the General Staff.[110]

Piłsudski criticized General Stanisław Szeptycki's proposal that the military should be supervised by civilians as an attempt to politicize the army, and on 28 June, he resigned his last political appointment. The same day, the Sejm's left-wing deputies voted for a resolution, thanking him for his work.[110] Piłsudski went into retirement in Sulejówek, outside Warsaw, at his country manor, "Milusin", presented to him by his former soldiers.[111] There, he wrote a series of political and military memoirs, including Rok 1920 (The Year 1920).[5]

 
Piłsudski on Warsaw's Poniatowski Bridge during the May 1926 coup. At the right is General Gustaw Orlicz-Dreszer.

Meanwhile, Poland's economy was a shambles. Hyperinflation fueled public unrest, and the government was unable to find a quick solution to the mounting unemployment and economic crisis.[112] Piłsudski's allies and supporters repeatedly asked him to return to politics, and he began to create a new power base, centred on former members of the Polish Legions, the Polish Military Organization and some left-wing and intelligentsia parties. In 1925, after several governments had resigned in short order and the political scene was becoming increasingly chaotic, Piłsudski became more and more critical of the government and eventually issued statements demanding the resignation of the Witos cabinet.[5][13] When the Chjeno-Piast coalition, which Piłsudski had strongly criticized, formed a new government,[13] on 12–14 May 1926, Piłsudski returned to power in the May Coup, supported by the Polish Socialist Party, Liberation, the Peasant Party, and the Communist Party of Poland.[113] Piłsudski had hoped for a bloodless coup but the government had refused to surrender;[114] 215 soldiers and 164 civilians had been killed, and over 900 persons had been wounded.[115]

In government

On 31 May 1926, the Sejm elected Piłsudski president of the Republic, but Piłsudski refused the office due to the presidency's limited powers. Another of his old friends, Ignacy Mościcki, was elected in his stead. Mościcki then appointed Piłsudski as Minister of Military Affairs (defence minister), a post he held for the rest of his life through eleven successive governments, two of which he headed from 1926 to 1928 and for a brief period in 1930. He also served as General Inspector of the Armed Forces and Chairman of The War Council.[5]

Piłsudski had no plans for major reforms; he quickly distanced himself from the most radical of his left-wing supporters and declared that his coup was to be a "revolution without revolutionary consequences".[13] His goals were to stabilize the country, reduce the influence of political parties (which he blamed for corruption and inefficiency) and strengthen the army.[13][116] His role in the Polish government over the subsequent years has been called a dictatorship or a "quasi-dictatorship".[117]

Internal politics

 
Belweder Palace, Warsaw, Piłsudski's official residence during his years in power

Piłsudski's coup entailed sweeping limitations on parliamentary government, as his Sanation regime (1926–1939), at times employing authoritarian methods, sought to curb perceived corruption and incompetence of the parliament rule, and in Piłsudski's words, restore "moral health" to public life (hence the name of his faction, "Sanation", which could be understood as "moral purification").[118] From 1928, the Sanation authorities were represented by the Non-partisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR). Popular support and an effective propaganda apparatus allowed Piłsudski to maintain his authoritarian powers, which could not be overruled either by the president, who was appointed by Piłsudski, or by the Sejm.[5] The powers of the Sejm were curtailed by constitutional amendments that were introduced soon after the coup, on 2 August 1926.[5] From 1926 to 1930, Piłsudski relied chiefly on propaganda to weaken the influence of opposition leaders.[13]

The culmination of his dictatorial and supralegal policies came in the 1930s, with the imprisonment and trial of political opponents (the Brest trials) on the eve of the 1930 Polish legislative election and with the 1934 establishment of the Bereza Kartuska Detention Camp for political prisoners in present day Biaroza,[13] where some prisoners were brutally mistreated.[119] After the BBWR's 1930 victory, Piłsudski allowed most internal matters to be decided by his colonels while he concentrated on military and foreign affairs.[13] His treatment of political opponents and their 1930 arrest and imprisonment was internationally condemned and the events damaged Poland's reputation.[55]

 
The Marshal and his second wife, Aleksandra Piłsudska, 1928

Piłsudski became increasingly disillusioned with democracy in Poland.[120] His intemperate public utterances (he called the Sejm a "prostitute") and his sending of 90 armed officers into the Sejm building in response to an impending vote of no-confidence caused concern in contemporary and modern observers who have seen his actions as setting precedents for authoritarian responses to political challenges.[121][122][123] He sought to transform the parliamentary system into a presidential system; however, he opposed the introduction of totalitarianism.[13] The adoption of a new Polish constitution in April 1935 was tailored by Piłsudski's supporters to his specifications, providing for a strong presidency; but the April Constitution served Poland until World War II, and carried its Government in Exile until the end of the war and beyond. Piłsudski's government depended more on his charismatic authority than on rational-legal authority.[13] None of his followers could claim to be his legitimate heir, and after his death, the Sanation structure would quickly fracture, returning Poland to the pre-Piłsudski era of parliamentary political contention.[13]

 
In 1933, Piłsudski paid homage at the tomb of John III Sobieski in commemoration of the 250th anniversary of Battle of Vienna.

Piłsudski's regime began a period of national stabilization and of improvement in the situation of ethnic minorities, which formed about a third of the Second Republic's population.[124][125] Piłsudski replaced the National Democrats' "ethnic-assimilation" with a "state-assimilation" policy: citizens were judged not by their ethnicity but by their loyalty to the state.[126][127] Widely recognized for his opposition to the National Democrats' anti-Semitic policies,[128][129][130][131][132][133] he extended his policy of "state-assimilation" to Polish Jews.[126][127][134][135] The years 1926 to 1935 and Piłsudski himself were favorably viewed by many Polish Jews whose situation improved especially under Piłsudski-appointed Prime Minister Kazimierz Bartel.[136][137] Many Jews saw Piłsudski as their only hope for restraining antisemitic currents in Poland and for maintaining public order; he was seen as a guarantor of stability and a friend of the Jewish people, who voted for him and actively participated in his political bloc.[138] Piłsudski's death in 1935 brought a deterioration in the quality of life of Poland's Jews.[133]

During the 1930s, a combination of developments, from the Great Depression[126] to the vicious spiral of OUN terrorist attacks and government pacifications, caused government relations with the national minorities to deteriorate.[126][139] Unrest among national minorities was also related to foreign policy. Troubles followed repressions in the largely-Ukrainian eastern Galicia, where nearly 1,800 persons were arrested. Tension also arose between the government and Poland's German minority, particularly in Upper Silesia. The government did not yield to calls for antisemitic measures, but the Jews (8.6% of Poland's population) grew discontented for economic reasons that were connected with the Depression. By the end of Piłsudski's life, his government's relations with national minorities were increasingly problematic.[140]

In the military sphere, Piłsudski was praised for his plan at the Battle of Warsaw in 1920, but was criticized for subsequently concentrating on personnel management and neglecting modernization of military strategy and equipment.[13][141] According to his detractors, his experiences in World War I and the Polish-Soviet War led him to over-estimate the importance of cavalry, and to neglect the development of armor and air forces.[141] His supporters, on the other hand, contend that, particularly from the late 1920s, he supported the development of these military branches.[142] Modern historians concluded that the limitations on Poland's military modernization in this period was less doctrinal than financial.[143]

Foreign policy

Piłsudski sought to maintain his country's independence in the international arena. Assisted by his protégé, Foreign Minister Józef Beck, he sought support for Poland in alliances with western powers, such as France and Britain, and with friendly neighbors such as Romania and Hungary.[144] A supporter of the Franco-Polish Military Alliance and the Polish–Romanian alliance, part of the Little Entente, Piłsudski was disappointed by the policy of appeasement pursued by the French and British governments, evident in their signing of the Locarno Treaties.[145][146][147] The Locarno treaties were intended by the British government to ensure a peaceful handover the territories claimed by Germany such as the Sudetenland, the Polish Corridor, and the Free City of Danzig (modern Gdańsk, Poland) by improving Franco-German relations to such extent that France would dissolve its alliances in eastern Europe.[148] Piłsudski aimed to maintain good relations with the Soviet Union and Germany,[145][146][147] and relations with Germany and the Soviet Union during Piłsudski's tenure could, for the most part, be described as neutral.[145][149] Under Piłsudski, Poland maintained good relations with neighboring Romania, Hungary and Latvia, but were strained with Czechoslovakia, and worse with Lithuania.[150]

 
German ambassador, Hans-Adolf von Moltke, Piłsudski, Joseph Goebbels and Józef Beck, Polish Foreign minister, in Warsaw on 15 June 1934, five months after the German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact

A recurring fear of Piłsudski was that France would reach an agreement with Germany at the expense of Poland. In 1929, the French agreed to pull out of the Rhineland in 1930, five years earlier than what the Treaty of Versailles called. The same year, the French announced plans for the Maginot Line along the border with Germany, and construction of the Maginot line began in 1930. The Maginot line was a tacit French admission that Germany would be rearming beyond the limits set by the Treaty of Versailles in the near-future and that France intended to pursue a defensive strategy.[151] At the time Poland signed the alliance with France in 1921, the French were occupying the Rhineland and Polish plans for a possible war with Reich were based on the assumption of a French offensive into the north German plain from their bases in the Rhineland. The French pullout from the Rhineland and a shift to a defensive strategy as epitomized by the Magniot line completely upset the entire basis of Polish foreign and defense policy.[152]

In June 1932, just before the Lausanne Conference opened, Piłsudski heard reports that the new German chancellor Franz von Papen was about to make an offer for a Franco-German alliance to the French Premier Édouard Herriot which would be at the expense of Poland.[153] In response, Piłsudski sent the destroyer ORP Wicher into the harbour of Danzig.[153] Though the issue was ostensibly about access rights for the Polish Navy in Danzig, the real purpose of sending Wircher was as a way to warn Herriot not to disadvantage Poland in a deal with Papen.[153] The ensuring Danzig crisis sent the desired message to the French and improved the Polish Navy's access rights to Danzig.[153]

Poland signed the Soviet-Polish Non-Aggression Pact in 1932.[144] Critics of the pact state that it allowed Stalin to eliminate his socialist opponents, primarily in Ukraine. The pacts were supported by advocates of Piłsudski's Promethean programme.[154] After Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany in January 1933, Piłsudski is rumored to have proposed to France a preventive war against Germany.[155] Lack of French enthusiasm may have been a reason for Poland signing the German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact in 1934.[41][144][156][157] Little evidence has, however, been found in French or Polish diplomatic archives that such a proposal for preventive war was ever actually advanced.[158] Critics of Poland's pact with Germany accused Piłsudski of underestimating Hitler's aggressiveness,[159] and giving Germany time to re-arm.[160][161] Hitler repeatedly suggested a German-Polish alliance against the Soviet Union, but Piłsudski declined, instead seeking precious time to prepare for a potential war with either Germany or the Soviet Union. Just before his death, Piłsudski told Józef Beck that it must be Poland's policy to maintain neutral relations with Germany, keep up the Polish alliance with France and improve relations with the United Kingdom.[144] The two non-aggression pacts were intended to strengthen Poland's position in the eyes of its allies and neighbors.[5] Piłsudski was probably aware of the weakness of the pacts, stating: "Having these pacts, we are straddling two stools. This cannot last long. We have to know from which stool we will tumble first, and when that will be".[162]

Religious views

Piłsudski's religious views are a matter of debate. He was baptised Roman Catholic on 15 December 1867 in the church of Powiewiórka (then Sventsiany deanery). His godparents were Joseph and Constance Martsinkovsky Ragalskaya.[163] On 15 July 1899, at the village of Paproć Duża, near Łomża, he married Maria Juskiewicz, a divorcée. As the Catholic Church did not recognise divorces, she and Piłsudski had converted to Protestantism.[164] Pilsudski later returned to the Catholic Church to marry Aleksandra Szczerbińska. Piłsudski and Aleksandra could not get married as Piłsudski's wife Maria refused to divorce him. It was only after Maria's death in 1921 that they were married, on 25 October the same year.[165][166]

Death

 
Grave of Piłsudski's mother in Vilnius, Lithuania. The huge black tombstone is inscribed: "Matka i serce syna"
("A mother and the heart of [her] son") and bears evocative lines from a poem by Słowacki.


 
Piłsudski in 1935

By 1935, unbeknown to the public, Piłsudski had for several years been in declining health. On 12 May 1935, he died of liver cancer at Warsaw's Belweder Palace. The celebration of his life began spontaneously within half an hour of the announcement of his death.[167] It was led by military personnel – former Legionnaires, members of the Polish Military Organization, veterans of the wars of 1919–21 – and by his political collaborators from his service as Chief of State, and later, Prime Minister and Inspector-General.[168]

The Communist Party of Poland immediately attacked Piłsudski as a fascist and capitalist,[168] though fascists themselves did not see him as one of them.[169] Other opponents of the Sanation regime were more civil; socialists (such as Ignacy Daszyński and Tomasz Arciszewski) and Christian Democrats (represented by Ignacy Paderewski, Stanisław Wojciechowski and Władysław Grabski) expressed condolences. The peasant parties split in their reactions (Wincenty Witos voicing criticism of Piłsudski, but Maciej Rataj and Stanisław Thugutt being supportive), while Roman Dmowski's National Democrats expressed a toned-down criticism.[168]

 
1935 10 złotych coin of Poland depicting Piłsudski

Condolences were officially expressed by the senior-ranking clergy, including by Pope Pius XI and by August Cardinal Hlond, Primate of Poland; indeed, the Pope called himself a "personal friend" of Piłsudski. Notable appreciation for Piłsudski was expressed by Poland's ethnic and religious minorities. Eastern Orthodox, Greek Orthodox, Protestant, Jewish, and Islamic organizations expressed condolences, praising Piłsudski for his policies of religious tolerance.[168] His death was a shock to members of the Jewish minority amongst which he was respected for his lack of prejudice and vocal opposition to the Endecja.[170][171] Mainstream organizations of ethnic minorities similarly expressed their support for his policies of ethnic tolerance, though he was criticized by the Jewish Labour Bund and Ukrainian, German, and Lithuanian extremists.[168] On the international scene, Pope Pius XI held a special ceremony on 18 May in the Holy See, a commemoration was conducted at League of Nations Geneva headquarters, and dozens of messages of condolence arrived in Poland from heads of state across the world, including Germany's Adolf Hitler, the Soviet Union's Joseph Stalin, Italy's Benito Mussolini and King Victor Emmanuel III, France's Albert Lebrun and Pierre-Étienne Flandin, Austria's Wilhelm Miklas, Japan's Emperor Hirohito, and Britain's King George V.[168] In Berlin, a service for Piłsudski was ordered by Adolf Hitler. This was the only time that Hitler attended a holy mass as a leader of the Third Reich and probably one of the last times when he was in a church.[172]

 
Funeral procession, 15 May 1935 along Krakowskie Przedmieście Street in Warsaw

Funeral

State funeral for Piłsudski was held in Warsaw and Kraków between 15 and 18 May 1935, including official masses and funeral processions in both cities. A funeral train toured Poland before the remains of Piłsudski were laid to rest at Wawel.[173] A series of postcards, stamps and postmarks were also released to commemorate the event. The nation-wide ceremonies were accompanied by extensive media coverage and reflected the personality cult of Piłsudski. The final funeral procession in Krakow on May 18, with an estimated 300,000 participants and official representatives from 16 foreign states, constituted the largest public funeral in Poland's history.[174] Separate funeral ceremonies were held for the burial of his brain, which Piłsudski had willed for study to Stefan Batory University, and his heart, which was interred in his mother's grave at Vilnius's Rasos Cemetery.[5][175]

In 1937, after a two-year display at St. Leonard's Crypt in Kraków's Wawel Cathedral, Piłsudski's remains were transferred to the Cathedral's Crypt under the Silver Bells. The decision, made by his long-standing adversary Adam Sapieha, then Archbishop of Krakow, incited widespread protests that included calls for Sapieha's removal, setting off a series of clashes between the representatives of the Polish Catholic Church and the Polish government in what has come to be known as "konflikt wawelski" ("Wawel conflict"). Despite heavy and protracted criticism, Sapieha never allowed Piłsudski's coffin to be transferred back to St. Leonard's Crypt. [176][177]

Legacy

I am not going to dictate to you what you write about my life and work. I only ask that you not make me out to be a 'whiner and sentimentalist.'

— Józef Piłsudski, 1908[178]

On 13 May 1935, in accordance with Piłsudski's last wishes, Edward Rydz-Śmigły was named by Poland's president and government to be Inspector-General of the Polish Armed Forces, and on 10 November 1936, he was elevated to Marshal of Poland.[179] As the Polish government became increasingly authoritarian and conservative, the Rydz-Śmigły faction was opposed by the more moderate Ignacy Mościcki, who remained President.[180] Although Rydz-Śmigły reconciled with the President in 1938, the ruling group remained divided into the "President's Men", mostly civilians (the "Castle Group", after the President's official residence, Warsaw's Royal Castle), and the "Marshal's Men" ("Piłsudski's colonels"), professional military officers and old comrades-in-arms of Piłsudski's.[181] Some of this political division would continue in the Polish government in exile after the German invasion of Poland in 1939.[182][183]

 
Statue of Piłsudski on Warsaw's Piłsudski Square—one of many statuary tributes throughout Poland

After World War II, little of Piłsudski's political ideology influenced the policies of the Polish People's Republic, a de facto satellite of the Soviet Union.[184] For a decade after World War II, Piłsudski was either ignored or condemned by Poland's Communist government, along with the entire interwar Second Polish Republic. This began to change after de-Stalinization and the Polish October in 1956, and historiography in Poland gradually moved away from a purely negative view of Piłsudski toward a more balanced and neutral assessment.[185] After the 1991 disintegration of the Soviet Union, Piłsudski once again came to be publicly acknowledged as a Polish national hero.[186] On the sixtieth anniversary of his death on 12 May 1995, Poland's Sejm adopted a resolution: "Józef Piłsudski will remain, in our nation's memory, the founder of its independence and the victorious leader who fended off a foreign assault that threatened the whole of Europe and its civilization. Józef Piłsudski served his country well and has entered our history forever."[187] Piłsudski continues to be viewed by most Poles as a providential figure in the country's 20th-century history.[188][189]

 
Contemporary caricature of Józef Piłsudski by Jerzy Szwajcer

Several military units have been named for Piłsudski, including the 1st Legions Infantry Division and armored train No. 51 ("I Marszałek"—"the First Marshal").[190] Also named for Piłsudski have been Piłsudski's Mound, one of four-man-made mounds in Kraków;[191] the Józef Piłsudski Institute of America, a New York City research center and museum on the modern history of Poland;[192] the Józef Piłsudski University of Physical Education in Warsaw;[193] a passenger ship, MS Piłsudski; a gunboat, ORP Komendant Piłsudski; and a racehorse, Pilsudski. Many Polish cities have their own "Piłsudski Street".[194] There are statues of Piłsudski in many Polish cities; Warsaw, which has three in little more than a mile between the Belweder Palace, Piłsudski's residence, and Piłsudski Square.[194] In 2020, Piłsudski's manor house in Sulejówek opened as a museum as part of the celebrations of the one hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Warsaw.[195]

Piłsudski has been a character in numerous works of fiction, a trend already visible during his lifetime,[196] including the 1922 novel Generał Barcz (General Barcz) by Juliusz Kaden-Bandrowski.[197] Later works in which he is featured include the 2007 novel Ice (Lód) by Jacek Dukaj.[198] Poland's National Library lists over 500 publications related to Piłsudski;[199] the U.S. Library of Congress, over 300.[200] Piłsudski's life was the subject of a 2001 Polish television documentary, Marszałek Piłsudski, directed by Andrzej Trzos-Rastawiecki.[201] He was also the subject of paintings by artists such as Jacek Malczewski (1916) and Wojciech Kossak (leaning on his sword, 1928; and astride his horse, Kasztanka, 1928), as well as photos and caricatures.[202][203] He has been reported to be quite fond of the latter.[204]

Descendants

Both daughters of Marshal Piłsudski returned to Poland in 1990, after the Revolutions of 1989 and the fall of the Communist system. Jadwiga Piłsudska's daughter Joanna Jaraczewska returned to Poland in 1979. She married a Polish Solidarity activist Janusz Onyszkiewicz in a political prison in 1983. Both were very involved in the Solidarity movement between 1979 and 1989.[205]

Honours

Main article: List of honours awarded to Józef Piłsudski

Piłsudski has been awarded numerous honours, domestic and foreign.

See also

Notes

a. ^ Józef Klemens Piłsudski was commonly referred to without his middle name, as "Józef Piłsudski". A few English sources translate his first name as "Joseph", but this is not the common practice. As a young man, he belonged to underground organizations and used various pseudonyms, including "Wiktor", "Mieczysław" and "Ziuk" (the latter also being his family nickname). Later he was often affectionately called "Dziadek" ("Grandpa" or "the Old Man") and "Marszałek" ("the Marshal"). His ex-soldiers from the Legions also referred to him as "Komendant" ("the Commandant").

b. ^ Piłsudski sometimes spoke of being a Lithuanian of Polish culture.[206] For several centuries, declaring both Lithuanian and Polish identity was commonplace, but around the turn of the last century it became much rarer in the wake of arising modern nationalisms. Timothy Snyder, who calls him a "Polish-Lithuanian", notes that Piłsudski did not think in terms of 20th-century nationalisms and ethnicities; he considered himself both a Pole and a Lithuanian, and his homeland was the historic Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.[100]

References

  1. ^ Hetherington 2012, p. 92.
  2. ^ Jędrzejewicz 1990, p. 3.
  3. ^ Hetherington 2012, p. 95.
  4. ^ a b c d e Pidlutskyi 2004.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w . Poland.gov. Archived from the original on 13 February 2006. Retrieved 23 April 2006.
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  7. ^ Lerski 1996, p. 439.
  8. ^ Davies 2005, p. 40.
  9. ^ Bideleux & Jeffries 1998, p. 186.
  10. ^ Reddaway, William Fiddian (1939). Marshal Pilsudski. Routledge. p. 5.
  11. ^ Roshwald 2001, p. 36.
  12. ^ a b MacMillan 2003, p. 208.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa Chojnowski, Andrzej. . Internetowa encyklopedia PWN (in Polish). Archived from the original on 3 May 2008. Retrieved 15 January 2008.
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  15. ^ a b Urbankowski 1997, vol. 1, p. 50.
  16. ^ Landau, Rom; Dunlop, Geoffrey (1930). Pilsudski, Hero of Poland. Jarrolds. pp. 30–2.
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  18. ^ Urbankowski 1997, vol. 1, pp. 68–9.
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  25. ^ Piłsudski 1989, p. 12.
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  • Lieven, Anatol (1994). The Baltic Revolution: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Path to Independence. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-06078-2.
  • Lönnroth, Erik; Björk, Ragnar; Molin, Karl (1994). Conceptions of National History: Proceedings of Nobel Symposium 78. Berlin; New York City: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-013504-6.
  • Lukacs, John (2001). The Last European War: September 1939 – December 1941. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-08915-8.
  • MacMillan, Margaret (2003). Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World (Random House trade paperback ed.). New York: Random House Trade Paperbacks. ISBN 978-0-375-76052-5.
  • Paulsson, Gunnar S. (2003). Secret City: The Hidden Jews of Warsaw, 1940–1945. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-09546-3.
  • Payne, Stanley G. (1995). A History of Fascism, 1914–1945. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-14874-4.
  • Pidlutskyi, Oleksa (2004). "Józef Piłsudski: The Chief who Created Himself a State". Postati XX stolittia [Figures of the 20th century]. Kyiv: Triada-A. ISBN 978-966-8290-01-5. (Reprinted in Dzerkalo Tyzhnia, 5, 3–9 February 2001, available online
  • Piłsudski, Józef (1989). Urbankowski, Bohdan (ed.). Myśli, mowy i rozkazy (in Polish). Warsaw: Kwadryga. ISBN 978-83-85082-01-9.
  • Pipes, Richard (1993). Russia under the Bolshevik Regime. New York City: Knopf. ISBN 978-0-394-50242-7.
  • Plach, Eva (2006). The Clash of Moral Nations: Cultural Politics in Pilsudski's Poland, 1926–1935. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. ISBN 978-0-8214-1695-2.
  • Pobóg-Malinowski, Władysław (1990). Najnowsza historia polityczna Polski 1864–1945 (in Polish). Warsaw: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza. ISBN 978-83-03-03163-1.
  • Prizel, Ilya (1998). National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-57697-0.
  • Quester, George H. (2000). Nuclear Monopoly. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7658-0022-0.
  • Rąkowski, Grzegorz (2005). Wołyń: przewodnik krajoznawczo-historyczny po Ukrainie Zachodniej. Rewasz. ISBN 83-89188-32-5.
  • Roos, Hans (1966). A History of Modern Poland, from the Foundation of the State in the First World War to the Present Day. Translated by J.R. Foster from the German Geschichte der polnischen Nation, 1916–1960. (1st American ed.). New York: Knopf. OCLC 396836.
  • Roshwald, Aviel (2001). Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires: Central Europe, the Middle East and Russia, 1914–1923. London; New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-24229-5.
  • Roshwald, Aviel; Stites, Richard (2002). European Culture in the Great War: The Arts, Entertainment and Propaganda, 1914–1918. Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-01324-6.
  • Roszkowski, Wojciech (1992). Historia Polski 1914–1991 (in Polish). Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. ISBN 978-83-01-11014-7.
  • Rothschild, Joseph (1990). East Central Europe Between the Two World Wars. Seattle: University of Washington Press. ISBN 978-0-295-95357-1.
  • Sanford, George (2002). Democratic Government in Poland: Constitutional Politics Since 1989. New York City: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-333-77475-5.
  • Schuker, Stephen (1999). "The End of Versailles". In Gordon Martel (ed.). The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered A.J.P. Taylor and the Historians' (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. pp. 38–56. ISBN 0415163250.
  • Snyder, Timothy (2004). The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-10586-5.
  • Snyder, Timothy (2007). Sketches from a Secret Warr: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-030012599-3.
  • Stachura, Peter D. (2004). Poland, 1918–1945: An Interpretive and Documentary History of the Second Republic. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-34358-9.
  • Suleja, Włodzimierz (2004). Józef Piłsudski (in Polish). Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich. ISBN 978-83-04-04706-8.
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  • Urbankowski, Bohdan (1997). Józef Piłsudski: Marzyciel i strateg [Józef Piłsudski: Dreamer and Strategist] (in Polish). Vol. 1–2. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo ALFA. ISBN 978-83-7001-914-3.
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  • Wandycz, Piotr Stefan (1988). The Twilight of French Eastern Alliances, 1926–1936: French-Czechoslovak-Polish Relations from Locarno to the Remilitarization of the Rhineland. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691635255.
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  • Władyka, Władysław (2005). Z Drugą Rzeczpospolitą na plecach. Postać Józefa Piłsudskiego w prasie i propagandzie PRL do 1980 roku. In Jabłonowski & Kossewska 2005.
  • Zamoyski, Adam (1987). The Polish Way. London: John Murray. ISBN 978-0-531-15069-6.
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  • Żuławnik, Małgorzata; Żuławnik, Mariusz (2005). Powrót na łamy. Józef Piłsudski w prasie oficjalnej i podziemnej 1980–1989 [Return to the Newspapers: Józef Piłsudski in the Official and Underground Press, 1980–1989]. In Jabłonowski & Kossewska 2005.

Further reading

This is only a small selection. See also National Library in Warsaw lists.
  • Czubiński, Antoni, ed. (1988). Józef Piłsudski i jego legenda [Józef Piłsudski and His Legend]. Warsaw: Państowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. ISBN 978-83-01-07819-5.
  • Davies, Norman (2001) [1984]. Heart of Europe, The Past in Poland's Present. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280126-5.
  • Dziewanowski, Marian Kamil (1969). Joseph Pilsudski: A European Federalist, 1918–1922. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8179-1791-3.
  • Garlicki, Andrzej (1981). "Piłsudski, Józef Klemens". Polish Biographical Dictionary (Polski Słownik Biograficzny) vol. XXVI (in Polish). Wrocław: Polska Akademia Nauk. pp. 311–324.
  • Hauser, Przemysław (1992). Dorosz, Janina (transl.). "Józef Piłsudski's Views on the Territorial Shape of the Polish State and His Endeavours to Put them into Effect, 1918–1921". Polish Western Affairs. Poznań: Komisja Naukowa Zachodniej Agencji Prasowej (2): 235–249. ISSN 0032-3039.
  • Jędrzejewicz, Wacław (1989). Józef Piłsudski 1867–1935. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo LTW. ISBN 978-83-88736-25-4.
  • Piłsudska, Aleksandra (1941). Pilsudski: A Biography by His Wife. New York: Dodd, Mead. OCLC 65700731.
  • Piłsudski, Józef; Gillie, Darsie Rutherford (1931). Joseph Pilsudski, the Memories of a Polish Revolutionary and soldier. Faber & Faber.
  • Piłsudski, Józef (1972). Year 1920 and its Climax: Battle of Warsaw during the Polish-Soviet War, 1919–1920, with the Addition of Soviet Marshal Tukhachevski's March beyond the Vistula. New York: Józef Piłsudski Institute of America. ASIN B0006EIT3A.
  • Reddaway, William Fiddian (1939). Marshal Pilsudski. London: Routledge. OCLC 1704492.
  • Rothschild, Joseph (1967). Pilsudski's Coup d'État. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-02984-1.
  • Wandycz, Piotr S. (1970). "Polish Federalism 1919–1920 and its Historical Antecedents". East European Quarterly. Boulder, Colorado. 4 (1): 25–39. ISSN 0012-8449.
  • Wójcik, Włodzimierz (1987). Legenda Piłsudskiego w Polskiej literaturze międzywojennej (Piłsudski's Legend in Polish Interwar Literature). Warsaw: Śląsk. ISBN 978-83-216-0533-3.

External links

 
Wikiquote has quotations related to Józef Piłsudski.
 
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Józef Piłsudski.
  • A site dedicated to Józef Piłsudski and the prewar Poland (in Polish)
  • Józef Piłsudski Institute of America (in English and Polish)
  •  – Book by Józef Piłsudski (in Polish)
  •  – Recording of short speech by Piłsudski from 1924 (in Polish)
  • Newspaper clippings about Józef Piłsudski in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

May 04, 2023
józef, piłsudski, this, article, about, polish, chief, state, other, uses, pilsudski, disambiguation, józef, klemens, piłsudski, polish, ˈjuzɛf, ˈklɛmɛns, piwˈsutskʲi, listen, december, 1867, 1935, polish, statesman, served, chief, state, 1918, 1922, first, ma. This article is about the Polish chief of state For other uses see Pilsudski disambiguation Jozef Klemens Pilsudski a Polish ˈjuzɛf ˈklɛmɛns piwˈsutskʲi listen 5 December 1867 12 May 1935 was a Polish statesman who served as the Chief of State 1918 1922 and First Marshal of Poland from 1920 In the aftermath of World War I he became an increasingly dominant figure in Polish politics and exerted significant influence on shaping the country s foreign policy Pilsudski is viewed as a father of the Second Polish Republic which was re established in 1918 123 years after the final Partition of Poland in 1795 and was considered de facto leader 1926 35 of the Second Polish Republic as the Minister of Military Affairs MarshalJozef PilsudskiPilsudski c 1920sChief of StateIn office 22 November 1918 14 December 1922Prime MinisterList Jedrzej MoraczewskiIgnacy Jan PaderewskiLeopold SkulskiWladyslaw GrabskiWincenty WitosAntoni PonikowskiArtur SliwinskiJulian NowakPreceded byRegency CouncilSucceeded byGabriel Narutowicz as President Prime Minister of PolandIn office 2 October 1926 27 June 1928PresidentIgnacy MoscickiDeputyKazimierz BartelPreceded byKazimierz BartelSucceeded byKazimierz BartelPersonal detailsBornJozef Klemens Pilsudski 1867 12 05 5 December 1867Zulow Lithuanian Zalavas Vilna Governorate Russian Empire now Lithuania Died12 May 1935 1935 05 12 aged 67 Warsaw PolandPolitical partyNone formerly PPS Spouse s Maria Koplewska m 1899 died 1921 wbr Aleksandra Szczerbinska m 1921 wbr ChildrenWanda JadwigaSignatureMilitary serviceAllegianceAustria HungarySecond Polish RepublicBranch servicePolish LegionsPolish ArmyYears of service1914 19231926 1935RankMarshal of PolandBattles warsWorld War IPolish Ukrainian WarPolish Lithuanian WarPolish Soviet WarSeeing himself as a descendant of the culture and traditions of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth Pilsudski believed in a multi ethnic Poland a home of nations including indigenous ethnic and religious minorities Early in his political career Pilsudski became a leader of the Polish Socialist Party Believing Poland s independence would be won militarily he formed the Polish Legions In 1914 he predicted a new major war would defeat the Russian Empire and the Central Powers After World War I began in 1914 Pilsudski s Legions fought alongside Austria Hungary against Russia In 1917 with Russia faring poorly in the war he withdrew his support for the Central Powers and was imprisoned in Magdeburg by the Germans Pilsudski was Poland s Chief of State from November 1918 when Poland regained its independence until 1922 From 1919 21 he commanded Polish forces in six wars that re defined the country s borders On the verge of defeat in the Polish Soviet War in August 1920 his forces repelled the invading Soviet Russians at the Battle of Warsaw In 1923 with a government dominated by his opponents in particular the National Democrats Pilsudski retired from active politics Three years later he returned to power in the May Coup and became the strongman of the Sanacja regime He focused on military and foreign affairs until his death in 1935 developing a cult of personality that has survived into the 21st century Although some aspects of Pilsudski s administration such as imprisoning his political opponents at Bereza Kartuska are controversial he remains one of the most influential figures in Polish twentieth century history and is widely regarded as a founder of modern Poland Contents 1 Early life 1 1 Birth family and education 1 2 Exile to Siberia 2 Polish Socialist Party 2 1 Early activism and marriages 2 2 Creation of an armed resistance 2 3 Russian Revolution 2 4 Preparation for WWI 3 World War I 4 Rebuilding Poland 4 1 Head of state 4 2 First policies 5 Polish Soviet War 5 1 Miracle at the Vistula 6 Retirement and coup 7 In government 7 1 Internal politics 7 2 Foreign policy 8 Religious views 9 Death 9 1 Funeral 10 Legacy 11 Descendants 12 Honours 13 See also 14 Notes 15 References 16 Sources 17 Further reading 18 External linksEarly lifeBirth family and education Pilsudski as a schoolboy Pilsudski was born 5 December 1867 to the noble Pilsudski family at their manor near the village of Zulow Zalavas now in Lithuania 1 At his birth the village was part of the Russian Empire and had been so since 1795 Before that it was in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania an integral part of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth from 1569 to 1795 After World War I the village fell under Polish administration and was part of Poland when Pilsudski became Prime Minister During World War II the village became part of the USSR The estate was part of the dowry brought by his mother Maria a member of the wealthy Billewicz family 2 3 The Pilsudski family although pauperized 4 cherished Polish patriotic traditions 5 6 and are characterized either as Polish 7 8 or as Polonized Lithuanian 4 9 b Jozef was the second son born to the family 10 Jozef was not an especially diligent student when he attended the Russian Gymnasium in Vilnius 11 Along with his brothers Bronislaw Adam and Jan Jozef was introduced by his mother Maria to Polish history and literature which were suppressed by the Imperial authorities 12 His father also named Jozef fought in the January 1863 Uprising against Russian rule 5 The family resented the government s Russification policies Young Jozef profoundly disliked having to attend Russian Orthodox Church service 12 and left school with an aversion for the Russian Tsar its empire and its culture 4 Pilsudski in 1899 In 1885 Pilsudski started medical studies at Kharkov University where he became involved with Narodnaya Volya part of the Russian Narodniki revolutionary movement 13 In 1886 he was suspended for participating in student demonstrations 5 He was rejected by the University of Dorpat whose authorities had been informed of his political affiliation 5 On 22 March 1887 he was arrested by Tsarist authorities on a charge of plotting with Vilnius socialists to assassinate Tsar Alexander III Pilsudski s main connection to the plot was the involvement of his brother Bronislaw 14 15 Jozef was sentenced to five years exile in Siberia first at Kirensk on the Lena River then at Tunka 5 15 Exile to Siberia While being transported in a prisoners convoy to Siberia Pilsudski was held for several weeks at a prison in Irkutsk 16 During his stay another inmate insulted a guard and refused to apologize Pilsudski and other political prisoners were beaten by the guards for their defiance and Pilsudski lost two teeth He took part in a subsequent hunger strike until the authorities reinstated political prisoners privileges that had been suspended after the incident 17 For his involvement he was sentenced in 1888 to six months imprisonment He had to spend the first night of his incarceration in 40 degree below zero Siberian cold this led to an illness that nearly killed him and health problems that would plague him throughout life 18 During his exile Pilsudski met many Sybiraks groups of people who have resettled to Siberia 19 He was allowed to work in an occupation of his choosing and tutored local children in mathematics and foreign languages 4 he knew French German and Lithuanian in addition to Russian and his native Polish he would later learn English 20 Local officials decided that as a Polish noble he was not entitled to the 10 ruble pension received by others 21 Polish Socialist PartyEarly activism and marriages In 1892 Pilsudski returned from exile and settled in Adomavas Manor near Teneniai In 1893 he joined the Polish Socialist Party PPS 5 and helped organize their Lithuanian branch 22 Initially he sided with the Socialists more radical wing but despite the socialist movement s ostensible internationalism he remained a Polish nationalist 23 In 1894 as its chief editor he published an underground socialist newspaper called Robotnik The Worker he would also be one of its chief writers and a typesetter 5 13 24 25 In 1895 he became a PPS leader promoting the position that doctrinal issues were of minor importance and socialist ideology should be merged with nationalist ideology because this combination offered the greatest chance of restoring Polish independence 13 On 15 July 1899 while an underground organizer Pilsudski married a fellow socialist organizer named Maria Juszkiewiczowa nee Koplewska 26 27 28 According to his biographer Waclaw Jedrzejewicz the marriage was less romantic than pragmatic in nature The printing press of Robotnik was in their apartment first in Vilnius then in Lodz A pretext of regular family life made them less subject to suspicion Russian law also protected a wife from prosecution for the illegal activities of her husband 29 The marriage deteriorated when several years later Pilsudski began an affair with a younger socialist 23 Aleksandra Szczerbinska Maria died in 1921 and in October Pilsudski married Aleksandra By then the couple had two daughters Wanda and Jadwiga 30 Lingwood Leytonstone where Pilsudski stayed in 1900 In February 1900 Pilsudski was imprisoned at the Warsaw Citadel when Russian authorities found Robotnik s underground printing press in Lodz He feigned mental illness in May 1901 and escaped from a mental hospital at Saint Petersburg with the help of a Polish physician Wladyslaw Mazurkiewicz and others He fled to Galicia then part of Austria Hungary and thence to Leytonstone in London staying with Leon Wasilewski and his family 5 Creation of an armed resistance At the beginning of the 1900s almost all parties in Russian Poland and Lithuania took a conciliatory position toward the Russian Empire and aimed at negotiating within it a limited autonomy for Poland Pilsudski s PPS was the only political force prepared to fight the Empire for Polish independence and to resort to violence to achieve that goal 4 On the outbreak of the Russo Japanese War in the summer of 1904 Pilsudski traveled to Tokyo Japan where he tried unsuccessfully to obtain that country s assistance for an uprising in Poland He offered to supply Japan with intelligence to support its war with Russia and proposed the creation of a Polish Legion from Poles 31 conscripted into the Russian Army who had been captured by Japan He also suggested a Promethean project directed at breaking up the Russian Empire a goal that he later continued to pursue 32 Meeting with Yamagata Aritomo he suggested that starting a guerrilla war in Poland would distract Russia and asked for Japan to supply him with weapons Although the Japanese diplomat Hayashi Tadasu supported the plan the Japanese government including Yamagata was more skeptical 33 Pilsudski s arch rival Roman Dmowski travelled to Japan and argued against Pilsudski s plan discouraging the Japanese government from supporting a Polish revolution because he thought it was doomed to fail 31 34 The Japanese offered Pilsudski much less than he hoped he received Japan s help in purchasing weapons and ammunition for the PPS and their combat organisation and the Japanese declined the Legion proposal 5 31 In the fall of 1904 Pilsudski formed a paramilitary unit the Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party or bojowki aiming to create an armed resistance movement against the Russian authorities 34 The PPS organized demonstrations mainly in Warsaw on 28 October 1904 Russian Cossack cavalry attacked a demonstration and in reprisal during a demonstration on 13 November Pilsudski s paramilitary opened fire on Russian police and military 34 35 Initially concentrating their attention on spies and informers in March 1905 the paramilitary began using bombs to assassinate selected Russian police officers 36 Russian Revolution During the Russian Revolution of 1905 Pilsudski played a leading role in events in Congress Poland In early 1905 he ordered the PPS to launch a general strike there it involved some 400 000 workers and lasted two months until it was broken by the Russian authorities 34 In June 1905 Pilsudski sent paramilitary aid to an uprising in Lodz later called June Days In Lodz armed clashes broke out between Pilsudski s paramilitaries and gunmen loyal to Dmowski and his National Democrats 34 On 22 December 1905 Pilsudski called for all Polish workers to rise up the call went largely unheeded 34 Pilsudski instructed the PPS to boycott the elections to the First Duma 34 The decision and his resolve to try to win Polish independence through revolution caused tensions within the PPS and in November 1906 the party fractured over Pilsudski s leadership 37 His faction came to be called the Old Faction or Revolutionary Faction Starzy or Frakcja Rewolucyjna while their opponents were known as the Young Faction Moderate Faction or Left Wing Mlodzi Frakcja Umiarkowana Lewica The Young sympathized with the Social Democrats of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania and believed priority should be given to co operation with Russian revolutionaries in toppling the tsarist regime and creating a socialist utopia to facilitate negotiations for independence 13 Pilsudski and his supporters in the Revolutionary Faction continued to plot a revolution against Tsarist Russia to secure Polish independence 5 By 1909 his faction was the majority in the PPS and Pilsudski remained an important PPS leader until the outbreak of the First World War 38 Preparation for WWI Pilsudski anticipated a coming European war 39 with the need to organize the leadership of a future Polish Army He wanted to secure Poland s independence from the three empires that partitioned Poland out of political existence in the late 18th century In 1906 Pilsudski with the connivance of the Austrian authorities founded a military school in Krakow for the training of paramilitary units 37 In 1906 alone the 800 strong paramilitaries operating in five man teams in Congress Poland killed 336 Russian officials in subsequent years the number of their casualties declined and the paramilitaries numbers increased to some 2 000 in 1908 37 40 The paramilitaries also held up Russian currency transports that were leaving Polish territories On the night of 26 27 September 1908 they robbed a Russian mail train that was carrying tax revenues from Warsaw to Saint Petersburg 37 Pilsudski who took part in this Bezdany raid near Vilnius used the obtained funds to finance his secret military organization 41 The funds totaled 200 812 rubles was a fortune for the time and equaled the paramilitaries entire takes of the two preceding years 40 Jozef Pilsudski with Supreme Command of Polish Military Organisation in 1917 In 1908 Pilsudski transformed his paramilitary units into an Association for Active Struggle Zwiazek Walki Czynnej or ZWC headed by three of his associates Wladyslaw Sikorski Marian Kukiel and Kazimierz Sosnkowski 37 The ZWC s main purpose was to train officers and noncommissioned officers for a future Polish Army 13 In 1910 two legal paramilitary organizations were created in the Austrian zone of Poland one in Lwow now Lviv Ukraine and one in Krakow to conduct training in military science With the permission of the Austrian officials Pilsudski founded a series of sporting clubs then the Riflemen s Association for cover to train a Polish military force In 1912 Pilsudski using the pseudonym Mieczyslaw became commander in chief of a Riflemen s Association Zwiazek Strzelecki By 1914 they increased to 12 000 men 5 37 In 1914 while giving a lecture in Paris Pilsudski declared Only the sword now carries any weight in the balance for the destiny of a nation arguing that Polish independence can only be achieved through military struggle against the partitioning powers 37 42 World War IMain article History of Poland during World War I Pilsudski and his staff in Kielce in front of the Gubernator Palace 12 August 1914 At a meeting in Paris in 1914 Pilsudski presciently declared that for Poland to regain independence in the impending war Russia must be beaten by the Central Powers the Austro Hungarian and German Empires and the latter powers must in their turn be beaten by France Britain and the United States 39 At the outbreak of the war on 3 August in Krakow Pilsudski formed a small cadre military unit called the First Cadre Company from members of the Riflemen s Association and Polish Rifle Squads 43 That same day a cavalry unit under Wladyslaw Belina Prazmowski were sent to reconnoitre across the Russian border before the official declaration of war between Austria Hungary and Russia on 6 August 44 Pilsudski s strategy was to send his forces north across the border into Russian Poland into an area the Russian Army evacuated in the hope of breaking through to Warsaw and sparking a nation wide revolution 13 45 Using his limited forces in those early days he backed his orders with the sanction of a fictitious National Government in Warsaw 46 and he bent and stretched Austrian orders to the utmost taking initiatives moving forward and establishing Polish institutions in liberated towns while the Austrians saw his forces as good only for scouting or for supporting main Austrian formations 47 On 12 August 1914 Pilsudski s forces took the town of Kielce of Kielce Governorate but Pilsudski found the residents less supportive than he had expected 48 On 27 August Pilsudski established the Polish Legions formed within the Austro Hungarian Army 49 and took personal command of their First Brigade 5 which he would lead into several victorious battles 13 He also secretly informed the British government in the fall of 1914 that his Legions would never fight against France or Britain only Russia 45 Pilsudski decreed that Legions personnel were to be addressed by the French Revolution inspired Citizen Obywatel and he was referred to as the Commandant Komendant 50 Pilsudski enjoyed extreme respect and loyalty from his men which would remain for years to come 50 The Polish Legions fought against Russia at the side of the Central Powers until 1917 51 In August 1914 Pilsudski set up the Polish Military Organisation Polska Organizacja Wojskowa which served as a precursor Polish intelligence agency and was designed to perform espionage and sabotage missions 13 45 52 Pilsudski Painting by Jacek Malczewski 1916 In mid 1916 after the Battle of Kostiuchnowka in which the Polish Legions delayed a Russian offensive at a cost of over 2 000 casualties 53 Pilsudski demanded that the Central Powers issue a guarantee of independence for Poland He supported that demand with his own proffered resignation and that of many of the Legions officers 54 On 5 November 1916 the Central Powers proclaimed the independence of Poland hoping to increase the number of Polish troops that could be sent to the Eastern Front against Russia thereby relieving German forces to bolster the Western Front 41 55 Pilsudski agreed to serve in the Regency Kingdom of Poland created by the Central Powers and acted as minister of war in the newly formed Polish Regency government as such he was responsible for the Polnische Wehrmacht 50 After the Russian Revolution in early 1917 and in view of the worsening situation of the Central Powers Pilsudski took an increasingly uncompromising stance by insisting that his men no longer be treated as German colonial troops and be only used to fight Russia Anticipating the Central Powers defeat in the war he did not wish to be allied with the losing side 56 57 In the aftermath of a July 1917 Oath Crisis when Pilsudski forbade Polish soldiers to swear a loyalty oath to the Central Powers he was arrested and imprisoned at Magdeburg The Polish units were disbanded and the men were incorporated into the Austro Hungarian Army 5 45 while the Polish Military Organization began attacking German targets 13 Pilsudski s arrest greatly enhanced his reputation among Poles many of whom began to see him as the leader who was willing to take on all the partitioning powers 13 On 8 November 1918 three days before the Armistice Pilsudski and his colleague Colonel Kazimierz Sosnkowski were released by the Germans from Magdeburg and soon placed on a train bound for Polish capital of Warsaw as the collapsing Germans hoped that Pilsudski would create a force that was friendly to them 45 Rebuilding PolandHead of state Ulica Mokotowska 50 Warsaw where Pilsudski stayed 13 29 November 1918 after his release from Magdeburg Pilsudski improvised armored car 1919 named after Pilsudski On 11 November 1918 Pilsudski was appointed Commander in Chief of Polish forces by the Regency Council and was entrusted with creating a national government for the newly independent country Later that day which would become Poland s Independence Day he proclaimed an independent Polish state 45 That week Pilsudski negotiated the evacuation of the German garrison from Warsaw and of other German troops from Ober Ost Over 55 000 Germans peacefully departed Poland leaving their weapons to the Poles In the coming months over 400 000 in total departed over Polish territories 45 58 On 14 November 1918 Pilsudski was asked to supervise provisionally the running of the country On 22 November he officially received from the new government of Jedrzej Moraczewski the title of Provisional Chief of State Tymczasowy Naczelnik Panstwa of renascent Poland 5 Various Polish military organizations and provisional governments the Regency Council in Warsaw Ignacy Daszynski s government in Lublin and the Polish Liquidation Committee in Krakow supported Pilsudski He established a coalition government that was predominantly socialist and introduced many reforms long proclaimed as necessary by the Polish Socialist Party such as the eight hour day free school education and women s suffrage to avoid major unrest As head of state Pilsudski believed he must remain separated from partisan politics 13 45 The day after his arrival in Warsaw he met with old colleagues from his time working with the underground resistance who addressed him socialist style as Comrade Towarzysz and asked for his support for their revolutionary policies He refused it and supposedly answered Comrades I took the red tram of socialism to the stop called Independence and that s where I got off You may keep on to the final stop if you wish but from now on let s address each other as Mister rather than continue using the socialist term of address Comrade 5 However the authenticity of this quote is disputed 59 60 Pilsudski declined to support any party and did not form any political organization of his own instead he advocated creating a coalition government 13 61 First policies Pilsudski set about organizing a Polish army out of Polish veterans of the German Russian and Austrian armies Much of former Russian Poland had been destroyed in the war and systematic looting by the Germans had reduced the region s wealth by at least 10 62 A British diplomat who visited Warsaw in January 1919 reported I have nowhere seen anything like the evidence of extreme poverty and wretchedness that meet one s eye at almost every turn 62 In addition the country had to unify the disparate systems of law economics and administration in the former German Austrian and Russian sectors of Poland There were nine legal systems five currencies and 66 types of rail systems with 165 models of locomotives each needing to be consolidated 62 Statue of Pilsudski before Warsaw s Belweder Palace Pilsudski s official residence during his years in power Biographer Waclaw Jedrzejewicz described Pilsudski as very deliberate in his decision making Pilsudski collected all available pertinent information then took his time weighing it before arriving at a final decision He held long working hours and maintained a simple lifestyle eating plain meals alone at an inexpensive restaurant 62 Though he was popular with much of the Polish public his reputation as a loner the result of many years underground work and as a man who distrusted almost everyone led to strained relations with other Polish politicians 23 Pilsudski and the first Polish government were distrusted in the West because he had co operated with the Central Powers from 1914 to 1917 and because the governments of Daszynski and Moraczewski were primarily socialist 45 It was not until January 1919 when pianist and composer Ignacy Jan Paderewski became Prime Minister of Poland and foreign minister of a new government that Poland was recognized in the West 45 Two separate governments were claiming to be Poland s legitimate government Pilsudski s in Warsaw and Dmowski s in Paris 62 To ensure that Poland had a single government and to avert civil war Paderewski met with Dmowski and Pilsudski and persuaded them to join forces with Pilsudski acting as Provisional Chief of State and Commander in Chief while Dmowski and Paderewski represented Poland at the Paris Peace Conference 63 Articles 87 93 of the Treaty of Versailles 64 and the Little Treaty of Versailles signed on 28 June 1919 formally established Poland as an independent and sovereign state in the international arena 65 Pilsudski often clashed with Dmowski for viewing the Poles as the dominant nationality in renascent Poland and attempting to send the Blue Army to Poland through Danzig Germany now Gdansk Poland 66 67 On 5 January 1919 some of Dmowski s supporters Marian Januszajtis Zegota and Eustachy Sapieha attempted a coup against Pilsudski but failed 68 On 20 February 1919 Polish parliament the Sejm confirmed his office when it passed the Little Constitution of 1919 although Pilsudski proclaimed his intention to eventually relinquish his powers to the parliament Provisional was struck from his title and Pilsudski held the office of the Chief of State until 9 December 1922 after Gabriel Narutowicz was elected as the first president of Poland 5 Pilsudski s major foreign policy initiative was a proposed federation to be called Miedzymorze Polish for Between Seas and known from the Latin as Intermarium stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea In addition to Poland and Lithuania it was to consist of Ukraine Belarus Latvia and Estonia 45 somewhat in emulation of the pre partition Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth 13 69 Pilsudski s plan met with opposition from most of the prospective member states which refused to relinquish their independence as well as the Allied powers who thought it to be too bold a change to the existing balance of power structure 70 According to historian George Sanford it was around 1920 that Pilsudski came to realize the infeasibility of that version of his Intermarium project 71 Instead of a Central and Eastern European alliance there soon appeared a series of border conflicts including the Polish Ukrainian War 1918 19 the Polish Lithuanian War 1920 culminating in Zeligowski s Mutiny Polish Czechoslovak border conflicts beginning in 1918 and most notably the Polish Soviet War 1919 21 13 Winston Churchill commented The war of giants has ended the wars of the pygmies begun 72 Polish Soviet WarMain article Polish Soviet War Pilsudski in Poznan in 1919 In the aftermath of World War I there was unrest on all Polish borders Regarding Poland s future frontiers Pilsudski said All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany The situation was different in the east of which Pilsudski said that there are doors that open and close and it depends on who forces them open and how far 73 In the east Polish forces clashed with Ukrainian forces in the Polish Ukrainian War and Pilsudski s first orders as Commander in Chief of the Polish Army on 12 November 1918 were to provide support for the Polish struggle in Lviv 74 Pilsudski was aware that the Bolsheviks would not ally with an independent Poland and predicted that war with them was inevitable 75 He viewed their advance west as a major problem but he also considered the Bolsheviks less dangerous for Poland than their White opponents 76 The White Russians representatives of the old Russian Empire were willing to accept limited independence for Poland probably within borders similar to those of the former Congress Poland They objected to Polish control of Ukraine which was crucial for Pilsudski s Intermarium project 77 This contrasted with the Bolsheviks who proclaimed the partitions of Poland null and void 78 Pilsudski speculated that Poland would be better off with the Bolsheviks alienated from the Western powers than with a restored Russian Empire 76 79 By ignoring the strong pressures from the Entente Cordiale to join the attack on Lenin s struggling Bolshevik government Pilsudski probably saved it in the summer and the fall of 1919 80 In March 1920 Pilsudski was made First Marshal of Poland After the Russian westward offensive of 1918 1919 and a series of escalating battles that resulted in the Poles advancing eastward on 21 April 1920 Marshal Pilsudski as his rank had been since March 1920 signed a military alliance called the Treaty of Warsaw with Ukrainian leader Symon Petliura The treaty allowed both countries to conduct joint operations against Soviet Russia The goal of the Polish Ukrainian Treaty was to establish an independent Ukraine and independent Poland in alliance resembling that once existing within Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth 81 The Polish and Ukrainian Armies under Pilsudski s command launched a successful offensive against the Russian forces in Ukraine and on 7 May 1920 with remarkably little fighting they captured Kiev 82 The Bolshevik leadership framed the Polish actions as an invasion successfully generating popular support for their cause at home 83 The Soviets then launched a counter offensive from Belarus and counterattacked in Ukraine advancing into Poland 82 in a drive toward Germany to encourage the Communist Party of Germany in their struggles for power 84 The Soviets announced their plans to invade Western Europe Soviet Communist theoretician Nikolai Bukharin writing in Pravda hoped for the resources to carry the campaign beyond Warsaw straight to London and Paris 85 Soviet commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky s order of the day for 2 July 1920 read To the West Over the corpse of White Poland lies the road to worldwide conflagration March upon Vilnius Minsk Warsaw 86 and onward to Berlin over the corpse of Poland 45 Pilsudski left and Edward Rydz Smigly right 1920 during Polish Soviet War On 1 July 1920 in view of the rapidly advancing Soviet offensive Poland s parliament the Sejm formed a Council for Defense of the Nation chaired by Pilsudski to provide expeditious decision making as a temporary supplanting of the fractious Sejm 87 The National Democrats contended that the string of Bolshevik victories had been Pilsudski s fault 88 and demanded that he resign some even accused him of treason 89 On 19 July they failed to carry a vote of no confidence in the council and this led to Dmowski s withdrawal from the Council 89 On 12 August Pilsudski tendered his resignation to Prime Minister Wincenty Witos offering to be the scapegoat if the military solution failed but Witos refused to accept his resignation 89 The Entente pressured Poland to surrender and enter into negotiations with the Bolsheviks Pilsudski however was a staunch advocate of continuing the fight 89 Miracle at the Vistula Pilsudski s plan called for Polish forces to withdraw across the Vistula River and to defend the bridgeheads at Warsaw and on the Wieprz River while some 25 of the available divisions concentrated to the south for a counteroffensive Afterwards two armies under General Jozef Haller facing Soviet frontal attack on Warsaw from the east were to hold their entrenched positions while an army under General Wladyslaw Sikorski was to strike north from outside Warsaw cutting off Soviet forces that sought to envelop the Polish capital from that direction The most important role of the plan was assigned to a relatively small approximately 20 000 man newly assembled Reserve Army also known as the Strike Group Grupa Uderzeniowa comprising the most determined battle hardened Polish units that were commanded by Pilsudski Their task was to spearhead a lightning northward offensive from the Vistula Wieprz triangle south of Warsaw through a weak spot that had been identified by Polish intelligence between the Soviet Western and Southwestern Fronts That offensive would separate the Soviet Western Front from its reserves and disorganize its movements Eventually the gap between Sikorski s army and the Strike Group would close near the East Prussian border bringing about the destruction of the encircled Soviet forces 90 91 Pilsudski s plan was criticized as amateurish by high ranking army officers and military experts quick to point out Pilsudski s lack of formal military education However the desperate situation of the Polish forces persuaded other commanders to support it When a copy of the plan was acquired by the Soviets Western Front commander Mikhail Tukhachevsky thought it was a ruse and disregarded it 92 Days later the Soviets were defeated in the Battle of Warsaw halting the Soviet advance in one of the worst defeats for the Red Army 82 91 Stanislaw Stronski a National Democrat Sejm deputy coined the phrase Miracle at the Vistula Cud nad Wisla 93 to express his disapproval of Pilsudski s Ukrainian adventure Stronski s phrase was adopted as praise for Pilsudski by some patriotically or piously minded Poles who were unaware of Stronski s ironic intent 91 94 While Pilsudski had a major role in crafting the war strategy he was aided by others notably Tadeusz Rozwadowski 95 Later some supporters of Pilsudski would seek to portray him as the sole author of the Polish strategy while his opponents would try to minimize his role 96 On the other hand in the West the role of General Maxime Weygand of the French Military Mission to Poland was for a time exaggerated 45 96 97 In February 1921 Pilsudski visited Paris where in negotiations with French President Alexandre Millerand he laid the foundations for the Franco Polish Military Alliance which would be signed later that year 98 The Treaty of Riga ending the Polish Soviet War in March 1921 partitioned Belarus and Ukraine between Poland and Russia Pilsudski called the treaty an act of cowardice 99 The treaty and his secret approval of General Lucjan Zeligowski s capture of Vilnius from the Lithuanians marked an end to this incarnation of Pilsudski s federalist Intermarium plan 13 After Vilnius was occupied by the Central Lithuanian Army Pilsudski said that he could not help but regard them Lithuanians as brothers 100 In parliament Pilsudski once said I cannot not reach out to Kaunas I cannot disregard those brothers who consider the day of our triumph a day of shock and mourning 101 On 25 September 1921 when Pilsudski visited Lwow now Lviv for the opening of the first Eastern Trade Fair Targi Wschodnie he was the target of an unsuccessful assassination attempt by Stepan Fedak acting on behalf of Ukrainian independence organizations including the Ukrainian Military Organization 102 Retirement and coup At Belweder Palace Chief of State Pilsudski left transferred his powers to President elect Gabriel Narutowicz right Two days later the President was assassinated The Polish Constitution of March 1921 severely limited the powers of the presidency intentionally to prevent Pilsudski from waging war This caused Pilsudski to decline to run for the office 13 On 9 December 1922 the Polish National Assembly elected Gabriel Narutowicz of Polish People s Party Wyzwolenie his election opposed by the right wing parties caused public unrest 103 On 14 December at the Belweder Palace Pilsudski officially transferred his powers as Chief of State to his friend Narutowicz the Naczelnik was replaced by the President 104 41 At Warsaw s Hotel Bristol 3 July 1923 Pilsudski announced his retirement from active politics Two days later on 16 December 1922 Narutowicz was shot dead by a right wing painter and art critic Eligiusz Niewiadomski who had originally wanted to kill Pilsudski but had changed his target influenced by National Democrat anti Narutowicz propaganda 105 For Pilsudski that was a major shock he started to doubt that Poland could function as a democracy 106 and supported a government led by a strong leader 107 He became Chief of the General Staff and together with Minister of Military Affairs Wladyslaw Sikorski quelled the unrest by instituting a state of emergency 108 Stanislaw Wojciechowski of Polish People s Party Piast PSL Piast another of Pilsudski s old colleagues was elected the new president and Wincenty Witos also of PSL Piast became prime minister The new government an alliance among the centrist PSL Piast the right wing Popular National Union and Christian Democrat parties contained right wing enemies of Pilsudski He held them responsible for Narutowicz s death and declared that it was impossible to work with them 109 On 30 May 1923 Pilsudski resigned as Chief of the General Staff 110 Pilsudski criticized General Stanislaw Szeptycki s proposal that the military should be supervised by civilians as an attempt to politicize the army and on 28 June he resigned his last political appointment The same day the Sejm s left wing deputies voted for a resolution thanking him for his work 110 Pilsudski went into retirement in Sulejowek outside Warsaw at his country manor Milusin presented to him by his former soldiers 111 There he wrote a series of political and military memoirs including Rok 1920 The Year 1920 5 Pilsudski on Warsaw s Poniatowski Bridge during the May 1926 coup At the right is General Gustaw Orlicz Dreszer Meanwhile Poland s economy was a shambles Hyperinflation fueled public unrest and the government was unable to find a quick solution to the mounting unemployment and economic crisis 112 Pilsudski s allies and supporters repeatedly asked him to return to politics and he began to create a new power base centred on former members of the Polish Legions the Polish Military Organization and some left wing and intelligentsia parties In 1925 after several governments had resigned in short order and the political scene was becoming increasingly chaotic Pilsudski became more and more critical of the government and eventually issued statements demanding the resignation of the Witos cabinet 5 13 When the Chjeno Piast coalition which Pilsudski had strongly criticized formed a new government 13 on 12 14 May 1926 Pilsudski returned to power in the May Coup supported by the Polish Socialist Party Liberation the Peasant Party and the Communist Party of Poland 113 Pilsudski had hoped for a bloodless coup but the government had refused to surrender 114 215 soldiers and 164 civilians had been killed and over 900 persons had been wounded 115 In governmentOn 31 May 1926 the Sejm elected Pilsudski president of the Republic but Pilsudski refused the office due to the presidency s limited powers Another of his old friends Ignacy Moscicki was elected in his stead Moscicki then appointed Pilsudski as Minister of Military Affairs defence minister a post he held for the rest of his life through eleven successive governments two of which he headed from 1926 to 1928 and for a brief period in 1930 He also served as General Inspector of the Armed Forces and Chairman of The War Council 5 Pilsudski had no plans for major reforms he quickly distanced himself from the most radical of his left wing supporters and declared that his coup was to be a revolution without revolutionary consequences 13 His goals were to stabilize the country reduce the influence of political parties which he blamed for corruption and inefficiency and strengthen the army 13 116 His role in the Polish government over the subsequent years has been called a dictatorship or a quasi dictatorship 117 Internal politics Belweder Palace Warsaw Pilsudski s official residence during his years in power Pilsudski s coup entailed sweeping limitations on parliamentary government as his Sanation regime 1926 1939 at times employing authoritarian methods sought to curb perceived corruption and incompetence of the parliament rule and in Pilsudski s words restore moral health to public life hence the name of his faction Sanation which could be understood as moral purification 118 From 1928 the Sanation authorities were represented by the Non partisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government BBWR Popular support and an effective propaganda apparatus allowed Pilsudski to maintain his authoritarian powers which could not be overruled either by the president who was appointed by Pilsudski or by the Sejm 5 The powers of the Sejm were curtailed by constitutional amendments that were introduced soon after the coup on 2 August 1926 5 From 1926 to 1930 Pilsudski relied chiefly on propaganda to weaken the influence of opposition leaders 13 The culmination of his dictatorial and supralegal policies came in the 1930s with the imprisonment and trial of political opponents the Brest trials on the eve of the 1930 Polish legislative election and with the 1934 establishment of the Bereza Kartuska Detention Camp for political prisoners in present day Biaroza 13 where some prisoners were brutally mistreated 119 After the BBWR s 1930 victory Pilsudski allowed most internal matters to be decided by his colonels while he concentrated on military and foreign affairs 13 His treatment of political opponents and their 1930 arrest and imprisonment was internationally condemned and the events damaged Poland s reputation 55 The Marshal and his second wife Aleksandra Pilsudska 1928Pilsudski became increasingly disillusioned with democracy in Poland 120 His intemperate public utterances he called the Sejm a prostitute and his sending of 90 armed officers into the Sejm building in response to an impending vote of no confidence caused concern in contemporary and modern observers who have seen his actions as setting precedents for authoritarian responses to political challenges 121 122 123 He sought to transform the parliamentary system into a presidential system however he opposed the introduction of totalitarianism 13 The adoption of a new Polish constitution in April 1935 was tailored by Pilsudski s supporters to his specifications providing for a strong presidency but the April Constitution served Poland until World War II and carried its Government in Exile until the end of the war and beyond Pilsudski s government depended more on his charismatic authority than on rational legal authority 13 None of his followers could claim to be his legitimate heir and after his death the Sanation structure would quickly fracture returning Poland to the pre Pilsudski era of parliamentary political contention 13 In 1933 Pilsudski paid homage at the tomb of John III Sobieski in commemoration of the 250th anniversary of Battle of Vienna Pilsudski s regime began a period of national stabilization and of improvement in the situation of ethnic minorities which formed about a third of the Second Republic s population 124 125 Pilsudski replaced the National Democrats ethnic assimilation with a state assimilation policy citizens were judged not by their ethnicity but by their loyalty to the state 126 127 Widely recognized for his opposition to the National Democrats anti Semitic policies 128 129 130 131 132 133 he extended his policy of state assimilation to Polish Jews 126 127 134 135 The years 1926 to 1935 and Pilsudski himself were favorably viewed by many Polish Jews whose situation improved especially under Pilsudski appointed Prime Minister Kazimierz Bartel 136 137 Many Jews saw Pilsudski as their only hope for restraining antisemitic currents in Poland and for maintaining public order he was seen as a guarantor of stability and a friend of the Jewish people who voted for him and actively participated in his political bloc 138 Pilsudski s death in 1935 brought a deterioration in the quality of life of Poland s Jews 133 During the 1930s a combination of developments from the Great Depression 126 to the vicious spiral of OUN terrorist attacks and government pacifications caused government relations with the national minorities to deteriorate 126 139 Unrest among national minorities was also related to foreign policy Troubles followed repressions in the largely Ukrainian eastern Galicia where nearly 1 800 persons were arrested Tension also arose between the government and Poland s German minority particularly in Upper Silesia The government did not yield to calls for antisemitic measures but the Jews 8 6 of Poland s population grew discontented for economic reasons that were connected with the Depression By the end of Pilsudski s life his government s relations with national minorities were increasingly problematic 140 In the military sphere Pilsudski was praised for his plan at the Battle of Warsaw in 1920 but was criticized for subsequently concentrating on personnel management and neglecting modernization of military strategy and equipment 13 141 According to his detractors his experiences in World War I and the Polish Soviet War led him to over estimate the importance of cavalry and to neglect the development of armor and air forces 141 His supporters on the other hand contend that particularly from the late 1920s he supported the development of these military branches 142 Modern historians concluded that the limitations on Poland s military modernization in this period was less doctrinal than financial 143 Foreign policy Pilsudski sought to maintain his country s independence in the international arena Assisted by his protege Foreign Minister Jozef Beck he sought support for Poland in alliances with western powers such as France and Britain and with friendly neighbors such as Romania and Hungary 144 A supporter of the Franco Polish Military Alliance and the Polish Romanian alliance part of the Little Entente Pilsudski was disappointed by the policy of appeasement pursued by the French and British governments evident in their signing of the Locarno Treaties 145 146 147 The Locarno treaties were intended by the British government to ensure a peaceful handover the territories claimed by Germany such as the Sudetenland the Polish Corridor and the Free City of Danzig modern Gdansk Poland by improving Franco German relations to such extent that France would dissolve its alliances in eastern Europe 148 Pilsudski aimed to maintain good relations with the Soviet Union and Germany 145 146 147 and relations with Germany and the Soviet Union during Pilsudski s tenure could for the most part be described as neutral 145 149 Under Pilsudski Poland maintained good relations with neighboring Romania Hungary and Latvia but were strained with Czechoslovakia and worse with Lithuania 150 German ambassador Hans Adolf von Moltke Pilsudski Joseph Goebbels and Jozef Beck Polish Foreign minister in Warsaw on 15 June 1934 five months after the German Polish Non Aggression Pact A recurring fear of Pilsudski was that France would reach an agreement with Germany at the expense of Poland In 1929 the French agreed to pull out of the Rhineland in 1930 five years earlier than what the Treaty of Versailles called The same year the French announced plans for the Maginot Line along the border with Germany and construction of the Maginot line began in 1930 The Maginot line was a tacit French admission that Germany would be rearming beyond the limits set by the Treaty of Versailles in the near future and that France intended to pursue a defensive strategy 151 At the time Poland signed the alliance with France in 1921 the French were occupying the Rhineland and Polish plans for a possible war with Reich were based on the assumption of a French offensive into the north German plain from their bases in the Rhineland The French pullout from the Rhineland and a shift to a defensive strategy as epitomized by the Magniot line completely upset the entire basis of Polish foreign and defense policy 152 In June 1932 just before the Lausanne Conference opened Pilsudski heard reports that the new German chancellor Franz von Papen was about to make an offer for a Franco German alliance to the French Premier Edouard Herriot which would be at the expense of Poland 153 In response Pilsudski sent the destroyer ORP Wicher into the harbour of Danzig 153 Though the issue was ostensibly about access rights for the Polish Navy in Danzig the real purpose of sending Wircher was as a way to warn Herriot not to disadvantage Poland in a deal with Papen 153 The ensuring Danzig crisis sent the desired message to the French and improved the Polish Navy s access rights to Danzig 153 Poland signed the Soviet Polish Non Aggression Pact in 1932 144 Critics of the pact state that it allowed Stalin to eliminate his socialist opponents primarily in Ukraine The pacts were supported by advocates of Pilsudski s Promethean programme 154 After Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany in January 1933 Pilsudski is rumored to have proposed to France a preventive war against Germany 155 Lack of French enthusiasm may have been a reason for Poland signing the German Polish Non Aggression Pact in 1934 41 144 156 157 Little evidence has however been found in French or Polish diplomatic archives that such a proposal for preventive war was ever actually advanced 158 Critics of Poland s pact with Germany accused Pilsudski of underestimating Hitler s aggressiveness 159 and giving Germany time to re arm 160 161 Hitler repeatedly suggested a German Polish alliance against the Soviet Union but Pilsudski declined instead seeking precious time to prepare for a potential war with either Germany or the Soviet Union Just before his death Pilsudski told Jozef Beck that it must be Poland s policy to maintain neutral relations with Germany keep up the Polish alliance with France and improve relations with the United Kingdom 144 The two non aggression pacts were intended to strengthen Poland s position in the eyes of its allies and neighbors 5 Pilsudski was probably aware of the weakness of the pacts stating Having these pacts we are straddling two stools This cannot last long We have to know from which stool we will tumble first and when that will be 162 Religious viewsPilsudski s religious views are a matter of debate He was baptised Roman Catholic on 15 December 1867 in the church of Powiewiorka then Sventsiany deanery His godparents were Joseph and Constance Martsinkovsky Ragalskaya 163 On 15 July 1899 at the village of Paproc Duza near Lomza he married Maria Juskiewicz a divorcee As the Catholic Church did not recognise divorces she and Pilsudski had converted to Protestantism 164 Pilsudski later returned to the Catholic Church to marry Aleksandra Szczerbinska Pilsudski and Aleksandra could not get married as Pilsudski s wife Maria refused to divorce him It was only after Maria s death in 1921 that they were married on 25 October the same year 165 166 Death Grave of Pilsudski s mother in Vilnius Lithuania The huge black tombstone is inscribed Matka i serce syna A mother and the heart of her son and bears evocative lines from a poem by Slowacki Pilsudski in 1935 By 1935 unbeknown to the public Pilsudski had for several years been in declining health On 12 May 1935 he died of liver cancer at Warsaw s Belweder Palace The celebration of his life began spontaneously within half an hour of the announcement of his death 167 It was led by military personnel former Legionnaires members of the Polish Military Organization veterans of the wars of 1919 21 and by his political collaborators from his service as Chief of State and later Prime Minister and Inspector General 168 The Communist Party of Poland immediately attacked Pilsudski as a fascist and capitalist 168 though fascists themselves did not see him as one of them 169 Other opponents of the Sanation regime were more civil socialists such as Ignacy Daszynski and Tomasz Arciszewski and Christian Democrats represented by Ignacy Paderewski Stanislaw Wojciechowski and Wladyslaw Grabski expressed condolences The peasant parties split in their reactions Wincenty Witos voicing criticism of Pilsudski but Maciej Rataj and Stanislaw Thugutt being supportive while Roman Dmowski s National Democrats expressed a toned down criticism 168 1935 10 zlotych coin of Poland depicting PilsudskiCondolences were officially expressed by the senior ranking clergy including by Pope Pius XI and by August Cardinal Hlond Primate of Poland indeed the Pope called himself a personal friend of Pilsudski Notable appreciation for Pilsudski was expressed by Poland s ethnic and religious minorities Eastern Orthodox Greek Orthodox Protestant Jewish and Islamic organizations expressed condolences praising Pilsudski for his policies of religious tolerance 168 His death was a shock to members of the Jewish minority amongst which he was respected for his lack of prejudice and vocal opposition to the Endecja 170 171 Mainstream organizations of ethnic minorities similarly expressed their support for his policies of ethnic tolerance though he was criticized by the Jewish Labour Bund and Ukrainian German and Lithuanian extremists 168 On the international scene Pope Pius XI held a special ceremony on 18 May in the Holy See a commemoration was conducted at League of Nations Geneva headquarters and dozens of messages of condolence arrived in Poland from heads of state across the world including Germany s Adolf Hitler the Soviet Union s Joseph Stalin Italy s Benito Mussolini and King Victor Emmanuel III France s Albert Lebrun and Pierre Etienne Flandin Austria s Wilhelm Miklas Japan s Emperor Hirohito and Britain s King George V 168 In Berlin a service for Pilsudski was ordered by Adolf Hitler This was the only time that Hitler attended a holy mass as a leader of the Third Reich and probably one of the last times when he was in a church 172 Funeral procession 15 May 1935 along Krakowskie Przedmiescie Street in Warsaw Funeral State funeral for Pilsudski was held in Warsaw and Krakow between 15 and 18 May 1935 including official masses and funeral processions in both cities A funeral train toured Poland before the remains of Pilsudski were laid to rest at Wawel 173 A series of postcards stamps and postmarks were also released to commemorate the event The nation wide ceremonies were accompanied by extensive media coverage and reflected the personality cult of Pilsudski The final funeral procession in Krakow on May 18 with an estimated 300 000 participants and official representatives from 16 foreign states constituted the largest public funeral in Poland s history 174 Separate funeral ceremonies were held for the burial of his brain which Pilsudski had willed for study to Stefan Batory University and his heart which was interred in his mother s grave at Vilnius s Rasos Cemetery 5 175 In 1937 after a two year display at St Leonard s Crypt in Krakow s Wawel Cathedral Pilsudski s remains were transferred to the Cathedral s Crypt under the Silver Bells The decision made by his long standing adversary Adam Sapieha then Archbishop of Krakow incited widespread protests that included calls for Sapieha s removal setting off a series of clashes between the representatives of the Polish Catholic Church and the Polish government in what has come to be known as konflikt wawelski Wawel conflict Despite heavy and protracted criticism Sapieha never allowed Pilsudski s coffin to be transferred back to St Leonard s Crypt 176 177 LegacyI am not going to dictate to you what you write about my life and work I only ask that you not make me out to be a whiner and sentimentalist Jozef Pilsudski 1908 178 On 13 May 1935 in accordance with Pilsudski s last wishes Edward Rydz Smigly was named by Poland s president and government to be Inspector General of the Polish Armed Forces and on 10 November 1936 he was elevated to Marshal of Poland 179 As the Polish government became increasingly authoritarian and conservative the Rydz Smigly faction was opposed by the more moderate Ignacy Moscicki who remained President 180 Although Rydz Smigly reconciled with the President in 1938 the ruling group remained divided into the President s Men mostly civilians the Castle Group after the President s official residence Warsaw s Royal Castle and the Marshal s Men Pilsudski s colonels professional military officers and old comrades in arms of Pilsudski s 181 Some of this political division would continue in the Polish government in exile after the German invasion of Poland in 1939 182 183 Statue of Pilsudski on Warsaw s Pilsudski Square one of many statuary tributes throughout Poland After World War II little of Pilsudski s political ideology influenced the policies of the Polish People s Republic a de facto satellite of the Soviet Union 184 For a decade after World War II Pilsudski was either ignored or condemned by Poland s Communist government along with the entire interwar Second Polish Republic This began to change after de Stalinization and the Polish October in 1956 and historiography in Poland gradually moved away from a purely negative view of Pilsudski toward a more balanced and neutral assessment 185 After the 1991 disintegration of the Soviet Union Pilsudski once again came to be publicly acknowledged as a Polish national hero 186 On the sixtieth anniversary of his death on 12 May 1995 Poland s Sejm adopted a resolution Jozef Pilsudski will remain in our nation s memory the founder of its independence and the victorious leader who fended off a foreign assault that threatened the whole of Europe and its civilization Jozef Pilsudski served his country well and has entered our history forever 187 Pilsudski continues to be viewed by most Poles as a providential figure in the country s 20th century history 188 189 Contemporary caricature of Jozef Pilsudski by Jerzy Szwajcer Several military units have been named for Pilsudski including the 1st Legions Infantry Division and armored train No 51 I Marszalek the First Marshal 190 Also named for Pilsudski have been Pilsudski s Mound one of four man made mounds in Krakow 191 the Jozef Pilsudski Institute of America a New York City research center and museum on the modern history of Poland 192 the Jozef Pilsudski University of Physical Education in Warsaw 193 a passenger ship MS Pilsudski a gunboat ORP Komendant Pilsudski and a racehorse Pilsudski Many Polish cities have their own Pilsudski Street 194 There are statues of Pilsudski in many Polish cities Warsaw which has three in little more than a mile between the Belweder Palace Pilsudski s residence and Pilsudski Square 194 In 2020 Pilsudski s manor house in Sulejowek opened as a museum as part of the celebrations of the one hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Warsaw 195 Pilsudski has been a character in numerous works of fiction a trend already visible during his lifetime 196 including the 1922 novel General Barcz General Barcz by Juliusz Kaden Bandrowski 197 Later works in which he is featured include the 2007 novel Ice Lod by Jacek Dukaj 198 Poland s National Library lists over 500 publications related to Pilsudski 199 the U S Library of Congress over 300 200 Pilsudski s life was the subject of a 2001 Polish television documentary Marszalek Pilsudski directed by Andrzej Trzos Rastawiecki 201 He was also the subject of paintings by artists such as Jacek Malczewski 1916 and Wojciech Kossak leaning on his sword 1928 and astride his horse Kasztanka 1928 as well as photos and caricatures 202 203 He has been reported to be quite fond of the latter 204 DescendantsBoth daughters of Marshal Pilsudski returned to Poland in 1990 after the Revolutions of 1989 and the fall of the Communist system Jadwiga Pilsudska s daughter Joanna Jaraczewska returned to Poland in 1979 She married a Polish Solidarity activist Janusz Onyszkiewicz in a political prison in 1983 Both were very involved in the Solidarity movement between 1979 and 1989 205 HonoursMain article List of honours awarded to Jozef Pilsudski Pilsudski has been awarded numerous honours domestic and foreign See alsoJozef Pilsudski s cult of personality List of people on the cover of Time Magazine 1920s 7 June 1926 List of Poles Pilsudskiite Pilsudczyk Notesa Jozef Klemens Pilsudski was commonly referred to without his middle name as Jozef Pilsudski A few English sources translate his first name as Joseph but this is not the common practice As a young man he belonged to underground organizations and used various pseudonyms including Wiktor Mieczyslaw and Ziuk the latter also being his family nickname Later he was often affectionately called Dziadek Grandpa or the Old Man and Marszalek the Marshal His ex soldiers from the Legions also referred to him as Komendant the Commandant b Pilsudski sometimes spoke of being a Lithuanian of Polish culture 206 For several centuries declaring both Lithuanian and Polish identity was commonplace but around the turn of the last century it became much rarer in the wake of arising modern nationalisms Timothy Snyder who calls him a Polish Lithuanian notes that Pilsudski did not think in terms of 20th century nationalisms and ethnicities he considered himself both a Pole and a Lithuanian and his homeland was the historic Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth 100 References Hetherington 2012 p 92 Jedrzejewicz 1990 p 3 Hetherington 2012 p 95 a b c d e Pidlutskyi 2004 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w History Jozef Pilsudski 1867 1935 Poland gov Archived from the original on 13 February 2006 Retrieved 23 April 2006 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 13 5 Lerski 1996 p 439 Davies 2005 p 40 Bideleux amp Jeffries 1998 p 186 Reddaway William Fiddian 1939 Marshal Pilsudski Routledge p 5 Roshwald 2001 p 36 a b MacMillan 2003 p 208 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa Chojnowski Andrzej Pilsudski Jozef Klemens Internetowa encyklopedia PWN in Polish Archived from the original on 3 May 2008 Retrieved 15 January 2008 Bronislaw Piotr Pilsudski Calendar of events ICRAP Retrieved 2 March 2018 a b Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 50 Landau Rom Dunlop Geoffrey 1930 Pilsudski Hero of Poland Jarrolds pp 30 2 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 62 6 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 68 9 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 74 7 Jedrzejewicz amp Cisek 1994 p 13 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 71 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 88 a b c MacMillan 2003 p 209 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 93 Pilsudski 1989 p 12 Alabrudzinska 1999 p 99 Garlicki 1995 p 63 Pobog Malinowski 1990 p 7 Jedrzejewicz 1990 pp 27 8 1982 ed Drazek Aleksandra 8 August 2021 Corki Pilsudskiego co wiemy o losach corek marszalka kronikidziejow pl Retrieved 6 September 2021 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint url status link a b c Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 109 11 Charaszkiewicz 2000 p 56 Kowner 2006 p 285 a b c d e f g Zamoyski 1987 p 330 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 113 6 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 117 8 a b c d e f g Zamoyski 1987 p 332 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 131 a b Roos 1966 p 14 Rothschild 1990 p 45 a b Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 121 2 a b c d Jozef Pilsudski at the Encyclopaedia Britannica Chimiak Galia Cierlik Bozena 26 February 2020 Polish and Irish Struggles for Self Determination Living near Dragons Cambridge Scholars Publishing ISBN 978 1 5275 4764 3 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 171 2 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 168 a b c d e f g h i j k l m Cienciala 2002 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 174 5 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 178 9 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 170 1 180 2 Thomas Nigel 31 May 2018 Polish Legions 1914 19 Bloomsbury Publishing p 20 ISBN 978 1 4728 2543 8 a b c Zamoyski 1987 p 333 May Arthur J 11 November 2016 The Passing of the Hapsburg Monarchy 1914 1918 Volume 2 University of Pennsylvania Press p 505 ISBN 978 1 5128 0753 0 Wrobel Piotr J 15 September 2010 The Revival of Poland and Paramilitary Violence 1918 1920 In Bergien Rudiger Prove Ralf eds Spiesser Patrioten Revolutionare Militarische Mobilisierung und gesellschaftliche Ordnung in der Neuzeit in German Vandenhoeck amp Ruprecht p 286 ISBN 978 3 86234 113 9 Rakowski 2005 pp 109 11 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 251 2 a b Biskupski 2000 Rothschild 1990 p 45 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 253 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 256 277 8 Gdzie Pilsudski wysiadl z tramwaju czyli historie poprzekrecane histmag org Retrieved 16 March 2023 Wysiadlem z czerwonego tramwaju czyli czego NIE powiedzial Jozef Pilsudski Kurier Historyczny Retrieved 16 March 2023 Suleja 2004 p 202 a b c d e MacMillan 2003 p 210 MacMillan 2003 pp 213 4 The Versailles Treaty 28 June 1919 Part III The Avalon Project articles 87 93 Archived from the original on 14 February 2008 Retrieved 15 January 2008 Grant 1999 p 114 MacMillan 2003 pp 211 214 Boemeke et al 1998 p 314 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 499 501 Jedrzejewicz 1990 p 93 Szymczak Robert Polish Soviet War Battle of Warsaw TheHistoryNet Archived from the original on 7 October 2007 Retrieved 10 October 2007 Sanford 2002 pp 5 6 Hyde Price 2001 p 75 MacMillan 2003 p 211 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 281 Urbankowski 1997 vol 2 p 90 a b Kenez 1999 p 37 Urbankowski 1997 vol 2 p 83 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 291 Urbankowski 1997 vol 2 p 45 Urbankowski 1997 vol 2 p 92 Davies 2003 p 95ff a b c Davies 2003 Figes 1996 p 699 Within weeks of Brusilov s appointment 14 000 officers had joined the army to fight the Poles thousands of civilians had volunteered for war work and well over 100 000 deserters had returned to the Red Army on the Western Front See Lenin s speech on 22 September 1920 at the 9th Conference of the Russian Communist Party English translation in Pipes 1993 pp 181 2 and excerpts in Cienciala 2002 The speech was first published in Artizov Andrey Usov R A 1992 Ya proshu zapisyvat menshe eto ne dolzhno popadat v pechat Vystupleniya V I Lenina na IX konferencii RKP b 22 sentyabrya 1920 g Istoricheskii Arkhiv in Russian 1 1 ISSN 0869 6322 Cohen 1980 p 101 Lawrynowicz Witold Battle of Warsaw 1920 Polish Militaria Collector s Association in memory of Andrzej Zaremba Archived from the original on 18 January 2012 Retrieved 5 November 2006 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 341 6 357 8 Suleja 2004 p 265 a b c d Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 341 6 Cisek 2002 pp 140 1 a b c Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 346 441 357 8 Davies 2003 p 197 Fratczak Slawomir Z 2005 Cud nad Wisla Glos in Polish 32 Retrieved 26 June 2009 Davies 1998 p 935 Erickson 2001 p 95 a b Lonnroth et al 1994 p 230 Szczepanski Janusz Kontrowersje Wokol Bitwy Warszawskiej 1920 Roku Controversies surrounding the Battle of Warsaw in 1920 Mowia Wieki online in Polish Archived from the original on 2 December 2007 Retrieved 15 January 2008 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 484 Davies 2005 p 399 1982 ed Columbia Univ Press a b Snyder 2004 p 70 Dialogas tarp lenku ir lietuviu Į Laisve in Lithuanian 13 50 1957 Pilsudskis seime kalbejo Negaliu netiesti rankos Kaunui negaliu nelaikyti broliais tu kurie musu triumfo diena laiko smugio ir gedulo diena Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 485 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 487 8 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 488 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 489 Suleja 2004 p 300 Davies 1986 p 140 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 489 90 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 490 1 a b Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 490 Watt 1979 p 210 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 502 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 p 515 Suleja 2004 p 343 Roszkowski 1992 p 53 section 5 1 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 528 9 Biskupski 2012 p 46 Biskupski M B B Pula James S Wrobel Piotr J 15 April 2010 The Origins of Modern Polish Democracy Ohio University Press p 145 ISBN 978 0 8214 4309 5 Sleszynski Wojciech 2003 Aspekty prawne utworzenia obozu odosobnienia w Berezie Kartuskiej i reakcje srodowisk politycznych Wybor materialow i dokumentow 1 Bialoruskie Zeszyty Historyczne in Polish 20 Archived from the original on 25 March 2005 via kamunikat Belarusian history journal Cohen 1989 p 65 Pilsudski Bros Time 7 April 1930 Archived from the original on 17 July 2010 Pilsudski v Daszynski Time 11 November 1929 Archived from the original on 15 August 2009 Perlez Jane 12 September 1993 Visions of the Past Are Competing for Votes in Poland The New York Times Retrieved 15 January 2008 Stachura 2004 p 79 Poland Columbia Encyclopedia Retrieved 29 December 2007 a b c d Snyder 2004 p 144 a b Zimmerman 2004 p 166 Vital 1999 p 788 Payne 1995 p 141 Lieven 1994 p 163 Engelking 2001 p 75 Flannery 2005 p 200 a b Zimmerman 2003 p 19 Prizel 1998 p 61 Wein 1990 p 292 Cieplinski Feigue 2002 Poles and Jews The Quest For Self Determination 1919 1934 Binghamton University History Department Archived from the original on 18 September 2002 Paulsson 2003 p 37 Snyder 2007 p 66 Davies 2005 p 407 1982 ed Columbia Univ Press Leslie 1983 p 182 a b Garlicki 1995 p 178 Urbankowski 1997 vol 2 pp 330 7 Zaloga Steve Madej W Victor 1990 The Polish Campaign 1939 Hippocrene Books p 11 ISBN 978 0 87052 013 6 a b c d Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 539 40 a b c Prizel 1998 p 71 a b Lukacs 2001 p 30 a b Jordan 2002 p 23 Schuker 1999 p 48 49 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 538 40 Goldstein 2002 p 29 Young 1996 p 19 21 Young 1996 p 21 a b c d Wandycz 1988 p 237 Charaszkiewicz 2000 p 64 Urbankowski 1997 vol 2 pp 317 26 Torbus 1999 p 25 Quester 2000 p 27 The author gives a source Watt 1979 Baliszewski Dariusz 28 November 2004 Ostatnia wojna marszalka Wprost in Polish Agencja Wydawniczo Reklamowa Wprost 48 2004 1148 Retrieved 24 March 2005 Hehn 2005 p 76 Kershaw 2001 p 237 Davidson 2004 p 25 Kipp 1993 95 Adam Borkiewicz Zrodla do biografii Jozefa Pilsudskiego the z lat 1867 1892 Niepodleglosc T XIX Warszawa 1939 Andrzej Garlicki Jozef Pilsudski 1867 1935 Warsaw Czytelnik 1988 ISBN 8307017157 pp 63 64 Adviser Daria and Thomas Jozef Pilsudski Legends and Facts Warsaw 1987 ISBN 83 203 1967 6 p 132 Suleja Vladimir Jozef Pilsudski Wroclaw Warsaw Krakow 2005 ISBN 83 04 04706 3 pp 290 Drozdowski amp Szwankowska 1995 p 5 a b c d e f Drozdowski amp Szwankowska 1995 pp 9 11 Ideas into Politics Aspects of European History 1880 1950 R J Bullen Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann A B Polonsky Taylor amp Francis 1984 p 138 Joseph Marcus 18 October 2011 Social and Political History of the Jews in Poland 1919 1939 Walter de Gruyter p 349 ISBN 978 3 11 083868 8 Aviva Woznica 11 April 2008 Fire Unextinguished Xlibris Corporation p 37 ISBN 978 1 4691 0600 7 Adolf Hitler attending memorial service of the Polish First Marshall Jozef Pilsudski in Berlin 1935 Rare Historical Photos 3 December 2013 Humphrey 1936 p 295 Kowalski Waldemar 2017 Pilsudski posrod krolow droga marszalka na Wawel dzieje pl Portal Historyczny in Polish Polish Press Agency Retrieved 7 January 2023 Watt 1979 p 338 To Wireless 26 June 1937 Crowds urge Poland to banish Archbishop Pilsudski Legionnaires also Assail Catholic Church on the Removal of Marshal s Body The New York Times Retrieved 14 December 2009 Lerski 1996 p 525 Urbankowski 1997 vol 1 pp 133 41 Jablonowski amp Stawecki 1998 p 13 Jablonowski amp Stawecki 1998 p 14 Andrzej Ajnenkiel Andrzej Drzycimski Janina Paradowska 1991 Prezydenci Polski in Polish Wydawn Sejmowe p 62 ISBN 9788370590000 grupa pulkownikow zespol wywodzacych sie z wojska najblizszych wspolpracownikow Marszalka takich jak plk Slawek czy plk Prystor ich koncepcje roznily sie wyraznie od stanowiska zajmowanego przez prezydenta Dworski Michal 2018 Republic in Exile Political Life of Polish Emigration in United Kingdom After Second World War Torunskie Studia Miedzynarodowe 1 10 101 110 doi 10 12775 TSM 2017 008 ISSN 2391 7601 Pra z mowska Anita 1 July 2013 The Polish Underground Resistance During the Second World War A Study in Political Disunity During Occupation European History Quarterly 43 3 464 488 doi 10 1177 0265691413490495 ISSN 0265 6914 S2CID 220737108 Charaszkiewicz 2000 p 56 Wladyka 2005 pp 285 311 Zulawnik Malgorzata amp Mariusz 2005 Roshwald 2002 p 60 Translation of Oswiadczenie Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 12 maja 1995 r w sprawie uczczenia 60 rocznicy smierci Marszalka Jozefa Pilsudskiego MP z dnia 24 maja 1995 r For Polish original online see here 1 K Kopp J Nizynska 7 May 2012 Germany Poland and Postmemorial Relations In Search of a Livable Past Springer pp 120 121 ISBN 978 1 137 05205 6 Ahmet Ersoy Maciej G rny Vangelis Kechriotis 1 January 2010 Modernism The Creation of Nation States Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe 1770 1945 Texts and Commentaries Volume III 1 Central European University Press p 407 ISBN 978 963 7326 61 5 Polish Armoured Train Nr 51 I Marszalek PIBWL Prywatny Instytut Badawczy Wojsk Ladowych Retrieved 30 May 2006 Kopiec Jozefa Pilsudskiego Pedagogical University of Krakow in Polish Archived from the original on 7 July 2007 Retrieved 18 September 2007 Jozef Pilsudski Institute of America Welcome Page Jozef Pilsudski Institute of America Archived from the original on 15 June 2006 Retrieved 26 May 2006 Jozef Pilsudski Academy of Physical Education in Warsaw Polish Ministry of Education and Science Archived from the original on 23 September 2005 Retrieved 30 May 2006 a b Jonathan D Smele 19 November 2015 Historical Dictionary of the Russian Civil Wars 1916 1926 Rowman amp Littlefield Publishers p 872 ISBN 978 1 4422 5281 3 House and home Pilsudski s old manor opens as museum Retrieved 16 August 2020 Ujma Martyna 2016 Od nadziei do rozczarowania Jozef Pilsudski w miedzywojennej literaturze na wybranych przykladach In Krywoszeja Igor Morawiec Norbert Terszak Rafal Czestochowa Oddzial eds Polsko ukrainskie spotkania z Klio in Polish Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne Oddzial Czestochowa pp 61 76 ISBN 978 83 947379 1 7 Goss Lukasz 2008 Okno na Barcza o powiesci Juliusza Kadena Bandrowskiego General Barcz Acta Universitatis Lodziensis Folia Litteraria Polonica 11 ISSN 2353 1908 Ryrych Tomasz 2019 Bialy steampunk dwa oblicza carskiej Rosji Lod Jacka Dukaja i cykl opowiadan o doktorze Skorzewskim Andrzeja Pilipiuka Creatio Fantastica in Polish 60 1 97 114 ISSN 2300 2514 Pilsudski keyword National Library Of Poland Retrieved 15 January 2008 Library of Congress Online Catalog Retrieved 20 December 2007 Ewa Mazierska 2007 Polish Postcommunist Cinema From Pavement Level Peter Lang p 122 ISBN 978 3 03910 529 8 Waclawa Milewska 1998 Legiony Polskie 1914 1918 zarys historii militarnej i politycznej Ksieg Akademicka p 14 ISBN 978 83 7188 228 9 Waclaw Jedrzejewicz Janusz Cisek 1998 Kalendarium zycia Jozefa Pilsudskiego 1867 1935 1918 1926 TomII Oficyna wydawnicza RYTM p 337 ISBN 978 83 86678 97 6 Anna Szalapak 2005 Legends and mysteries of Cracow from King Krak to Piotr Skrzynecki Muzeum Historyczne Miasta Krakowa p 193 ISBN 9788389599070 Pilsudski bardzo lubil karykatury na swoj temat Lachowicz Teofil Karkowska Julita ed Droga na szczyty Nowy Dziennik in Polish Archived from the original on 23 July 2011 Retrieved 24 July 2011 Davies 1986 p 139 SourcesAlabrudzinska Elzbieta 1999 Koscioly ewangelickie na Kresach Wschodnich II Rzeczypospolitej in Polish Torun The Nicolaus Copernicus University Press ISBN 978 83 231 1087 3 Bideleux Robert Jeffries Ian 1998 A History of Eastern Europe Crisis and Change London New York Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 16111 4 Biskupski Mieczyslaw B 2000 The History of Poland Westport CT Greenwood Press ISBN 978 0 313 30571 9 Biskupski Mieczyslaw B 2012 Independence Day Myth Symbol and the Creation of Modern Poland Oxford University Press ISBN 9780199658817 Blobaum Robert 1984 Feliks Dzierzynsky and the SDKPiL A study of the origins of Polish Communism ISBN 978 0 88033 046 6 Boemeke Manfred F Feldman Gerald D Glaser Elisabeth 1998 The Treaty of Versailles A Reassessment After 75 Years Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 62132 8 Charaszkiewicz Edmund 2000 Grzywacz Andrzej Kwiecien Marcin Mazur Grzegorz eds Zbior dokumentow pplk Edmunda Charaszkiewicza A Collection of Documents by Lt Col Edmund Charaszkiewicz in Polish Krakow Fundacja Centrum Dokumentacji Czynu Niepodleglosciowego Ksiegarnia Akademicka ISBN 978 83 7188 449 8 Cienciala Anna M 2002 The Rebirth of Poland lecture notes Retrieved 2 June 2006 Cienciala Anna M 2011 The Foreign Policy of Jozef Pi sudski and Jozef Beck 1926 1939 Misconceptions and Interpretations The Polish Review 56 1 2 111 51 doi 10 2307 41549951 hdl 1808 10043 JSTOR 41549951 Cisek Janusz 2002 Kosciuszko We Are Here American Pilots of the Kosciuszko Squadron in Defense of Poland 1919 1921 Jefferson NC McFarland ISBN 978 0 7864 1240 2 Cohen Stephen F 1980 Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution A Political Biography 1888 1938 Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 502697 9 Cohen Yohanan 1989 Small Nations in Times of Crisis and Confrontation Albany State University of New York Press ISBN 978 0 7914 0018 0 Davies Norman 2003 1972 White Eagle Red Star The Polish Soviet War 1919 1920 London Pimlico ISBN 9780712606943 Davies Norman 2005 1981 God s Playground A History of Poland Vol 2 1795 to the Present Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 925340 1 Davies Norman 1986 1984 Heart of Europe A Short History of Poland Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 285152 9 Davies Norman 1998 1996 Europe A History New York HarperCollins ISBN 978 0 06 097468 8 Davidson Eugene 2004 The Unmaking of Adolf Hitler Columbia University of Missouri Press ISBN 978 0 8262 1529 1 Drozdowski Marian Marek Szwankowska Hanna 1995 Przedmowa Pozegnanie Marszalka Antologia tekstow historycznych i literackich in Polish Warsaw Towarzystwo Milosnikow Historii Komisja Badan Dziejow Warszawy Instytutu Historii PAN Oficyna Wydawnicza Typografika ISBN 978 83 86417 18 6 Engelking Barbara 2001 Paulsson Gunnar S ed Holocaust and Memory The Experience of the Holocaust and Its Consequences an Investigation Based on Personal Narratives Translated by Harris Emma Leicester University Press ISBN 978 0 7185 0159 4 Erickson John 2001 The Soviet High Command A Military Political History 1918 1941 3rd ed Portland OR Frank Cass ISBN 978 0 7146 5178 1 Figes Orlando 1996 A People s Tragedy The Russian Revolution 1891 1924 London Pimlico ISBN 978 0 7126 7327 3 Flannery Edward H 2005 The Anguish of the Jews Twenty Three Centuries of Antisemitism Mahwah NJ Paulist Press ISBN 978 0 8091 4324 5 Garlicki Andrzej 1995 Jozef Pilsudski 1867 1935 Routledge ISBN 978 1 85928 018 8 Goldfarb Jeffrey C 1991 Beyond Glasnost The Post Totalitarian Mind Chicago University of Chicago Press ISBN 978 0 226 30098 6 Goldstein Erik 2002 The First World War Peace Settlements 1919 1925 London New York City Longman ISBN 978 0 582 31145 9 Grant Thomas D 1999 The Recognition of States Law and Practice in Debate and Evolution London Praeger ISBN 978 0 275 96350 7 Hehn Paul N 2005 A Low Dishonest Decade The Great Powers Eastern Europe and the Economic Origins of World War II 1930 1941 Continuum ISBN 978 0 8264 1761 9 Held Joseph 1992 The Columbia History of Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century New York Columbia University Press ISBN 978 0 231 07697 5 Hetherington Peter 2012 Unvanquished Joseph Pilsudski Resurrected Poland and the Struggle for Eastern Europe Houston Tx Pingora Press ISBN 978 0 9836563 1 9 Hildebrand Klaus 1973 The Foreign Policy of the Third Reich Berkeley University of California Press ISBN 978 0 520 02528 8 Humphrey Grace 1936 Pilsudski Builder of Poland New York Scott and More OCLC 775309 Hyde Price Adrian 2001 Germany and European Order Manchester University Press ISBN 978 0 7190 5428 0 Jablonowski Marek Stawecki Piotr 1998 Nastepca komendanta Edward Smigly Rydz Materialy do biografii in Polish Pultusk Wyzsza Szkola Humanistyczna w Pultusku ISBN 978 83 909208 0 1 Jablonowski Marek Kossewska Elzbieta eds 2005 Pilsudski na lamach i w opiniach prasy polskiej 1918 1989 Pilsudski as Seen in the Polish Press 1918 1989 in Polish Warsaw Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA JR and Warsaw University ISBN 978 83 89964 44 1 Jedrzejewicz Waclaw 1990 1982 Pilsudski A Life For Poland New York City Hippocrene Books ISBN 978 0 87052 747 0 Jedrzejewicz Waclaw Cisek Janusz 1994 Kalendarium Zycia Jozefa Pilsudskiego in Polish Wroclaw Zaklad Narodowy im Ossolinskich ISBN 978 83 04 04114 1 Jordan Nicole 2002 The Popular Front and Central Europe The Dilemmas of French Impotence 1918 1940 Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 52242 7 Kenez Peter 1999 A History of the Soviet Union from the Beginning to the End Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 31198 4 Kershaw Ian 2001 Hitler 1936 1945 Nemesis New York City W W Norton ISBN 978 0 393 32252 1 Kipp Jacob ed 1993 Central European Security Concerns Bridge Buffer Or Barrier Portland OR F Cass ISBN 978 0 7146 4545 2 Kowner Rotem 2006 Historical Dictionary of the Russo Japanese War The Scarecrow Press ISBN 0 8108 4927 5 Lerski Jerzy Jan 1996 Historical Dictionary of Poland 966 1945 Editing and emendations by Piotr Wrobel and Richard J Kozicki Westport Conn Greenwood Press ISBN 978 0 313 26007 0 Leslie R F 1983 The History of Poland Since 1863 Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 27501 9 Lieven Anatol 1994 The Baltic Revolution Estonia Latvia Lithuania and the Path to Independence New Haven Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 06078 2 Lonnroth Erik Bjork Ragnar Molin Karl 1994 Conceptions of National History Proceedings of Nobel Symposium 78 Berlin New York City Walter de Gruyter ISBN 978 3 11 013504 6 Lukacs John 2001 The Last European War September 1939 December 1941 Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 08915 8 MacMillan Margaret 2003 Paris 1919 Six Months That Changed the World Random House trade paperback ed New York Random House Trade Paperbacks ISBN 978 0 375 76052 5 Paulsson Gunnar S 2003 Secret City The Hidden Jews of Warsaw 1940 1945 New Haven Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 09546 3 Payne Stanley G 1995 A History of Fascism 1914 1945 University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0 299 14874 4 Pidlutskyi Oleksa 2004 Jozef Pilsudski The Chief who Created Himself a State Postati XX stolittia Figures of the 20th century Kyiv Triada A ISBN 978 966 8290 01 5 Reprinted in Dzerkalo Tyzhnia 5 3 9 February 2001 available online Pilsudski Jozef 1989 Urbankowski Bohdan ed Mysli mowy i rozkazy in Polish Warsaw Kwadryga ISBN 978 83 85082 01 9 Pipes Richard 1993 Russia under the Bolshevik Regime New York City Knopf ISBN 978 0 394 50242 7 Plach Eva 2006 The Clash of Moral Nations Cultural Politics in Pilsudski s Poland 1926 1935 Athens Ohio Ohio University Press ISBN 978 0 8214 1695 2 Pobog Malinowski Wladyslaw 1990 Najnowsza historia polityczna Polski 1864 1945 in Polish Warsaw Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza ISBN 978 83 03 03163 1 Prizel Ilya 1998 National Identity and Foreign Policy Nationalism and Leadership in Poland Russia and Ukraine Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 57697 0 Quester George H 2000 Nuclear Monopoly New Brunswick Transaction Publishers ISBN 978 0 7658 0022 0 Rakowski Grzegorz 2005 Wolyn przewodnik krajoznawczo historyczny po Ukrainie Zachodniej Rewasz ISBN 83 89188 32 5 Roos Hans 1966 A History of Modern Poland from the Foundation of the State in the First World War to the Present Day Translated by J R Foster from the German Geschichte der polnischen Nation 1916 1960 1st American ed New York Knopf OCLC 396836 Roshwald Aviel 2001 Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires Central Europe the Middle East and Russia 1914 1923 London New York Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 24229 5 Roshwald Aviel Stites Richard 2002 European Culture in the Great War The Arts Entertainment and Propaganda 1914 1918 Cambridge U K New York Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 01324 6 Roszkowski Wojciech 1992 Historia Polski 1914 1991 in Polish Warsaw Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN ISBN 978 83 01 11014 7 Rothschild Joseph 1990 East Central Europe Between the Two World Wars Seattle University of Washington Press ISBN 978 0 295 95357 1 Sanford George 2002 Democratic Government in Poland Constitutional Politics Since 1989 New York City Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 978 0 333 77475 5 Schuker Stephen 1999 The End of Versailles In Gordon Martel ed The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered A J P Taylor and the Historians 2nd ed London Routledge pp 38 56 ISBN 0415163250 Snyder Timothy 2004 The Reconstruction of Nations Poland Ukraine Lithuania Belarus 1569 1999 Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 10586 5 Snyder Timothy 2007 Sketches from a Secret Warr A Polish Artist s Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine Yale University Press ISBN 978 030012599 3 Stachura Peter D 2004 Poland 1918 1945 An Interpretive and Documentary History of the Second Republic Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 34358 9 Suleja Wlodzimierz 2004 Jozef Pilsudski in Polish Wroclaw Zaklad Narodowy im Ossolinskich ISBN 978 83 04 04706 8 Torbus Tomasz 1999 Nelles Guide Poland Munich Hunter Publishing ISBN 978 3 88618 088 2 Urbankowski Bohdan 1997 Jozef Pilsudski Marzyciel i strateg Jozef Pilsudski Dreamer and Strategist in Polish Vol 1 2 Warsaw Wydawnictwo ALFA ISBN 978 83 7001 914 3 Young Robert 1996 France and the Origins of the Second World War New York St Martin s Press ISBN 0312161867 Vital David 1999 A People Apart The Jews in Europe 1789 1939 Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 821980 4 Wandycz Piotr S 1990 Poland s Place in Europe in the Concepts of Pilsudski and Dmowski East European Politics amp Societies 4 3 451 68 doi 10 1177 0888325490004003004 S2CID 144503092 Wandycz Piotr Stefan 1988 The Twilight of French Eastern Alliances 1926 1936 French Czechoslovak Polish Relations from Locarno to the Remilitarization of the Rhineland Princeton Princeton University Press ISBN 9780691635255 Watt Richard M 1979 Bitter Glory New York City Simon and Schuster ISBN 978 0 671 22625 1 Wein Berel 1990 Triumph of Survival The Story of the Jews in the Modern Era 1650 1990 Shaar Mesorah ISBN 0 89906 498 1 Wladyka Wladyslaw 2005 Z Druga Rzeczpospolita na plecach Postac Jozefa Pilsudskiego w prasie i propagandzie PRL do 1980 roku In Jablonowski amp Kossewska 2005 Zamoyski Adam 1987 The Polish Way London John Murray ISBN 978 0 531 15069 6 Zimmerman Joshua D 2003 Contested Memories Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath Rutgers University Press ISBN 978 0 8135 3158 8 Zimmerman Joshua D 2004 Poles Jews and the Politics of Nationality The Bund and the Polish Socialist Party in Late Tsarist Russia 1892 1914 University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 978 0 299 19464 2 Zulawnik Malgorzata Zulawnik Mariusz 2005 Powrot na lamy Jozef Pilsudski w prasie oficjalnej i podziemnej 1980 1989 Return to the Newspapers Jozef Pilsudski in the Official and Underground Press 1980 1989 In Jablonowski amp Kossewska 2005 Further readingThis is only a small selection See also National Library in Warsaw lists Czubinski Antoni ed 1988 Jozef Pilsudski i jego legenda Jozef Pilsudski and His Legend Warsaw Panstowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN ISBN 978 83 01 07819 5 Davies Norman 2001 1984 Heart of Europe The Past in Poland s Present Oxford New York Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 280126 5 Dziewanowski Marian Kamil 1969 Joseph Pilsudski A European Federalist 1918 1922 Stanford Stanford University Press ISBN 978 0 8179 1791 3 Garlicki Andrzej 1981 Pilsudski Jozef Klemens Polish Biographical Dictionary Polski Slownik Biograficzny vol XXVI in Polish Wroclaw Polska Akademia Nauk pp 311 324 Hauser Przemyslaw 1992 Dorosz Janina transl Jozef Pilsudski s Views on the Territorial Shape of the Polish State and His Endeavours to Put them into Effect 1918 1921 Polish Western Affairs Poznan Komisja Naukowa Zachodniej Agencji Prasowej 2 235 249 ISSN 0032 3039 Jedrzejewicz Waclaw 1989 Jozef Pilsudski 1867 1935 Wroclaw Wydawnictwo LTW ISBN 978 83 88736 25 4 Pilsudska Aleksandra 1941 Pilsudski A Biography by His Wife New York Dodd Mead OCLC 65700731 Pilsudski Jozef Gillie Darsie Rutherford 1931 Joseph Pilsudski the Memories of a Polish Revolutionary and soldier Faber amp Faber Pilsudski Jozef 1972 Year 1920 and its Climax Battle of Warsaw during the Polish Soviet War 1919 1920 with the Addition of Soviet Marshal Tukhachevski s March beyond the Vistula New York Jozef Pilsudski Institute of America ASIN B0006EIT3A Reddaway William Fiddian 1939 Marshal Pilsudski London Routledge OCLC 1704492 Rothschild Joseph 1967 Pilsudski s Coup d Etat New York Columbia University Press ISBN 978 0 231 02984 1 Wandycz Piotr S 1970 Polish Federalism 1919 1920 and its Historical Antecedents East European Quarterly Boulder Colorado 4 1 25 39 ISSN 0012 8449 Wojcik Wlodzimierz 1987 Legenda Pilsudskiego w Polskiej literaturze miedzywojennej Pilsudski s Legend in Polish Interwar Literature Warsaw Slask ISBN 978 83 216 0533 3 External links Wikiquote has quotations related to Jozef Pilsudski Wikimedia Commons has media related to Jozef Pilsudski A site dedicated to Jozef Pilsudski and the prewar Poland in Polish Jozef Pilsudski Institute of America in English and Polish Bibula Book by Jozef Pilsudski in Polish Historical media Recording of short speech by Pilsudski from 1924 in Polish Newspaper clippings about Jozef Pilsudski in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Jozef Pilsudski amp oldid 1150824134, wikipedia, 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