fbpx
Wikipedia

Hathor

Hathor (Ancient Egyptian: ḥwt-ḥr, lit.'House of Horus', Ancient Greek: Ἁθώρ Hathōr, Coptic: ϩⲁⲑⲱⲣ, Meroitic: 𐦠𐦴𐦫𐦢Atari) was a major goddess in ancient Egyptian religion who played a wide variety of roles. As a sky deity, she was the mother or consort of the sky god Horus and the sun god Ra, both of whom were connected with kingship, and thus she was the symbolic mother of their earthly representatives, the pharaohs. She was one of several goddesses who acted as the Eye of Ra, Ra's feminine counterpart, and in this form, she had a vengeful aspect that protected him from his enemies. Her beneficent side represented music, dance, joy, love, sexuality, and maternal care, and she acted as the consort of several male deities and the mother of their sons. These two aspects of the goddess exemplified the Egyptian conception of femininity. Hathor crossed boundaries between worlds, helping deceased souls in the transition to the afterlife.

Hathor
Composite image of Hathor's most common iconography, based partly on images from the tomb of Nefertari
Name in hieroglyphsEgyptian: ḥwt-ḥr
[1]
Major cult center
ParentsRa
Consort
OffspringIhy, Neferhotep of Hu, Ra (Cycle Of Rebirth)

Hathor was often depicted as a cow, symbolizing her maternal and celestial aspect, although her most common form was a woman wearing a headdress of cow horns and a sun disk. She could also be represented as a lioness, a cobra, or a sycamore tree.

Cattle goddesses similar to Hathor were portrayed in Egyptian art in the fourth millennium BC, but she may not have appeared until the Old Kingdom (c. 2686–2181 BC). With the patronage of Old Kingdom rulers, she became one of Egypt's most important deities. More temples were dedicated to her than to any other goddess; her most prominent temple was Dendera in Upper Egypt. She was also worshipped in the temples of her male consorts. The Egyptians connected her with foreign lands, such as Nubia and Canaan, and their valuable goods, such as incense and semiprecious stones, and some of the peoples in those lands adopted her worship. In Egypt, she was one of the deities commonly invoked in private prayers and votive offerings, particularly by women desiring children.

During the New Kingdom (c. 1550–1070 BC), goddesses such as Mut and Isis encroached on Hathor's position in royal ideology, but she remained one of the most widely worshipped deities. After the end of the New Kingdom, Hathor was increasingly overshadowed by Isis, but she continued to be venerated until the extinction of ancient Egyptian religion in the early centuries AD.

Origins edit

 
Drawing of the Narmer Palette, c.31st century BC. The face of a woman with the horns and ears of a cow, representing Hathor or Bat, appears twice at the top of the palette and in a row below the belt of the king.

Images of cattle appear frequently in the artwork of Predynastic Egypt (before c. 3100 BC), as do images of women with upraised, curved arms, reminiscent of the shape of bovine horns. Both types of imagery may represent goddesses connected with cattle.[2] Cows are venerated in many cultures, including ancient Egypt, as symbols of motherhood and nourishment, because they care for their calves and provide humans with milk. The Gerzeh Palette, a stone palette from the Naqada II period of prehistory (c. 3500–3200 BC), shows the silhouette of a cow's head with inward-curving horns surrounded by stars. The palette suggests that this cow was also linked with the sky, as were several goddesses from later times who were represented in this form: Hathor, Mehet-Weret, and Nut.[3]

Despite these early precedents, Hathor is not unambiguously mentioned or depicted until the Fourth Dynasty (c. 2613–2494 BC) of the Old Kingdom,[4] although several artifacts that refer to her may date to the Early Dynastic Period (c. 3100–2686 BC).[5] When Hathor does clearly appear, her horns curve outward, rather than inward like those in Predynastic art.[6]

A bovine deity with inward-curving horns appears on the Narmer Palette from near the start of Egyptian history, both atop the palette and on the belt or apron of the king, Narmer. The Egyptologist Henry George Fischer suggested this deity may be Bat, a goddess who was later depicted with a woman's face and inward-curling horns, seemingly reflecting the curve of the cow horns.[6] The Egyptologist Lana Troy, however, identifies a passage in the Pyramid Texts from the late Old Kingdom that connects Hathor with the "apron" of the king, reminiscent of the goddess on Narmer's garments, and suggests the goddess on the Narmer Palette is Hathor rather than Bat.[4][7]

In the Fourth Dynasty, Hathor rose rapidly to prominence.[8] She supplanted an early crocodile god who was worshipped at Dendera in Upper Egypt to become Dendera's patron deity, and she increasingly absorbed the cult of Bat in the neighboring region of Hu, so that in the Middle Kingdom (c. 2055–1650 BC) the two deities fused into one.[9] The theology surrounding the pharaoh in the Old Kingdom, unlike that of earlier times, focused heavily on the sun god Ra as king of the gods and father and patron of the earthly king. Hathor ascended with Ra and became his mythological wife, and thus divine mother of the pharaoh.[8]

Roles edit

Hathor took many forms and appeared in a wide variety of roles.[10] The Egyptologist Robyn Gillam suggests that these diverse forms emerged when the royal goddess promoted by the Old Kingdom court subsumed many local goddesses worshipped by the general populace, who were then treated as manifestations of her.[11] Egyptian texts often speak of the manifestations of the goddess as "Seven Hathors"[10] or, less commonly, of many more Hathors—as many as 362.[12] For these reasons, Gillam calls her "a type of deity rather than a single entity".[11] Hathor's diversity reflects the range of traits that the Egyptians associated with goddesses. More than any other deity, she exemplifies the Egyptian perception of femininity.[13]

Sky goddess edit

Hathor was given the epithets "mistress of the sky" and "mistress of the stars", and was said to dwell in the sky with Ra and other sun deities. Egyptians thought of the sky as a body of water through which the sun god sailed, and they connected it with the waters from which, according to their creation myths, the sun emerged at the beginning of time. This cosmic mother goddess was often represented as a cow. Hathor and Mehet-Weret were both thought of as the cow who birthed the sun god and placed him between her horns. Like Nut, Hathor was said to give birth to the sun god each dawn.[14]

Hathor's Egyptian name was ḥwt-ḥrw[15] or ḥwt-ḥr.[16] It is typically translated "house of Horus" but can also be rendered as "my house is the sky".[17] The falcon god Horus represented, among other things, the sun and sky. The "house" referred to may be the sky in which Horus lives, or the goddess's womb from which he, as a sun god, is born each day.[18]

Solar goddess edit

Hathor was a solar deity, a feminine counterpart to sun gods such as Horus and Ra, and was a member of the divine entourage that accompanied Ra as he sailed through the sky in his barque.[18] She was commonly called the "Golden One", referring to the radiance of the sun, and texts from her temple at Dendera say "her rays illuminate the whole earth."[19] She was sometimes fused with another goddess, Nebethetepet, whose name can mean "Lady of the Offering", "Lady of Contentment",[20] or "Lady of the Vulva".[21] At Ra's cult center of Heliopolis, Hathor-Nebethetepet was worshipped as his consort,[22] and the Egyptologist Rudolf Anthes argued that Hathor's name referred to a mythical "house of Horus" at Heliopolis that was connected with the ideology of kingship.[23]

She was one of many goddesses to take the role of the Eye of Ra, a feminine personification of the disk of the sun and an extension of Ra's own power. Ra was sometimes portrayed inside the disk, which Troy interprets as meaning that the eye goddess was thought of as a womb, from which the sun god was born. Hathor's seemingly contradictory roles as mother, wife, and daughter of Ra reflected the daily cycle of the sun. At sunset the god entered the body of the sky goddess, impregnating her and fathering the deities born from her womb at sunrise: himself and the eye goddess, who would later give birth to him. Ra gave rise to his daughter, the eye goddess, who in turn gave rise to him, her son, in a cycle of constant regeneration.[24]

The Eye of Ra protected the sun god from his enemies and was often represented as a uraeus, or rearing cobra, or as a lioness.[25] A form of the Eye of Ra known as "Hathor of the Four Faces", represented by a set of four cobras, was said to face in each of the cardinal directions to watch for threats to the sun god.[26] A group of myths, known from the New Kingdom (c. 1550–1070 BC) onward, describe what happens when the Eye goddess rampages uncontrolled. In the funerary text known as the Book of the Heavenly Cow, Ra sends Hathor as the Eye of Ra to punish humans for plotting rebellion against his rule. She becomes the lioness goddess Sekhmet and massacres the rebellious humans, but Ra decides to prevent her from killing all humanity. He orders that beer be dyed red and poured out over the land. The Eye goddess drinks the beer, mistaking it for blood, and in her inebriated state reverts to being the benign and beautiful Hathor.[27] Related to this story is the myth of the Distant Goddess, from the Late and Ptolemaic periods. The Eye goddess, sometimes in the form of Hathor, rebels against Ra's control and rampages freely in a foreign land: Libya west of Egypt or Nubia to the south. Weakened by the loss of his Eye, Ra sends another god, such as Thoth, to bring her back to him.[28] Once pacified, the goddess returns to become the consort of the sun god or of the god who brings her back.[29] The two aspects of the Eye goddess—violent and dangerous versus beautiful and joyful—reflected the Egyptian belief that women, as the Egyptologist Carolyn Graves-Brown puts it, "encompassed both extreme passions of fury and love".[27]

Music, dance, and joy edit

 
Banquet scene from the tomb chapel of Nebamun, 14th century BC. Its imagery of music and dancing alludes to Hathor.[30]

Egyptian religion celebrated the sensory pleasures of life, believed to be among the gods' gifts to humanity. Egyptians ate, drank, danced, and played music at their religious festivals. They perfumed the air with flowers and incense. Many of Hathor's epithets link her to celebration; she is called the mistress of music, dance, garlands, myrrh, and drunkenness. In hymns and temple reliefs, musicians play tambourines, harps, lyres, and sistra in Hathor's honor.[31] The sistrum, a rattle-like instrument, was particularly important in Hathor's worship. Sistra had erotic connotations and, by extension, alluded to the creation of new life.[32]

These aspects of Hathor were linked with the myth of the Eye of Ra. The Eye was pacified by beer in the story of the Destruction of Mankind. In some versions of the Distant Goddess myth, the wandering Eye's wildness abated when she was appeased with products of civilization like music, dance, and wine. The water of the annual flooding of the Nile, colored red by sediment, was likened to wine, and to the red-dyed beer in the Destruction of Mankind. Festivals during the inundation therefore incorporated drink, music, and dance as a way to appease the returning goddess.[33] A text from the Temple of Edfu says of Hathor, "the gods play the sistrum for her, the goddesses dance for her to dispel her bad temper."[34] A hymn to the goddess Raet-Tawy as a form of Hathor at the temple of Medamud describes the Festival of Drunkenness (Tekh Festival) as part of her mythic return to Egypt.[35] Women carry bouquets of flowers, drunken revelers play drums, and people and animals from foreign lands dance for her as she enters the temple's festival booth. The noise of the celebration drives away hostile powers and ensures the goddess will remain in her joyful form as she awaits the male god of the temple, her mythological consort Montu, whose son she will bear.[36]

Sexuality, beauty, and love edit

Hathor's joyful, ecstatic side indicates her feminine, procreative power. In some creation myths she helped produce the world itself.[37] Atum, a creator god who contained all things within himself, was said to have produced his children Shu and Tefnut, and thus begun the process of creation, by masturbating. The hand he used for this act, the Hand of Atum, represented the female aspect of himself and could be personified by Hathor, Nebethetepet, or another goddess, Iusaaset.[38] In a late creation myth from the Ptolemaic Period (332–30 BC), the god Khonsu is put in a central role, and Hathor is the goddess with whom Khonsu mates to enable creation.[39]

Hathor could be the consort of many male gods, of whom Ra was only the most prominent. Mut was the usual consort of Amun, the preeminent deity during the New Kingdom who was often linked with Ra. But Mut was rarely portrayed alongside Amun in contexts related to sex or fertility, and in those circumstances, Hathor or Isis stood at his side instead.[40] In the late periods of Egyptian history, the form of Hathor from Dendera and the form of Horus from Edfu were considered husband and wife[41] and in different versions of the myth of the Distant Goddess, Hathor-Raettawy was the consort of Montu[42] and Hathor-Tefnut the consort of Shu.[43]

Hathor's sexual side was seen in some short stories. In a cryptic fragment of a Middle Kingdom story, known as "The Tale of the Herdsman", a herdsman encounters a hairy, animal-like goddess in a marsh and reacts with terror. On another day he encounters her as a nude, alluring woman. Most Egyptologists who study this story think this woman is Hathor or a goddess like her, one who can be wild and dangerous or benign and erotic. Thomas Schneider interprets the text as implying that between his two encounters with the goddess the herdsman has done something to pacify her.[44] In "The Contendings of Horus and Set", a New Kingdom short story about the dispute between those two gods, Ra is upset after being insulted by another god, Babi, and lies on his back alone. After some time, Hathor exposes her genitals to Ra, making him laugh and get up again to perform his duties as ruler of the gods. Life and order were thought to be dependent on Ra's activity, and the story implies that Hathor averted the disastrous consequences of his idleness. Her act may have lifted Ra's spirits partly because it sexually aroused him, although why he laughed is not fully understood.[45]

Hathor was praised for her beautiful hair. Egyptian literature contains allusions to a myth not clearly described in any surviving texts, in which Hathor lost a lock of hair that represented her sexual allure. One text compares this loss with Horus's loss of his divine Eye and Set's loss of his testicles during the struggle between the two gods, implying that the loss of Hathor's lock was as catastrophic for her as the maiming of Horus and Set was for them.[46]

Hathor was called "mistress of love", as an extension of her sexual aspect. In the series of love poems from Papyrus Chester Beatty I, from the Twentieth Dynasty (c. 1189–1077 BC), men and women ask Hathor to bring their lovers to them: "I prayed to her [Hathor] and she heard my prayer. She destined my mistress [loved one] for me. And she came of her own free will to see me."[47]

Motherhood and queenship edit

 
Hathor as a cow suckling Hatshepsut, a female pharaoh, at Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahari (15th century BC).

Hathor was considered the mother of various child deities. As suggested by her name, she was often thought of as both Horus's mother and consort.[48] As both the king's wife and his heir's mother, Hathor was the divine counterpart of human queens.[15]

Isis and Osiris were considered Horus's parents in the Osiris myth as far back as the late Old Kingdom, but the relationship between Horus and Hathor may be older still. If so, Horus only came to be linked with Isis and Osiris as the Osiris myth emerged during the Old Kingdom.[49] Even after Isis was firmly established as Horus's mother, Hathor continued to appear in this role, especially when nursing the pharaoh. Images of the Hathor-cow with a child in a papyrus thicket represented his mythological upbringing in a secluded marsh. Goddesses' milk was a sign of divinity and royal status. Thus, images in which Hathor nurses the pharaoh represent his right to rule.[50] Hathor's relationship with Horus gave a healing aspect to her character, as she was said to have restored Horus's missing eye or eyes after Set attacked him.[18] In the version of this episode in "The Contendings of Horus and Set", Hathor finds Horus with his eyes torn out and heals the wounds with gazelle's milk.[51]

Beginning in the Late Period (664–323 BC), temples focused on the worship of a divine family: an adult male deity, his wife, and their immature son. Satellite buildings, known as mammisis, were built in celebration of the birth of the local child deity. The child god represented the cyclical renewal of the cosmos and an archetypal heir to the kingship.[52] Hathor was the mother in many of these local divine triads. At Dendera, the mature Horus of Edfu was the father and Hathor the mother, while their child was Ihy, a god whose name meant "sistrum-player" and who personified the jubilation associated with the instrument.[53] At Kom Ombo, Hathor's local form, Tasenetnofret, was mother to Horus's son Panebtawy.[54] Other children of Hathor included a minor deity from the town of Hu, named Neferhotep,[53] and several child forms of Horus.[55]

The milky sap of the sycamore tree, which the Egyptians regarded as a symbol of life, became one of her symbols.[56] The milk was equated with water of the Nile inundation and thus fertility.[57] In the late Ptolemaic and Roman Periods, many temples contained a creation myth that adapted long-standing ideas about creation.[58] The version from Hathor's temple at Dendera emphasizes that she, as a female solar deity, was the first being to emerge from the primordial waters that preceded creation, and her life-giving light and milk nourished all living things.[59]

Hathor's maternal aspects can be compared with those of Isis and Mut, yet there are many contrasts between them. Isis's devotion to her husband and care for their child represented a more socially acceptable form of love than Hathor's uninhibited sexuality,[60] and Mut's character was more authoritative than sexual.[61] The text of the 1st century CE Insinger Papyrus likens a faithful wife, the mistress of a household, to Mut, while comparing Hathor to a strange woman who tempts a married man.[61]

Fate edit

Like Meskhenet, another goddess who presided over birth, Hathor was connected with shai, the Egyptian concept of fate, particularly when she took the form of the Seven Hathors. In two New Kingdom works of fiction, the "Tale of Two Brothers" and the "Tale of the Doomed Prince", the Hathors appear at the births of major characters and foretell the manner of their deaths. The Egyptians tended to think of fate as inexorable. Yet in "The Tale of the Doomed Prince", the prince who is its protagonist is able to escape one of the possible violent deaths that the Seven Hathors have foretold for him, and while the end of the story is missing, the surviving portions imply that the prince can escape his fate with the help of the gods.[62]

Foreign lands and goods edit

Hathor was connected with trade and foreign lands, possibly because her role as a sky goddess linked her with stars and hence navigation,[63] and because she was believed to protect ships on the Nile and in the seas beyond Egypt as she protected the barque of Ra in the sky.[64] The mythological wandering of the Eye goddess in Nubia or Libya gave her a connection with those lands as well.[65]

Egypt maintained trade relations with the coastal cities of Syria and Canaan, particularly Byblos, placing Egyptian religion in contact with the religions of that region.[66] At some point, perhaps as early as the Old Kingdom, the Egyptians began to refer to the patron goddess of Byblos, Baalat Gebal, as a local form of Hathor.[67] So strong was Hathor's link to Byblos that texts from Dendera say she resided there.[68] The Egyptians sometimes equated Anat, an aggressive Canaanite goddess who came to be worshipped in Egypt during the New Kingdom, with Hathor.[69] Some Canaanite artworks depict a nude goddess with a curling wig taken from Hathor's iconography.[70] Which goddess these images represent is not known, but the Egyptians adopted her iconography and came to regard her as an independent deity, Qetesh,[71] whom they associated with Hathor.[72]

Hathor was closely connected with the Sinai Peninsula,[73] which was not considered part of Egypt proper but was the site of Egyptian mines for copper, turquoise, and malachite during the Middle and New Kingdoms.[74] One of Hathor's epithets, "Lady of Mefkat", may have referred specifically to turquoise or to all blue-green minerals. She was also called "Lady of Faience", a blue-green ceramic that Egyptians likened to turquoise.[75][76] Hathor was also worshipped at various quarries and mining sites in Egypt's Eastern Desert, such as the amethyst mines of Wadi el-Hudi, where she was sometimes called "Lady of Amethyst".[77]

South of Egypt, Hathor's influence was thought to have extended over the land of Punt, which lay along the Red Sea coast and was a major source for the incense with which Hathor was linked, as well as with Nubia, northwest of Punt.[64] The autobiography of Harkhuf, an official in the Sixth Dynasty (c. 2345–2181 BC), describes his expedition to a land in or near Nubia, from which he brought back great quantities of ebony, panther skins, and incense for the king. The text describes these exotic goods as Hathor's gift to the pharaoh.[73] Egyptian expeditions to mine gold in Nubia introduced her cult to the region during the Middle and New Kingdoms,[78] and New Kingdom pharaohs built several temples to her in the portions of Nubia that they ruled.[79]

Afterlife edit

 
Hathor, in bovine form, emerges from a hill representing the Theban necropolis, in a copy of the Book of the Dead from the 13th century BC

Although the Pyramid Texts, the earliest Egyptian funerary texts, rarely mention her,[80] Hathor was invoked in private tomb inscriptions from the same era, and in the Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts and later sources, she is frequently linked with the afterlife.[81]

Just as she crossed the boundary between Egypt and foreign lands, Hathor passed through the boundary between the living and the Duat, the realm of the dead.[82] She helped the spirits of deceased humans enter the Duat and was closely linked with tomb sites, where that transition began.[83] The necropolises, or clusters of tombs, on the west bank of the Nile were personified as Imentet, the goddess of the west, who was frequently regarded as a manifestation of Hathor.[84] The Theban necropolis, for example, was often portrayed as a stylized mountain with the cow of Hathor emerging from it.[85] Her role as a sky goddess was also linked to the afterlife. Because the sky goddess—either Nut or Hathor—assisted Ra in his daily rebirth, she had an important part in ancient Egyptian afterlife beliefs, according to which deceased humans were reborn like the sun god.[86] Coffins, tombs, and the underworld itself were interpreted as the womb of this goddess, from which the deceased soul would be reborn.[87][88]

Nut, Hathor, and Imentet could each, in different texts, lead the deceased into a place where they would receive food and drink for eternal sustenance. Thus, Hathor, as Imentet, often appears on tombs, welcoming the deceased person as her child into a blissful afterlife.[89] In New Kingdom funerary texts and artwork, the afterlife was often illustrated as a pleasant, fertile garden, over which Hathor sometimes presided.[90] The welcoming afterlife goddess was often portrayed as a goddess in the form of a tree, giving water to the deceased. Nut most commonly filled this role, but the tree goddess was sometimes called Hathor instead.[91]

The afterlife also had a sexual aspect. In the Osiris myth, the murdered god Osiris was resurrected when he copulated with Isis and conceived Horus. In solar ideology, Ra's union with the sky goddess allowed his own rebirth. Sex therefore enabled the rebirth of the deceased, and goddesses like Isis and Hathor served to rouse the deceased to new life. But they merely stimulated the male deities' regenerative powers, rather than playing the central role.[92]

Ancient Egyptians prefixed the names of the deceased with Osiris's name to connect them with his resurrection. For example, a woman named Henutmehyt would be dubbed "Osiris-Henutmehyt". Over time they increasingly associated the deceased with both male and female divine powers.[93] As early as the late Old Kingdom, women were sometimes said to join the worshippers of Hathor in the afterlife, just as men joined the following of Osiris. In the Third Intermediate Period (c. 1070–664 BC), Egyptians began to add Hathor's name to that of deceased women in place of that of Osiris. In some cases, women were called "Osiris-Hathor", indicating that they benefited from the revivifying power of both deities. In these late periods, Hathor was sometimes said to rule the afterlife as Osiris did.[94]

Iconography edit

Hathor was often depicted as a cow bearing the sun disk between her horns, especially when shown nursing the king. She could also appear as a woman with the head of a cow. Her most common form, however, was a woman wearing a headdress of the horns and sun disk, often with a red or turquoise sheath dress, or a dress combining both colors. Sometimes the horns stood atop a low modius or the vulture headdress that Egyptian queens often wore in the New Kingdom. Because Isis adopted the same headdress during the New Kingdom, the two goddesses can be distinguished only if labeled in writing. When in the role of Imentet, Hathor wore the emblem of the west upon her head instead of the horned headdress.[95] The Seven Hathors were sometimes portrayed as a set of seven cows, accompanied by a minor sky and afterlife deity called the Bull of the West.[96]

Some animals other than cattle could represent Hathor. The uraeus was a common motif in Egyptian art and could represent a variety of goddesses who were identified with the Eye of Ra.[97] When Hathor was depicted as a uraeus, it represented the ferocious and protective aspects of her character. She also appeared as a lioness, and this form had a similar meaning.[98] In contrast, the domestic cat, which was sometimes connected with Hathor, often represented the Eye goddess's pacified form.[99] When portrayed as a sycamore tree, Hathor was usually shown with the upper body of her human form emerging from the trunk.[100]

Like other goddesses, Hathor might carry a stalk of papyrus as a staff, though she could instead hold a was staff, a symbol of power that was usually restricted to male deities.[76] The only goddesses who used the was were those, like Hathor, who were linked with the Eye of Ra.[101] She also commonly carried a sistrum or a menat necklace. The sistrum came in two varieties: a simple loop shape or the more complex naos sistrum, which was shaped to resemble a naos shrine and flanked by volutes resembling the antennae of the Bat emblem.[102] Mirrors were another of her symbols, because in Egypt they were often made of gold or bronze and therefore symbolized the sun disk, and because they were connected with beauty and femininity. Some mirror handles were made in the shape of Hathor's face.[103] The menat necklace, made up of many strands of beads, was shaken in ceremonies in Hathor's honor, similarly to the sistrum.[73] Images of it were sometimes seen as personifications of Hathor herself.[104]

Hathor was sometimes represented as a human face with bovine ears, seen from the front rather than in the profile-based perspective that was typical of Egyptian art. When she appears in this form, the tresses on either side of her face often curl into loops. This mask-like face was placed on the capitals of columns beginning in the late Old Kingdom. Columns of this style were used in many temples to Hathor and other goddesses.[105] These columns have two or four faces, which may represent the duality between different aspects of the goddess or the watchfulness of Hathor of the Four Faces. The designs of Hathoric columns have a complex relationship with those of sistra. Both styles of sistrum can bear the Hathor mask on the handle, and Hathoric columns often incorporate the naos sistrum shape above the goddess's head.[102]

Worship edit

 
Copy of a statue of Hathor (center) with a goddess personifying the Fifteenth Nome of Upper Egypt (left) and the Fourth Dynasty king Menkaure (right); 26th century BC

Relationship with royalty edit

During the Early Dynastic Period, Neith was the preeminent goddess at the royal court,[106] while in the Fourth Dynasty, Hathor became the goddess most closely linked with the king.[66] Sneferu, the founder of the Fourth Dynasty, may have built a temple to her, and Neferhetepes, a daughter of Djedefra, was the first recorded priestess of Hathor.[107] Old Kingdom rulers donated resources only to temples dedicated to particular kings or to deities closely connected with kingship. Hathor was one of the few deities to receive such donations.[108] Late Old Kingdom rulers especially promoted the cult of Hathor in the provinces, as a way of binding those regions to the royal court. She may have absorbed the traits of contemporary provincial goddesses.[109]

Many female royals, though not reigning queens, held positions in the cult during the Old Kingdom.[110] Mentuhotep II, who became the first pharaoh of the Middle Kingdom despite having no relation to the Old Kingdom rulers, sought to legitimize his rule by portraying himself as Hathor's son. The first images of the Hathor-cow suckling the king date to his reign, and several priestesses of Hathor were depicted as though they were his wives, although he may not have actually married them.[111][112] In the course of the Middle Kingdom, queens were increasingly seen as directly embodying the goddess, just as the king embodied Ra.[113] The emphasis on the queen as Hathor continued through the New Kingdom. Queens were portrayed with the headdress of Hathor beginning in the late Eighteenth Dynasty. An image of the sed festival of Amenhotep III, meant to celebrate and renew his rule, shows the king together with Hathor and his queen Tiye, which could mean that the king symbolically married the goddess in the course of the festival.[114]

Hatshepsut, a woman who ruled as a pharaoh in the early New Kingdom, emphasized her relationship to Hathor in a different way.[115] She used names and titles that linked her to a variety of goddesses, including Hathor, so as to legitimize her rule in what was normally a male position.[116] She built several temples to Hathor and placed her own mortuary temple, which incorporated a chapel dedicated to the goddess, at Deir el-Bahari, which had been a cult site of Hathor since the Middle Kingdom.[115]

The preeminence of Amun during the New Kingdom gave greater visibility to his consort Mut, and in the course of the period, Isis began appearing in roles that traditionally belonged to Hathor alone, such as that of the goddess in the solar barque. Despite the growing prominence of these deities, Hathor remained important, particularly in relation to fertility, sexuality, and queenship, throughout the New Kingdom.[117]

After the New Kingdom, Isis increasingly overshadowed Hathor and other goddesses as she took on their characteristics.[118] In the Ptolemaic period (305–30 BC), when Greeks governed Egypt and their religion developed a complex relationship with that of Egypt, the Ptolemaic dynasty adopted and modified the Egyptian ideology of kingship. Beginning with Arsinoe II, wife of Ptolemy II, the Ptolemies closely linked their queens with Isis and with several Greek goddesses, particularly their own goddess of love and sexuality, Aphrodite.[119] Nevertheless, when the Greeks referred to Egyptian gods by the names of their own gods (a practice called interpretatio graeca), they sometimes called Hathor Aphrodite.[120] Traits of Isis, Hathor, and Aphrodite were all combined to justify the treatment of Ptolemaic queens as goddesses. Thus, the poet Callimachus alluded to the myth of Hathor's lost lock of hair in the Aetia when praising Berenice II for sacrificing her own hair to Aphrodite,[46] and iconographic traits that Isis and Hathor shared, such as the bovine horns and vulture headdress, appeared on images portraying Ptolemaic queens as Aphrodite.[121]

Temples in Egypt edit

 
Hypostyle hall of the Temple of Hathor at Dendera, first century AD

More temples were dedicated to Hathor than to any other Egyptian goddess.[82] During the Old Kingdom her most important center of worship was in the region of Memphis, where "Hathor of the Sycamore" was worshipped at many sites throughout the Memphite Necropolis. During the New Kingdom era, the temple of Hathor of the Southern Sycamore was her main temple in Memphis.[122] At that site she was described as the daughter of the city's main deity, Ptah.[86] The cult of Ra and Atum at Heliopolis, northeast of Memphis, included a temple to Hathor-Nebethetepet that was probably built in the Middle Kingdom. A willow and a sycamore tree stood near the sanctuary and may have been worshipped as manifestations of the goddess.[22] A few cities farther north in the Nile Delta, such as Yamu and Terenuthis, also had temples to her.[123]

Dendera, Hathor's oldest temple in Upper Egypt, dates to at least to the Fourth Dynasty.[124] After the end of the Old Kingdom it surpassed her Memphite temples in importance.[125] Many kings made additions to the temple complex through Egyptian history. The last version of the temple was built in the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods and is today one of the best-preserved Egyptian temples from that time.[126]

As the rulers of the Old Kingdom made an effort to develop towns in Upper and Middle Egypt, several cult centers of Hathor were founded across the region, at sites such as Cusae, Akhmim, and Naga ed-Der.[127] In the First Intermediate Period (c. 2181–2055 BC) her cult statue from Dendera was periodically carried to the Theban necropolis. During the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, Mentuhotep II established a permanent cult center for her in the necropolis at Deir el-Bahari.[128] The nearby village of Deir el-Medina, home to the tomb workers of the necropolis during the New Kingdom, also contained temples of Hathor. One continued to function and was periodically rebuilt as late as the Ptolemaic Period, centuries after the village was abandoned.[129]

In the Old Kingdom, most priests of Hathor, including the highest ranks, were women. Many of these women were members of the royal family.[130] In the course of the Middle Kingdom, women were increasingly excluded from the highest priestly positions, at the same time that queens were becoming more closely tied to Hathor's cult. Thus, non-royal women disappeared from the high ranks of Hathor's priesthood,[131] although women continued to serve as musicians and singers in temple cults across Egypt.[132]

The most frequent temple rite for any deity was the daily offering ritual, in which the cult image, or statue, of a deity would be clothed and given food.[133] The daily ritual was largely the same in every Egyptian temple,[133] although the goods given as offerings could vary according to which deity received them.[134] Wine and beer were common offerings in all temples, but especially in rituals in Hathor's honor,[135] and she and the goddesses related to her often received sistra and menat necklaces.[134] In Late and Ptolemaic times, they were also offered a pair of mirrors, representing the sun and the moon.[136]

Festivals edit

Many of Hathor's annual festivals were celebrated with drinking and dancing that served a ritual purpose. Revelers at these festivals may have aimed to reach a state of religious ecstasy, which was otherwise rare or nonexistent in ancient Egyptian religion. Graves-Brown suggests that celebrants in Hathor's festivals aimed to reach an altered state of consciousness to allow them interact with the divine realm.[137] An example is the Festival of Drunkenness, commemorating the return of the Eye of Ra, which was celebrated on the twentieth day of the month of Thout at temples to Hathor and to other Eye goddesses. It was celebrated as early as the Middle Kingdom, but it is best known from Ptolemaic and Roman times.[137] The dancing, eating and drinking that took place during the Festival of Drunkenness represented the opposite of the sorrow, hunger, and thirst that the Egyptians associated with death. Whereas the rampages of the Eye of Ra brought death to humans, the Festival of Drunkenness celebrated life, abundance, and joy.[138]

In a local Theban festival known as the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, which began to be celebrated in the Middle Kingdom, the cult image of Amun from the Temple of Karnak visited the temples in the Theban Necropolis while members of the community went to the tombs of their deceased relatives to drink, eat, and celebrate.[139] Hathor was not involved in this festival until the early New Kingdom,[140] after which Amun's overnight stay in the temples at Deir el-Bahari came to be seen as his sexual union with her.[141]

Several temples in Ptolemaic times, including that of Dendera, observed the Egyptian new year with a series of ceremonies in which images of the temple deity were supposed to be revitalized by contact with the sun god. On the days leading up to the new year, Dendera's statue of Hathor was taken to the wabet, a specialized room in the temple, and placed under a ceiling decorated with images of the sky and sun. On the first day of the new year, the first day of the month of Thoth, the Hathor image was carried up to the roof to be bathed in genuine sunlight.[142]

The best-documented festival focused on Hathor is another Ptolemaic celebration, the Festival of the Beautiful Reunion. It took place over fourteen days in the month of Epiphi.[143][144] Hathor's cult image from Dendera was carried by boat to several temple sites to visit the gods of those temples. The endpoint of the journey was the Temple of Horus at Edfu, where the Hathor statue from Dendera met that of Horus of Edfu and the two were placed together.[145] On one day of the festival, these images were carried out to a shrine where primordial deities such as the sun god and the Ennead were said to be buried. The texts say the divine couple performed offering rites for these entombed gods.[146] Many Egyptologists regard this festival as a ritual marriage between Horus and Hathor, although Martin Stadler challenges this view, arguing that it instead represented the rejuvenation of the buried creator gods.[147] C. J. Bleeker thought the Beautiful Reunion was another celebration of the return of the Distant Goddess, citing allusions in the temple's festival texts to the myth of the solar eye.[148] Barbara Richter argues that the festival represented all three things at once. She points out that the birth of Horus and Hathor's son Ihy was celebrated at Dendera nine months after the Festival of the Beautiful Reunion, implying that Hathor's visit to Horus represented Ihy's conception.[149]

The third month of the Egyptian calendar, Hathor or Athyr, was named for the goddess. Festivities in her honor took place throughout the month, although they are not recorded in the texts from Dendera.[150]

Worship outside Egypt edit

 
Remains of the Hathor shrine in the Timna Valley

Egyptian kings as early as the Old Kingdom donated goods to the temple of Baalat Gebal in Byblos, using the syncretism of Baalat with Hathor to cement their close trading relationship with Byblos.[151] A temple to Hathor as Lady of Byblos was built during the reign of Thutmose III, although it may simply have been a shrine within the temple of Baalat.[152] After the breakdown of the New Kingdom, Hathor's prominence in Byblos diminished along with Egypt's trade links to the city. A few artifacts from the early first millennium BC suggest that the Egyptians began equating Baalat with Isis at that time.[153] A myth about Isis's presence in Byblos, related by the Greek author Plutarch in his work On Isis and Osiris in the 2nd century AD, suggests that by his time Isis had entirely supplanted Hathor in the city.[154]

A pendant found in a Mycenaean tomb at Pylos, from the 16th century BC, bears Hathor's face. Its presence in the tomb suggests the Mycenaeans may have known that the Egyptians connected Hathor with the afterlife.[155]

Egyptians in the Sinai Peninsula built a few temples in the region. The largest was a complex dedicated primarily to Hathor as patroness of mining at Serabit el-Khadim, on the west side of the peninsula.[156] It was occupied from the middle of the Middle Kingdom to near the end of the New.[157] The Timna Valley, on the fringes of the Egyptian empire on the east side of the peninsula, was the site of seasonal mining expeditions during the New Kingdom. It included a shrine to Hathor that was probably deserted during the off-season. The local Midianites, whom the Egyptians used as part of the mining workforce, may have given offerings to Hathor as their overseers did. After the Egyptians abandoned the site in the Twentieth Dynasty, however, the Midianites converted the shrine to a tent shrine devoted to their own deities.[158]

In contrast, the Nubians in the south fully incorporated Hathor into their religion. During the New Kingdom, when most of Nubia was under Egyptian control, pharaohs dedicated several temples in Nubia to Hathor, such as those at Faras and Mirgissa.[79] Amenhotep III and Ramesses II both built temples in Nubia that celebrated their respective queens as manifestations of female deities, including Hathor: Amenhotep's wife Tiye at Sedeinga[159] and Ramesses's wife Nefertari at the Small Temple of Abu Simbel.[160] The independent Kingdom of Kush, which emerged in Nubia after the collapse of the New Kingdom, based its beliefs about Kushite kings on the royal ideology of Egypt. Therefore, Hathor, Isis, Mut, and Nut were all seen as the mythological mother of each Kushite king and equated with his female relatives, such as the kandake, the Kushite queen or queen mother, who had prominent roles in Kushite religion.[161] At Jebel Barkal, a site sacred to Amun, the Kushite king Taharqa built a pair of temples, one dedicated to Hathor and one to Mut as consorts of Amun, replacing New Kingdom Egyptian temples that may have been dedicated to these same goddesses.[162] But Isis was the most prominent of the Egyptian goddesses worshipped in Nubia, and her status there increased over time. Thus, in the Meroitic period of Nubian history (c. 300 BC – AD 400), Hathor appeared in temples mainly as a companion to Isis.[163]

Popular worship edit

 
Ptolemaic plaque of a woman giving birth assisted by two figures of Hathor, fourth to first century BC

In addition to formal and public rituals at temples, Egyptians privately worshipped deities for personal reasons, including at their homes. Birth was hazardous for both mother and child in ancient Egypt, yet children were much desired. Thus fertility and safe childbirth are among the most prominent concerns in popular religion, and fertility deities such as Hathor and Taweret were commonly worshipped in household shrines. Egyptian women squatted on bricks while giving birth, and the only known surviving birth brick from ancient Egypt is decorated with an image of a woman holding her child flanked by images of Hathor.[164] In Roman times, terracotta figurines, sometimes found in a domestic context, depicted a woman with an elaborate headdress exposing her genitals, as Hathor did to cheer up Ra.[165] The meaning of these figurines is not known,[166] but they are often thought to represent Hathor or Isis combined with Aphrodite making a gesture that represented fertility or protection against evil.[165]

Hathor was one of a handful of deities, including Amun, Ptah, and Thoth, who were commonly prayed to for help with personal problems.[167] Many Egyptians left offerings at temples or small shrines dedicated to the gods they prayed to. Most offerings to Hathor were used for their symbolism, not for their intrinsic value. Cloths painted with images of Hathor were common, as were plaques and figurines depicting her animal forms. Different types of offerings may have symbolized different goals on the part of the donor, but their meaning is usually unknown. Images of Hathor alluded to her mythical roles, like depictions of the maternal cow in the marsh.[168] Offerings of sistra may have been meant to appease the goddess's dangerous aspects and bring out her positive ones,[169] while phalli represented a prayer for fertility, as shown by an inscription found on one example.[170]

Some Egyptians also left written prayers to Hathor, inscribed on stelae or written as graffiti.[167] Prayers to some deities, such as Amun, show that they were thought to punish wrongdoers and heal people who repented for their misbehavior. In contrast, prayers to Hathor mention only the benefits she could grant, such as abundant food during life and a well-provisioned burial after death.[171]

Funerary practices edit

 
Hathor welcoming Seti I into the afterlife, 13th century BC

As an afterlife deity, Hathor appeared frequently in funerary texts and art. In the early New Kingdom, for instance, she was one of the three deities most commonly found in royal tomb decoration, the others being Osiris and Anubis.[172] In that period she often appeared as the goddess welcoming the dead into the afterlife.[173] Other images referred to her more obliquely. Reliefs in Old Kingdom tombs show men and women performing a ritual called "shaking the papyrus". The significance of this rite is not known, but inscriptions sometimes say it was performed "for Hathor", and shaking papyrus stalks produces a rustling sound that may have been likened to the rattling of a sistrum.[174] Other Hathoric imagery in tombs included the cow emerging from the mountain of the necropolis[85] and the seated figure of the goddess presiding over a garden in the afterlife.[90] Images of Nut were often painted or incised inside coffins, indicating the coffin was her womb, from which the occupant would be reborn in the afterlife. In the Third Intermediate Period, Hathor began to be placed on the floor of the coffin, with Nut on the interior of the lid.[88]

Tomb art from the Eighteenth Dynasty often shows people drinking, dancing, and playing music, as well as holding menat necklaces and sistra—all imagery that alluded to Hathor. These images may represent private feasts that were celebrated in front of tombs to commemorate the people buried there, or they may show gatherings at temple festivals such as the Beautiful Festival of the Valley.[175] Festivals were thought to allow contact between the human and divine realms, and by extension, between the living and the dead. Thus, texts from tombs often expressed a wish that the deceased would be able to participate in festivals, primarily those dedicated to Osiris.[176] Tombs' festival imagery, however, may refer to festivals involving Hathor, such as the Festival of Drunkenness, or to the private feasts, which were also closely connected with her. Drinking and dancing at these feasts may have been meant to intoxicate the celebrants, as at the Festival of Drunkenness, allowing them to commune with the spirits of the deceased.[175]

Hathor was said to supply offerings to deceased people as early as the Old Kingdom, and spells to enable both men and women to join her retinue in the afterlife appeared as early as the Coffin Texts.[94] Some burial goods that portray deceased women as goddesses may depict these women as followers of Hathor, although whether the imagery refers to Hathor or Isis is not known. The link between Hathor and deceased women was maintained into the Roman Period, the last stage of ancient Egyptian religion before its extinction.[177]

See also edit

References edit

Citations edit

  1. ^ Hart 2005, p. 61.
  2. ^ Hassan 1992, p. 15.
  3. ^ Lesko 1999, pp. 15–17.
  4. ^ a b Wilkinson 1999, pp. 244–245.
  5. ^ Gillam 1995, p. 214.
  6. ^ a b Fischer 1962, pp. 11–13.
  7. ^ Troy 1986, p. 54.
  8. ^ a b Lesko 1999, pp. 81–83.
  9. ^ Fischer 1962, pp. 7, 14–15.
  10. ^ a b Wilkinson 2003, pp. 77, 145.
  11. ^ a b Gillam 1995, pp. 217–218.
  12. ^ Bleeker 1973, pp. 71–72.
  13. ^ Troy 1986, pp. 53–54.
  14. ^ Bleeker 1973, pp. 31–34, 46–47.
  15. ^ a b Graves-Brown 2010, p. 130.
  16. ^ Billing 2004, p. 39.
  17. ^ Bleeker 1973, pp. 25, 48.
  18. ^ a b c Wilkinson 2003, p. 140.
  19. ^ Richter 2016, pp. 128, 184–185.
  20. ^ Wilkinson 2003, p. 156.
  21. ^ Pinch 1993, p. 155.
  22. ^ a b Quirke 2001, pp. 102–105.
  23. ^ Gillam 1995, p. 218.
  24. ^ Troy 1986, pp. 21–23, 25–27.
  25. ^ Pinch 2002, pp. 129–130.
  26. ^ Ritner 1990, p. 39.
  27. ^ a b Graves-Brown 2010, pp. 169–170.
  28. ^ Pinch 2002, pp. 71–74.
  29. ^ Pinch 2002, p. 130.
  30. ^ Harrington 2016, pp. 132–134.
  31. ^ Finnestad 1999, pp. 113–115.
  32. ^ Manniche 2010, pp. 13–14, 16–17.
  33. ^ Poo 2009, pp. 153–157.
  34. ^ Bleeker 1973, p. 57.
  35. ^ Darnell 1995, p. 48.
  36. ^ Darnell 1995, pp. 54, 62, 91–94.
  37. ^ Pinch 2002, p. 138.
  38. ^ Wilkinson 2003, pp. 99, 141, 156.
  39. ^ Cruz-Uribe 1994, pp. 185, 187–188.
  40. ^ Wilkinson 2003, p. 155.
  41. ^ Lesko 1999, p. 127.
  42. ^ Darnell 1995, pp. 47, 69.
  43. ^ Pinch 2002, p. 197.
  44. ^ Schneider 2007, pp. 315–317.
  45. ^ Morris 2007, pp. 198–199, 201, 207.
  46. ^ a b Selden 1998, pp. 346–348.
  47. ^ Bleeker 1973, pp. 40–41.
  48. ^ Lesko 1999, pp. 82–83.
  49. ^ Hart 2005, p. 62.
  50. ^ Pinch 1993, pp. 175–176.
  51. ^ Pinch 2002, pp. 131–132.
  52. ^ Meeks & Favard-Meeks 1996, pp. 183–184.
  53. ^ a b Wilkinson 2003, pp. 132–133.
  54. ^ Wilkinson 2003, pp. 123, 168.
  55. ^ Hart 2005, p. 71.
  56. ^ Roberts 2000, pp. 26–27.
  57. ^ Richter 2016, pp. 179–182.
  58. ^ McClain 2011, pp. 3–6.
  59. ^ Richter 2016, pp. 169–172, 185.
  60. ^ Griffiths 2001, p. 189.
  61. ^ a b te Velde 2001, p. 455.
  62. ^ Hoffmeier 2001, pp. 507–508.
  63. ^ Hollis 2020, p. 53.
  64. ^ a b Bleeker 1973, pp. 72–74.
  65. ^ Darnell 1995, pp. 93–94.
  66. ^ a b Hollis 2009, p. 2.
  67. ^ Espinel 2002, pp. 117–119.
  68. ^ Wilkinson 2003, p. 139.
  69. ^ Wilkinson 2003, p. 137.
  70. ^ Cornelius 2004, p. 45.
  71. ^ Cornelius 2004, pp. 96–97.
  72. ^ Hart 2005, p. 132.
  73. ^ a b c Hart 2005, p. 65.
  74. ^ Pinch 1993, p. 52.
  75. ^ Pinch 1993, pp. 49–50.
  76. ^ a b Wilkinson 2003, p. 143.
  77. ^ Espinel 2005, pp. 61, 65–66.
  78. ^ Yellin 2012, pp. 125–128.
  79. ^ a b Wilkinson 2000, pp. 227–230.
  80. ^ Hollis 2020, p. 48.
  81. ^ Smith 2017, pp. 251–252.
  82. ^ a b Graves-Brown 2010, p. 166.
  83. ^ Meeks & Favard-Meeks 1996, pp. 88, 164.
  84. ^ Wilkinson 2003, pp. 145–146.
  85. ^ a b Pinch 1993, pp. 179–180.
  86. ^ a b Vischak 2001, p. 82.
  87. ^ Assmann 2005, pp. 170–173.
  88. ^ a b Lesko 1999, pp. 39–40, 110.
  89. ^ Assmann 2005, pp. 152–154, 170–173.
  90. ^ a b Billing 2004, pp. 42–43.
  91. ^ Billing 2004, pp. 37–38.
  92. ^ Cooney 2010, pp. 227–229.
  93. ^ Cooney 2010, pp. 227–229, 235–236.
  94. ^ a b Smith 2017, pp. 251–254.
  95. ^ Wilkinson 2003, pp. 143–144, 148.
  96. ^ Wilkinson 2003, pp. 77, 175.
  97. ^ Pinch 2002, pp. 198–199.
  98. ^ Roberts 1997, pp. 8–10.
  99. ^ Pinch 1993, pp. 190–197.
  100. ^ Wilkinson 2003, pp. 168–169.
  101. ^ Graham 2001, p. 166.
  102. ^ a b Pinch 1993, pp. 153–159.
  103. ^ Wilkinson 1993, pp. 32, 83.
  104. ^ Pinch 1993, p. 278.
  105. ^ Pinch 1993, pp. 135–139.
  106. ^ Lesko 1999, pp. 48–49.
  107. ^ Gillam 1995, p. 215.
  108. ^ Goedicke 1978, pp. 118–123.
  109. ^ Morris 2011, pp. 75–76.
  110. ^ Gillam 1995, pp. 222–226, 231.
  111. ^ Gillam 1995, p. 231.
  112. ^ Graves-Brown 2010, pp. 135–136.
  113. ^ Gillam 1995, p. 234.
  114. ^ Graves-Brown 2010, pp. 132–133.
  115. ^ a b Lesko 1999, pp. 105–107.
  116. ^ Robins 1999, pp. 107–112.
  117. ^ Lesko 1999, pp. 119–120, 178–179.
  118. ^ Lesko 1999, p. 129.
  119. ^ Selden 1998, pp. 312, 339.
  120. ^ Wilkinson 2003, p. 141.
  121. ^ Cheshire 2007, pp. 157–163.
  122. ^ Gillam 1995, pp. 219–221.
  123. ^ Wilkinson 2000, pp. 108, 111.
  124. ^ Gillam 1995, p. 227.
  125. ^ Vischak 2001, p. 83.
  126. ^ Wilkinson 2000, pp. 149–151.
  127. ^ Gillam 1995, pp. 226, 229.
  128. ^ Goedicke 1991, pp. 245, 252.
  129. ^ Wilkinson 2000, pp. 189–190.
  130. ^ Lesko 1999, pp. 240–241.
  131. ^ Gillam 1995, pp. 233–234.
  132. ^ Lesko 1999, pp. 243–244.
  133. ^ a b Thompson 2001, p. 328.
  134. ^ a b Meeks & Favard-Meeks 1996, pp. 126–128.
  135. ^ Poo 2010, pp. 2–3.
  136. ^ Derriks 2001, pp. 421–422.
  137. ^ a b Graves-Brown 2010, pp. 166–169.
  138. ^ Frandsen 1999, pp. 131, 142–143.
  139. ^ Teeter 2011, pp. 67–68.
  140. ^ Sadek 1988, p. 49.
  141. ^ Teeter 2011, p. 70.
  142. ^ Meeks & Favard-Meeks 1996, pp. 193–198.
  143. ^ Bleeker 1973, p. 93.
  144. ^ Richter 2016, p. 4.
  145. ^ Bleeker 1973, p. 94.
  146. ^ Verner 2013, pp. 437–439.
  147. ^ Stadler 2008, pp. 4–6.
  148. ^ Bleeker 1973, pp. 98–101.
  149. ^ Richter 2016, pp. 4, 202–205.
  150. ^ Verner 2013, p. 43.
  151. ^ Espinel 2002, pp. 116–118.
  152. ^ Traunecker 2001, p. 110.
  153. ^ Zernecke 2013, pp. 227–230.
  154. ^ Hollis 2009, pp. 4–5.
  155. ^ Lobell 2020.
  156. ^ Wilkinson 2000, pp. 238–239.
  157. ^ Pinch 1993, pp. 55–57.
  158. ^ Pinch 1993, pp. 59–69.
  159. ^ Morkot 2012, pp. 325–326.
  160. ^ Fisher 2012, pp. 357–358.
  161. ^ Kendall 2010b.
  162. ^ Kendall 2010a, pp. 1, 12.
  163. ^ Yellin 2012, pp. 128, 133.
  164. ^ Ritner 2008, pp. 173–175, 181.
  165. ^ a b Morris 2007, pp. 218–219.
  166. ^ Sandri 2012, pp. 637–638.
  167. ^ a b Pinch 1993, pp. 349–351.
  168. ^ Pinch 1993, pp. 119, 347, 354–355.
  169. ^ Pinch 1993, pp. 157–158.
  170. ^ Lesko 2008, pp. 203–204.
  171. ^ Sadek 1988, pp. 89, 114–115.
  172. ^ Lesko 1999, p. 110.
  173. ^ Assmann 2005, p. 171.
  174. ^ Woods 2011, pp. 314–316.
  175. ^ a b Harrington 2016, pp. 132–136, 144–147.
  176. ^ Assmann 2005, p. 225.
  177. ^ Smith 2017, pp. 384–389.

Works cited edit

  • Assmann, Jan (2005) [German edition 2001]. Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt. Translated by David Lorton. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0801442414.
  • Billing, Nils (2004). "Writing an Image: The Formulation of the Tree Goddess Motif in the Book of the Dead, Ch. 59". Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur. 32: 35–50. JSTOR 25152905.
  • Bleeker, C. J. (1973). Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures of the Ancient Egyptian Religion. Brill. ISBN 978-9004037342.
  • Cheshire, Wendy A. (2007). "Aphrodite Cleopatra". Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 43: 151–191. JSTOR 27801612.
  • Cooney, Kathlyn M. (December 2010). "Gender Transformation in Death: A Case Study of Coffins from Ramesside Period Egypt" (PDF). Near Eastern Archaeology. 73 (4): 224–237. doi:10.1086/NEA41103940. JSTOR 41103940. S2CID 166450284. (PDF) from the original on 2020-04-02.
  • Cornelius, Izak (2004). The Many Faces of the Goddess: The Iconography of the Syro-Palestinian Goddesses Anat, Astarte, Qedeshet, and Asherah c. 1500–1000 BCE. Academic Press Fribourg / Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Göttingen. ISBN 978-3727814853, 978-3525530610
  • Cruz-Uribe, Eugene (1994). "The Khonsu Cosmogony". Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 31: 169–189. doi:10.2307/40000676. JSTOR 40000676.
  • Darnell, John Coleman (1995). "Hathor Returns to Medamûd". Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur. 22: 47–94. JSTOR 25152711.
  • Derriks, Claire (2001). "Mirrors". In Redford, Donald B. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. pp. 419–422. ISBN 978-0195102345.
  • Espinel, Andrés Diego (2002). "The Role of the Temple of Ba'alat Gebal as Intermediary between Egypt and Byblos during the Old Kingdom". Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur. 30: 103–119. JSTOR 25152861.
  • Espinel, Andrés Diego (2005). "A Newly Identified Stela from Wadi el-Hudi (Cairo JE 86119)". The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. 91: 55–70. doi:10.1177/030751330509100104. JSTOR 3822393. S2CID 190217800.
  • Finnestad, Ragnhild (1999). "Enjoying the Pleasures of Sensation: Reflections on A Significant Feature of Egyptian Religion" (PDF). In Teeter, Emily; Larson, John A. (eds.). Gold of Praise: Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honor of Edward F. Wente. The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. pp. 111–119. ISBN 978-1885923097. (PDF) from the original on 2015-04-20.
  • Fischer, Henry George (1962). "The Cult and Nome of the Goddess Bat". Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 1: 7–18. doi:10.2307/40000855. JSTOR 40000855.
  • Fisher, Marjorie M. (2012). "Abu Simbel". In Fisher, Marjorie M.; Lacovara, Peter; Ikram, Salima; D'Auria, Sue (eds.). Ancient Nubia: African Kingdoms on the Nile. The American University in Cairo Press. pp. 356–360. ISBN 978-9774164781.
  • Frandsen, Paul John (1999). "On Fear of Death and the Three bwts Connected with Hathor" (PDF). In Teeter, Emily; Larson, John A. (eds.). Gold of Praise: Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honor of Edward F. Wente. The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. pp. 131–148. ISBN 978-1885923097. (PDF) from the original on 2015-04-20.
  • Gillam, Robyn A. (1995). "Priestesses of Hathor: Their Function, Decline and Disappearance". Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 32: 211–237. doi:10.2307/40000840. JSTOR 40000840.
  • Goedicke, Hans (1978). "Cult-Temple and 'State' During the Old Kingdom in Egypt". In Lipiński, Edward (ed.). State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East. Departement Oriëntalistiek. pp. 113–130. ISBN 978-9070192037.
  • Goedicke, Hans (October 1991). "The Prayers of Wakh-ʿankh-antef-ʿAa". Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 50 (4): 235–253. doi:10.1086/373513. JSTOR 545487. S2CID 162271458.
  • Graham, Geoffrey (2001). "Insignias". In Redford, Donald B. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. pp. 163–167. ISBN 978-0195102345.
  • Graves-Brown, Carolyn (2010). Dancing for Hathor: Women in Ancient Egypt. Continuum. ISBN 978-1847250544.
  • Griffiths, J. Gwyn (2001). "Isis". In Redford, Donald B. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. pp. 188–191. ISBN 978-0195102345.
  • Harrington, Nicola (2016). "The Eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian Banquet: Ideals and Realities". In Draycott, Catherine M.; Stamatopolou, Maria (eds.). Dining and Death: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the 'Funerary Banquet' in Ancient Art, Burial and Belief. Peeters. pp. 129–172. ISBN 978-9042932517.
  • Hart, George (2005). The Routledge Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses, Second Edition (PDF). Routledge. pp. 61–65. ISBN 978-0203023624. (PDF) from the original on 2017-05-17.
  • Hassan, Fekri A. (1992). "Primeval Goddess to Divine King: The Mythogenesis of Power in the Early Egyptian State". In Friedman, Renee; Adams, Barbara (eds.). The Followers of Horus: Studies Dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman. Oxbow Books. pp. 307–319. ISBN 978-0946897445.
  • Hoffmeier, James K. (2001). "Fate". In Redford, Donald B. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. pp. 507–508. ISBN 978-0195102345.
  • Hollis, Susan Tower (2009). "Hathor and Isis in Byblos in the Second and First Millennia BCE". Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections. 1 (2). doi:10.2458/azu_jaei_v01i2_tower_hollis. ISSN 1944-2815.
  • Hollis, Susan Tower (2020). Five Egyptian Goddesses: Their Possible Beginnings, Actions, and Relationships in the Third Millennium BCE. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-7809-3595-9.
  • Kendall, Timothy (2010a). "B 200 and B 300: Temples of the Goddesses Hathor and Mut" (PDF). Jebel Barkal History and Archaeology. National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums (NCAM), Sudan. (PDF) from the original on 11 September 2018. Retrieved 10 September 2018.
  • Kendall, Timothy (2010b). . Jebel Barkal History and Archaeology. National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums (NCAM), Sudan. Archived from the original on 16 November 2018. Retrieved 10 September 2018.
  • Lesko, Barbara S. (1999). The Great Goddesses of Egypt. University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 978-0806132020.
  • Lesko, Barbara S. (2008). "Household and Domestic Religion in Egypt". In Bodel, John; Olyan, Saul M. (eds.). Household and Family Religion in Antiquity. Blackwell. pp. 197–209. ISBN 978-1405175791.
  • Lobell, Jarrett A. (March–April 2020). "Field of Tombs". Archaeology. 73 (2).
  • Manniche, Lise (2010). "The Cultic Significance of the Sistrum in the Amarna Period". In Woods, Alexandra; McFarlane, Ann; Binder, Susanne (eds.). Egyptian Culture and Society: Studies in Honour of Naguib Kanawati. Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de l'Égypte. pp. 13–26. ISBN 978-9774798450.
  • McClain, Brett (2011). Wendrich, Willeke (ed.). "Cosmogony (Late to Ptolemaic and Roman Periods)". UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. ISBN 978-0615214030. Retrieved 10 September 2018.
  • Meeks, Dimitri; Favard-Meeks, Christine (1996) [French edition 1993]. Daily Life of the Egyptian Gods. Translated by G. M. Goshgarian. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0801431159.
  • Morris, Ellen F. (2007). "Sacred and Obscene Laughter in 'The Contendings of Horus and Seth', in Egyptian Inversions of Everyday Life, and in the Context of Cultic Competition". In Schneider, Thomas; Szpakowska, Kasia (eds.). Egyptian Stories: A British Egyptological Tribute to Alan B. Lloyd on the Occasion of His Retirement. Ugarit-Verlag. pp. 197–224. ISBN 978-3934628946.
  • Morris, Ellen F. (2011). "Paddle Dolls and Performance". Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 47: 71–103. doi:10.7916/D8PK1ZM4. JSTOR 24555386.
  • Morkot, Robert G. (2012). "Sedeinga". In Fisher, Marjorie M.; Lacovara, Peter; Ikram, Salima; D'Auria, Sue (eds.). Ancient Nubia: African Kingdoms on the Nile. The American University in Cairo Press. pp. 325–328. ISBN 978-9774164781.
  • Pinch, Geraldine (1993). Votive Offerings to Hathor. Griffith Institute. ISBN 978-0900416545.
  • Pinch, Geraldine (2002). Egyptian Mythology: A Guide to the Gods, Goddesses, and Traditions of Ancient Egypt. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-517024-5.
  • Poo, Mu-Chou (2009) [First edition 1995]. Wine and Wine Offering in the Religion of Ancient Egypt. Routledge. ISBN 978-0710305015.
  • Poo, Mu-Chou (2010). Wendrich, Willeke (ed.). "Liquids in Temple Ritual". UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. ISBN 978-0615214030. Retrieved 10 September 2018.
  • Quirke, Stephen (2001). The Cult of Ra: Sun Worship in Ancient Egypt. Thames and Hudson. ISBN 978-0500051078.
  • Richter, Barbara A. (2016). The Theology of Hathor of Dendera: Aural and Visual Scribal Techniques in the Per-Wer Sanctuary. Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1937040512.
  • Ritner, Robert K. (1990). "O. Gardiner 363: A Spell Against Night Terrors". Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 27: 25–41. doi:10.2307/40000071. JSTOR 40000071.
  • Ritner, Robert K. (2008). "Household Religion in Ancient Egypt". In Bodel, John; Olyan, Saul M. (eds.). Household and Family Religion in Antiquity. Blackwell. pp. 171–196. ISBN 978-1405175791.
  • Roberts, Alison (1997) [First edition 1995]. Hathor Rising: The Power of the Goddess in Ancient Egypt. Inner Traditions International. ISBN 978-0892816217.
  • Roberts, Alison (2000). My Heart My Mother: Death and Rebirth in Ancient Egypt. NorthGate Publishers. ISBN 978-0952423317.
  • Robins, Gay (1999). "The Names of Hatshepsut as King". The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. 85: 103–112. doi:10.1177/030751339908500107. JSTOR 3822429. S2CID 162426276.
  • Sadek, Ashraf I. (1988). Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom. Gerstenber. ISBN 978-3806781076.
  • Sandri, Sandra (2012). "Terracottas". In Riggs, Christina (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt. Oxford University Press. pp. 630–647. ISBN 978-0199571451.
  • Schneider, Thomas (2007). "Contextualising the Tale of the Herdsman". In Schneider, Thomas; Szpakowska, Kasia (eds.). Egyptian Stories: A British Egyptological Tribute to Alan B. Lloyd on the Occasion of His Retirement. Ugarit-Verlag. pp. 309–318. ISBN 978-3934628946.
  • Selden, Daniel L. (October 1998). "Alibis" (PDF). Classical Antiquity. 17 (2): 289–412. doi:10.2307/25011086. JSTOR 25011086. (PDF) from the original on 2018-07-21.
  • Smith, Mark (2017). Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199582228.
  • Stadler, Martin (2008). Wendrich, Willeke (ed.). "Procession". UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology. ISBN 978-0615214030. Retrieved 10 September 2018.
  • Teeter, Emily (2011). Religion and Ritual in Ancient Egypt. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521613002.
  • te Velde, Herman (2001). "Mut" (PDF). In Redford, Donald B. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. pp. 454–455. ISBN 978-0195102345. (PDF) from the original on 2016-03-24.
  • Thompson, Stephen E. (2001). "Cults: An Overview". In Redford, Donald B. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. pp. 326–332. ISBN 978-0195102345.
  • Traunecker, Claude (2001) [French edition 1992]. The Gods of Egypt. Translated by David Lorton. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0801438349.
  • Troy, Lana (1986). Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. ISBN 978-9155419196.
  • Verner, Miroslav (2013) [Czech edition 2010]. Temple of the World: Sanctuaries, Cults, and Mysteries of Ancient Egypt. Translated by Anna Bryson-Gustová. The American University in Cairo Press. ISBN 978-9774165634.
  • Vischak, Deborah (2001). "Hathor". In Redford, Donald B. (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Vol. 2. Oxford University Press. pp. 82–85. ISBN 978-0195102345.
  • Wilkinson, Richard H. (1993). Symbol and Magic in Egyptian Art. Thames & Hudson. ISBN 978-0500236635.
  • Wilkinson, Richard H. (2000). The Complete Temples of Ancient Egypt. Thames and Hudson. ISBN 978-0500051009.
  • Wilkinson, Richard H. (2003). The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt. Thames & Hudson. ISBN 978-0500051207.
  • Wilkinson, Toby (1999). Early Dynastic Egypt. Routledge. ISBN 978-0203024386.
  • Woods, Alexandra (2011). "Zšš wꜣḏ Scenes of the Old Kingdom Revisited" (PDF). In Strudwick, Nigel; Strudwick, Helen (eds.). Old Kingdom: New Perspectives. Egyptian Art and Archaeology 2750–2150 BC. Proceedings of a Conference at the Fitzwilliam Museum Cambridge, May 2009. Oxbow Books. pp. 314–319. ISBN 978-1842174302. (PDF) from the original on 2019-04-03.
  • Yellin, Janice W. (2012). "Nubian Religion". In Fisher, Marjorie M.; Lacovara, Peter; Ikram, Salima; D'Auria, Sue (eds.). Ancient Nubia: African Kingdoms on the Nile. The American University in Cairo Press. pp. 125–144. ISBN 978-9774164781.
  • Zernecke, Anna Elise (2013). "The Lady of the Titles: The Lady of Byblos and the Search for Her 'True Name'". Die Welt des Orients. 43 (2): 226–242. doi:10.13109/wdor.2013.43.2.226. JSTOR 23608857.

Further reading edit

  • Allam, Schafik (1963). Beiträge zum Hathorkult (bis zum Ende des mittleren Reiches) (in German). Verlag Bruno Hessling. OCLC 557461557.
  • Derchain, Philippe (1972). Hathor Quadrifrons (in French). Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten. OCLC 917056815.
  • Hornung, Erik (1997). Der ägyptische Mythos von der Himmelskuh, 2nd ed (PDF) (in German). Vandehoeck & Ruprecht. ISBN 978-3525537374. (PDF) from the original on 2018-06-13.
  • Posener, Georges (1986). "La légende de la tresse d'Hathor". In Lesko, Leonard H. (ed.). Egyptological Studies in Honour of Richard A. Parker (in French). Brown. pp. 111–117. ISBN 978-0874513219.
  • Vandier, Jacques (1964–1966). "Iousâas et (Hathor)-Nébet-Hétépet". Revue d'Égyptologie (in French). 16–18.

External links edit

  •   Media related to Hathor at Wikimedia Commons
  • "Athor" . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. III (9th ed.). 1878. p. 13.

hathor, other, uses, disambiguation, ancient, egyptian, ḥwt, ḥr, house, horus, ancient, greek, Ἁθώρ, hathōr, coptic, ϩⲁⲑⲱⲣ, meroitic, 𐦠𐦴𐦫𐦢, atari, major, goddess, ancient, egyptian, religion, played, wide, variety, roles, deity, mother, consort, horus, both, w. For other uses see Hathor disambiguation Hathor Ancient Egyptian ḥwt ḥr lit House of Horus Ancient Greek Ἁ8wr Hathōr Coptic ϩⲁⲑⲱⲣ Meroitic 𐦠𐦴𐦫𐦢 Atari was a major goddess in ancient Egyptian religion who played a wide variety of roles As a sky deity she was the mother or consort of the sky god Horus and the sun god Ra both of whom were connected with kingship and thus she was the symbolic mother of their earthly representatives the pharaohs She was one of several goddesses who acted as the Eye of Ra Ra s feminine counterpart and in this form she had a vengeful aspect that protected him from his enemies Her beneficent side represented music dance joy love sexuality and maternal care and she acted as the consort of several male deities and the mother of their sons These two aspects of the goddess exemplified the Egyptian conception of femininity Hathor crossed boundaries between worlds helping deceased souls in the transition to the afterlife HathorComposite image of Hathor s most common iconography based partly on images from the tomb of NefertariName in hieroglyphsEgyptian ḥwt ḥr 1 Major cult centerDendera MemphisParentsRaConsortRa Horus Atum Amun KhonsuOffspringIhy Neferhotep of Hu Ra Cycle Of Rebirth Hathor was often depicted as a cow symbolizing her maternal and celestial aspect although her most common form was a woman wearing a headdress of cow horns and a sun disk She could also be represented as a lioness a cobra or a sycamore tree Cattle goddesses similar to Hathor were portrayed in Egyptian art in the fourth millennium BC but she may not have appeared until the Old Kingdom c 2686 2181 BC With the patronage of Old Kingdom rulers she became one of Egypt s most important deities More temples were dedicated to her than to any other goddess her most prominent temple was Dendera in Upper Egypt She was also worshipped in the temples of her male consorts The Egyptians connected her with foreign lands such as Nubia and Canaan and their valuable goods such as incense and semiprecious stones and some of the peoples in those lands adopted her worship In Egypt she was one of the deities commonly invoked in private prayers and votive offerings particularly by women desiring children During the New Kingdom c 1550 1070 BC goddesses such as Mut and Isis encroached on Hathor s position in royal ideology but she remained one of the most widely worshipped deities After the end of the New Kingdom Hathor was increasingly overshadowed by Isis but she continued to be venerated until the extinction of ancient Egyptian religion in the early centuries AD Contents 1 Origins 2 Roles 2 1 Sky goddess 2 2 Solar goddess 2 3 Music dance and joy 2 4 Sexuality beauty and love 2 5 Motherhood and queenship 2 6 Fate 2 7 Foreign lands and goods 2 8 Afterlife 3 Iconography 4 Worship 4 1 Relationship with royalty 4 2 Temples in Egypt 4 3 Festivals 4 4 Worship outside Egypt 4 5 Popular worship 4 6 Funerary practices 5 See also 6 References 6 1 Citations 6 2 Works cited 7 Further reading 8 External linksOrigins edit nbsp Drawing of the Narmer Palette c 31st century BC The face of a woman with the horns and ears of a cow representing Hathor or Bat appears twice at the top of the palette and in a row below the belt of the king Images of cattle appear frequently in the artwork of Predynastic Egypt before c 3100 BC as do images of women with upraised curved arms reminiscent of the shape of bovine horns Both types of imagery may represent goddesses connected with cattle 2 Cows are venerated in many cultures including ancient Egypt as symbols of motherhood and nourishment because they care for their calves and provide humans with milk The Gerzeh Palette a stone palette from the Naqada II period of prehistory c 3500 3200 BC shows the silhouette of a cow s head with inward curving horns surrounded by stars The palette suggests that this cow was also linked with the sky as were several goddesses from later times who were represented in this form Hathor Mehet Weret and Nut 3 Despite these early precedents Hathor is not unambiguously mentioned or depicted until the Fourth Dynasty c 2613 2494 BC of the Old Kingdom 4 although several artifacts that refer to her may date to the Early Dynastic Period c 3100 2686 BC 5 When Hathor does clearly appear her horns curve outward rather than inward like those in Predynastic art 6 A bovine deity with inward curving horns appears on the Narmer Palette from near the start of Egyptian history both atop the palette and on the belt or apron of the king Narmer The Egyptologist Henry George Fischer suggested this deity may be Bat a goddess who was later depicted with a woman s face and inward curling horns seemingly reflecting the curve of the cow horns 6 The Egyptologist Lana Troy however identifies a passage in the Pyramid Texts from the late Old Kingdom that connects Hathor with the apron of the king reminiscent of the goddess on Narmer s garments and suggests the goddess on the Narmer Palette is Hathor rather than Bat 4 7 In the Fourth Dynasty Hathor rose rapidly to prominence 8 She supplanted an early crocodile god who was worshipped at Dendera in Upper Egypt to become Dendera s patron deity and she increasingly absorbed the cult of Bat in the neighboring region of Hu so that in the Middle Kingdom c 2055 1650 BC the two deities fused into one 9 The theology surrounding the pharaoh in the Old Kingdom unlike that of earlier times focused heavily on the sun god Ra as king of the gods and father and patron of the earthly king Hathor ascended with Ra and became his mythological wife and thus divine mother of the pharaoh 8 Roles editHathor took many forms and appeared in a wide variety of roles 10 The Egyptologist Robyn Gillam suggests that these diverse forms emerged when the royal goddess promoted by the Old Kingdom court subsumed many local goddesses worshipped by the general populace who were then treated as manifestations of her 11 Egyptian texts often speak of the manifestations of the goddess as Seven Hathors 10 or less commonly of many more Hathors as many as 362 12 For these reasons Gillam calls her a type of deity rather than a single entity 11 Hathor s diversity reflects the range of traits that the Egyptians associated with goddesses More than any other deity she exemplifies the Egyptian perception of femininity 13 Sky goddess edit Hathor was given the epithets mistress of the sky and mistress of the stars and was said to dwell in the sky with Ra and other sun deities Egyptians thought of the sky as a body of water through which the sun god sailed and they connected it with the waters from which according to their creation myths the sun emerged at the beginning of time This cosmic mother goddess was often represented as a cow Hathor and Mehet Weret were both thought of as the cow who birthed the sun god and placed him between her horns Like Nut Hathor was said to give birth to the sun god each dawn 14 Hathor s Egyptian name was ḥwt ḥrw 15 or ḥwt ḥr 16 It is typically translated house of Horus but can also be rendered as my house is the sky 17 The falcon god Horus represented among other things the sun and sky The house referred to may be the sky in which Horus lives or the goddess s womb from which he as a sun god is born each day 18 Solar goddess edit Further information Eye of Ra Hathor was a solar deity a feminine counterpart to sun gods such as Horus and Ra and was a member of the divine entourage that accompanied Ra as he sailed through the sky in his barque 18 She was commonly called the Golden One referring to the radiance of the sun and texts from her temple at Dendera say her rays illuminate the whole earth 19 She was sometimes fused with another goddess Nebethetepet whose name can mean Lady of the Offering Lady of Contentment 20 or Lady of the Vulva 21 At Ra s cult center of Heliopolis Hathor Nebethetepet was worshipped as his consort 22 and the Egyptologist Rudolf Anthes argued that Hathor s name referred to a mythical house of Horus at Heliopolis that was connected with the ideology of kingship 23 She was one of many goddesses to take the role of the Eye of Ra a feminine personification of the disk of the sun and an extension of Ra s own power Ra was sometimes portrayed inside the disk which Troy interprets as meaning that the eye goddess was thought of as a womb from which the sun god was born Hathor s seemingly contradictory roles as mother wife and daughter of Ra reflected the daily cycle of the sun At sunset the god entered the body of the sky goddess impregnating her and fathering the deities born from her womb at sunrise himself and the eye goddess who would later give birth to him Ra gave rise to his daughter the eye goddess who in turn gave rise to him her son in a cycle of constant regeneration 24 The Eye of Ra protected the sun god from his enemies and was often represented as a uraeus or rearing cobra or as a lioness 25 A form of the Eye of Ra known as Hathor of the Four Faces represented by a set of four cobras was said to face in each of the cardinal directions to watch for threats to the sun god 26 A group of myths known from the New Kingdom c 1550 1070 BC onward describe what happens when the Eye goddess rampages uncontrolled In the funerary text known as the Book of the Heavenly Cow Ra sends Hathor as the Eye of Ra to punish humans for plotting rebellion against his rule She becomes the lioness goddess Sekhmet and massacres the rebellious humans but Ra decides to prevent her from killing all humanity He orders that beer be dyed red and poured out over the land The Eye goddess drinks the beer mistaking it for blood and in her inebriated state reverts to being the benign and beautiful Hathor 27 Related to this story is the myth of the Distant Goddess from the Late and Ptolemaic periods The Eye goddess sometimes in the form of Hathor rebels against Ra s control and rampages freely in a foreign land Libya west of Egypt or Nubia to the south Weakened by the loss of his Eye Ra sends another god such as Thoth to bring her back to him 28 Once pacified the goddess returns to become the consort of the sun god or of the god who brings her back 29 The two aspects of the Eye goddess violent and dangerous versus beautiful and joyful reflected the Egyptian belief that women as the Egyptologist Carolyn Graves Brown puts it encompassed both extreme passions of fury and love 27 Music dance and joy edit nbsp Banquet scene from the tomb chapel of Nebamun 14th century BC Its imagery of music and dancing alludes to Hathor 30 Egyptian religion celebrated the sensory pleasures of life believed to be among the gods gifts to humanity Egyptians ate drank danced and played music at their religious festivals They perfumed the air with flowers and incense Many of Hathor s epithets link her to celebration she is called the mistress of music dance garlands myrrh and drunkenness In hymns and temple reliefs musicians play tambourines harps lyres and sistra in Hathor s honor 31 The sistrum a rattle like instrument was particularly important in Hathor s worship Sistra had erotic connotations and by extension alluded to the creation of new life 32 These aspects of Hathor were linked with the myth of the Eye of Ra The Eye was pacified by beer in the story of the Destruction of Mankind In some versions of the Distant Goddess myth the wandering Eye s wildness abated when she was appeased with products of civilization like music dance and wine The water of the annual flooding of the Nile colored red by sediment was likened to wine and to the red dyed beer in the Destruction of Mankind Festivals during the inundation therefore incorporated drink music and dance as a way to appease the returning goddess 33 A text from the Temple of Edfu says of Hathor the gods play the sistrum for her the goddesses dance for her to dispel her bad temper 34 A hymn to the goddess Raet Tawy as a form of Hathor at the temple of Medamud describes the Festival of Drunkenness Tekh Festival as part of her mythic return to Egypt 35 Women carry bouquets of flowers drunken revelers play drums and people and animals from foreign lands dance for her as she enters the temple s festival booth The noise of the celebration drives away hostile powers and ensures the goddess will remain in her joyful form as she awaits the male god of the temple her mythological consort Montu whose son she will bear 36 Sexuality beauty and love edit Hathor s joyful ecstatic side indicates her feminine procreative power In some creation myths she helped produce the world itself 37 Atum a creator god who contained all things within himself was said to have produced his children Shu and Tefnut and thus begun the process of creation by masturbating The hand he used for this act the Hand of Atum represented the female aspect of himself and could be personified by Hathor Nebethetepet or another goddess Iusaaset 38 In a late creation myth from the Ptolemaic Period 332 30 BC the god Khonsu is put in a central role and Hathor is the goddess with whom Khonsu mates to enable creation 39 Hathor could be the consort of many male gods of whom Ra was only the most prominent Mut was the usual consort of Amun the preeminent deity during the New Kingdom who was often linked with Ra But Mut was rarely portrayed alongside Amun in contexts related to sex or fertility and in those circumstances Hathor or Isis stood at his side instead 40 In the late periods of Egyptian history the form of Hathor from Dendera and the form of Horus from Edfu were considered husband and wife 41 and in different versions of the myth of the Distant Goddess Hathor Raettawy was the consort of Montu 42 and Hathor Tefnut the consort of Shu 43 Hathor s sexual side was seen in some short stories In a cryptic fragment of a Middle Kingdom story known as The Tale of the Herdsman a herdsman encounters a hairy animal like goddess in a marsh and reacts with terror On another day he encounters her as a nude alluring woman Most Egyptologists who study this story think this woman is Hathor or a goddess like her one who can be wild and dangerous or benign and erotic Thomas Schneider interprets the text as implying that between his two encounters with the goddess the herdsman has done something to pacify her 44 In The Contendings of Horus and Set a New Kingdom short story about the dispute between those two gods Ra is upset after being insulted by another god Babi and lies on his back alone After some time Hathor exposes her genitals to Ra making him laugh and get up again to perform his duties as ruler of the gods Life and order were thought to be dependent on Ra s activity and the story implies that Hathor averted the disastrous consequences of his idleness Her act may have lifted Ra s spirits partly because it sexually aroused him although why he laughed is not fully understood 45 Hathor was praised for her beautiful hair Egyptian literature contains allusions to a myth not clearly described in any surviving texts in which Hathor lost a lock of hair that represented her sexual allure One text compares this loss with Horus s loss of his divine Eye and Set s loss of his testicles during the struggle between the two gods implying that the loss of Hathor s lock was as catastrophic for her as the maiming of Horus and Set was for them 46 Hathor was called mistress of love as an extension of her sexual aspect In the series of love poems from Papyrus Chester Beatty I from the Twentieth Dynasty c 1189 1077 BC men and women ask Hathor to bring their lovers to them I prayed to her Hathor and she heard my prayer She destined my mistress loved one for me And she came of her own free will to see me 47 Motherhood and queenship edit nbsp Hathor as a cow suckling Hatshepsut a female pharaoh at Hatshepsut s temple at Deir el Bahari 15th century BC Hathor was considered the mother of various child deities As suggested by her name she was often thought of as both Horus s mother and consort 48 As both the king s wife and his heir s mother Hathor was the divine counterpart of human queens 15 Isis and Osiris were considered Horus s parents in the Osiris myth as far back as the late Old Kingdom but the relationship between Horus and Hathor may be older still If so Horus only came to be linked with Isis and Osiris as the Osiris myth emerged during the Old Kingdom 49 Even after Isis was firmly established as Horus s mother Hathor continued to appear in this role especially when nursing the pharaoh Images of the Hathor cow with a child in a papyrus thicket represented his mythological upbringing in a secluded marsh Goddesses milk was a sign of divinity and royal status Thus images in which Hathor nurses the pharaoh represent his right to rule 50 Hathor s relationship with Horus gave a healing aspect to her character as she was said to have restored Horus s missing eye or eyes after Set attacked him 18 In the version of this episode in The Contendings of Horus and Set Hathor finds Horus with his eyes torn out and heals the wounds with gazelle s milk 51 Beginning in the Late Period 664 323 BC temples focused on the worship of a divine family an adult male deity his wife and their immature son Satellite buildings known as mammisis were built in celebration of the birth of the local child deity The child god represented the cyclical renewal of the cosmos and an archetypal heir to the kingship 52 Hathor was the mother in many of these local divine triads At Dendera the mature Horus of Edfu was the father and Hathor the mother while their child was Ihy a god whose name meant sistrum player and who personified the jubilation associated with the instrument 53 At Kom Ombo Hathor s local form Tasenetnofret was mother to Horus s son Panebtawy 54 Other children of Hathor included a minor deity from the town of Hu named Neferhotep 53 and several child forms of Horus 55 The milky sap of the sycamore tree which the Egyptians regarded as a symbol of life became one of her symbols 56 The milk was equated with water of the Nile inundation and thus fertility 57 In the late Ptolemaic and Roman Periods many temples contained a creation myth that adapted long standing ideas about creation 58 The version from Hathor s temple at Dendera emphasizes that she as a female solar deity was the first being to emerge from the primordial waters that preceded creation and her life giving light and milk nourished all living things 59 Hathor s maternal aspects can be compared with those of Isis and Mut yet there are many contrasts between them Isis s devotion to her husband and care for their child represented a more socially acceptable form of love than Hathor s uninhibited sexuality 60 and Mut s character was more authoritative than sexual 61 The text of the 1st century CE Insinger Papyrus likens a faithful wife the mistress of a household to Mut while comparing Hathor to a strange woman who tempts a married man 61 Fate edit Like Meskhenet another goddess who presided over birth Hathor was connected with shai the Egyptian concept of fate particularly when she took the form of the Seven Hathors In two New Kingdom works of fiction the Tale of Two Brothers and the Tale of the Doomed Prince the Hathors appear at the births of major characters and foretell the manner of their deaths The Egyptians tended to think of fate as inexorable Yet in The Tale of the Doomed Prince the prince who is its protagonist is able to escape one of the possible violent deaths that the Seven Hathors have foretold for him and while the end of the story is missing the surviving portions imply that the prince can escape his fate with the help of the gods 62 Foreign lands and goods edit Hathor was connected with trade and foreign lands possibly because her role as a sky goddess linked her with stars and hence navigation 63 and because she was believed to protect ships on the Nile and in the seas beyond Egypt as she protected the barque of Ra in the sky 64 The mythological wandering of the Eye goddess in Nubia or Libya gave her a connection with those lands as well 65 Egypt maintained trade relations with the coastal cities of Syria and Canaan particularly Byblos placing Egyptian religion in contact with the religions of that region 66 At some point perhaps as early as the Old Kingdom the Egyptians began to refer to the patron goddess of Byblos Baalat Gebal as a local form of Hathor 67 So strong was Hathor s link to Byblos that texts from Dendera say she resided there 68 The Egyptians sometimes equated Anat an aggressive Canaanite goddess who came to be worshipped in Egypt during the New Kingdom with Hathor 69 Some Canaanite artworks depict a nude goddess with a curling wig taken from Hathor s iconography 70 Which goddess these images represent is not known but the Egyptians adopted her iconography and came to regard her as an independent deity Qetesh 71 whom they associated with Hathor 72 Hathor was closely connected with the Sinai Peninsula 73 which was not considered part of Egypt proper but was the site of Egyptian mines for copper turquoise and malachite during the Middle and New Kingdoms 74 One of Hathor s epithets Lady of Mefkat may have referred specifically to turquoise or to all blue green minerals She was also called Lady of Faience a blue green ceramic that Egyptians likened to turquoise 75 76 Hathor was also worshipped at various quarries and mining sites in Egypt s Eastern Desert such as the amethyst mines of Wadi el Hudi where she was sometimes called Lady of Amethyst 77 South of Egypt Hathor s influence was thought to have extended over the land of Punt which lay along the Red Sea coast and was a major source for the incense with which Hathor was linked as well as with Nubia northwest of Punt 64 The autobiography of Harkhuf an official in the Sixth Dynasty c 2345 2181 BC describes his expedition to a land in or near Nubia from which he brought back great quantities of ebony panther skins and incense for the king The text describes these exotic goods as Hathor s gift to the pharaoh 73 Egyptian expeditions to mine gold in Nubia introduced her cult to the region during the Middle and New Kingdoms 78 and New Kingdom pharaohs built several temples to her in the portions of Nubia that they ruled 79 Afterlife edit nbsp Hathor in bovine form emerges from a hill representing the Theban necropolis in a copy of the Book of the Dead from the 13th century BC Although the Pyramid Texts the earliest Egyptian funerary texts rarely mention her 80 Hathor was invoked in private tomb inscriptions from the same era and in the Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts and later sources she is frequently linked with the afterlife 81 Just as she crossed the boundary between Egypt and foreign lands Hathor passed through the boundary between the living and the Duat the realm of the dead 82 She helped the spirits of deceased humans enter the Duat and was closely linked with tomb sites where that transition began 83 The necropolises or clusters of tombs on the west bank of the Nile were personified as Imentet the goddess of the west who was frequently regarded as a manifestation of Hathor 84 The Theban necropolis for example was often portrayed as a stylized mountain with the cow of Hathor emerging from it 85 Her role as a sky goddess was also linked to the afterlife Because the sky goddess either Nut or Hathor assisted Ra in his daily rebirth she had an important part in ancient Egyptian afterlife beliefs according to which deceased humans were reborn like the sun god 86 Coffins tombs and the underworld itself were interpreted as the womb of this goddess from which the deceased soul would be reborn 87 88 Nut Hathor and Imentet could each in different texts lead the deceased into a place where they would receive food and drink for eternal sustenance Thus Hathor as Imentet often appears on tombs welcoming the deceased person as her child into a blissful afterlife 89 In New Kingdom funerary texts and artwork the afterlife was often illustrated as a pleasant fertile garden over which Hathor sometimes presided 90 The welcoming afterlife goddess was often portrayed as a goddess in the form of a tree giving water to the deceased Nut most commonly filled this role but the tree goddess was sometimes called Hathor instead 91 The afterlife also had a sexual aspect In the Osiris myth the murdered god Osiris was resurrected when he copulated with Isis and conceived Horus In solar ideology Ra s union with the sky goddess allowed his own rebirth Sex therefore enabled the rebirth of the deceased and goddesses like Isis and Hathor served to rouse the deceased to new life But they merely stimulated the male deities regenerative powers rather than playing the central role 92 Ancient Egyptians prefixed the names of the deceased with Osiris s name to connect them with his resurrection For example a woman named Henutmehyt would be dubbed Osiris Henutmehyt Over time they increasingly associated the deceased with both male and female divine powers 93 As early as the late Old Kingdom women were sometimes said to join the worshippers of Hathor in the afterlife just as men joined the following of Osiris In the Third Intermediate Period c 1070 664 BC Egyptians began to add Hathor s name to that of deceased women in place of that of Osiris In some cases women were called Osiris Hathor indicating that they benefited from the revivifying power of both deities In these late periods Hathor was sometimes said to rule the afterlife as Osiris did 94 Iconography editHathor was often depicted as a cow bearing the sun disk between her horns especially when shown nursing the king She could also appear as a woman with the head of a cow Her most common form however was a woman wearing a headdress of the horns and sun disk often with a red or turquoise sheath dress or a dress combining both colors Sometimes the horns stood atop a low modius or the vulture headdress that Egyptian queens often wore in the New Kingdom Because Isis adopted the same headdress during the New Kingdom the two goddesses can be distinguished only if labeled in writing When in the role of Imentet Hathor wore the emblem of the west upon her head instead of the horned headdress 95 The Seven Hathors were sometimes portrayed as a set of seven cows accompanied by a minor sky and afterlife deity called the Bull of the West 96 Some animals other than cattle could represent Hathor The uraeus was a common motif in Egyptian art and could represent a variety of goddesses who were identified with the Eye of Ra 97 When Hathor was depicted as a uraeus it represented the ferocious and protective aspects of her character She also appeared as a lioness and this form had a similar meaning 98 In contrast the domestic cat which was sometimes connected with Hathor often represented the Eye goddess s pacified form 99 When portrayed as a sycamore tree Hathor was usually shown with the upper body of her human form emerging from the trunk 100 Like other goddesses Hathor might carry a stalk of papyrus as a staff though she could instead hold a was staff a symbol of power that was usually restricted to male deities 76 The only goddesses who used the was were those like Hathor who were linked with the Eye of Ra 101 She also commonly carried a sistrum or a menat necklace The sistrum came in two varieties a simple loop shape or the more complex naos sistrum which was shaped to resemble a naos shrine and flanked by volutes resembling the antennae of the Bat emblem 102 Mirrors were another of her symbols because in Egypt they were often made of gold or bronze and therefore symbolized the sun disk and because they were connected with beauty and femininity Some mirror handles were made in the shape of Hathor s face 103 The menat necklace made up of many strands of beads was shaken in ceremonies in Hathor s honor similarly to the sistrum 73 Images of it were sometimes seen as personifications of Hathor herself 104 Hathor was sometimes represented as a human face with bovine ears seen from the front rather than in the profile based perspective that was typical of Egyptian art When she appears in this form the tresses on either side of her face often curl into loops This mask like face was placed on the capitals of columns beginning in the late Old Kingdom Columns of this style were used in many temples to Hathor and other goddesses 105 These columns have two or four faces which may represent the duality between different aspects of the goddess or the watchfulness of Hathor of the Four Faces The designs of Hathoric columns have a complex relationship with those of sistra Both styles of sistrum can bear the Hathor mask on the handle and Hathoric columns often incorporate the naos sistrum shape above the goddess s head 102 nbsp Statue of Hathor fourteenth century BC nbsp Amulet of Hathor as a uraeus wearing a naos headdress early to mid first millennium BC nbsp Naos sistrum with Hathor s face 305 282 BC nbsp Mirror with a face of Hathor on the handle fifteenth century BC nbsp Head of Hathor with cats on her headdress from a clapper late second to early first millennium BC nbsp The Malqata Menat necklace fourteenth century BC nbsp Hathoric capital from the Mortuary Temple of Hatshepsut fifteenth century BCWorship edit nbsp Copy of a statue of Hathor center with a goddess personifying the Fifteenth Nome of Upper Egypt left and the Fourth Dynasty king Menkaure right 26th century BC Relationship with royalty edit During the Early Dynastic Period Neith was the preeminent goddess at the royal court 106 while in the Fourth Dynasty Hathor became the goddess most closely linked with the king 66 Sneferu the founder of the Fourth Dynasty may have built a temple to her and Neferhetepes a daughter of Djedefra was the first recorded priestess of Hathor 107 Old Kingdom rulers donated resources only to temples dedicated to particular kings or to deities closely connected with kingship Hathor was one of the few deities to receive such donations 108 Late Old Kingdom rulers especially promoted the cult of Hathor in the provinces as a way of binding those regions to the royal court She may have absorbed the traits of contemporary provincial goddesses 109 Many female royals though not reigning queens held positions in the cult during the Old Kingdom 110 Mentuhotep II who became the first pharaoh of the Middle Kingdom despite having no relation to the Old Kingdom rulers sought to legitimize his rule by portraying himself as Hathor s son The first images of the Hathor cow suckling the king date to his reign and several priestesses of Hathor were depicted as though they were his wives although he may not have actually married them 111 112 In the course of the Middle Kingdom queens were increasingly seen as directly embodying the goddess just as the king embodied Ra 113 The emphasis on the queen as Hathor continued through the New Kingdom Queens were portrayed with the headdress of Hathor beginning in the late Eighteenth Dynasty An image of the sed festival of Amenhotep III meant to celebrate and renew his rule shows the king together with Hathor and his queen Tiye which could mean that the king symbolically married the goddess in the course of the festival 114 Hatshepsut a woman who ruled as a pharaoh in the early New Kingdom emphasized her relationship to Hathor in a different way 115 She used names and titles that linked her to a variety of goddesses including Hathor so as to legitimize her rule in what was normally a male position 116 She built several temples to Hathor and placed her own mortuary temple which incorporated a chapel dedicated to the goddess at Deir el Bahari which had been a cult site of Hathor since the Middle Kingdom 115 The preeminence of Amun during the New Kingdom gave greater visibility to his consort Mut and in the course of the period Isis began appearing in roles that traditionally belonged to Hathor alone such as that of the goddess in the solar barque Despite the growing prominence of these deities Hathor remained important particularly in relation to fertility sexuality and queenship throughout the New Kingdom 117 After the New Kingdom Isis increasingly overshadowed Hathor and other goddesses as she took on their characteristics 118 In the Ptolemaic period 305 30 BC when Greeks governed Egypt and their religion developed a complex relationship with that of Egypt the Ptolemaic dynasty adopted and modified the Egyptian ideology of kingship Beginning with Arsinoe II wife of Ptolemy II the Ptolemies closely linked their queens with Isis and with several Greek goddesses particularly their own goddess of love and sexuality Aphrodite 119 Nevertheless when the Greeks referred to Egyptian gods by the names of their own gods a practice called interpretatio graeca they sometimes called Hathor Aphrodite 120 Traits of Isis Hathor and Aphrodite were all combined to justify the treatment of Ptolemaic queens as goddesses Thus the poet Callimachus alluded to the myth of Hathor s lost lock of hair in the Aetia when praising Berenice II for sacrificing her own hair to Aphrodite 46 and iconographic traits that Isis and Hathor shared such as the bovine horns and vulture headdress appeared on images portraying Ptolemaic queens as Aphrodite 121 Temples in Egypt edit nbsp Hypostyle hall of the Temple of Hathor at Dendera first century AD More temples were dedicated to Hathor than to any other Egyptian goddess 82 During the Old Kingdom her most important center of worship was in the region of Memphis where Hathor of the Sycamore was worshipped at many sites throughout the Memphite Necropolis During the New Kingdom era the temple of Hathor of the Southern Sycamore was her main temple in Memphis 122 At that site she was described as the daughter of the city s main deity Ptah 86 The cult of Ra and Atum at Heliopolis northeast of Memphis included a temple to Hathor Nebethetepet that was probably built in the Middle Kingdom A willow and a sycamore tree stood near the sanctuary and may have been worshipped as manifestations of the goddess 22 A few cities farther north in the Nile Delta such as Yamu and Terenuthis also had temples to her 123 Dendera Hathor s oldest temple in Upper Egypt dates to at least to the Fourth Dynasty 124 After the end of the Old Kingdom it surpassed her Memphite temples in importance 125 Many kings made additions to the temple complex through Egyptian history The last version of the temple was built in the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods and is today one of the best preserved Egyptian temples from that time 126 As the rulers of the Old Kingdom made an effort to develop towns in Upper and Middle Egypt several cult centers of Hathor were founded across the region at sites such as Cusae Akhmim and Naga ed Der 127 In the First Intermediate Period c 2181 2055 BC her cult statue from Dendera was periodically carried to the Theban necropolis During the beginning of the Middle Kingdom Mentuhotep II established a permanent cult center for her in the necropolis at Deir el Bahari 128 The nearby village of Deir el Medina home to the tomb workers of the necropolis during the New Kingdom also contained temples of Hathor One continued to function and was periodically rebuilt as late as the Ptolemaic Period centuries after the village was abandoned 129 In the Old Kingdom most priests of Hathor including the highest ranks were women Many of these women were members of the royal family 130 In the course of the Middle Kingdom women were increasingly excluded from the highest priestly positions at the same time that queens were becoming more closely tied to Hathor s cult Thus non royal women disappeared from the high ranks of Hathor s priesthood 131 although women continued to serve as musicians and singers in temple cults across Egypt 132 The most frequent temple rite for any deity was the daily offering ritual in which the cult image or statue of a deity would be clothed and given food 133 The daily ritual was largely the same in every Egyptian temple 133 although the goods given as offerings could vary according to which deity received them 134 Wine and beer were common offerings in all temples but especially in rituals in Hathor s honor 135 and she and the goddesses related to her often received sistra and menat necklaces 134 In Late and Ptolemaic times they were also offered a pair of mirrors representing the sun and the moon 136 Festivals edit Many of Hathor s annual festivals were celebrated with drinking and dancing that served a ritual purpose Revelers at these festivals may have aimed to reach a state of religious ecstasy which was otherwise rare or nonexistent in ancient Egyptian religion Graves Brown suggests that celebrants in Hathor s festivals aimed to reach an altered state of consciousness to allow them interact with the divine realm 137 An example is the Festival of Drunkenness commemorating the return of the Eye of Ra which was celebrated on the twentieth day of the month of Thout at temples to Hathor and to other Eye goddesses It was celebrated as early as the Middle Kingdom but it is best known from Ptolemaic and Roman times 137 The dancing eating and drinking that took place during the Festival of Drunkenness represented the opposite of the sorrow hunger and thirst that the Egyptians associated with death Whereas the rampages of the Eye of Ra brought death to humans the Festival of Drunkenness celebrated life abundance and joy 138 In a local Theban festival known as the Beautiful Festival of the Valley which began to be celebrated in the Middle Kingdom the cult image of Amun from the Temple of Karnak visited the temples in the Theban Necropolis while members of the community went to the tombs of their deceased relatives to drink eat and celebrate 139 Hathor was not involved in this festival until the early New Kingdom 140 after which Amun s overnight stay in the temples at Deir el Bahari came to be seen as his sexual union with her 141 Several temples in Ptolemaic times including that of Dendera observed the Egyptian new year with a series of ceremonies in which images of the temple deity were supposed to be revitalized by contact with the sun god On the days leading up to the new year Dendera s statue of Hathor was taken to the wabet a specialized room in the temple and placed under a ceiling decorated with images of the sky and sun On the first day of the new year the first day of the month of Thoth the Hathor image was carried up to the roof to be bathed in genuine sunlight 142 The best documented festival focused on Hathor is another Ptolemaic celebration the Festival of the Beautiful Reunion It took place over fourteen days in the month of Epiphi 143 144 Hathor s cult image from Dendera was carried by boat to several temple sites to visit the gods of those temples The endpoint of the journey was the Temple of Horus at Edfu where the Hathor statue from Dendera met that of Horus of Edfu and the two were placed together 145 On one day of the festival these images were carried out to a shrine where primordial deities such as the sun god and the Ennead were said to be buried The texts say the divine couple performed offering rites for these entombed gods 146 Many Egyptologists regard this festival as a ritual marriage between Horus and Hathor although Martin Stadler challenges this view arguing that it instead represented the rejuvenation of the buried creator gods 147 C J Bleeker thought the Beautiful Reunion was another celebration of the return of the Distant Goddess citing allusions in the temple s festival texts to the myth of the solar eye 148 Barbara Richter argues that the festival represented all three things at once She points out that the birth of Horus and Hathor s son Ihy was celebrated at Dendera nine months after the Festival of the Beautiful Reunion implying that Hathor s visit to Horus represented Ihy s conception 149 The third month of the Egyptian calendar Hathor or Athyr was named for the goddess Festivities in her honor took place throughout the month although they are not recorded in the texts from Dendera 150 Worship outside Egypt edit nbsp Remains of the Hathor shrine in the Timna Valley Egyptian kings as early as the Old Kingdom donated goods to the temple of Baalat Gebal in Byblos using the syncretism of Baalat with Hathor to cement their close trading relationship with Byblos 151 A temple to Hathor as Lady of Byblos was built during the reign of Thutmose III although it may simply have been a shrine within the temple of Baalat 152 After the breakdown of the New Kingdom Hathor s prominence in Byblos diminished along with Egypt s trade links to the city A few artifacts from the early first millennium BC suggest that the Egyptians began equating Baalat with Isis at that time 153 A myth about Isis s presence in Byblos related by the Greek author Plutarch in his work On Isis and Osiris in the 2nd century AD suggests that by his time Isis had entirely supplanted Hathor in the city 154 A pendant found in a Mycenaean tomb at Pylos from the 16th century BC bears Hathor s face Its presence in the tomb suggests the Mycenaeans may have known that the Egyptians connected Hathor with the afterlife 155 Egyptians in the Sinai Peninsula built a few temples in the region The largest was a complex dedicated primarily to Hathor as patroness of mining at Serabit el Khadim on the west side of the peninsula 156 It was occupied from the middle of the Middle Kingdom to near the end of the New 157 The Timna Valley on the fringes of the Egyptian empire on the east side of the peninsula was the site of seasonal mining expeditions during the New Kingdom It included a shrine to Hathor that was probably deserted during the off season The local Midianites whom the Egyptians used as part of the mining workforce may have given offerings to Hathor as their overseers did After the Egyptians abandoned the site in the Twentieth Dynasty however the Midianites converted the shrine to a tent shrine devoted to their own deities 158 In contrast the Nubians in the south fully incorporated Hathor into their religion During the New Kingdom when most of Nubia was under Egyptian control pharaohs dedicated several temples in Nubia to Hathor such as those at Faras and Mirgissa 79 Amenhotep III and Ramesses II both built temples in Nubia that celebrated their respective queens as manifestations of female deities including Hathor Amenhotep s wife Tiye at Sedeinga 159 and Ramesses s wife Nefertari at the Small Temple of Abu Simbel 160 The independent Kingdom of Kush which emerged in Nubia after the collapse of the New Kingdom based its beliefs about Kushite kings on the royal ideology of Egypt Therefore Hathor Isis Mut and Nut were all seen as the mythological mother of each Kushite king and equated with his female relatives such as the kandake the Kushite queen or queen mother who had prominent roles in Kushite religion 161 At Jebel Barkal a site sacred to Amun the Kushite king Taharqa built a pair of temples one dedicated to Hathor and one to Mut as consorts of Amun replacing New Kingdom Egyptian temples that may have been dedicated to these same goddesses 162 But Isis was the most prominent of the Egyptian goddesses worshipped in Nubia and her status there increased over time Thus in the Meroitic period of Nubian history c 300 BC AD 400 Hathor appeared in temples mainly as a companion to Isis 163 Popular worship edit nbsp Ptolemaic plaque of a woman giving birth assisted by two figures of Hathor fourth to first century BC In addition to formal and public rituals at temples Egyptians privately worshipped deities for personal reasons including at their homes Birth was hazardous for both mother and child in ancient Egypt yet children were much desired Thus fertility and safe childbirth are among the most prominent concerns in popular religion and fertility deities such as Hathor and Taweret were commonly worshipped in household shrines Egyptian women squatted on bricks while giving birth and the only known surviving birth brick from ancient Egypt is decorated with an image of a woman holding her child flanked by images of Hathor 164 In Roman times terracotta figurines sometimes found in a domestic context depicted a woman with an elaborate headdress exposing her genitals as Hathor did to cheer up Ra 165 The meaning of these figurines is not known 166 but they are often thought to represent Hathor or Isis combined with Aphrodite making a gesture that represented fertility or protection against evil 165 Hathor was one of a handful of deities including Amun Ptah and Thoth who were commonly prayed to for help with personal problems 167 Many Egyptians left offerings at temples or small shrines dedicated to the gods they prayed to Most offerings to Hathor were used for their symbolism not for their intrinsic value Cloths painted with images of Hathor were common as were plaques and figurines depicting her animal forms Different types of offerings may have symbolized different goals on the part of the donor but their meaning is usually unknown Images of Hathor alluded to her mythical roles like depictions of the maternal cow in the marsh 168 Offerings of sistra may have been meant to appease the goddess s dangerous aspects and bring out her positive ones 169 while phalli represented a prayer for fertility as shown by an inscription found on one example 170 Some Egyptians also left written prayers to Hathor inscribed on stelae or written as graffiti 167 Prayers to some deities such as Amun show that they were thought to punish wrongdoers and heal people who repented for their misbehavior In contrast prayers to Hathor mention only the benefits she could grant such as abundant food during life and a well provisioned burial after death 171 Funerary practices edit nbsp Hathor welcoming Seti I into the afterlife 13th century BC As an afterlife deity Hathor appeared frequently in funerary texts and art In the early New Kingdom for instance she was one of the three deities most commonly found in royal tomb decoration the others being Osiris and Anubis 172 In that period she often appeared as the goddess welcoming the dead into the afterlife 173 Other images referred to her more obliquely Reliefs in Old Kingdom tombs show men and women performing a ritual called shaking the papyrus The significance of this rite is not known but inscriptions sometimes say it was performed for Hathor and shaking papyrus stalks produces a rustling sound that may have been likened to the rattling of a sistrum 174 Other Hathoric imagery in tombs included the cow emerging from the mountain of the necropolis 85 and the seated figure of the goddess presiding over a garden in the afterlife 90 Images of Nut were often painted or incised inside coffins indicating the coffin was her womb from which the occupant would be reborn in the afterlife In the Third Intermediate Period Hathor began to be placed on the floor of the coffin with Nut on the interior of the lid 88 Tomb art from the Eighteenth Dynasty often shows people drinking dancing and playing music as well as holding menat necklaces and sistra all imagery that alluded to Hathor These images may represent private feasts that were celebrated in front of tombs to commemorate the people buried there or they may show gatherings at temple festivals such as the Beautiful Festival of the Valley 175 Festivals were thought to allow contact between the human and divine realms and by extension between the living and the dead Thus texts from tombs often expressed a wish that the deceased would be able to participate in festivals primarily those dedicated to Osiris 176 Tombs festival imagery however may refer to festivals involving Hathor such as the Festival of Drunkenness or to the private feasts which were also closely connected with her Drinking and dancing at these feasts may have been meant to intoxicate the celebrants as at the Festival of Drunkenness allowing them to commune with the spirits of the deceased 175 Hathor was said to supply offerings to deceased people as early as the Old Kingdom and spells to enable both men and women to join her retinue in the afterlife appeared as early as the Coffin Texts 94 Some burial goods that portray deceased women as goddesses may depict these women as followers of Hathor although whether the imagery refers to Hathor or Isis is not known The link between Hathor and deceased women was maintained into the Roman Period the last stage of ancient Egyptian religion before its extinction 177 See also editList of solar deities 2340 HathorReferences editCitations edit Hart 2005 p 61 Hassan 1992 p 15 Lesko 1999 pp 15 17 a b Wilkinson 1999 pp 244 245 Gillam 1995 p 214 a b Fischer 1962 pp 11 13 Troy 1986 p 54 a b Lesko 1999 pp 81 83 Fischer 1962 pp 7 14 15 a b Wilkinson 2003 pp 77 145 a b Gillam 1995 pp 217 218 Bleeker 1973 pp 71 72 Troy 1986 pp 53 54 Bleeker 1973 pp 31 34 46 47 a b Graves Brown 2010 p 130 Billing 2004 p 39 Bleeker 1973 pp 25 48 a b c Wilkinson 2003 p 140 Richter 2016 pp 128 184 185 Wilkinson 2003 p 156 Pinch 1993 p 155 a b Quirke 2001 pp 102 105 Gillam 1995 p 218 Troy 1986 pp 21 23 25 27 Pinch 2002 pp 129 130 Ritner 1990 p 39 a b Graves Brown 2010 pp 169 170 Pinch 2002 pp 71 74 Pinch 2002 p 130 Harrington 2016 pp 132 134 Finnestad 1999 pp 113 115 Manniche 2010 pp 13 14 16 17 Poo 2009 pp 153 157 Bleeker 1973 p 57 Darnell 1995 p 48 Darnell 1995 pp 54 62 91 94 Pinch 2002 p 138 Wilkinson 2003 pp 99 141 156 Cruz Uribe 1994 pp 185 187 188 Wilkinson 2003 p 155 Lesko 1999 p 127 Darnell 1995 pp 47 69 Pinch 2002 p 197 Schneider 2007 pp 315 317 Morris 2007 pp 198 199 201 207 a b Selden 1998 pp 346 348 Bleeker 1973 pp 40 41 Lesko 1999 pp 82 83 Hart 2005 p 62 Pinch 1993 pp 175 176 Pinch 2002 pp 131 132 Meeks amp Favard Meeks 1996 pp 183 184 a b Wilkinson 2003 pp 132 133 Wilkinson 2003 pp 123 168 Hart 2005 p 71 Roberts 2000 pp 26 27 Richter 2016 pp 179 182 McClain 2011 pp 3 6 Richter 2016 pp 169 172 185 Griffiths 2001 p 189 a b te Velde 2001 p 455 Hoffmeier 2001 pp 507 508 Hollis 2020 p 53 a b Bleeker 1973 pp 72 74 Darnell 1995 pp 93 94 a b Hollis 2009 p 2 Espinel 2002 pp 117 119 Wilkinson 2003 p 139 Wilkinson 2003 p 137 Cornelius 2004 p 45 Cornelius 2004 pp 96 97 Hart 2005 p 132 a b c Hart 2005 p 65 Pinch 1993 p 52 Pinch 1993 pp 49 50 a b Wilkinson 2003 p 143 Espinel 2005 pp 61 65 66 Yellin 2012 pp 125 128 a b Wilkinson 2000 pp 227 230 Hollis 2020 p 48 Smith 2017 pp 251 252 a b Graves Brown 2010 p 166 Meeks amp Favard Meeks 1996 pp 88 164 Wilkinson 2003 pp 145 146 a b Pinch 1993 pp 179 180 a b Vischak 2001 p 82 Assmann 2005 pp 170 173 a b Lesko 1999 pp 39 40 110 Assmann 2005 pp 152 154 170 173 a b Billing 2004 pp 42 43 Billing 2004 pp 37 38 Cooney 2010 pp 227 229 Cooney 2010 pp 227 229 235 236 a b Smith 2017 pp 251 254 Wilkinson 2003 pp 143 144 148 Wilkinson 2003 pp 77 175 Pinch 2002 pp 198 199 Roberts 1997 pp 8 10 Pinch 1993 pp 190 197 Wilkinson 2003 pp 168 169 Graham 2001 p 166 a b Pinch 1993 pp 153 159 Wilkinson 1993 pp 32 83 Pinch 1993 p 278 Pinch 1993 pp 135 139 Lesko 1999 pp 48 49 Gillam 1995 p 215 Goedicke 1978 pp 118 123 Morris 2011 pp 75 76 Gillam 1995 pp 222 226 231 Gillam 1995 p 231 Graves Brown 2010 pp 135 136 Gillam 1995 p 234 Graves Brown 2010 pp 132 133 a b Lesko 1999 pp 105 107 Robins 1999 pp 107 112 Lesko 1999 pp 119 120 178 179 Lesko 1999 p 129 Selden 1998 pp 312 339 Wilkinson 2003 p 141 Cheshire 2007 pp 157 163 Gillam 1995 pp 219 221 Wilkinson 2000 pp 108 111 Gillam 1995 p 227 Vischak 2001 p 83 Wilkinson 2000 pp 149 151 Gillam 1995 pp 226 229 Goedicke 1991 pp 245 252 Wilkinson 2000 pp 189 190 Lesko 1999 pp 240 241 Gillam 1995 pp 233 234 Lesko 1999 pp 243 244 a b Thompson 2001 p 328 a b Meeks amp Favard Meeks 1996 pp 126 128 Poo 2010 pp 2 3 Derriks 2001 pp 421 422 a b Graves Brown 2010 pp 166 169 Frandsen 1999 pp 131 142 143 Teeter 2011 pp 67 68 Sadek 1988 p 49 Teeter 2011 p 70 Meeks amp Favard Meeks 1996 pp 193 198 Bleeker 1973 p 93 Richter 2016 p 4 Bleeker 1973 p 94 Verner 2013 pp 437 439 Stadler 2008 pp 4 6 Bleeker 1973 pp 98 101 Richter 2016 pp 4 202 205 Verner 2013 p 43 Espinel 2002 pp 116 118 Traunecker 2001 p 110 Zernecke 2013 pp 227 230 Hollis 2009 pp 4 5 Lobell 2020 Wilkinson 2000 pp 238 239 Pinch 1993 pp 55 57 Pinch 1993 pp 59 69 Morkot 2012 pp 325 326 Fisher 2012 pp 357 358 Kendall 2010b Kendall 2010a pp 1 12 Yellin 2012 pp 128 133 Ritner 2008 pp 173 175 181 a b Morris 2007 pp 218 219 Sandri 2012 pp 637 638 a b Pinch 1993 pp 349 351 Pinch 1993 pp 119 347 354 355 Pinch 1993 pp 157 158 Lesko 2008 pp 203 204 Sadek 1988 pp 89 114 115 Lesko 1999 p 110 Assmann 2005 p 171 Woods 2011 pp 314 316 a b Harrington 2016 pp 132 136 144 147 Assmann 2005 p 225 Smith 2017 pp 384 389 Works cited edit Assmann Jan 2005 German edition 2001 Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt Translated by David Lorton Cornell University Press ISBN 978 0801442414 Billing Nils 2004 Writing an Image The Formulation of the Tree Goddess Motif in the Book of the Dead Ch 59 Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 32 35 50 JSTOR 25152905 Bleeker C J 1973 Hathor and Thoth Two Key Figures of the Ancient Egyptian Religion Brill ISBN 978 9004037342 Cheshire Wendy A 2007 Aphrodite Cleopatra Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 43 151 191 JSTOR 27801612 Cooney Kathlyn M December 2010 Gender Transformation in Death A Case Study of Coffins from Ramesside Period Egypt PDF Near Eastern Archaeology 73 4 224 237 doi 10 1086 NEA41103940 JSTOR 41103940 S2CID 166450284 Archived PDF from the original on 2020 04 02 Cornelius Izak 2004 The Many Faces of the Goddess The Iconography of the Syro Palestinian Goddesses Anat Astarte Qedeshet and Asherah c 1500 1000 BCE Academic Press Fribourg Vandenhoeck amp Ruprecht Gottingen ISBN 978 3727814853 978 3525530610 Cruz Uribe Eugene 1994 The Khonsu Cosmogony Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 31 169 189 doi 10 2307 40000676 JSTOR 40000676 Darnell John Coleman 1995 Hathor Returns to Medamud Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 22 47 94 JSTOR 25152711 Derriks Claire 2001 Mirrors In Redford Donald B ed The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt Vol 2 Oxford University Press pp 419 422 ISBN 978 0195102345 Espinel Andres Diego 2002 The Role of the Temple of Ba alat Gebal as Intermediary between Egypt and Byblos during the Old Kingdom Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 30 103 119 JSTOR 25152861 Espinel Andres Diego 2005 A Newly Identified Stela from Wadi el Hudi Cairo JE 86119 The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 91 55 70 doi 10 1177 030751330509100104 JSTOR 3822393 S2CID 190217800 Finnestad Ragnhild 1999 Enjoying the Pleasures of Sensation Reflections on A Significant Feature of Egyptian Religion PDF In Teeter Emily Larson John A eds Gold of Praise Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honor of Edward F Wente The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago pp 111 119 ISBN 978 1885923097 Archived PDF from the original on 2015 04 20 Fischer Henry George 1962 The Cult and Nome of the Goddess Bat Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 1 7 18 doi 10 2307 40000855 JSTOR 40000855 Fisher Marjorie M 2012 Abu Simbel In Fisher Marjorie M Lacovara Peter Ikram Salima D Auria Sue eds Ancient Nubia African Kingdoms on the Nile The American University in Cairo Press pp 356 360 ISBN 978 9774164781 Frandsen Paul John 1999 On Fear of Death and the Three bwts Connected with Hathor PDF In Teeter Emily Larson John A eds Gold of Praise Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honor of Edward F Wente The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago pp 131 148 ISBN 978 1885923097 Archived PDF from the original on 2015 04 20 Gillam Robyn A 1995 Priestesses of Hathor Their Function Decline and Disappearance Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 32 211 237 doi 10 2307 40000840 JSTOR 40000840 Goedicke Hans 1978 Cult Temple and State During the Old Kingdom in Egypt In Lipinski Edward ed State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East Departement Orientalistiek pp 113 130 ISBN 978 9070192037 Goedicke Hans October 1991 The Prayers of Wakh ʿankh antef ʿAa Journal of Near Eastern Studies 50 4 235 253 doi 10 1086 373513 JSTOR 545487 S2CID 162271458 Graham Geoffrey 2001 Insignias In Redford Donald B ed The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt Vol 2 Oxford University Press pp 163 167 ISBN 978 0195102345 Graves Brown Carolyn 2010 Dancing for Hathor Women in Ancient Egypt Continuum ISBN 978 1847250544 Griffiths J Gwyn 2001 Isis In Redford Donald B ed The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt Vol 2 Oxford University Press pp 188 191 ISBN 978 0195102345 Harrington Nicola 2016 The Eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian Banquet Ideals and Realities In Draycott Catherine M Stamatopolou Maria eds Dining and Death Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Funerary Banquet in Ancient Art Burial and Belief Peeters pp 129 172 ISBN 978 9042932517 Hart George 2005 The Routledge Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses Second Edition PDF Routledge pp 61 65 ISBN 978 0203023624 Archived PDF from the original on 2017 05 17 Hassan Fekri A 1992 Primeval Goddess to Divine King The Mythogenesis of Power in the Early Egyptian State In Friedman Renee Adams Barbara eds The Followers of Horus Studies Dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman Oxbow Books pp 307 319 ISBN 978 0946897445 Hoffmeier James K 2001 Fate In Redford Donald B ed The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt Vol 1 Oxford University Press pp 507 508 ISBN 978 0195102345 Hollis Susan Tower 2009 Hathor and Isis in Byblos in the Second and First Millennia BCE Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1 2 doi 10 2458 azu jaei v01i2 tower hollis ISSN 1944 2815 Hollis Susan Tower 2020 Five Egyptian Goddesses Their Possible Beginnings Actions and Relationships in the Third Millennium BCE Bloomsbury Academic ISBN 978 1 7809 3595 9 Kendall Timothy 2010a B 200 and B 300 Temples of the Goddesses Hathor and Mut PDF Jebel Barkal History and Archaeology National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums NCAM Sudan Archived PDF from the original on 11 September 2018 Retrieved 10 September 2018 Kendall Timothy 2010b The Napatan Period Jebel Barkal History and Archaeology National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums NCAM Sudan Archived from the original on 16 November 2018 Retrieved 10 September 2018 Lesko Barbara S 1999 The Great Goddesses of Egypt University of Oklahoma Press ISBN 978 0806132020 Lesko Barbara S 2008 Household and Domestic Religion in Egypt In Bodel John Olyan Saul M eds Household and Family Religion in Antiquity Blackwell pp 197 209 ISBN 978 1405175791 Lobell Jarrett A March April 2020 Field of Tombs Archaeology 73 2 Manniche Lise 2010 The Cultic Significance of the Sistrum in the Amarna Period In Woods Alexandra McFarlane Ann Binder Susanne eds Egyptian Culture and Society Studies in Honour of Naguib Kanawati Conseil Supreme des Antiquites de l Egypte pp 13 26 ISBN 978 9774798450 McClain Brett 2011 Wendrich Willeke ed Cosmogony Late to Ptolemaic and Roman Periods UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology ISBN 978 0615214030 Retrieved 10 September 2018 Meeks Dimitri Favard Meeks Christine 1996 French edition 1993 Daily Life of the Egyptian Gods Translated by G M Goshgarian Cornell University Press ISBN 978 0801431159 Morris Ellen F 2007 Sacred and Obscene Laughter in The Contendings of Horus and Seth in Egyptian Inversions of Everyday Life and in the Context of Cultic Competition In Schneider Thomas Szpakowska Kasia eds Egyptian Stories A British Egyptological Tribute to Alan B Lloyd on the Occasion of His Retirement Ugarit Verlag pp 197 224 ISBN 978 3934628946 Morris Ellen F 2011 Paddle Dolls and Performance Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 47 71 103 doi 10 7916 D8PK1ZM4 JSTOR 24555386 Morkot Robert G 2012 Sedeinga In Fisher Marjorie M Lacovara Peter Ikram Salima D Auria Sue eds Ancient Nubia African Kingdoms on the Nile The American University in Cairo Press pp 325 328 ISBN 978 9774164781 Pinch Geraldine 1993 Votive Offerings to Hathor Griffith Institute ISBN 978 0900416545 Pinch Geraldine 2002 Egyptian Mythology A Guide to the Gods Goddesses and Traditions of Ancient Egypt Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 517024 5 Poo Mu Chou 2009 First edition 1995 Wine and Wine Offering in the Religion of Ancient Egypt Routledge ISBN 978 0710305015 Poo Mu Chou 2010 Wendrich Willeke ed Liquids in Temple Ritual UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology ISBN 978 0615214030 Retrieved 10 September 2018 Quirke Stephen 2001 The Cult of Ra Sun Worship in Ancient Egypt Thames and Hudson ISBN 978 0500051078 Richter Barbara A 2016 The Theology of Hathor of Dendera Aural and Visual Scribal Techniques in the Per Wer Sanctuary Lockwood Press ISBN 978 1937040512 Ritner Robert K 1990 O Gardiner 363 A Spell Against Night Terrors Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 27 25 41 doi 10 2307 40000071 JSTOR 40000071 Ritner Robert K 2008 Household Religion in Ancient Egypt In Bodel John Olyan Saul M eds Household and Family Religion in Antiquity Blackwell pp 171 196 ISBN 978 1405175791 Roberts Alison 1997 First edition 1995 Hathor Rising The Power of the Goddess in Ancient Egypt Inner Traditions International ISBN 978 0892816217 Roberts Alison 2000 My Heart My Mother Death and Rebirth in Ancient Egypt NorthGate Publishers ISBN 978 0952423317 Robins Gay 1999 The Names of Hatshepsut as King The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 85 103 112 doi 10 1177 030751339908500107 JSTOR 3822429 S2CID 162426276 Sadek Ashraf I 1988 Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom Gerstenber ISBN 978 3806781076 Sandri Sandra 2012 Terracottas In Riggs Christina ed The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt Oxford University Press pp 630 647 ISBN 978 0199571451 Schneider Thomas 2007 Contextualising the Tale of the Herdsman In Schneider Thomas Szpakowska Kasia eds Egyptian Stories A British Egyptological Tribute to Alan B Lloyd on the Occasion of His Retirement Ugarit Verlag pp 309 318 ISBN 978 3934628946 Selden Daniel L October 1998 Alibis PDF Classical Antiquity 17 2 289 412 doi 10 2307 25011086 JSTOR 25011086 Archived PDF from the original on 2018 07 21 Smith Mark 2017 Following Osiris Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0199582228 Stadler Martin 2008 Wendrich Willeke ed Procession UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology ISBN 978 0615214030 Retrieved 10 September 2018 Teeter Emily 2011 Religion and Ritual in Ancient Egypt Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0521613002 te Velde Herman 2001 Mut PDF In Redford Donald B ed The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt Vol 2 Oxford University Press pp 454 455 ISBN 978 0195102345 Archived PDF from the original on 2016 03 24 Thompson Stephen E 2001 Cults An Overview In Redford Donald B ed The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt Vol 1 Oxford University Press pp 326 332 ISBN 978 0195102345 Traunecker Claude 2001 French edition 1992 The Gods of Egypt Translated by David Lorton Cornell University Press ISBN 978 0801438349 Troy Lana 1986 Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis ISBN 978 9155419196 Verner Miroslav 2013 Czech edition 2010 Temple of the World Sanctuaries Cults and Mysteries of Ancient Egypt Translated by Anna Bryson Gustova The American University in Cairo Press ISBN 978 9774165634 Vischak Deborah 2001 Hathor In Redford Donald B ed The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt Vol 2 Oxford University Press pp 82 85 ISBN 978 0195102345 Wilkinson Richard H 1993 Symbol and Magic in Egyptian Art Thames amp Hudson ISBN 978 0500236635 Wilkinson Richard H 2000 The Complete Temples of Ancient Egypt Thames and Hudson ISBN 978 0500051009 Wilkinson Richard H 2003 The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt Thames amp Hudson ISBN 978 0500051207 Wilkinson Toby 1999 Early Dynastic Egypt Routledge ISBN 978 0203024386 Text Version Woods Alexandra 2011 Zss wꜣḏ Scenes of the Old Kingdom Revisited PDF In Strudwick Nigel Strudwick Helen eds Old Kingdom New Perspectives Egyptian Art and Archaeology 2750 2150 BC Proceedings of a Conference at the Fitzwilliam Museum Cambridge May 2009 Oxbow Books pp 314 319 ISBN 978 1842174302 Archived PDF from the original on 2019 04 03 Yellin Janice W 2012 Nubian Religion In Fisher Marjorie M Lacovara Peter Ikram Salima D Auria Sue eds Ancient Nubia African Kingdoms on the Nile The American University in Cairo Press pp 125 144 ISBN 978 9774164781 Zernecke Anna Elise 2013 The Lady of the Titles The Lady of Byblos and the Search for Her True Name Die Welt des Orients 43 2 226 242 doi 10 13109 wdor 2013 43 2 226 JSTOR 23608857 Further reading editAllam Schafik 1963 Beitrage zum Hathorkult bis zum Ende des mittleren Reiches in German Verlag Bruno Hessling OCLC 557461557 Derchain Philippe 1972 Hathor Quadrifrons in French Nederlands Historisch Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten OCLC 917056815 Hornung Erik 1997 Der agyptische Mythos von der Himmelskuh 2nd ed PDF in German Vandehoeck amp Ruprecht ISBN 978 3525537374 Archived PDF from the original on 2018 06 13 Posener Georges 1986 La legende de la tresse d Hathor In Lesko Leonard H ed Egyptological Studies in Honour of Richard A Parker in French Brown pp 111 117 ISBN 978 0874513219 Vandier Jacques 1964 1966 Iousaas et Hathor Nebet Hetepet Revue d Egyptologie in French 16 18 External links edit nbsp Media related to Hathor at Wikimedia Commons Athor Encyclopaedia Britannica Vol III 9th ed 1878 p 13 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Hathor amp oldid 1216100722, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

article

, read, download, free, free download, mp3, video, mp4, 3gp, jpg, jpeg, gif, png, picture, music, song, movie, book, game, games.