Isabel Perón

In this Spanish name, the first or paternal surname is Martínez and the second or maternal family name is Cartas.

In this Argentine name, the surname is Martínez and the marital name is Perón.

Isabel Martínez de Perón (Spanish pronunciation: [isaˈβel maɾˈtines ðe peˈɾon] ^ⓘ, born María Estela Martínez Cartas; 4 February 1931) also known as Isabelita, is an Argentine politician who served as President of Argentina from 1974 to 1976. She was one of the first female republican heads of state in the world, and the first woman to serve as president of a country.

Isabel Perón
Isabel Perón in 1974
President of Argentina
In office 1 July 1974 – 24 March 1976
Preceded by	Juan Perón
Succeeded by	Jorge Rafael Videla (de facto)
Vice President of Argentina
In office 12 October 1973 – 1 July 1974
President	Juan Perón
Preceded by	Vicente Solano Lima
Succeeded by	Víctor Hipólito Martínez (1983)
First Lady of Argentina
In role 12 October 1973 – 1 July 1974
President	Juan Perón
Preceded by	Norma Beatriz López Rega
Succeeded by	Alicia Raquel Hartridge
Personal details
Born	María Estela Martínez Cartas (1931-02-04) 4 February 1931 (age 92) La Rioja, Argentina
Political party	Justicialist Party
Spouse	Juan Perón ​ ​ (m. 1961; died 1974)​
Other work(s)	Leader of the Justicialist Party (1974–1985)
Signature
Isabel Perón's voice Isabel Perón speaks in Cadena Nacional and announces return to party, increase in wages by 80% and economic measures (recorded 1975)

Isabel Perón was the third wife of President Juan Perón. During her husband's third term as president from 1973 to 1974, she served as both Vice President and First Lady of Argentina. Following her husband's death in office in 1974, she served as President for almost two years before the military took over the government with the 1976 coup. Perón was then placed under house arrest for five years before she was exiled to Spain in 1981.^[1][2]

Isabel Perón is one of the greatest expressions of the right-wing peronism and mainly of the orthodox peronism.^[3] Her ideas are considered as corporate neo-fascist.^[4][5][6] In a conference she was seen performing the philo-fascist salute.^[7] She also appreciated her defense of the opening to neoliberal capitalism and her alliance with the armed forces, the trade unions and the businessmen.^[8]

In 2007 an Argentine judge ordered Perón's arrest over the forced disappearance of an activist in February 1976, on the grounds that the disappearance was authorized by her signing of decrees allowing Argentina's armed forces to take action against "subversives".^[9] She was arrested near her home in Spain on 12 January 2007.^[10] Spanish courts subsequently refused her extradition to Argentina.^[11]

Since the death of Carlos Menem on 14 February 2021, Perón is the oldest living former Argentine president.^{[note 1]}

Early life and career

María Estela Martínez Cartas was born in La Rioja, Argentina, daughter of María Josefa Cartas Olguín and Carmelo Martínez.^[12] She dropped out of school after the fifth grade.^[13] In the early 1950s she became a nightclub dancer adopting the name Isabel, the saint's name (the Spanish form of that of Saint Elizabeth of Portugal) that she had chosen as a confirmation name.^{[14][15][page needed][16]}

Juan Perón

 

Juan and Isabel Perón in Spain in 1972

She met her future husband during his exile in Panama.^{[16][page needed]} Juan Domingo Perón, who was 35 years her senior, was attracted by her beauty and believed she could provide him with the female companionship he had been lacking since the death of his beloved second wife Eva Perón (Evita) in 1952. Perón brought Isabel with him when he moved to Madrid, Spain, in 1960. Spanish authorities during Francoist Spain did not approve of Perón's cohabitation with a young woman to whom he was not married, so on 15 November 1961 the former president reluctantly married for a third time.^{[16][page needed]}

Early political career

As Perón resumed an active role in Argentine politics from exile, Isabel acted as a go-between from Spain to Argentina. Having been deposed in a coup in 1955, Perón was forbidden from returning to Argentina, so his new wife was appointed to travel in his stead.^{[17][page needed]} The CGT leader José Alonso became one of her main advisers in Perón's dispute against Steelworkers' leader Augusto Vandor's Popular Union faction during mid-term elections in 1965; Alonso and Vandor were both later assassinated in as-yet unexplained circumstances.^{[17][page needed]}

José López Rega

Isabel met José López Rega, who was a former policeman with an interest in occultism and fortune-telling, during a visit to Argentina in 1965.^[17] She was interested in occult matters (and as president reportedly employed astrological divination to determine national policy),^[18] so the two quickly became friends. Under pressure from Isabel, Perón appointed López as his personal secretary; López later founded the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (Triple A), a death squad accused of perpetrating 1,500 crimes in the 1970s.^[19]

Rise to power

 

The president of Romania, Nicolae Ceaușescu and his wife, Elena, with Juan and Isabel Perón in 1974

Dr. Héctor Cámpora was nominated by Perón's Justicialist Party to run in the March 1973 presidential elections on the FREJULI ticket (a Peronist-led alliance). Cámpora won, but it was generally understood that Juan Perón held the real power; a popular phrase at the time was "Cámpora al gobierno, Perón al poder" (Cámpora in government, Perón in power). Later that year, Perón returned to Argentina, and Cámpora resigned to allow Perón to run for president. He chose Isabel as his nominee for the Vice Presidency to mollify feuding Peronist factions, as these could agree on no other running mate. His return from exile was marked by a growing rift between the right and left wings of the Peronist movement; while Cámpora represented the left wing, López Rega represented the right wing. The latter was, moreover, supported by the CGT labor federation leadership and Isabel herself, and this faction became known by the left as the entorno ('entourage') due to the inner circle status Perón afforded them. Juan Perón had long been inimical to the left, but cultivated their support while he was in exile. His sympathies ended, however, after the assassination of CGT leader José Ignacio Rucci by the leftist Montoneros in September.^{[17][page needed]}

Perón's victory in a snap election called by Congress in September 1973 was always considered likely, and he won with 62% of the vote.^{[citation needed]} He began his third term on 12 October, with Isabel as Vice President. Perón was by then in precarious health, however; a CIA cable at the time described him as alternating between a lucid state and that of senile dependency.^[20] Isabel had to take over as Acting President on several occasions during his tenure.^[13]

Presidency

 

Isabel Perón taking office as President of Argentina, 1974.

Juan Perón suffered a series of heart attacks on 28 June 1974; Isabel was summoned home from a European trade mission and secretly sworn in as acting president the next day.^{[17][page needed]} Juan Perón died on 1 July 1974, less than a year after his third election to office. As vice-president his widow formally ascended to the presidency, thus becoming the first woman in the world to hold the title of "President", although she was not the first woman to lead a country. She was popularly known as La Presidente.^{[21][page needed]}

Although she lacked Evita Perón's charisma, the grieving widow at first attracted support from the nation. She pledged to uphold the social market economy policies embodied in the 1973 "Social Pact" as well her husband's long-held orthodox Peronism and economic nationalism; her first significant economic policy decisions were the enactment of a new, pro-labor employment contract law and the granting to YPF a monopoly over filling stations.^[22] Even leftist groups, having fallen out with Juan Perón in previous months, publicly offered support to her. However she cancelled meetings with various constituent and political groups, and the sympathy resulting from her husband's death soon dissipated. Her government purged most leftists from university posts and the administration, and (as her husband and other Argentine presidents had done) used Federal intervention powers to unseat leftist governors. Following a string of political murders and a break by the Montoneros with the government, on 30 September Perón signed the Anti-Terrorism Law. This was the first in a series of measures which eroded constitutional rights, ostensibly for the sake of combating leftist violence.^{[21][page needed]}

Another source of contention between her and the voters was the increasing impression that José López Rega, the Minister of Social Welfare, set the agenda for a broad swath of Perón's policies, vetting nearly all domestic and foreign policy. His public behaviour – which included bizarre actions such as silently mouthing her words as she spoke – began to cost the president much-needed support among the Argentine public.^[20] Known to have fascist sympathies, López Rega was also notably corrupt and used his position to secure business partnerships with (ODESSA network principal) Otto Skorzeny, (Libyan leader) Muammar Gaddafi, and (the Italian Fascist) Licio Gelli (to whose P-2 lodge López Rega belonged).^{[17][page needed]}

López Rega's greatest influence upon Isabel Perón's presidency came through his recently formed Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (Triple A). A right-wing paramilitary force, between late 1973 and late 1974 the Triple A had already carried out nearly 300 murders, including that of Professor Silvio Frondizi (brother of former President Arturo Frondizi), Congressman Rodolfo Ortega Peña, activist Father Carlos Mugica, Buenos Aires Province Assistant Police Chief Julio Troxler, former Córdoba Vice-Governor Atilio López and former Chilean Army head Carlos Prats. Other prominent public servants, such as UCR Senator Hipólito Solari Yrigoyen, and left-wing University of Buenos Aires President Rodolfo Puiggrós, narrowly survived Triple A attacks; Puiggrós was then removed from his post.^{[23][page needed]}

Atrocities were also being committed by left-wing extremists. Organized in 1968, the anarchist Montoneros murdered former head of state Pedro Aramburu, popular CGT union Secretary General José Ignacio Rucci, construction workers' union leader Rogelio Coria, former Interior Minister Arturo Mor Roig and U.S. Consul John Egan, among other murders and kidnappings. Throughout 1974, the rise of a new and nearly-as-violent Trotskyite group, the ERP, added to the cycle of violence. Having gained notoriety after the murder of FIAT executive Oberdan Sallustro, the ERP began the year with a violent assault on the Azul barracks. It murdered, among others, a criminal court judge, Jorge Quiroga; the writer Jordán Bruno Genta; and the publisher of La Plata's centrist El Día, David Kraiselburd. The kidnapping of Esso executive Victor Samuelson, freed for a ransom of US$12 million, ignited what would become a rash of such crimes.^{[24][page needed]} However, the government and paramilitaries used this environment to target and murder many legitimate opponents of the regime, as listed above.^{[citation needed]}

Following the murder of Buenos Aires Police Chief Alberto Villar (one of López Rega's closest collaborators in the Triple A) and his wife, as well as amid increasing activity by the ERP in the Province of Tucumán, Perón was persuaded to declare a state of siege on 6 November (suspending, among other rights, habeas corpus). Censorship also increased markedly, culminating in the closure by decree of one of the leading news dailies in Latin America (Crónica) and several other publications, as well as the banning of Argentine television figures such as talk show host Mirtha Legrand and comedian Tato Bores.^[25]

Operation Independence began in Tucumán on 5 February 1975. This military campaign, though successful from a military standpoint, gained notoriety for its brutality; in addition to going after insurgents, it attacked elected officials, magistrates, University of Tucumán faculty, and even secondary school teachers.^{[23][page needed][26]}

The government turned on the labor movement, the mainstay of Peronism for the better part of a quarter-century, classifying it as "subversive" and subject to reprisals. The November 1974 election of a left-wing union shop steward at a Villa Constitución steel mill and its disapproval by steelworkers' leader Lorenzo Miguel (a leading figure in the paramount CGT), resulted in a brutal 20 March 1975 police assault on the facility. The raid, executed jointly with Triple A heavies, led to the "disappearances" of many of the 300 workers arrested.^[27]

 

José López Rega, while officially Minister of Social Welfare, broadly vetted Mrs. Perón's domestic and foreign policy until protests forced him to flee to Spain in July 1975.

Stacking the State Intelligence Secretariat (SIDE) with Fascists loyal to him, Lopez Rega hastened unprecedented intrigue, culminating in the kidnapping of Jorge and Juan Born, prominent local executives who paid US$60 million for their release (a world record at the time). Using contacts from among the Montoneros' many double agents, the agency kept the Born brothers in a known SIDE safehouse for nine months until their June 1975 release without public suspicion of SIDE involvement, a successful false flag operation that led to others (albeit less ambitious ones) in the following months.^{[23][page needed]}

López Rega, meanwhile, arranged the dismissal of many of the most competent policy makers Perón had inherited from her husband's brief presidency; by May 1975, both Economy Minister José Ber Gelbard and Central Bank President Alfredo Gómez Morales had been replaced with right-wing López Rega loyalists.^{[28][page needed]}

Isabel Perón initially maintained the Social Pact inherited from her husband, and succeeded in enhancing it with reforms such as the enactment in December 1974 of payroll taxes to strengthen the Public Retirement System. Yielding to pressure from labor she ignored the incomes policy aspect of the Social Pact, however, and while the economy remained otherwise stable, a price/wage spiral ensued with inflation rising from a low of 12% a year at the height of the Social Pact in May 1974 to 80% a year later.^[29]

The Social Pact also faced growing opposition by employers, particularly after conservative members of the General Economic Council (CGE) split from the conciliatory CGE in March 1975 to form the more combative APEGE; this group would later adopt the tactic of staging recurring lockouts against the administration.^[30]

Faced with record trade and budget deficits, the new Economy Minister, Celestino Rodrigo, proceeded to apply economic shock therapy in June. These measures doubled rates and fares and ordered a surprise halving of the peso's value, which, by forcing those who could to stampede towards the U.S. dollar, destroyed the fragile financial balance that had been maintained to that point.^{[28][page needed]} Consumer prices doubled between May and August 1975 alone,^[29] and though sharp, mandatory wage hikes had been negotiated between the government, labor and employers, the resulting shock (known as the Rodrigazo) ignited protest across Argentina, including a two-day general strike by the CGT (the first ever against a Peronist administration). Following protests in front of his offices, the now hated José López Rega was hastily appointed Ambassador to Spain and boarded a flight into exile.^[31]

Fall from power

López Rega left the country on 19 July. Shortly afterward, Perón dismissed her protégés in the Economy Ministry, Celestino Rodrigo, and in the Armed Forces High Command, General Alberto Numa Laplane, whom she replaced in August with General Jorge Videla, a quiet career officer with an uneventful military record.^[25] The president's appointment of a pragmatic economist, Peronist wheelhorse Antonio Cafiero and her 13 September announcement of a leave of absence relieved ample sectors of society, from labor unions to business. Designating Senate President Ítalo Lúder, a moderately conservative Peronist, in her stead, it was widely hoped that her leave would become permanent; but it was not to be.^[31]

Limited largely to the murder of security forces and public figures during 1974, political violence escalated during 1975 to include soft targets in the population at large as Trotskyist ERP and fascist Triple A extremists began taking to midnight lightning strikes against each other and civilian targets such as banks, buses, yachts, parking lots, and restaurants.^{[23][page needed]} Over 700 people died from political violence during Mrs. Perón's first 15 months in office, of which more than half were subversives and most of the remainder were security forces; by March 1976, civilians comprised fully half of the 1,358 deaths attributable to this conflict.^{[32][page needed]}

The Montoneros, moreover, began a series of audacious attacks on military installations, including August dynamiting of the nearly finished destroyer Santísima Trinidad near the port of La Plata and the Operation Primicia, a terrorist attack on a military base in Formosa Province on 5 October. Anxious to placate the exasperated public, the military, hard-line labor leaders (particularly the steelworkers' Lorenzo Miguel), and most other Peronists, on 6 October she and Lúder signed new measures giving blanket immunity for the Armed Forces that they may (in her words) "annihilate subversive elements throughout the country" – in effect a nationwide extension of the state of siege that had been imposed in Tucumán.^[10] The measure won her just enough support to return from "sick leave" and on 17 October (on Peronists' historically central Loyalty Day), Perón appeared at the balcony of the Casa Rosada, back at her post.^{[21][page needed]}

Her health remained fragile, however, and a gallbladder affliction forced her to take a second, shorter leave of absence in November.^[31] Interior Minister Ángel Robledo's proposal that elections (scheduled for March 1977) should instead be held in November 1976 was approved by the president during this leave, bringing renewed hope that an increasingly rumored coup d'état could yet be averted.^{[23][page needed]}

Anxiety over inflation, meanwhile, continued to dominate daily life. Monthly inflation did slow from the (then-record) 35% logged in July - but remained at 10–15% monthly between September and January 1976. A sudden fall in business investment had by then sent the economy into a sharp recession, however. GDP growth had already slowed from a 6.8% rate in the fourth quarter of 1974 to 1.4% in the second quarter; following the Rodrigazo crisis, the economy shrank 4.4% by the first quarter of 1976, with fixed investment falling by one sixth and auto production by a third.^{[28][page needed]}

The mid-year recession had significantly curbed the growth in imports; but because exports continued to fall, the trade deficit reached a record billion dollars in 1975, nearly depleting foreign exchange reserves.^{[28][page needed]} The government's 1975 budget had been derailed by the crisis and by earlier commitments to cancel its then still-modest foreign debt, something which even so cost Argentina US$2.5 billion that year, alone. The resulting budget deficits (over US$5 billion, in 1975) and a series of lockouts in the agricultural and commercial sectors began to reassert pressure on prices after November, leading to hoarding and shortages.^{[28][page needed]}

The appointment of Brigadier General Héctor Fautario, a loyalist of Perón, to the branch's high command, fueled broader support in the Air Force for action against her administration, and on 18 December, General Jesús Capellini attempted a coup d'état by seizing the Morón Airport and Air Base. The military joint chiefs, however, who obtained Fautario's dismissal, stayed the mutiny's hand, secretly concluding that the timing was premature. Partly in response, the nearly defeated ERP on 23 December besieged the important Monte Chingolo Armory, which claimed the lives of six military personnel and 85 guerrilla members; this defeat marked the end of the ERP's violent campaign.^[24]

Allegations had surfaced in August that Perón had embezzled large sums from the Cruzada de Solidaridad ('Solidarity Crusade'), a government-run charity, into her personal accounts in Spain.^[31] A congressional investigation launched in November over the charity fund embezzlement allegations had meanwhile dissipated her remaining support in Congress, prompting the departure of the second-largest party in the FREJULI alliance, the centrist MID, and dividing the Peronist caucus into "Vericalist" and "Rebel" factions. Her administration was dealt further political blows from within her own party by a break in December with the Governor of Buenos Aires Victorio Calabró, who declared that "we won't make it [to the next elections]"^[33] and with the resignation in January 1976 of Interior Minister Ángel Robledo, her chief legislative and military point man.^[34]

 

Isabel Perón addressing the CGT conference on 10 March 1976, two weeks before being overthrown

Isabel Perón granted ever more significant policy concessions to the largely conservative military in the early months of 1976, from security matters to economic.^[35] Economy Minister Antonio Cafiero, supported by labor, was dismissed in February, and his replacement, Eugenio Mondelli, announced further shock therapy measures similar to the previous year's Rodrigazo – the Mondelazo. These measures included steep hikes in utility rates and a new devaluation of the already shredded peso, causing prices to more than double over the next three months (inflation reached a new record of over 700% by April) and leading a new wave of strikes and business lockouts.^{[28][page needed]}

The UCR initiated impeachment proceedings against the President in February with the support of the "Rebel" Peronist faction in Congress. Near defeat though still active, the Montoneros detonated a bomb at Army headquarters on 15 March, killing one and injuring 29 people.^[24] The head of the CGE, Julio Broner, left Argentina with his family, altogether; CGT Secretary General Casildo Herreras followed suit, announcing from exile that he had "erased" himself. The leader of the opposition UCR Ricardo Balbín, while making efforts to form a multi-party congressional crisis committee, held a private meeting in February with Army Chief of Staff Videla and told him, "If you're planning to stage a coup, do so as soon as possible – expect no applause from us, but no obstacles either."^[35]

The media were by then openly counting down the days to the expected coup d'état, and several newspapers published editorials calling for Perón's overthrow.^[36] Even as the joint chiefs professed loyalty to La Presidente, the Armed Forces High Command had already given final approval to a coup, code-named 'Operation Aries', when the president returned from her leave of absence in October 1975.^[37]

After working late into the evening of 23 March 1976, in the hope of averting a renewed business lockout, Perón celebrated her executive assistant's birthday with staff. Alerted to suspicious military exercises, she boarded the presidential helicopter shortly after midnight. It did not fly her to the Quinta de Olivos presidential residence but to an Air Force base in nearby Jorge Newbery International Airport, where she was formally deposed and arrested.^[24]

Detention and exile

The majority of Peronist officials in the national, provincial, and municipal governments were promptly arrested, brutally beaten, starved, tortured, and interrogated by military police. Many "disappeared" permanently during the subsequent Dirty War, including numerous right-wing Peronists.^[23] Isabel Perón herself remained under house arrest in Villa La Angostura and other secluded locations for five years, and was eventually sent into exile in Spain in July 1981. She continued to serve as official head of her husband's Justicialist Party until her resignation in February 1985, nearly a decade after her fall from power. Though there were some who desired her return and wished for her return to power, she refused to stand for election to the presidency when elections were ultimately called in 1983. She lived in Madrid, maintained close links with Francisco Franco's family, and sometimes went to Marbella.^[38] She sold Perón's Puerta de Hierro estate in 2001,^[39] and relocated to a townhouse in the western suburb of Villafranca del Castillo.^[40]

 

Isabel Perón with then-president Raúl Alfonsín in 1984

Following the restoration of democracy in Argentina, Perón was pardoned from charges of corruption during her presidency and returned in December 1983 as a guest of honor at President Raúl Alfonsín's inauguration, and in May 1984 to participate in policy talks arranged by Alfonsín and opposition leaders. Still nominally head of Juan Perón's Justicialist Party, she played a constructive role in the talks, supporting cooperation between the restive CGT labor union (her party's political base) and Alfonsín. The talks concluded with a weak agreement, and she resigned from her post as titular head of the party.^[41] She returned to Argentina in 1988 to resolve probate disputes concerning the Perón estate,^[42] then resumed residence in Spain under a very low profile.^{[citation needed]}

Arrest in Spain

A judge in Mendoza, Argentina in November 2006 demanded testimony from Isabel Perón, along with other Peronist ministers of her government, in a case involving forced disappearances during her presidency; on 12 January 2007, she was arrested by police in Madrid. She was charged by the Argentine authorities with the disappearance of Héctor Aldo Fagetti Gallego on 25 February 1976, and for crimes related to her issuance of 6 October 1975 decree calling the Armed Forces to "annihilate subversive elements."^[10] The Nunca Más ("Never Again") report released in 1984 by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons recorded 600 disappearances and 500 assassinations under the Peronist governments from 1973 to 1976, and it is acknowledged that the Triple A alone murdered some 600 people.^[43]

The 2006 capture in Spain of Triple A death-squad overseer Rodolfo Almirón, who had also been in charge of López Rega's and Isabel Perón's personal security, shed further light on the extent of Triple A involvement in the early stages of the Dirty War.^[38] Isabel Perón's extradition to Argentina was refused by Spain on 28 March 2008. Spain's National Court ruled twice that the charges against her did not constitute crimes against humanity, adding that the statute of limitations on the charges expired after 20 years.^[11]

The Supreme Court of Justice of Argentina unanimously dismissed on 21 June 2017 the petitions to interrogate Isabel Perón either as a witness or as a defendant.^[44]

See also

• National Reorganization Process

Notes

1. The rest of the former living presidents of Argentina are Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Duhalde, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández. The incumbent is Javier Milei.

References

1. "Argentina orders arrest of ex-President Peron". NBC News. 12 January 2007. Retrieved 8 October 2021.
2. Schumacher, Edward (10 September 1983). "Mrs. Peron is Given a Pardon". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 8 October 2021.
3. Zanatta, Loris (1 August 2015). La larga agonía de la Nación católica: Iglesia y Dictadura en la Argentina (in Spanish). SUDAMERICANA. ISBN 978-950-07-5350-0.
4. Santucho, Julio (1988). Los últimos guevaristas: surgimiento y eclipse del Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (in Spanish). Puntosur Editores. ISBN 978-950-9889-17-0.
5. Finchelstein, Federico (2 July 2014). "When Neo-Fascism Was Power in Argentina". Public Seminar. Retrieved 13 December 2023.
6. M, Pedro N. Miranda (1989). Terrorismo de estado: testimonio del horror en Chile y Argentina (in Spanish). Editorial Sextante.
7. "María Estela Martínez, 'Isabelita Perón'". El País (in Spanish). 14 January 2007. ISSN 1134-6582. Retrieved 13 December 2023.
8. Warmkraut, Ezequiel (February 2021). "Warmkraut- Evita, entre la izquierda y la derecha peronista". Research Gate.
9. Warrant for ex-Argentine leader, BBC, 12 January 2007.
10. "Isabel Peron's arrest signals shift in Argentina". Los Angeles Times. 13 January 2007.
11. "Extradition of Isabel Perón To Argentina Is Rejected By Court". The New York Times. 29 April 2008.
12. Binayán Carmona, Narciso. Maria Estela Martinez Cartas said one day: Zanga Cutiricutanga, that words were a tipic words in that years. Historia genealógica Argentina. EMECE, 1999, p.578.
13. Buckman, Robert T. (2007). The World Today Series: Latin America 2007. Harpers Ferry, West Virginia: Stryker-Post Publications. ISBN 978-1-887985-84-0.
14. The 100 Most Influential World Leaders of All Time (Britannica Educational Publishing 2009 ISBN 978-1-61530-059-4), p. 249
15. Encyclopedia of World Biography: Orozco-Radisson (Gale Research 1998 ISBN 978-0-7876-2552-8
16. Eloy Martínez, Tomás (1985). La Novela de Perón. Random House. ISBN 0-679-78146-3.^{[page needed]}
17. Page, Joseph (1983). Perón: A Biography. Random House. ISBN 0-394-52297-4.^{[page needed]}
18. Ball, Deirdre, ed. (1992). Insight Guides – Argentina. APA Publications (HK) Ltd. p. 47. ISBN 962-421-048-9.
19. "Argentinian death squad leader' arrested in Spain". The Guardian. 30 December 2006.
20. Reed, Robert (12 November 1999). "Juan Perón & Cocaine Politics". Consortium News.
21. Crawley, Eduardo (1985). A House Divided. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-39254-0.
22. Solberg, Carl (1979). Oil and Nationalism in Argentina. Stanford University Press. p. 174. ISBN 0-8047-0985-8.
23. Andersen, Martin (1993). Dossier Secreto. Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-8213-0.
24. Lewis, Paul (2002). Guerrillas and Generals. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-275-97360-3.
25. "Presidencia de Isabel Perón". Todo Argentina.
26. . Nunca Más. Archived from the original on 20 September 2003.
27. . Río Negro. 2 October 2007. Archived from the original on 25 January 2009.
28. Lewis, Paul (1990). The Crisis of Argentine Capitalism. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-4356-3.
29. . INDEC. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 28 September 2013.
30. . El Ruido de las Nueces. 5 August 2012. Archived from the original on 2 October 2013.
31. "Historia secreta de la caída de Isabel Perón". Somos. September 1983.
32. Patricia and William Marchak (1999). God's Assassins: State Terrorism in Argentina in the 1970s. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-7735-2013-9.
33. "Los mitos del 24 de marzo". La Nueva Provincia. 24 March 2010. Archived from the original on 28 September 2013.
34. "Murió ayer el doctor Angel Federico Robledo". La Nación. 16 November 2004.
35. . Red Biografo. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 28 April 2013.
36. . Argentina a Diario. 24 March 2012. Archived from the original on 13 March 2014.
37. "El cruento éxito de la 'Operación Aries'". El País (in Spanish). 23 March 2001.
38. Detienen en Valencia al ex dirigente de la Triple A Argentina Almirón Sena, El Mundo, 28 December 2006 (Spanish).
39. "Valdano compró la casa de Perón en Madrid". La Nación. 21 January 2001.
40. "La reclusión de Isabelita Perón en Villafranca del Castillo". ABC Estilo. 7 April 2019.
41. Encyclopædia Britannica. Book of the Year, 1985: Argentina.
42. . Sun-Sentinel. Archived from the original on 23 July 2013. Retrieved 28 April 2013.
43. "L'ancienne présidente Argentine Isabel Perón arrêtée à Madrid, à la demande de Buenos Aires", Le Monde, 13 January 2007 (French).
44. "La Corte rechazó citar a Isabel Perón para que declare por delitos de lesa humanidad" (in Spanish). El Litoral. 21 June 2017. Retrieved 9 December 2017.

Further reading

• Guareschi, Roberto (5 November 2005). "Not quite the Evita of Argentine legend". New Straits Times. p. 21.
• Skard, Torild (2014) "Isabel Péron" in Women of Power – Half a century of female presidents and prime ministers worldwide. Bristol: Policy Press, ISBN 978-1-4473-1578-0.

External links

 

Wikimedia Commons has media related to María Estela Martínez de Perón.

• First female president for Argentina

Political offices
Preceded by Vicente Solano Lima	Vice President of Argentina 1973–1974	Vacant Title next held by Víctor Martínez
Preceded by Juan Perón	President of Argentina 1974–1976	Succeeded by Jorge Videla