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Ambrose

February 01, 2023

"St. Ambrose" redirects here. For the university, see St. Ambrose University. For other uses, see Ambrose (disambiguation).

Ambrose of Milan (Latin: Aurelius Ambrosius; c. 339 – c. 397), venerated as Saint Ambrose,[a] was a theologian and statesman who served as Bishop of Milan from 374 to 397. He expressed himself prominently as a public figure, fiercely promoting Roman Christianity against Arianism and paganism.[6] He left a substantial collection of writings, of which the best known include the ethical commentary De officiis ministrorum (377–391), and the exegetical Exameron [it] (386–390). His preachings, his actions and his literary works, in addition to his innovative musical hymnography, made him one of the most influential ecclesiastical figures of the 4th century.

Saint

Ambrose of Milan
Bishop of Milan
Detail from possibly contemporary mosaic (c. 380–500) of Ambrose in the Basilica of Sant'Ambrogio[1]
DioceseMediolanum (Milan)
SeeMediolanum
Installed374 AD
Term ended4 April 397
PredecessorAuxentius
SuccessorSimplician
Orders
Consecration7 December 374
Personal details
Born
Aurelius Ambrosius

c. 339
Augusta Treverorum, Gallia Belgica, Roman Empire (modern-day Trier, Germany)
Died4 April 397(397-04-04) (aged 56–57)
Mediolanum, Italia, Roman Empire (modern-day Milan, Italy)
BuriedCrypt of the Basilica of Sant'Ambrogio
DenominationChristian
Sainthood
Feast day7 December
Venerated in
Title as SaintDoctor of the Church
PatronageMilan and beekeepers[2]
Other patronage
ShrinesBasilica of Sant'Ambrogio
Theology career
Notable work
  • De officiis ministrorum (377–391)
  • Exameron [it] (386–390)
  • De obitu Theodosii (395)
Theological work
EraPatristic Age
Tradition or movementTrinitarianism
Main interestsChristian ethics and mariology
Notable ideasFilioque,[4] anti-paganism, mother of the Church[5]

Ambrose was serving as the Roman governor of Aemilia-Liguria in Milan when he was unexpectedly made Bishop of Milan in 374 by popular acclamation. As bishop, he took a firm position against Arianism and attempted to mediate the conflict between the emperors Theodosius I and Magnus Maximus. Tradition credits Ambrose with developing an antiphonal chant, known as Ambrosian chant, and for composing the "Te Deum" hymn, though modern scholars now reject both of these attributions. Ambrose's authorship on at least four hymns, including the well-known "Veni redemptor gentium", is secure; they form the core of the Ambrosian hymns, which includes others that are sometimes attributed to him. He also had notable influence on Augustine of Hippo (354–430), whom he helped convert to Christianity.

Western Christianity identified Ambrose as one of its four traditional Doctors of the Church. He is considered a saint by the Catholic Church, Eastern Orthodox Church, Anglican Communion, and various Lutheran denominations, and venerated as the patron saint of Milan and beekeepers.

Background and career

See also: Christianization of the Roman Empire as diffusion of innovation
  •  

    Painting by Michael Pacher

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    Statue of St.Ambrose

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    Painting of Ambrose' Baptism by Gozzoli

Legends about Ambrose had spread through the empire long before his biography was written, making it difficult for modern historians to understand his true character and fairly place his behavior within the context of antiquity. Most agree he was the personification of his era.[7][8] This would make Ambrose a genuinely spiritual man who spoke up and defended his faith against opponents, an aristocrat who retained many of the attitudes and practices of a Roman governor, and also an ascetic who served the poor.[9]

Early life

 
Relief by Vuolvino [it] depicting Ambrose as a child while bees swarm his crib. His father is on the right of the image while the sky has three clouds "sending forth flames".[10] The relief is from the Altar of Sant'Ambrogio in the Basilica of Sant'Ambrogio.

Ambrose was born into a Roman Christian family in the year 339.[11] Ambrose himself wrote that he was 53 years old in his letter number 49, which has been dated to 392. He began life in Augusta Trevorum (modern Trier) the capital of the Roman province of Gallia Belgica in what was then northeastern Gaul and is now in the Rhineland-Palatinate in Germany.[12] Scholars disagree on who exactly his father was. His father is sometimes identified with Aurelius Ambrosius,[13][b] a praetorian prefect of Gaul;[15] but some scholars identify his father as an official named Uranius who received an imperial constitution dated 3 February 339 (addressed in a brief extract from one of the three emperors ruling in 339, Constantine II, Constantius II, or Constans, in the Codex Theodosianus, book XI.5).[16][17] What does seem certain is that Ambrose was born in Trier and his father was either the praetorian prefect or part of his administration.[18]

A legend about Ambrose as an infant recounts that a swarm of bees settled on his face while he lay in his cradle, leaving behind a drop of honey. His father is said to have considered this a sign of his future eloquence and honeyed tongue. Bees and beehives often appear in the saint's symbology.[19]

Ambrose' mother was a woman of intellect and piety.[20] It was probable that she was a member of the Roman familyAurelii Symmachi,[21] which would make Ambrose a cousin of the orator Quintus Aurelius Symmachus.[22] The family had produced one martyr (the virgin Soteris) in its history.[23] Ambrose was the youngest of three children. His siblings were Satyrus, the subject of Ambrose's De excessu fratris Satyri,[24] and Marcellina, who made a profession of virginity sometime between 352 and 355; Pope Liberius himself conferred the veil upon her.[25] Both Ambrose's siblings also became venerated as saints.

Some time early in the life of Ambrose, his father died. At an unknown later date, his mother fled Trier with her three children, and the family moved to Rome.[26][27] There Ambrose studied literature, law, and rhetoric.[23] He then followed in his father's footsteps and entered public service. Praetorian Prefect Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus first gave him a place as a judicial councillor,[28] and then in about 372 made him governor of the province of Liguria and Emilia, with headquarters at Milan.[15] [29]

Bishop of Milan

In 374 the bishop of Milan, Auxentius, an Arian, died, and the Arians challenged the succession. Ambrose went to the church where the election was to take place to prevent an uproar which seemed probable in this crisis. His address was interrupted by a call, "Ambrose, bishop!", which was taken up by the whole assembly.[30]

Ambrose, though known to be Nicene Christian in belief, was considered acceptable to Arians due to the charity he had shown concerning their beliefs. At first he energetically refused the office of bishop, for which he felt he was in no way prepared: Ambrose was a relatively new Christian who was not yet baptized nor formally trained in theology.[15] Ambrose fled to a colleague's home, seeking to hide. Upon receiving a letter from the Emperor Gratian praising the appropriateness of Rome appointing individuals worthy of holy positions, Ambrose's host gave him up. Within a week, he was baptized, ordained and duly consecrated as the new bishop of Milan. This was the first time in the West that a member of the upper class of high officials had accepted the office of bishop.[31]

As bishop, he immediately adopted an ascetic lifestyle, apportioned his money to the poor, donating all of his land, making only provision for his sister Marcellina. This raised his standing even further; it was his popularity with the people that gave him considerable political leverage throughout his career. Upon the unexpected appointment of Ambrose to the episcopate, his brother Satyrus resigned a prefecture in order to move to Milan, where he took over managing the diocese's temporal affairs.[12]

Arianism

Arius (died 336) was a Christian priest who asserted (around the year 300) that God the Father must have created the Son, making the Son a lesser being who was not eternal and of a different "essence" than God the Father. This Christology, though contrary to tradition, quickly spread through Egypt and Libya and other Roman provinces.[32] Bishops engaged in "wordy warfare", and the people divided into parties, sometimes demonstrating in the streets in support of one side or the other.[33]

Arianism appealed to many high-level leaders and clergy in both the Western and Eastern empires. Although the western Emperor Gratian (r. 367–383) supported orthodoxy, his younger half brother Valentinian II, who became his colleague in the empire in 375, adhered to the Arian creed.[34] Ambrose sought to refute Arian propositions theologically, but Ambrose did not sway the young prince's position.[34] In the East, Emperor Theodosius I (r. 379–395) likewise professed the Nicene creed; but there were many adherents of Arianism throughout his dominions,[20] especially among the higher clergy.

In this state of religious ferment, two leaders of the Arians, bishops Palladius of Ratiaria and Secundianus of Singidunum, confident of numbers, prevailed upon Gratian to call a general council from all parts of the empire. This request appeared so equitable that Gratian complied without hesitation. However, Ambrose feared the consequences and prevailed upon the emperor to have the matter determined by a council of the Western bishops. Accordingly, a synod composed of thirty-two bishops was held at Aquileia in the year 381. Ambrose was elected president and Palladius, being called upon to defend his opinions, declined. A vote was then taken and Palladius and his associate Secundianus were deposed from their episcopal offices.[20]

Ambrose struggled with Arianism for over half of his term in the episcopate.[35] Ecclesiastical unity was important to the church, but it was no less important to the state, and as a Roman, Ambrose felt strongly about that.[36] Judaism was more attractive for those seeking conversion than previous scholars have realized,[37] and pagans were still in the majority[citation needed]. Conflict over heresies loomed large in an age of religious ferment comparable to the Reformation of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.[38] Orthodox Christianity was determining how to define itself as it faced multiple challenges on both a theological and a practical level,[39] and Ambrose exercised crucial influence at a crucial time.[40]

Imperial relations

Ambrose had good relations and varying levels of influence with the Roman emperors Gratian, Valentinian II and Theodosius I, but exactly how much influence, what kind of influence, and in what ways, when, has been debated in the scholarship of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.[41][42][43]

Gratian

It has long been convention to see Gratian and Ambrose as having a personal friendship, putting Ambrose in the dominant role of spiritual guide, but modern scholars now find this view hard to support from the sources.[44] The ancient Christian historian Sozomen (c. 400 – c. 450) is the only ancient source that shows Ambrose and Gratian together in any personal interaction. In that interaction, Sozomen relates that, in the last year of Gratian's reign, Ambrose crashed Gratian's private hunting-party in order to appeal on behalf of a pagan senator sentenced to die. After years of acquaintance, this indicates that Ambrose could not take for granted that Gratian would see him, so instead, Ambrose had to resort to such maneuverings to make his appeal.[45]

Gratian was personally devout long before meeting Ambrose.[46] Modern scholarship indicates Gratian's religious policies do not evidence capitulation to Ambrose more than they evidence Gratian's own views.[45] Gratian's devotion did lead Ambrose to write a large number of books and letters of theology and spiritual commentary dedicated to the emperor. The sheer volume of these writings and the effusive praise they contain has led many historians to conclude that Gratian was dominated by Ambrose, and it was that dominance that produced Gratian's anti-pagan actions.[45] McLynn asserts that effusive praises were common in everyone's correspondence with the crown. He adds that Gratian's actions were determined by the constraints of the system as much as "by his own initiatives or Ambrose's influence".[45]

McLynn asserts that the largest influence on Gratian's policy was the profound change in political circumstances produced by the Battle of Adrianople in 378.[47] Gratian had become involved in fighting the Goths the previous year and had been on his way to the Balkans when his uncle and the "cream of the eastern army" were destroyed at Adrianople. Gratian withdrew to Sirmium and set up his court there.[48] Several rival groups, including the Arians, sought to secure benefits from the government at Sirmium.[48] In an Arian attempt to undermine Ambrose, whom Gratian had not yet met, Gratian was "warned" that Ambrose' faith was suspect. Gratian took steps to investigate by writing to Ambrose and asking him to explain his faith.[49]

Ambrose and Gratian first met, after this, in 379 during a visit to Milan. The bishop made a good impression on Gratian and his court, which was pervasively Christian and aristocratic – much like Ambrose himself. [c] The emperor returned to Milan in 380 to find that Ambrose had complied with his request for a statement of his faith – in two volumes – known as De Fide: a statement of orthodoxy and of Ambrose' political theology, as well as a polemic against the Arian heresy – intended for public discussion.[52] The emperor had not asked to be instructed by Ambrose, and in De Fide Ambrose states this clearly. Nor was he asked to refute the Arians. He was asked to justify his own position, but in the end, he did all three.[53]

It seems that by 382 Ambrose had replaced Ausonius to become a major influence in Gratian's court. Ambrose had not yet become the "conscience" of kings he would in the later 380s, but he did speak out against reinstating the Altar of Victory.[54] In 382, Gratian was the first to divert public financial subsidies that had previously supported Rome's cults. Before that year, contributions in support of the ancient customs had continued unchallenged by the state.[55]

Valentinian II

The childless Gratian had treated his younger brother Valentinian II like a son.[56] Ambrose, on the other hand, had incurred the lasting enmity of Valentinian II's mother, the Empress Justina, in the winter of 379 by helping to appoint a Nicene bishop in Sirmium. Not long after this, Valentinian II, his mother, and the court left Sirmium; Sirmium had come under Theodosius' control, so they went to Milan which was ruled by Gratian.[57]

In 383 Gratian was assassinated at Lyon, in Gaul (France) by Magnus Maximus. Valentinian was twelve years old, and the assassination left his mother, Justina, in a position of something akin to a regent.[58] In 385 (or 386) the emperor Valentinian II and his mother Justina, along with a considerable number of clergy, the laity, and the military, professed Arianism.[34] Conflict between Ambrose and Justina soon followed.

The Arians demanded that Valentinian allocate to them two churches in Milan: one in the city (the Basilica of the Apostles), the other in the suburbs (St Victor's).[34] Ambrose refused to surrender the churches. He answered by saying that "What belongs to God, is outside the emperor's power." In this, Ambrose called on an ancient Roman principle: a temple set apart to a god became the property of that god. Ambrose now applied this ancient legal principle to the Christian churches, seeing the bishop, as a divine representative, as guardian of his god's property.[59]

Subsequently, while Ambrose was performing the Liturgy of the Hours in the basilica, the prefect of the city came to persuade him to give it up to the Arians. Ambrose again refused. Certain deans (officers of the court) were sent to take possession of the basilica by hanging upon it imperial escutcheons.[34][60] Instead, soldiers from the ranks the emperor had placed around the basilica began pouring into the church, assuring Ambrose of their fidelity. The escutcheons outside the church were removed, and legend says the children tore them to shreds.[59]

Ambrose refused to surrender the basilica, and sent sharp answers back to his emperor: "If you demand my person, I am ready to submit: carry me to prison or to death, I will not resist; but I will never betray the church of Christ. I will not call upon the people to succour me; I will die at the foot of the altar rather than desert it. The tumult of the people I will not encourage: but God alone can appease it."[60] By Thursday, the emperor gave in, bitterly responding: "Soon, if Ambrose gives the orders, you will be sending me to him in chains."[61]

In 386, Justina and Valentinian II received the Arian bishop Auxentius the younger, and Ambrose was again ordered to hand over a church in Milan for Arian usage. Ambrose and his congregation barricaded themselves inside the church, and again the imperial order was rescinded.[62] There was an attempted kidnapping, and another attempt to arrest him and to force him to leave the city.[63] Several accusations were made, but unlike in the case of John Chrysostom, no formal charges were brought. The emperor certainly had the power to do so, and probably did not solely because of Ambrose' popularity with the people and what they might do.[64]

When Magnus Maximus usurped power in Gaul (383) and was considering a descent upon Italy, Valentinian sent Ambrose to dissuade him, and the embassy was successful (384).[60] A second, later embassy was unsuccessful. Magnus Maximus entered Italy (386-387) and Milan was taken. Justina and her son fled, but Ambrose remained, and had the plate of the church melted for the relief of the poor.[60]

After defeating the usurper Maximus at Aquileia in 388 Theodosius handed the western realm back to the young Valentinian II, the seventeen-year-old son of the forceful and hardy Pannonian general Valentinian I and his wife, the Arian Justina. Furthermore, the Eastern emperor remained in Italy for a considerable period to supervise affairs, returning to Constantinople in 391 and leaving behind the Frankish general Arbogast to keep an eye on the young emperor. By May of the following year Arbogast's ward was dead amidst rumours of both treachery and suicide...[65]

Theodosius

See also: Massacre of Thessalonica

While Ambrose was writing De Fide, Theodosius published his own statement of faith in 381 in an edict establishing Nicene Catholic Christianity as the only legitimate version of the Christian faith. There is unanimity amongst scholars that this represents the emperor's own beliefs.[66] The aftermath of the death (378) of Valens (Emperor in the East from 364 to 378) had left many questions for the church unresolved, and Theodosius' edict can be seen as an effort to begin addressing those questions.[67] Theodosius' natural generosity was tempered by his pressing need to establish himself and to publicly assert his personal piety.[68]

On 28 February 380, Theodosius issued the Edict of Thessalonica, a decree addressed to the city of Constantinople, determining that only Christians who did not support Arian views were catholic and could have their places of worship officially recognized as "churches".[69][36][d] The Edict opposed Arianism, and attempted to establish unity in Christianity and to suppress heresy.[72] German ancient historian Karl Leo Noethlichs [de] writes that the Edict of Thessalonica was neither anti-pagan nor antisemitic; it did not declare Christianity to be the official religion of the empire; and it gave no advantage to Christians over other faiths.[73]

Liebeschuetz and Hill indicate that it was not until after 388, during Theodosius' stay in Milan following the defeat of Maximus in 388, that Theodosius and Ambrose first met.[74]

After the Massacre of Thessalonica in 390, Theodosius made an act of public penance at Ambrose's behest.[76] Ambrose was away from court during the events at Thessalonica, but after being informed of them, he wrote Theodosius a letter.[77] In that still existing letter, Ambrose presses for a semi-public demonstration of penitence from the emperor, telling him that, as his bishop, he will not give Theodosius communion until it is done. Wolf Liebeschuetz says "Theodosius duly complied and came to church without his imperial robes, until Christmas, when Ambrose openly admitted him to communion".[78]

Formerly, some scholars credited Ambrose with having an undue influence over the Emperor Theodosius I, from this period forward, prompting him toward major anti-pagan legislation beginning in February of 391.[79][80][81] However, this interpretation has been heavily disputed since the late-twentieth century. McLynn argues that Theodosius's anti-pagan legislation was too limited in scope for it to be of interest to the bishop.[82][83] The fabled encounter at the door of the cathedral in Milan, with Ambrose as the mitred prelate braced, blocking Theodosius from entering, which has sometimes been seen as evidence of Ambrose' dominance over Theodosius, has been debunked by modern historians as "a pious fiction".[84][85] There was no encounter at the church door.[86][87][88][89] The story is a product of the imagination of Theodoret, a historian of the fifth century who wrote of the events of 390 "using his own ideology to fill the gaps in the historical record".[90]

The twenty-first century view is that Ambrose was "not a power behind the throne".[84] The two men did not meet each other frequently, and documents that reveal the relationship between the two are less about personal friendship than they are about negotiations between two formidable leaders of the powerful institutions they represent: the Roman State and the Italian Church.[91] Cameron says there is no evidence that Ambrose was a significant influence on the emperor.[92]

For centuries after his death, Theodosius was regarded as a champion of Christian orthodoxy who decisively stamped out paganism. This view was recorded by Theodoret, who is recognized as an unreliable historian, in the century following their deaths.[93] Theodosius's predecessors Constantine (r. 306–337), Constantius (r. 337–361), and Valens had all been semi-Arians. Therefore, it fell to the orthodox Theodosius to receive from Christian literary tradition most of the credit for the final triumph of Christianity.[94] Modern scholars see this as an interpretation of history by orthodox Christian writers more than as a representation of actual history.[95][96][97][98] The view of a pious Theodosius submitting meekly to the authority of the church, represented by Ambrose, is part of the myth that evolved within a generation of their deaths.[99]

Later years and death

 
Embossed silver urn with the body of Ambrose (with white vestments) in the crypt of Sant'Ambrose, with the skeletons of Gervase and Protase

In April 393 Arbogast (magister militum of the West) and his puppet Emperor Eugenius marched into Italy to consolidate their position in regard to Theodosius I and his son, Honorius, whom Theodosius had appointed Augustus to govern the western portion of the empire. Arbogast and Eugenius courted Ambrose's support by very obliging letters; but before they arrived at Milan, he had retired to Bologna, where he assisted at the translation of the relics of Saints Vitalis and Agricola. From there he went to Florence, where he remained until Eugenius withdrew from Milan to meet Theodosius in the Battle of the Frigidus in early September 394.[100]

Soon after acquiring the undisputed possession of the Roman Empire, Theodosius died at Milan in 395, and Ambrose gave the eulogy.[101] Two years later (4 April 397) Ambrose also died. He was succeeded as bishop of Milan by Simplician.[60] Ambrose's body may still be viewed in the church of Saint Ambrogio in Milan, where it has been continuously venerated – along with the bodies identified in his time as being those of Saints Gervase and Protase.

Ambrose is remembered in the calendar of the Roman Rite of the Catholic Church on 7 December, and is also honored in the Church of England and in the Episcopal Church on 7 December.[102][103]

Character

In 1960, Neil B. McLynn wrote a complex study of Ambrose that focused on his politics and intended to "demonstrate that Ambrose viewed community as a means to acquire personal political power". Subsequent studies of how Ambrose handled his episcopal responsibilities, his Nicene theology and his dealings with the Arians in his episcopate, his pastoral care, his commitment to community, and his personal asceticism, have mitigated this view.[104][105]

 
Statue of Saint Ambrose with a scourge in Museo del Duomo, Milan. Unknown Lombard author, early 17th century.

All of Ambrose' writings are works of advocacy of his religion, and even his political views and actions were closely related to his religion.[106] He was rarely, if ever, concerned about simply recording what had happened; he did not write to reveal his inner thoughts and struggles; he wrote to advocate for his God.[107] Boniface Ramsey writes that it is difficult "not to posit a deep spirituality in a man" who wrote on the mystical meanings of the Song of Songs and wrote many extraordinary hymns.[108] In spite of an abiding spirituality, Ambrose had a generally straightforward manner, and a practical rather than a speculative tendency in his thinking.[109] De Officiis is a utilitarian guide for his clergy in their daily ministry in the Milanese church rather than "an intellectual tour de force".[110]

Christian faith in the third century developed the monastic life-style which subsequently spread into the rest of Roman society in a general practice of virginity, voluntary poverty and self-denial for religious reasons. This life-style was embraced by many new converts, including Ambrose, even though they did not become actual monks.[111]

The bishops of this era had heavy administrative responsibilities, and Ambrose was also sometimes occupied with imperial affairs, but he still fulfilled his primary responsibility to care for the well-being of his flock. He preached and celebrated the Eucharist multiple times a week, sometimes daily, dealt directly with the needs of the poor, as well as widows and orphans, "virgins" (nuns), and his own clergy. He replied to letters personally, practiced hospitality, and made himself available to the people.[112]

 
Saint Ambrose in His Study, c. 1500. Spanish, Palencia. Wood with traces of polychromy. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City.

Ambrose had the ability to maintain good relationships with all kinds of people.[113] Local church practices varied quite a bit from place to place at this time, and as the bishop, Ambrose could have required that everyone adapt to his way of doing things. It was his place to keep the churches as united as possible in both ritual and belief.[25] Instead, he respected local customs, adapting himself to whatever practices prevailed, instructing his mother to do the same.[114] As bishop, Ambrose undertook many different labors in an effort to unite people and "provide some stability during a period of religious, political, military, and social upheavals and transformations".[115]

Brown says Ambrose "had the makings of a faction fighter".[116] While he got along well with most people, Ambrose was not averse to conflict and even opposed emperors with a fearlessness born of self-confidence and a clear conscience and not from any belief he would not suffer for his decisions.[117] Having begun his life as a Roman aristocrat and a governor, it is clear that Ambrose retained the attitude and practice of Roman governance even after becoming a bishop.[118]

His acts and writings show he was quite clear about the limits of imperial power over the church's internal affairs including doctrine, moral teaching, and governance. He wrote to Valentinian: "In matters of faith bishops are the judges of Christian emperors, not emperors of bishops." (Epistle 21.4). He also famously told to the Arian bishop chosen by the emperor, "The emperor is in the church, not over the church." (Sermon Against Auxentius, 36). [119][120] Ambrose's acts and writings "created a sort of model which was to remain valid in the Latin West for the relations of the Church and the Christian State. Both powers stood in a basically positive relationship to each other, but the innermost sphere of the Church's life--faith, the moral order, ecclesiastical discipline--remained withdrawn from the State's influence."[120]

Ambrose was also well aware of the limits of his power. At the height of his career as a venerable, respected and well loved bishop in 396, imperial agents marched into his church, pushing past him and his clergy who had crowded the altar to protect a political suspect from arrest, and dragged the man from the church in front of Ambrose who could do nothing to stop it.[121] "When it came to the central functions of the Roman state, even the vivid Ambrose was a lightweight".[121]

Attitude towards Jews

The most notorious example of Ambrose's anti-Jewish animus occurred in 388, when Emperor Theodosius I was informed that a crowd of Christians had retaliated against the local Jewish community by destroying the synagogue at Callinicum on the Euphrates.[122] The synagogue most likely existed within the fortified town to service the soldiers serving there, and Theodosius ordered that the offenders be punished, and that the synagogue be rebuilt at the expense of the bishop.[123] Ambrose wrote to the emperor arguing against this, basing his argument on two assertions: first, if the bishop obeyed the order, it would be a betrayal of his faith.[124] Second, if the bishop instead refused to obey the order, he would become a martyr and create a scandal for the emperor.[124] Ambrose, referring to a prior incident where Magnus Maximus issued an edict censuring Christians in Rome for burning down a Jewish synagogue, warned Theodosius that the people in turn exclaimed "the emperor has become a Jew", implying Theodosius would receive the same lack of support from the people.[125] Theodosius rescinded the order concerning the bishop.[126][124]

That was not enough for Ambrose, and when Theodosius next visited Milan, Ambrose confronted him directly in an effort to get the emperor to drop the entire case. McLynn argues that Ambrose failed to win the emperor's sympathy and was mostly excluded from his counsels thereafter.[127][128] The Callinicum affair was not an isolated incident. Generally speaking, Ambrose presents a strong anti-Jewish polemic.[129] While McLynn says this makes Ambrose look like a bully and a bigot to modern eyes, scholars also agree Ambrose' attitudes toward the Jews cannot be fairly summarized in one sentence, as not all of Ambrose' attitudes toward Jews were negative.[128]

Ambrose makes extensive and appreciative use of the works of Philo of Alexandria – a Jew – in Ambrose' own writings, treating Philo as one of the "faithful interpreters of the Scriptures".[130] Philo was an educated man of some standing and a prolific writer during the era of Second Temple Judaism. Forty–three of his treatises have been preserved, and these by Christians, rather than Jews.[129] Philo became foundational in forming the Christian literary view on the six days of creation through Basil's Hexaemeron. Eusebius, the Cappadocian Fathers, and Didymus the Blind appropriated material from Philo as well, but none did so more than Ambrose. As a result of this extensive referencing, Philo was accepted into the Christian tradition as an honorary Church Father. "In fact, one Byzantine catena even refers to him as 'Bishop Philo'. This high regard for Philo even led to a number of legends of his conversion to Christianity, although this assertion stands on very dubious evidence".[131] Ambrose also used Josephus, Maccabees, and other Jewish sources for his writings. He praises some individual Jews.[132] Ambrose tended to write negatively of all non-Nicenes as if they were all one category. This served a rhetorical purpose in his writing and should be considered accordingly.[133]

Attitude towards pagans

Main article: Persecution of pagans in the late Roman Empire

Modern scholarship indicates paganism was a lesser concern than heresy for Christians in the fourth and fifth centuries, which was the case for Ambrose, but it was still a concern.[134] Writings of this period were commonly hostile and often contemptuous toward a paganism Christianity saw as already defeated in Heaven.[135] The great Christian writers of the third to fifth centuries attempted to discredit continuation in these "defeated practices" by searching pagan writings, "particularly those of Varro, for everything that could be regarded by Christian standards as repulsive and irreligious."[136] Ambrose' work reflects this triumphalism.[e]

Throughout his time in the episcopate, Ambrose was active in his opposition to any state sponsorship of pagan cults.[55] When Gratian ordered the Altar of Victory to be removed, it roused the aristocracy of Rome to send a delegation to the emperor to appeal the decision, but Pope Damasus I got the Christian senators to petition against it, and Ambrose blocked the delegates from getting an audience with the emperor.[141][142][143] Under Valentinian II, an effort was made to restore the Altar of Victory to its ancient station in the hall of the Roman Senate and to again provide support for the seven Vestal Virgins. The pagan party was led by the refined senator Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, who used all his prodigious skill and artistry to create a marvelous document full of the maiestas populi Romani.[144] Hans Lietzmann writes that "Pagans and Christians alike were stirred by the solemn earnestness of an admonition which called all men of goodwill to the aid of a glorious history, to render all worthy honor to a world that was fading away".[145]

Then Ambrose wrote Valentinian II a letter asserting that the emperor was a soldier of God, not simply a personal believer but one bound by his position to serve the faith; under no circumstances could he agree to something that would promote the worship of idols.[f] Ambrose held up the example of Valentinian's brother, Gratian, reminding Valentinian that the commandment of God must take precedence.[148] The bishop's intervention led to the failure of Symmachus' appeal.[149][150]

In 389, Ambrose intervened against a pagan senatorial delegation who wished to see the emperor Theodosius I. Although Theodosius refused their requests, he was irritated at the bishop's presumption and refused to see him for several days.[92] Later, Ambrose wrote a letter to the emperor Eugenius complaining that some gifts the latter had bestowed on pagan senators could be used for funding pagan cults.[151][152]

Theology

Ambrose joins Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory the Great as one of the Latin Doctors of the Church. Theologians compare him with Hilary, who they claim fell short of Ambrose's administrative excellence but demonstrated greater theological ability. He succeeded as a theologian despite his juridical training and his comparatively late handling of biblical and doctrinal subjects.[60]

Ambrose's intense episcopal consciousness furthered the growing doctrine of the Church and its sacerdotal ministry, while the prevalent asceticism of the day, continuing the Stoic and Ciceronian training of his youth, enabled him to promulgate a lofty standard of Christian ethics. Thus we have the De officiis ministrorum, De viduis, De virginitate and De paenitentia.[60]

Ambrose displayed a kind of liturgical flexibility that kept in mind that liturgy was a tool to serve people in worshiping God, and ought not to become a rigid entity that is invariable from place to place. His advice to Augustine of Hippo on this point was to follow local liturgical custom. "When I am at Rome, I fast on a Saturday; when I am at Milan, I do not. Follow the custom of the church where you are."[153][154] Thus Ambrose refused to be drawn into a false conflict over which particular local church had the "right" liturgical form where there was no substantial problem. His advice has remained in the English language as the saying, "When in Rome, do as the Romans do."

One interpretation of Ambrose's writings is that he was a Christian universalist.[155] It has been noted that Ambrose's theology was significantly influenced by that of Origen and Didymus the Blind, two other early Christian universalists.[155] One quotation cited in favor of this belief is:

Our Savior has appointed two kinds of resurrection in the Apocalypse. 'Blessed is he that hath part in the first resurrection,' for such come to grace without the judgment. As for those who do not come to the first, but are reserved unto the second resurrection, these shall be disciplined until their appointed times, between the first and the second resurrection.[156]

One could interpret this passage as being another example of the mainstream Christian belief in a general resurrection (that both those in Heaven and in Hell undergo a bodily resurrection), or an allusion to purgatory (that some destined for Heaven must first undergo a phase of purification). Several other works by Ambrose clearly teach the mainstream view of salvation. For example: "The Jews feared to believe in manhood taken up into God, and therefore have lost the grace of redemption, because they reject that on which salvation depends."[157]

Giving to the poor

In De Officiis, the most influential of his surviving works, and one of the most important texts of patristic literature, he reveals his views connecting justice and generosity by asserting these practices are of mutual benefit to the participants.[158][159][160] Ambrose draws heavily on Cicero and the biblical book of Genesis for this concept of mutual inter-dependence in society. In the bishop's view, it is concern for one another's interests that binds society together.[161] Ambrose asserts that avarice leads to a breakdown in this mutuality, therefore avarice leads to a breakdown in society itself. In the late 380s, the bishop took the lead in opposing the greed of the elite landowners in Milan by starting a series of pointed sermons directed at his wealthy constituents on the need for the rich to care for the poor.[162]

Some scholars have suggested Ambrose' endeavors to lead his people as both a Roman and a Christian caused him to strive for what a modern context would describe as a type of communism or socialism.[104] He was not just interested in the church but was also interested in the condition of contemporary Italian society.[163] Ambrose considered the poor not a distinct group of outsiders, but a part of a united people to be stood with in solidarity. Giving to the poor was not to be considered an act of generosity towards the fringes of society but a repayment of resources that God had originally bestowed on everyone equally and that the rich had usurped.[164] He defines justice as providing for the poor whom he describes as our "brothers and sisters" because they "share our common humanity".[165]

Mariology

The theological treatises of Ambrose of Milan would come to influence Popes Damasus, Siricius and Leo XIII. Central to Ambrose is the virginity of Mary and her role as Mother of God.[166]

  • The virgin birth is worthy of God. Which human birth would have been more worthy of God, than the one in which the Immaculate Son of God maintained the purity of his immaculate origin while becoming human?[167]
  • We confess that Christ the Lord was born from a virgin, and therefore we reject the natural order of things. Because she conceived not from a man but from the Holy Spirit.[168]
  • Christ is not divided but one. If we adore him as the Son of God, we do not deny his birth from the virgin. ... But nobody shall extend this to Mary. Mary was the temple of God but not God in the temple. Therefore, only the one who was in the temple can be worshiped.[169]
  • Yes, truly blessed for having surpassed the priest (Zechariah). While the priest denied, the Virgin rectified the error. No wonder that the Lord, wishing to rescue the world, began his work with Mary. Thus she, through whom salvation was being prepared for all people, would be the first to receive the promised fruit of salvation.[170]

Ambrose viewed celibacy as superior to marriage and saw Mary as the model of virginity.[171]

Augustine

Ambrose studied theology with Simplician, a presbyter of Rome.[20] Using his excellent knowledge of Greek, which was then rare in the West, Ambrose studied the Old Testament and Greek authors like Philo, Origen, Athanasius, and Basil of Caesarea, with whom he was also exchanging letters.[172] Ambrose became a famous rhetorician whom Augustine came to hear speak. Augustine wrote in his Confessions that Faustus, the Manichean rhetorician, was a more impressive speaker, but the content of Ambrose's sermons began to affect Augustine's faith. Augustine sought guidance from Ambrose, and again records in his Confessions that Ambrose was too busy to answer his questions. In a passage of Augustine's Confessions in which Augustine wonders why he could not share his burden with Ambrose, he comments: "Ambrose himself I esteemed a happy man, as the world counted happiness, because great personages held him in honor. Only his celibacy appeared to me a painful burden."[173] Simplician regularly met with Augustine, however, and Augustine writes of Simplician's "fatherly affection" for him. It was Simplician who introduced Augustine to Christian Neoplatonism.[174] It is commonly understood in the Christian Tradition that Ambrose baptized Augustine.

In this same passage of Augustine's Confessions is an anecdote which bears on the history of reading:

When [Ambrose] read, his eyes scanned the page and his heart sought out the meaning, but his voice was silent and his tongue was still. Anyone could approach him freely and guests were not commonly announced, so that often, when we came to visit him, we found him reading like this in silence, for he never read aloud.[173]

This is a celebrated passage in modern scholarly discussion. The practice of reading to oneself without vocalizing the text was less common in antiquity than it has since become. In a culture that set a high value on oratory and public performances of all kinds, in which the production of books was very labor-intensive, the majority of the population was illiterate, and where those with the leisure to enjoy literary works also had slaves to read for them, written texts were more likely to be seen as scripts for recitation than as vehicles of silent reflection. However, there is also evidence that silent reading did occur in antiquity and that it was not generally regarded as unusual.[175][176][177]

Music

Further information: Ambrosian Hymnography

Ambrose's writings extend past literature and into music, where he was an important innovator in early Christian hymnography.[178] His contributions include the "successful invention of Christian Latin hymnody",[179] while the hymnologist Guido Maria Dreves designated him to be "The Father of church hymnody".[180] He was not the first to write Latin hymns; the Bishop Hilary of Poitiers had done so a few decades before.[178] However, the hymns of Hilary are thought to have been largely inaccessible because of their complexity and length.[178][181] Only fragments of hymns from Hilary's Liber hymnorum exist, making those of Ambrose the earliest extant complete Latin hymns.[181] The assembling of Ambrose's surviving oeuvre remains controversial;[178][182] the almost immediate popularity of his style quickly prompted imitations, some which may even date from his lifetime.[183] There are four hymns for which Ambrose's authorship is universally accepted, as they are attributed to him by Augustine:[178]

  • "Aeterne rerum conditor"
  • "Deus creator omnium"
  • "Iam surgit hora tertia"
  • "Veni redemptor gentium" (also known as "Intende qui regis Israel")

Each of these hymns has eight four-line stanzas and is written in strict iambic tetrameter (that is 4 × 2 syllables, each iamb being two syllables). Marked by dignified simplicity, they served as a fruitful model for later times.[60] Scholars such as the theologian Brian P. Dunkle have argued for the authenticity of as many as thirteen other hymns,[182] while the musicologist James McKinnon contends that further attributions could include "perhaps some ten others".[178] Ambrose is traditionally credited but not actually known to have composed any of the repertory of Ambrosian chant also known simply as "antiphonal chant", a method of chanting where one side of the choir alternately responds to the other. However, Ambrosian chant was named in his honor due to his contributions to the music of the Church.[citation needed] With Augustine, Ambrose was traditionally credited with composing the hymn "Te Deum". Since the hymnologist Guido Maria Dreves in 1893, however, scholars have dismissed this attribution.[184]

 
Stained-glass window by Sergio de Castro based on the Ambrosian hymns about the Creation of the universe, Church of the Benedictines at Couvrechef – La Folie (Caen), 1956–59

Writings

 
De officiis ministrorum (377–391) in a c. 900 manuscript now kept in the Abbey library of Saint Gall (Cod. Sang. 97 p. 51).[185] The work is probably Ambrose's best known.[186]

Source:[187][188] All works are originally in Latin. Following each is where it may be found in a standard compilation of Ambrose's writings. His first work was probably De paradiso (377–378).[189] Most have approximate dates, and works such as De Helia et ieiunio (377–391), Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam (377–389) and De officiis ministrorum (377–391) have been given a wide variety of datings by scholars.[g] His best known work is probably De officiis ministrorum (377–391),[186] while the Exameron [it] (386–390) and De obitu Theodosii (395) are among his most noted works.[189][2] In matters of exegesis he is, like Hilary, an Alexandrian. In dogma he follows Basil of Caesarea and other Greek authors, but nevertheless gives a distinctly Western cast to the speculations of which he treats. This is particularly manifest in the weightier emphasis which he lays upon human sin and divine grace, and in the place which he assigns to faith in the individual Christian life.[60] There has been debate on the attribution of some writings: for example De mysteriis is usually attributed to Ambrose, while the related De sacramentis is written in a different style with some silent disagreements, so there is less consensus over its author.[190]

Exegesis

  • Exameron [it] [The Six Days of Creation]. Vol. 6 books. 386–390. (PL, 14.133–288; CSEL, 32.1.3–261; FC, 42.3–283)
  • De paradiso [On Paradise]. 377–378. (PL, 14.291–332; CSEL, 32.1.265–336; FC, 42.287–356)
  • De Cain et Abet [On Cain and Abel]. 377–378. (PL, 14.333–80; CSEL, 32.1.339–409; FC, 42.359–437)
  • De Noe [On Noah]. 378–384. (PL, 14.381–438; CSEL, 32.1.413–97)
  • De Abraham [On Abraham]. Vol. 2 books. 380s. (PL, 14.441–524; CSEL, 32.1.501–638)
  • De Isaac et anima [On Isaac and the Soul]. 387–391. (PL, 14.527–60; CSEL, 32.1.641–700; FC, 65.9–65.)
  • De bono mortis [On the Good of Death]. 390. (PL, 14.567–96; CSEL, 32.1.707–53; FC, 65.70–113)
  • De fuga saeculi [On Flight from the World]. 391–394. (PL, 14.597–624; CSEL, 32.2.163–207; FC, 65.281–323)
  • De Iacob et vita beata [On Iacob and the Happy Life]. 386–388. (PL, 14.627–70; CSEL, 32.2.3–70; FC, 65.119–84)
  • De Joseph [On Joseph]. 387–388. (PL, 14.673–704; CSEL, 32.2.73–122; FC, 65.187–237)
  • De patriarchis [On the Patriarchs]. 391. (PL, 14.707–28; CSEL, 32.2.125–60; FC, 65.243–75)
  • De Helia et ieiunio [On Elijah and Fasting]. 377–391. (PL, 14.731–64; CSEL, 32.2.411–65)
  • De Nabuthae [On Naboth]. 389. (CSEL, 32.2.469)
  • De Tobia [On Tobias]. 376–390. (PL, 14.797–832; CSEL, 32.2.519–573)
  • De interpellatione Iob et David [The Prayer of Job and David]. Vol. 4 books. 383–394. (PL, 14.835–90; CSEL, 32.2.211–96; FC, 65.329–420)
  • Apologia prophetae David [A Defense of the Prophet David]. 387. (PL, 14.891–926; CSEL, 32.2.299–355)
  • Enarrationes in xii psalmos davidicos [Explanations of Twelve Psalms of David]. (PL, 14.963–1238; CSEL, 64)
  • Expositio in Psalmum cxviii [A Commentary on Psalm 118]. 386–390. (PL, 15.1197–1526; CSEL, 62)
  • Expositio Esaiae prophetae [A Commentary on the Prophet Isaiah]. (CCSL, 14.405–8)
  • Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam [A Commentary on the Gospel according to Luke]. Vol. 10 books. 377–389. (PL, 15.1527–1850; CSEL, 32.4; CCSL, 14.1–400)

Moral and ascetical commentary

  • De officiis ministrorum [On the Duties of Ministers]. 377–391. (PL, 16.25–194)
  • De virginibus [On Virgins]. 377.
  • De viduis [On Widows]. 377. (PL, 16.247–76)
  • De virginitate [On Virginity]. 378. (PL, 16.279–316)
  • De institutione virginis [An Instruction for a Virgin]. 391–392. (PL, 16.319–43)
  • Exhortatio virginitatis [In Praise of Virginity]. 393–395. (PL, 16.351–80)

Dogmatic writings

  • De fide [On the Faith]. Vol. 5 books. 378–380. (PL, 16.549–726; CSEL, 78)
  • De Spiritu Sancto [On the Holy Spirit]. 381. (PL, 16.731–850; CSEL, 79.15–222; FC, 44.35–214)
  • De incarnationis dominicae sacramento [On the Sacrament of the Lord's Incarnation]. 381–382. (PL, 16.853–84; CSEL, 79.223–81; FC, 44.219–62)
  • Explanatio symboli ad initiandos [An Explanation of the Creed for Those about to be Baptised]. PL, 17.1193–96; CSEL, 73.1–12)
  • De sacramentis [On the Sacraments]. Vol. 6 books. 390. (PL, 16.435–82; CSEL, 73.13–116; FC, 44.269–328)
  • De mysteriis [On the Mysteries].
  • De paenitentia [On Repentance]. 384–394. (PL, 16.485–546; CSEL, 73.117–206)
  • Expositio fidei [An Explanation of the Faith]. (PL, 16.847–50)
  • De sacramento regenerationis sive de philosophia [On the Sacrament of Regeneration, or On Philosophy]. (fragmented; CSEL, 11.131)

Sermons

  • De excessu fratris [On the Death of his Brother]. 375–378. (PL, 16.1345–1414; CSEL, 73.207–325; FC, 22.161–259)
  • De obitu Valentiniani [On the Death of Valentinian]. (PL, 16.1417–44; CSEL, 73.327–67; FC, 22.265–99)
  • De obitu Theodosii [On the Death of Theodosius]. 25 February 395. (PL, 16.1447–88; CSEL, 73.369–401; FC, 22.307–332)
  • Contra Auxentium de basilicis tradendis [Against Auxentius on Handing over the Basilicas]. 386. (PL, 16.1049–53)

Others

  • 91 letters
  • Ambrosiaster or the "pseudo-Ambrose" is a brief commentary on Paul's Epistles, which was long attributed to Ambrose.

Editions

 
Divi Ambrosii Episcopi Mediolanensis Omnia Opera, a 1527 edition of Ambrose's writings compiled and edited by Erasmus

The history of the editions of the works of St. Ambrose is a long one. Erasmus edited them in four tomes at Basle (1527). A valuable Roman edition was brought out in 1580, in five volumes, the result of many years' labour; it was begun by Sixtus V, while yet the monk Felice Peretti. Prefixed to it is the life of St. Ambrose composed by Baronius for his Annales Ecclesiastici. The excellent Maurist edition of du Frische and Le Nourry appeared at Paris (1686–90) in two folio volumes; it was twice reprinted at Venice (1748–51, and 1781–82). The latest edition of the writings of St. Ambrose is that of Paolo Angelo Ballerini (Milan, 1878) in six folio volumes.

Standard editions

Latin

  • Hexameron, De paradiso, De Cain, De Noe, De Abraham, De Isaac, De bono mortis – ed. C. Schenkl 1896, Vol. 32/1 (In Latin)
  • De Iacob, De Ioseph, De patriarchis, De fuga saeculi, De interpellatione Iob et David, De apologia prophetae David, De Helia, De Nabuthae, De Tobia – ed. C. Schenkl 1897, Vol. 32/2
  • Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam – ed. C. Schenkl 1902, Vol. 32/4
  • Expositio de psalmo CXVIII – ed. M. Petschenig 1913, Vol. 62; editio altera supplementis aucta – cur. M. Zelzer 1999
  • Explanatio super psalmos XII – ed. M. Petschenig 1919, Vol. 64; editio altera supplementis aucta – cur. M. Zelzer 1999
  • Explanatio symboli, De sacramentis, De mysteriis, De paenitentia, De excessu fratris Satyri, De obitu Valentiniani, De obitu Theodosii – ed. Otto Faller 1955, Vol. 73
  • De fide ad Gratianum Augustum – ed. Otto Faller 1962, Vol. 78
  • De spiritu sancto, De incarnationis dominicae sacramento – ed. Otto Faller 1964, Vol. 79
  • Epistulae et acta – ed. Otto Faller (Vol. 82/1: lib. 1–6, 1968); Otto Faller, M. Zelzer ( Vol. 82/2: lib. 7–9, 1982); M. Zelzer ( Vol. 82/3: lib. 10, epp. extra collectionem. gesta concilii Aquileiensis, 1990); Indices et addenda – comp. M. Zelzer, 1996, Vol. 82/4

English

  • H. Wace and P. Schaff, eds, A Select Library of Nicene and Post–Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, 2nd ser., x [Contains translations of De Officiis (under the title De Officiis Ministrorum), De Spiritu Sancto (On the Holy Spirit), De excessu fratris Satyri (On the Decease of His Brother Satyrus), Exposition of the Christian Faith, De mysteriis (Concerning Mysteries), De paenitentia (Concerning Repentance), De virginibus (Concerning Virgins), De viduis (Concerning Widows), and a selection of letters]
  • St. Ambrose "On the mysteries" and the treatise on the sacraments by an unknown author, translated by T Thompson, (London: SPCK, 1919) [translations of De sacramentis and De mysteriis; rev edn published 1950]
  • S. Ambrosii De Nabuthae: a commentary, translated by Martin McGuire, (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America, 1927) [translation of On Naboth]
  • S. Ambrosii De Helia et ieiunio: a commentary, with an introduction and translation, Sister Mary Joseph Aloysius Buck, (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America, 1929) [translation of On Elijah and Fasting]
  • S. Ambrosii De Tobia: a commentary, with an introduction and translation, Lois Miles Zucker, (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America, 1933) [translation of On Tobit]
  • Funeral orations, translated by LP McCauley et al., Fathers of the Church vol 22, (New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1953) [by Gregory of Nazianzus and Ambrose],
  • Letters, translated by Mary Melchior Beyenka, Fathers of the Church, vol 26, (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, 1954) [Translation of letters 1–91]
  • Saint Ambrose on the sacraments, edited by Henry Chadwick, Studies in Eucharistic faith and practice 5, (London: AR Mowbray, 1960)
  • Hexameron, Paradise, and Cain and Abel, translated by John J Savage, Fathers of the Church, vol 42, (New York: Fathers of the Church, 1961) [contains translations of Hexameron, De paradise, and De Cain et Abel]
  • Saint Ambrose: theological and dogmatic works, translated by Roy J. Deferrari, Fathers of the church vol 44, (Washington: Catholic University of American Press, 1963) [Contains translations of The mysteries, (De mysteriis) The holy spirit, (De Spiritu Sancto), The sacrament of the incarnation of Our Lord, (De incarnationis Dominicae sacramento), and The sacraments]
  • Seven exegetical works, translated by Michael McHugh, Fathers of the Church, vol 65, (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1972) [Contains translations of Isaac, or the soul, (De Isaac vel anima), Death as a good, (De bono mortis), Jacob and the happy life, (De Iacob et vita beata), Joseph, (De Ioseph), The patriarchs, (De patriarchis), Flight from the world, (De fuga saeculi), The prayer of Job and David, (De interpellatione Iob et David).]
  • Homilies of Saint Ambrose on Psalm 118, translated by Íde Ní Riain, (Dublin: Halcyon Press, 1998) [translation of part of Explanatio psalmorum]
  • Ambrosian hymns, translated by Charles Kraszewski, (Lehman, PA: Libella Veritatis, 1999)
  • Commentary of Saint Ambrose on twelve psalms, translated by Íde M. Ní Riain, (Dublin: Halcyon Press, 2000) [translations of Explanatio psalmorum on Psalms 1, 35–40, 43, 45, 47–49]
  • On Abraham, translated by Theodosia Tomkinson, (Etna, CA: Center for Traditionalist Orthodox Studies, 2000) [translation of De Abraham]
  • De officiis, edited with an introduction, translation, and commentary by Ivor J Davidson, 2 vols, (Oxford: OUP, 2001) [contains both Latin and English text]
  • Commentary of Saint Ambrose on the Gospel according to Saint Luke, translated by Íde M. Ní Riain, (Dublin: Halcyon, 2001) [translation of Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam]
  • Ambrose of Milan: political letters and speeches, translated with an introduction and notes by JHWG Liebschuetz, (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2005) [contains Book Ten of Ambrose's Letters, including the oration on the death of Theodosius I; Letters outside the Collection (Epistulae extra collectionem); Letter 30 to Magnus Maximus; The oration on the death of Valentinian II (De obitu Valentiniani).]

Several of Ambrose's works have recently been published in the bilingual Latin-German Fontes Christiani series (currently edited by Brepols).

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ Italian: Sant'Ambrogio [ˌsantamˈbrɔːdʒo]; Lombard: Sant Ambroeus [ˌsãːt ãˈbrøːs].
  2. ^ "S. Paulinus in Vit. Ambr. 3 has the following: posito in administratione prefecture Galliarum patre eius Ambrosio natus est Ambrosius. From this, practically all of Ambrose's biographers have concluded that Ambrose's father was a praetorian prefect in Gaul. This is the only evidence we have, however, that there ever was an Ambrose as prefect in Gaul."[14]
  3. ^ Two laws were recorded from this time. One of these canceled the "law of toleration" Gratian had previously issued at Sirmium. This toleration allowed freedom of worship to all with the exception of the heretical Manichaeans, Photinians and Eunomians.[50] The law canceling this has been presented in previous scholarship as proof of Ambrose' influence over Gratian, but the law's target was Donatism which had failed to be listed in the exceptions. There is no evidence to support Ambrose as having had anything to do with this restatement since sanctions against Donatism had existed since Constantine.[51]
  4. ^ Recent scholarship has tended to reject former views that the edict was a key step in establishing Christianity as the official religion of the empire, since it was aimed exclusively at Constantinople and seems to have gone largely unnoticed by contemporaries outside the capital.[70][71] Nonetheless, the edict is the first known secular Roman law to positively assert a religious orthodoxy.[69]
  5. ^ These Christian sources have had great influence on perceptions of this period by creating an impression of overt and continuous conflict that has been assumed on an empire-wide scale, while archaeological evidence indicates that, outside of violent rhetoric, the decline of paganism away from the imperial court was relatively non-confrontational.[137][138][139][140]
  6. ^ Romans claimed to be the most religious of peoples.[146] Their unique success in war, conquest, and the formation of an empire, was attributed to the empire maintaining good relations with the gods through proper reverence and worship practices.[147] This did not change once the empire 's official religion became Christianity.
  7. ^ Though both Paredi 1964, pp. 436–440 and Ramsey 2002, pp. 55–64 give dates for most of Ambrose's writings, the dates from Ramsey are preferred, as the publication is more recent and the author is dating the works from the perspective of scholarly consensus, whereas in Paredi, the author offers dates based on his own research. Regardless, when Ramsey does not provide dates for a work, those of Paredi are used.

Citations

  1. ^ "Saint Ambrose, in the Sacello di San Vittore in Ciel d'Oro". Artstor. Retrieved 8 January 2021.
  2. ^ a b Brown 2021.
  3. ^ Guiley 2001, p. 16.
  4. ^ Siecienski 2010, p. 57.
  5. ^ Sharkey & Weinandy 2009, p. 208.
  6. ^ McKinnon 2001.
  7. ^ Smith 2021, p. 5.
  8. ^ Ramsey 2002, p. ix.
  9. ^ Ramsey 2002, pp. ix–x, 1–2.
  10. ^ Paredi 1964, pp. 442–443.
  11. ^ Cvetković 2019, p. 44.
  12. ^ a b Loughlin 1907.
  13. ^ Greenslade 1956, p. 175.
  14. ^ Paredi 1964, p. 380.
  15. ^ a b c Attwater & John 1993.
  16. ^ Barnes 2011, pp. 45–46.
  17. ^ Cvetković 2019, p. 44–46.
  18. ^ Cvetković 2019, p. 46.
  19. ^ Thornton 1879, p. 15.
  20. ^ a b c d Grieve 1911, p. 798.
  21. ^ Barnes 2011, p. 50.
  22. ^ Cvetković 2019, p. 55–57.
  23. ^ a b Cvetković 2019, p. 52.
  24. ^ Santi Beati (in Italian), Italy
  25. ^ a b Mediolanensis 2005, p. 6.
  26. ^ Cvetković 2019, p. 49.
  27. ^   One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Loughlin, James Francis (1907). "St. Ambrose". In Herbermann, Charles (ed.). Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 1. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
  28. ^ McSherry, James (2011). Outreach and Renewal: A First-millennium Legacy for the Third-millennium Church. Cistercian studies series, 236. Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press. p. 19. ISBN 9780879072360. An accomplished orator and legal advocate, Ambrose was appointed to the Judicial Council by Probus, Praetorian Prefect of Italy.
  29. ^ Sparavigna 2016, p. 2.
  30. ^ Butler 1991, p. 407.
  31. ^ Lietzmann 1951, p. 57.
  32. ^ Kaye 1853, p. 33.
  33. ^ Kaye 1853, p. 5.
  34. ^ a b c d e Butler 1991, p. 408.
  35. ^ Ramsey 2002, pp. 6–7: "By Ambrose's day [Arianism] was in slow decline but far from having breathed its last: Ambrose's struggles with it occupied his energies for more than half of his term as bishop."
  36. ^ a b Lietzmann 1951, p. 37.
  37. ^ Compare: Ramsey 2002, p. 7: "Nor, when speaking of religious controversy during this period, must one forget Judaism and paganism. Judaism, it appears now, was probably more attractive to many early Christians than scholars had previously realized, which helps to explain some of the virulence of the attacks on it by the Fathers. Paganism, for its part, may have become less appealing for various reasons, but it was not in the nature of things, or of human beings, that it would ever disappear entirely."
  38. ^ Ramsey 2002, p. 6: "[...] the history of the early Church [...] was [...] a golden age of religious ferment and controversy such as - it could well be argued - would not be seen again until the Reformation, more than a millennium later.
  39. ^ Ramsey 2002, pp. 7–8: "In the face of all these rivals orthodox Christianity was not an impassive object. In reacting to them it defined itself and assumed more and more of the contours that we recognize today."
  40. ^ Ramsey 2002, p. 5: "The task that lay before the Christian leadership was [...] to replace one form of the sacred with another. The fourth century was above all the moment when this replacement was being orchestrated, and the role that Ambrose played in the process was crucial.
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Further reading

  • Byfield, Ted (2003). Darkness Descends : A.D. 350 to 565, the Fall of the Western Roman Empire. Christian History Project. ISBN 978-0-9689873-3-9.
  • Deferrari, Roy J., ed. (1954–1972), The Fathers of the Church, vol. 26, 42, 44, 65, New York: Fathers of the Church
  • Dudden, F. Homes (1935), The Life and Times of St. Ambrose, Oxford: Clarendon Press
  • Gilliard, Frank D. (1984), "Senatorial Bishops in the Fourth Century", Harvard Theological Review, 77 (2): 153–175, doi:10.1017/s0017816000014279, S2CID 162747415
  • King, N.Q. (1960), The Emperor Theodosius and the Establishment of Christianity, Philadelphia: Westminster Press
  • Paulinus (1952), Life of St. Ambrose by Paulinus., translated by John A. Lacy, New York: Fathers of the Church
  • von Campenhausen, Hans; Hoffman, Manfred, trans. (1964), Men Who Shaped the Western Church, New York: Harper and Row
  • "Ambrose", Patron Saints Index, SPQN, January 2009, retrieved 8 December 2012

External links

 
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ambrose.
 
Wikiquote has quotations related to Ambrose.
  • Works by Ambrose at Project Gutenberg
  • Works by or about Ambrose at Internet Archive
  • Works by Ambrose at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)  
  • Hymni Ambrosii (Latin)
  • EarlyChurch.org.uk Extensive bibliography
  • Ambrose's works: text, concordances and frequency list
  • at The Online Library of Liberty
  • Opera Omnia
  • , Contributions to Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture, by Dabney Anderson Bankert, Jessica Wegmann, and Charles D. Wright.
  • "Saint Ambrose" at the Christian Iconography website
  • Forum about the "ambrosian rite" (in Italian)
  • "Of St. Ambrose" from the Caxton translation of the Golden Legend
  • Augustine's account of the penitence of Theodosius

February 01, 2023
ambrose, redirects, here, university, university, other, uses, disambiguation, milan, latin, aurelius, ambrosius, venerated, saint, theologian, statesman, served, bishop, milan, from, expressed, himself, prominently, public, figure, fiercely, promoting, roman,. St Ambrose redirects here For the university see St Ambrose University For other uses see Ambrose disambiguation Ambrose of Milan Latin Aurelius Ambrosius c 339 c 397 venerated as Saint Ambrose a was a theologian and statesman who served as Bishop of Milan from 374 to 397 He expressed himself prominently as a public figure fiercely promoting Roman Christianity against Arianism and paganism 6 He left a substantial collection of writings of which the best known include the ethical commentary De officiis ministrorum 377 391 and the exegetical Exameron it 386 390 His preachings his actions and his literary works in addition to his innovative musical hymnography made him one of the most influential ecclesiastical figures of the 4th century SaintAmbrose of MilanBishop of MilanDetail from possibly contemporary mosaic c 380 500 of Ambrose in the Basilica of Sant Ambrogio 1 DioceseMediolanum Milan SeeMediolanumInstalled374 ADTerm ended4 April 397PredecessorAuxentiusSuccessorSimplicianOrdersConsecration7 December 374Personal detailsBornAurelius Ambrosiusc 339 Augusta Treverorum Gallia Belgica Roman Empire modern day Trier Germany Died4 April 397 397 04 04 aged 56 57 Mediolanum Italia Roman Empire modern day Milan Italy BuriedCrypt of the Basilica of Sant AmbrogioDenominationChristianSainthoodFeast day7 DecemberVenerated inRoman Catholic ChurchEastern Orthodox ChurchesOriental Orthodox ChurchesAnglican CommunionLutheranismTitle as SaintDoctor of the ChurchPatronageMilan and beekeepers 2 Other patronage Bakers of honeybread bees bishops candlemakers chandlers domestic animals the French Commissariat geese gingerbread makers learning schoolchildren stone masons students wax melters and Bologna 3 ShrinesBasilica of Sant AmbrogioTheology careerNotable workDe officiis ministrorum 377 391 Exameron it 386 390 De obitu Theodosii 395 Theological workEraPatristic AgeTradition or movementTrinitarianismMain interestsChristian ethics and mariologyNotable ideasFilioque 4 anti paganism mother of the Church 5 Ambrose was serving as the Roman governor of Aemilia Liguria in Milan when he was unexpectedly made Bishop of Milan in 374 by popular acclamation As bishop he took a firm position against Arianism and attempted to mediate the conflict between the emperors Theodosius I and Magnus Maximus Tradition credits Ambrose with developing an antiphonal chant known as Ambrosian chant and for composing the Te Deum hymn though modern scholars now reject both of these attributions Ambrose s authorship on at least four hymns including the well known Veni redemptor gentium is secure they form the core of the Ambrosian hymns which includes others that are sometimes attributed to him He also had notable influence on Augustine of Hippo 354 430 whom he helped convert to Christianity Western Christianity identified Ambrose as one of its four traditional Doctors of the Church He is considered a saint by the Catholic Church Eastern Orthodox Church Anglican Communion and various Lutheran denominations and venerated as the patron saint of Milan and beekeepers Contents 1 Background and career 1 1 Early life 1 2 Bishop of Milan 1 3 Arianism 1 4 Imperial relations 1 4 1 Gratian 1 4 2 Valentinian II 1 4 3 Theodosius 1 5 Later years and death 2 Character 2 1 Attitude towards Jews 2 2 Attitude towards pagans 3 Theology 3 1 Giving to the poor 3 2 Mariology 3 3 Augustine 4 Music 5 Writings 5 1 Exegesis 5 2 Moral and ascetical commentary 5 3 Dogmatic writings 5 4 Sermons 5 5 Others 6 Editions 6 1 Standard editions 6 2 Latin 6 3 English 7 See also 8 References 8 1 Notes 8 2 Citations 8 3 Works cited 9 Further reading 10 External linksBackground and career EditSee also Christianization of the Roman Empire as diffusion of innovation Painting by Michael Pacher Statue of St Ambrose Painting of Ambrose Baptism by GozzoliLegends about Ambrose had spread through the empire long before his biography was written making it difficult for modern historians to understand his true character and fairly place his behavior within the context of antiquity Most agree he was the personification of his era 7 8 This would make Ambrose a genuinely spiritual man who spoke up and defended his faith against opponents an aristocrat who retained many of the attitudes and practices of a Roman governor and also an ascetic who served the poor 9 Early life Edit Relief by Vuolvino it depicting Ambrose as a child while bees swarm his crib His father is on the right of the image while the sky has three clouds sending forth flames 10 The relief is from the Altar of Sant Ambrogio in the Basilica of Sant Ambrogio Ambrose was born into a Roman Christian family in the year 339 11 Ambrose himself wrote that he was 53 years old in his letter number 49 which has been dated to 392 He began life in Augusta Trevorum modern Trier the capital of the Roman province of Gallia Belgica in what was then northeastern Gaul and is now in the Rhineland Palatinate in Germany 12 Scholars disagree on who exactly his father was His father is sometimes identified with Aurelius Ambrosius 13 b a praetorian prefect of Gaul 15 but some scholars identify his father as an official named Uranius who received an imperial constitution dated 3 February 339 addressed in a brief extract from one of the three emperors ruling in 339 Constantine II Constantius II or Constans in the Codex Theodosianus book XI 5 16 17 What does seem certain is that Ambrose was born in Trier and his father was either the praetorian prefect or part of his administration 18 A legend about Ambrose as an infant recounts that a swarm of bees settled on his face while he lay in his cradle leaving behind a drop of honey His father is said to have considered this a sign of his future eloquence and honeyed tongue Bees and beehives often appear in the saint s symbology 19 Ambrose mother was a woman of intellect and piety 20 It was probable that she was a member of the Roman familyAurelii Symmachi 21 which would make Ambrose a cousin of the orator Quintus Aurelius Symmachus 22 The family had produced one martyr the virgin Soteris in its history 23 Ambrose was the youngest of three children His siblings were Satyrus the subject of Ambrose s De excessu fratris Satyri 24 and Marcellina who made a profession of virginity sometime between 352 and 355 Pope Liberius himself conferred the veil upon her 25 Both Ambrose s siblings also became venerated as saints Some time early in the life of Ambrose his father died At an unknown later date his mother fled Trier with her three children and the family moved to Rome 26 27 There Ambrose studied literature law and rhetoric 23 He then followed in his father s footsteps and entered public service Praetorian Prefect Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus first gave him a place as a judicial councillor 28 and then in about 372 made him governor of the province of Liguria and Emilia with headquarters at Milan 15 29 Bishop of Milan Edit In 374 the bishop of Milan Auxentius an Arian died and the Arians challenged the succession Ambrose went to the church where the election was to take place to prevent an uproar which seemed probable in this crisis His address was interrupted by a call Ambrose bishop which was taken up by the whole assembly 30 Ambrose though known to be Nicene Christian in belief was considered acceptable to Arians due to the charity he had shown concerning their beliefs At first he energetically refused the office of bishop for which he felt he was in no way prepared Ambrose was a relatively new Christian who was not yet baptized nor formally trained in theology 15 Ambrose fled to a colleague s home seeking to hide Upon receiving a letter from the Emperor Gratian praising the appropriateness of Rome appointing individuals worthy of holy positions Ambrose s host gave him up Within a week he was baptized ordained and duly consecrated as the new bishop of Milan This was the first time in the West that a member of the upper class of high officials had accepted the office of bishop 31 As bishop he immediately adopted an ascetic lifestyle apportioned his money to the poor donating all of his land making only provision for his sister Marcellina This raised his standing even further it was his popularity with the people that gave him considerable political leverage throughout his career Upon the unexpected appointment of Ambrose to the episcopate his brother Satyrus resigned a prefecture in order to move to Milan where he took over managing the diocese s temporal affairs 12 Arianism Edit Arius died 336 was a Christian priest who asserted around the year 300 that God the Father must have created the Son making the Son a lesser being who was not eternal and of a different essence than God the Father This Christology though contrary to tradition quickly spread through Egypt and Libya and other Roman provinces 32 Bishops engaged in wordy warfare and the people divided into parties sometimes demonstrating in the streets in support of one side or the other 33 Arianism appealed to many high level leaders and clergy in both the Western and Eastern empires Although the western Emperor Gratian r 367 383 supported orthodoxy his younger half brother Valentinian II who became his colleague in the empire in 375 adhered to the Arian creed 34 Ambrose sought to refute Arian propositions theologically but Ambrose did not sway the young prince s position 34 In the East Emperor Theodosius I r 379 395 likewise professed the Nicene creed but there were many adherents of Arianism throughout his dominions 20 especially among the higher clergy In this state of religious ferment two leaders of the Arians bishops Palladius of Ratiaria and Secundianus of Singidunum confident of numbers prevailed upon Gratian to call a general council from all parts of the empire This request appeared so equitable that Gratian complied without hesitation However Ambrose feared the consequences and prevailed upon the emperor to have the matter determined by a council of the Western bishops Accordingly a synod composed of thirty two bishops was held at Aquileia in the year 381 Ambrose was elected president and Palladius being called upon to defend his opinions declined A vote was then taken and Palladius and his associate Secundianus were deposed from their episcopal offices 20 Ambrose struggled with Arianism for over half of his term in the episcopate 35 Ecclesiastical unity was important to the church but it was no less important to the state and as a Roman Ambrose felt strongly about that 36 Judaism was more attractive for those seeking conversion than previous scholars have realized 37 and pagans were still in the majority citation needed Conflict over heresies loomed large in an age of religious ferment comparable to the Reformation of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries 38 Orthodox Christianity was determining how to define itself as it faced multiple challenges on both a theological and a practical level 39 and Ambrose exercised crucial influence at a crucial time 40 Imperial relations Edit Ambrose had good relations and varying levels of influence with the Roman emperors Gratian Valentinian II and Theodosius I but exactly how much influence what kind of influence and in what ways when has been debated in the scholarship of the late twentieth and early twenty first centuries 41 42 43 Gratian Edit It has long been convention to see Gratian and Ambrose as having a personal friendship putting Ambrose in the dominant role of spiritual guide but modern scholars now find this view hard to support from the sources 44 The ancient Christian historian Sozomen c 400 c 450 is the only ancient source that shows Ambrose and Gratian together in any personal interaction In that interaction Sozomen relates that in the last year of Gratian s reign Ambrose crashed Gratian s private hunting party in order to appeal on behalf of a pagan senator sentenced to die After years of acquaintance this indicates that Ambrose could not take for granted that Gratian would see him so instead Ambrose had to resort to such maneuverings to make his appeal 45 Gratian was personally devout long before meeting Ambrose 46 Modern scholarship indicates Gratian s religious policies do not evidence capitulation to Ambrose more than they evidence Gratian s own views 45 Gratian s devotion did lead Ambrose to write a large number of books and letters of theology and spiritual commentary dedicated to the emperor The sheer volume of these writings and the effusive praise they contain has led many historians to conclude that Gratian was dominated by Ambrose and it was that dominance that produced Gratian s anti pagan actions 45 McLynn asserts that effusive praises were common in everyone s correspondence with the crown He adds that Gratian s actions were determined by the constraints of the system as much as by his own initiatives or Ambrose s influence 45 McLynn asserts that the largest influence on Gratian s policy was the profound change in political circumstances produced by the Battle of Adrianople in 378 47 Gratian had become involved in fighting the Goths the previous year and had been on his way to the Balkans when his uncle and the cream of the eastern army were destroyed at Adrianople Gratian withdrew to Sirmium and set up his court there 48 Several rival groups including the Arians sought to secure benefits from the government at Sirmium 48 In an Arian attempt to undermine Ambrose whom Gratian had not yet met Gratian was warned that Ambrose faith was suspect Gratian took steps to investigate by writing to Ambrose and asking him to explain his faith 49 Ambrose and Gratian first met after this in 379 during a visit to Milan The bishop made a good impression on Gratian and his court which was pervasively Christian and aristocratic much like Ambrose himself c The emperor returned to Milan in 380 to find that Ambrose had complied with his request for a statement of his faith in two volumes known as De Fide a statement of orthodoxy and of Ambrose political theology as well as a polemic against the Arian heresy intended for public discussion 52 The emperor had not asked to be instructed by Ambrose and in De Fide Ambrose states this clearly Nor was he asked to refute the Arians He was asked to justify his own position but in the end he did all three 53 It seems that by 382 Ambrose had replaced Ausonius to become a major influence in Gratian s court Ambrose had not yet become the conscience of kings he would in the later 380s but he did speak out against reinstating the Altar of Victory 54 In 382 Gratian was the first to divert public financial subsidies that had previously supported Rome s cults Before that year contributions in support of the ancient customs had continued unchallenged by the state 55 Valentinian II Edit The childless Gratian had treated his younger brother Valentinian II like a son 56 Ambrose on the other hand had incurred the lasting enmity of Valentinian II s mother the Empress Justina in the winter of 379 by helping to appoint a Nicene bishop in Sirmium Not long after this Valentinian II his mother and the court left Sirmium Sirmium had come under Theodosius control so they went to Milan which was ruled by Gratian 57 In 383 Gratian was assassinated at Lyon in Gaul France by Magnus Maximus Valentinian was twelve years old and the assassination left his mother Justina in a position of something akin to a regent 58 In 385 or 386 the emperor Valentinian II and his mother Justina along with a considerable number of clergy the laity and the military professed Arianism 34 Conflict between Ambrose and Justina soon followed The Arians demanded that Valentinian allocate to them two churches in Milan one in the city the Basilica of the Apostles the other in the suburbs St Victor s 34 Ambrose refused to surrender the churches He answered by saying that What belongs to God is outside the emperor s power In this Ambrose called on an ancient Roman principle a temple set apart to a god became the property of that god Ambrose now applied this ancient legal principle to the Christian churches seeing the bishop as a divine representative as guardian of his god s property 59 Subsequently while Ambrose was performing the Liturgy of the Hours in the basilica the prefect of the city came to persuade him to give it up to the Arians Ambrose again refused Certain deans officers of the court were sent to take possession of the basilica by hanging upon it imperial escutcheons 34 60 Instead soldiers from the ranks the emperor had placed around the basilica began pouring into the church assuring Ambrose of their fidelity The escutcheons outside the church were removed and legend says the children tore them to shreds 59 Ambrose refused to surrender the basilica and sent sharp answers back to his emperor If you demand my person I am ready to submit carry me to prison or to death I will not resist but I will never betray the church of Christ I will not call upon the people to succour me I will die at the foot of the altar rather than desert it The tumult of the people I will not encourage but God alone can appease it 60 By Thursday the emperor gave in bitterly responding Soon if Ambrose gives the orders you will be sending me to him in chains 61 In 386 Justina and Valentinian II received the Arian bishop Auxentius the younger and Ambrose was again ordered to hand over a church in Milan for Arian usage Ambrose and his congregation barricaded themselves inside the church and again the imperial order was rescinded 62 There was an attempted kidnapping and another attempt to arrest him and to force him to leave the city 63 Several accusations were made but unlike in the case of John Chrysostom no formal charges were brought The emperor certainly had the power to do so and probably did not solely because of Ambrose popularity with the people and what they might do 64 When Magnus Maximus usurped power in Gaul 383 and was considering a descent upon Italy Valentinian sent Ambrose to dissuade him and the embassy was successful 384 60 A second later embassy was unsuccessful Magnus Maximus entered Italy 386 387 and Milan was taken Justina and her son fled but Ambrose remained and had the plate of the church melted for the relief of the poor 60 After defeating the usurper Maximus at Aquileia in 388 Theodosius handed the western realm back to the young Valentinian II the seventeen year old son of the forceful and hardy Pannonian general Valentinian I and his wife the Arian Justina Furthermore the Eastern emperor remained in Italy for a considerable period to supervise affairs returning to Constantinople in 391 and leaving behind the Frankish general Arbogast to keep an eye on the young emperor By May of the following year Arbogast s ward was dead amidst rumours of both treachery and suicide 65 Theodosius Edit See also Massacre of Thessalonica While Ambrose was writing De Fide Theodosius published his own statement of faith in 381 in an edict establishing Nicene Catholic Christianity as the only legitimate version of the Christian faith There is unanimity amongst scholars that this represents the emperor s own beliefs 66 The aftermath of the death 378 of Valens Emperor in the East from 364 to 378 had left many questions for the church unresolved and Theodosius edict can be seen as an effort to begin addressing those questions 67 Theodosius natural generosity was tempered by his pressing need to establish himself and to publicly assert his personal piety 68 On 28 February 380 Theodosius issued the Edict of Thessalonica a decree addressed to the city of Constantinople determining that only Christians who did not support Arian views were catholic and could have their places of worship officially recognized as churches 69 36 d The Edict opposed Arianism and attempted to establish unity in Christianity and to suppress heresy 72 German ancient historian Karl Leo Noethlichs de writes that the Edict of Thessalonica was neither anti pagan nor antisemitic it did not declare Christianity to be the official religion of the empire and it gave no advantage to Christians over other faiths 73 Liebeschuetz and Hill indicate that it was not until after 388 during Theodosius stay in Milan following the defeat of Maximus in 388 that Theodosius and Ambrose first met 74 Saint Ambrose barring Theodosius from Milan Cathedral a pious fiction 75 painted in 1619 by Anthony van Dyck National Gallery London After the Massacre of Thessalonica in 390 Theodosius made an act of public penance at Ambrose s behest 76 Ambrose was away from court during the events at Thessalonica but after being informed of them he wrote Theodosius a letter 77 In that still existing letter Ambrose presses for a semi public demonstration of penitence from the emperor telling him that as his bishop he will not give Theodosius communion until it is done Wolf Liebeschuetz says Theodosius duly complied and came to church without his imperial robes until Christmas when Ambrose openly admitted him to communion 78 Formerly some scholars credited Ambrose with having an undue influence over the Emperor Theodosius I from this period forward prompting him toward major anti pagan legislation beginning in February of 391 79 80 81 However this interpretation has been heavily disputed since the late twentieth century McLynn argues that Theodosius s anti pagan legislation was too limited in scope for it to be of interest to the bishop 82 83 The fabled encounter at the door of the cathedral in Milan with Ambrose as the mitred prelate braced blocking Theodosius from entering which has sometimes been seen as evidence of Ambrose dominance over Theodosius has been debunked by modern historians as a pious fiction 84 85 There was no encounter at the church door 86 87 88 89 The story is a product of the imagination of Theodoret a historian of the fifth century who wrote of the events of 390 using his own ideology to fill the gaps in the historical record 90 The twenty first century view is that Ambrose was not a power behind the throne 84 The two men did not meet each other frequently and documents that reveal the relationship between the two are less about personal friendship than they are about negotiations between two formidable leaders of the powerful institutions they represent the Roman State and the Italian Church 91 Cameron says there is no evidence that Ambrose was a significant influence on the emperor 92 For centuries after his death Theodosius was regarded as a champion of Christian orthodoxy who decisively stamped out paganism This view was recorded by Theodoret who is recognized as an unreliable historian in the century following their deaths 93 Theodosius s predecessors Constantine r 306 337 Constantius r 337 361 and Valens had all been semi Arians Therefore it fell to the orthodox Theodosius to receive from Christian literary tradition most of the credit for the final triumph of Christianity 94 Modern scholars see this as an interpretation of history by orthodox Christian writers more than as a representation of actual history 95 96 97 98 The view of a pious Theodosius submitting meekly to the authority of the church represented by Ambrose is part of the myth that evolved within a generation of their deaths 99 Later years and death Edit Embossed silver urn with the body of Ambrose with white vestments in the crypt of Sant Ambrose with the skeletons of Gervase and Protase In April 393 Arbogast magister militum of the West and his puppet Emperor Eugenius marched into Italy to consolidate their position in regard to Theodosius I and his son Honorius whom Theodosius had appointed Augustus to govern the western portion of the empire Arbogast and Eugenius courted Ambrose s support by very obliging letters but before they arrived at Milan he had retired to Bologna where he assisted at the translation of the relics of Saints Vitalis and Agricola From there he went to Florence where he remained until Eugenius withdrew from Milan to meet Theodosius in the Battle of the Frigidus in early September 394 100 Soon after acquiring the undisputed possession of the Roman Empire Theodosius died at Milan in 395 and Ambrose gave the eulogy 101 Two years later 4 April 397 Ambrose also died He was succeeded as bishop of Milan by Simplician 60 Ambrose s body may still be viewed in the church of Saint Ambrogio in Milan where it has been continuously venerated along with the bodies identified in his time as being those of Saints Gervase and Protase Ambrose is remembered in the calendar of the Roman Rite of the Catholic Church on 7 December and is also honored in the Church of England and in the Episcopal Church on 7 December 102 103 Character EditIn 1960 Neil B McLynn wrote a complex study of Ambrose that focused on his politics and intended to demonstrate that Ambrose viewed community as a means to acquire personal political power Subsequent studies of how Ambrose handled his episcopal responsibilities his Nicene theology and his dealings with the Arians in his episcopate his pastoral care his commitment to community and his personal asceticism have mitigated this view 104 105 Statue of Saint Ambrose with a scourge in Museo del Duomo Milan Unknown Lombard author early 17th century All of Ambrose writings are works of advocacy of his religion and even his political views and actions were closely related to his religion 106 He was rarely if ever concerned about simply recording what had happened he did not write to reveal his inner thoughts and struggles he wrote to advocate for his God 107 Boniface Ramsey writes that it is difficult not to posit a deep spirituality in a man who wrote on the mystical meanings of the Song of Songs and wrote many extraordinary hymns 108 In spite of an abiding spirituality Ambrose had a generally straightforward manner and a practical rather than a speculative tendency in his thinking 109 De Officiis is a utilitarian guide for his clergy in their daily ministry in the Milanese church rather than an intellectual tour de force 110 Christian faith in the third century developed the monastic life style which subsequently spread into the rest of Roman society in a general practice of virginity voluntary poverty and self denial for religious reasons This life style was embraced by many new converts including Ambrose even though they did not become actual monks 111 The bishops of this era had heavy administrative responsibilities and Ambrose was also sometimes occupied with imperial affairs but he still fulfilled his primary responsibility to care for the well being of his flock He preached and celebrated the Eucharist multiple times a week sometimes daily dealt directly with the needs of the poor as well as widows and orphans virgins nuns and his own clergy He replied to letters personally practiced hospitality and made himself available to the people 112 Saint Ambrose in His Study c 1500 Spanish Palencia Wood with traces of polychromy Metropolitan Museum of Art New York City Ambrose had the ability to maintain good relationships with all kinds of people 113 Local church practices varied quite a bit from place to place at this time and as the bishop Ambrose could have required that everyone adapt to his way of doing things It was his place to keep the churches as united as possible in both ritual and belief 25 Instead he respected local customs adapting himself to whatever practices prevailed instructing his mother to do the same 114 As bishop Ambrose undertook many different labors in an effort to unite people and provide some stability during a period of religious political military and social upheavals and transformations 115 Brown says Ambrose had the makings of a faction fighter 116 While he got along well with most people Ambrose was not averse to conflict and even opposed emperors with a fearlessness born of self confidence and a clear conscience and not from any belief he would not suffer for his decisions 117 Having begun his life as a Roman aristocrat and a governor it is clear that Ambrose retained the attitude and practice of Roman governance even after becoming a bishop 118 His acts and writings show he was quite clear about the limits of imperial power over the church s internal affairs including doctrine moral teaching and governance He wrote to Valentinian In matters of faith bishops are the judges of Christian emperors not emperors of bishops Epistle 21 4 He also famously told to the Arian bishop chosen by the emperor The emperor is in the church not over the church Sermon Against Auxentius 36 119 120 Ambrose s acts and writings created a sort of model which was to remain valid in the Latin West for the relations of the Church and the Christian State Both powers stood in a basically positive relationship to each other but the innermost sphere of the Church s life faith the moral order ecclesiastical discipline remained withdrawn from the State s influence 120 Ambrose was also well aware of the limits of his power At the height of his career as a venerable respected and well loved bishop in 396 imperial agents marched into his church pushing past him and his clergy who had crowded the altar to protect a political suspect from arrest and dragged the man from the church in front of Ambrose who could do nothing to stop it 121 When it came to the central functions of the Roman state even the vivid Ambrose was a lightweight 121 Attitude towards Jews Edit The most notorious example of Ambrose s anti Jewish animus occurred in 388 when Emperor Theodosius I was informed that a crowd of Christians had retaliated against the local Jewish community by destroying the synagogue at Callinicum on the Euphrates 122 The synagogue most likely existed within the fortified town to service the soldiers serving there and Theodosius ordered that the offenders be punished and that the synagogue be rebuilt at the expense of the bishop 123 Ambrose wrote to the emperor arguing against this basing his argument on two assertions first if the bishop obeyed the order it would be a betrayal of his faith 124 Second if the bishop instead refused to obey the order he would become a martyr and create a scandal for the emperor 124 Ambrose referring to a prior incident where Magnus Maximus issued an edict censuring Christians in Rome for burning down a Jewish synagogue warned Theodosius that the people in turn exclaimed the emperor has become a Jew implying Theodosius would receive the same lack of support from the people 125 Theodosius rescinded the order concerning the bishop 126 124 That was not enough for Ambrose and when Theodosius next visited Milan Ambrose confronted him directly in an effort to get the emperor to drop the entire case McLynn argues that Ambrose failed to win the emperor s sympathy and was mostly excluded from his counsels thereafter 127 128 The Callinicum affair was not an isolated incident Generally speaking Ambrose presents a strong anti Jewish polemic 129 While McLynn says this makes Ambrose look like a bully and a bigot to modern eyes scholars also agree Ambrose attitudes toward the Jews cannot be fairly summarized in one sentence as not all of Ambrose attitudes toward Jews were negative 128 Ambrose makes extensive and appreciative use of the works of Philo of Alexandria a Jew in Ambrose own writings treating Philo as one of the faithful interpreters of the Scriptures 130 Philo was an educated man of some standing and a prolific writer during the era of Second Temple Judaism Forty three of his treatises have been preserved and these by Christians rather than Jews 129 Philo became foundational in forming the Christian literary view on the six days of creation through Basil s Hexaemeron Eusebius the Cappadocian Fathers and Didymus the Blind appropriated material from Philo as well but none did so more than Ambrose As a result of this extensive referencing Philo was accepted into the Christian tradition as an honorary Church Father In fact one Byzantine catena even refers to him as Bishop Philo This high regard for Philo even led to a number of legends of his conversion to Christianity although this assertion stands on very dubious evidence 131 Ambrose also used Josephus Maccabees and other Jewish sources for his writings He praises some individual Jews 132 Ambrose tended to write negatively of all non Nicenes as if they were all one category This served a rhetorical purpose in his writing and should be considered accordingly 133 Attitude towards pagans Edit Main article Persecution of pagans in the late Roman Empire Modern scholarship indicates paganism was a lesser concern than heresy for Christians in the fourth and fifth centuries which was the case for Ambrose but it was still a concern 134 Writings of this period were commonly hostile and often contemptuous toward a paganism Christianity saw as already defeated in Heaven 135 The great Christian writers of the third to fifth centuries attempted to discredit continuation in these defeated practices by searching pagan writings particularly those of Varro for everything that could be regarded by Christian standards as repulsive and irreligious 136 Ambrose work reflects this triumphalism e Throughout his time in the episcopate Ambrose was active in his opposition to any state sponsorship of pagan cults 55 When Gratian ordered the Altar of Victory to be removed it roused the aristocracy of Rome to send a delegation to the emperor to appeal the decision but Pope Damasus I got the Christian senators to petition against it and Ambrose blocked the delegates from getting an audience with the emperor 141 142 143 Under Valentinian II an effort was made to restore the Altar of Victory to its ancient station in the hall of the Roman Senate and to again provide support for the seven Vestal Virgins The pagan party was led by the refined senator Quintus Aurelius Symmachus who used all his prodigious skill and artistry to create a marvelous document full of the maiestas populi Romani 144 Hans Lietzmann writes that Pagans and Christians alike were stirred by the solemn earnestness of an admonition which called all men of goodwill to the aid of a glorious history to render all worthy honor to a world that was fading away 145 Then Ambrose wrote Valentinian II a letter asserting that the emperor was a soldier of God not simply a personal believer but one bound by his position to serve the faith under no circumstances could he agree to something that would promote the worship of idols f Ambrose held up the example of Valentinian s brother Gratian reminding Valentinian that the commandment of God must take precedence 148 The bishop s intervention led to the failure of Symmachus appeal 149 150 In 389 Ambrose intervened against a pagan senatorial delegation who wished to see the emperor Theodosius I Although Theodosius refused their requests he was irritated at the bishop s presumption and refused to see him for several days 92 Later Ambrose wrote a letter to the emperor Eugenius complaining that some gifts the latter had bestowed on pagan senators could be used for funding pagan cults 151 152 Theology EditAmbrose joins Augustine Jerome and Gregory the Great as one of the Latin Doctors of the Church Theologians compare him with Hilary who they claim fell short of Ambrose s administrative excellence but demonstrated greater theological ability He succeeded as a theologian despite his juridical training and his comparatively late handling of biblical and doctrinal subjects 60 Ambrose s intense episcopal consciousness furthered the growing doctrine of the Church and its sacerdotal ministry while the prevalent asceticism of the day continuing the Stoic and Ciceronian training of his youth enabled him to promulgate a lofty standard of Christian ethics Thus we have the De officiis ministrorum De viduis De virginitate and De paenitentia 60 Ambrose displayed a kind of liturgical flexibility that kept in mind that liturgy was a tool to serve people in worshiping God and ought not to become a rigid entity that is invariable from place to place His advice to Augustine of Hippo on this point was to follow local liturgical custom When I am at Rome I fast on a Saturday when I am at Milan I do not Follow the custom of the church where you are 153 154 Thus Ambrose refused to be drawn into a false conflict over which particular local church had the right liturgical form where there was no substantial problem His advice has remained in the English language as the saying When in Rome do as the Romans do One interpretation of Ambrose s writings is that he was a Christian universalist 155 It has been noted that Ambrose s theology was significantly influenced by that of Origen and Didymus the Blind two other early Christian universalists 155 One quotation cited in favor of this belief is Our Savior has appointed two kinds of resurrection in the Apocalypse Blessed is he that hath part in the first resurrection for such come to grace without the judgment As for those who do not come to the first but are reserved unto the second resurrection these shall be disciplined until their appointed times between the first and the second resurrection 156 One could interpret this passage as being another example of the mainstream Christian belief in a general resurrection that both those in Heaven and in Hell undergo a bodily resurrection or an allusion to purgatory that some destined for Heaven must first undergo a phase of purification Several other works by Ambrose clearly teach the mainstream view of salvation For example The Jews feared to believe in manhood taken up into God and therefore have lost the grace of redemption because they reject that on which salvation depends 157 Giving to the poor Edit In De Officiis the most influential of his surviving works and one of the most important texts of patristic literature he reveals his views connecting justice and generosity by asserting these practices are of mutual benefit to the participants 158 159 160 Ambrose draws heavily on Cicero and the biblical book of Genesis for this concept of mutual inter dependence in society In the bishop s view it is concern for one another s interests that binds society together 161 Ambrose asserts that avarice leads to a breakdown in this mutuality therefore avarice leads to a breakdown in society itself In the late 380s the bishop took the lead in opposing the greed of the elite landowners in Milan by starting a series of pointed sermons directed at his wealthy constituents on the need for the rich to care for the poor 162 Some scholars have suggested Ambrose endeavors to lead his people as both a Roman and a Christian caused him to strive for what a modern context would describe as a type of communism or socialism 104 He was not just interested in the church but was also interested in the condition of contemporary Italian society 163 Ambrose considered the poor not a distinct group of outsiders but a part of a united people to be stood with in solidarity Giving to the poor was not to be considered an act of generosity towards the fringes of society but a repayment of resources that God had originally bestowed on everyone equally and that the rich had usurped 164 He defines justice as providing for the poor whom he describes as our brothers and sisters because they share our common humanity 165 Mariology Edit The theological treatises of Ambrose of Milan would come to influence Popes Damasus Siricius and Leo XIII Central to Ambrose is the virginity of Mary and her role as Mother of God 166 The virgin birth is worthy of God Which human birth would have been more worthy of God than the one in which the Immaculate Son of God maintained the purity of his immaculate origin while becoming human 167 We confess that Christ the Lord was born from a virgin and therefore we reject the natural order of things Because she conceived not from a man but from the Holy Spirit 168 Christ is not divided but one If we adore him as the Son of God we do not deny his birth from the virgin But nobody shall extend this to Mary Mary was the temple of God but not God in the temple Therefore only the one who was in the temple can be worshiped 169 Yes truly blessed for having surpassed the priest Zechariah While the priest denied the Virgin rectified the error No wonder that the Lord wishing to rescue the world began his work with Mary Thus she through whom salvation was being prepared for all people would be the first to receive the promised fruit of salvation 170 Ambrose viewed celibacy as superior to marriage and saw Mary as the model of virginity 171 Augustine Edit Ambrose studied theology with Simplician a presbyter of Rome 20 Using his excellent knowledge of Greek which was then rare in the West Ambrose studied the Old Testament and Greek authors like Philo Origen Athanasius and Basil of Caesarea with whom he was also exchanging letters 172 Ambrose became a famous rhetorician whom Augustine came to hear speak Augustine wrote in his Confessions that Faustus the Manichean rhetorician was a more impressive speaker but the content of Ambrose s sermons began to affect Augustine s faith Augustine sought guidance from Ambrose and again records in his Confessions that Ambrose was too busy to answer his questions In a passage of Augustine s Confessions in which Augustine wonders why he could not share his burden with Ambrose he comments Ambrose himself I esteemed a happy man as the world counted happiness because great personages held him in honor Only his celibacy appeared to me a painful burden 173 Simplician regularly met with Augustine however and Augustine writes of Simplician s fatherly affection for him It was Simplician who introduced Augustine to Christian Neoplatonism 174 It is commonly understood in the Christian Tradition that Ambrose baptized Augustine In this same passage of Augustine s Confessions is an anecdote which bears on the history of reading When Ambrose read his eyes scanned the page and his heart sought out the meaning but his voice was silent and his tongue was still Anyone could approach him freely and guests were not commonly announced so that often when we came to visit him we found him reading like this in silence for he never read aloud 173 This is a celebrated passage in modern scholarly discussion The practice of reading to oneself without vocalizing the text was less common in antiquity than it has since become In a culture that set a high value on oratory and public performances of all kinds in which the production of books was very labor intensive the majority of the population was illiterate and where those with the leisure to enjoy literary works also had slaves to read for them written texts were more likely to be seen as scripts for recitation than as vehicles of silent reflection However there is also evidence that silent reading did occur in antiquity and that it was not generally regarded as unusual 175 176 177 Music EditFurther information Ambrosian Hymnography Ambrose s writings extend past literature and into music where he was an important innovator in early Christian hymnography 178 His contributions include the successful invention of Christian Latin hymnody 179 while the hymnologist Guido Maria Dreves designated him to be The Father of church hymnody 180 He was not the first to write Latin hymns the Bishop Hilary of Poitiers had done so a few decades before 178 However the hymns of Hilary are thought to have been largely inaccessible because of their complexity and length 178 181 Only fragments of hymns from Hilary s Liber hymnorum exist making those of Ambrose the earliest extant complete Latin hymns 181 The assembling of Ambrose s surviving oeuvre remains controversial 178 182 the almost immediate popularity of his style quickly prompted imitations some which may even date from his lifetime 183 There are four hymns for which Ambrose s authorship is universally accepted as they are attributed to him by Augustine 178 Aeterne rerum conditor Deus creator omnium Iam surgit hora tertia Veni redemptor gentium also known as Intende qui regis Israel Each of these hymns has eight four line stanzas and is written in strict iambic tetrameter that is 4 2 syllables each iamb being two syllables Marked by dignified simplicity they served as a fruitful model for later times 60 Scholars such as the theologian Brian P Dunkle have argued for the authenticity of as many as thirteen other hymns 182 while the musicologist James McKinnon contends that further attributions could include perhaps some ten others 178 Ambrose is traditionally credited but not actually known to have composed any of the repertory of Ambrosian chant also known simply as antiphonal chant a method of chanting where one side of the choir alternately responds to the other However Ambrosian chant was named in his honor due to his contributions to the music of the Church citation needed With Augustine Ambrose was traditionally credited with composing the hymn Te Deum Since the hymnologist Guido Maria Dreves in 1893 however scholars have dismissed this attribution 184 Stained glass window by Sergio de Castro based on the Ambrosian hymns about the Creation of the universe Church of the Benedictines at Couvrechef La Folie Caen 1956 59Writings Edit De officiis ministrorum 377 391 in a c 900 manuscript now kept in the Abbey library of Saint Gall Cod Sang 97 p 51 185 The work is probably Ambrose s best known 186 Source 187 188 All works are originally in Latin Following each is where it may be found in a standard compilation of Ambrose s writings His first work was probably De paradiso 377 378 189 Most have approximate dates and works such as De Helia et ieiunio 377 391 Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam 377 389 and De officiis ministrorum 377 391 have been given a wide variety of datings by scholars g His best known work is probably De officiis ministrorum 377 391 186 while the Exameron it 386 390 and De obitu Theodosii 395 are among his most noted works 189 2 In matters of exegesis he is like Hilary an Alexandrian In dogma he follows Basil of Caesarea and other Greek authors but nevertheless gives a distinctly Western cast to the speculations of which he treats This is particularly manifest in the weightier emphasis which he lays upon human sin and divine grace and in the place which he assigns to faith in the individual Christian life 60 There has been debate on the attribution of some writings for example De mysteriis is usually attributed to Ambrose while the related De sacramentis is written in a different style with some silent disagreements so there is less consensus over its author 190 Exegesis Edit Exameron it The Six Days of Creation Vol 6 books 386 390 PL 14 133 288 CSEL 32 1 3 261 FC 42 3 283 De paradiso On Paradise 377 378 PL 14 291 332 CSEL 32 1 265 336 FC 42 287 356 De Cain et Abet On Cain and Abel 377 378 PL 14 333 80 CSEL 32 1 339 409 FC 42 359 437 De Noe On Noah 378 384 PL 14 381 438 CSEL 32 1 413 97 De Abraham On Abraham Vol 2 books 380s PL 14 441 524 CSEL 32 1 501 638 De Isaac et anima On Isaac and the Soul 387 391 PL 14 527 60 CSEL 32 1 641 700 FC 65 9 65 De bono mortis On the Good of Death 390 PL 14 567 96 CSEL 32 1 707 53 FC 65 70 113 De fuga saeculi On Flight from the World 391 394 PL 14 597 624 CSEL 32 2 163 207 FC 65 281 323 De Iacob et vita beata On Iacob and the Happy Life 386 388 PL 14 627 70 CSEL 32 2 3 70 FC 65 119 84 De Joseph On Joseph 387 388 PL 14 673 704 CSEL 32 2 73 122 FC 65 187 237 De patriarchis On the Patriarchs 391 PL 14 707 28 CSEL 32 2 125 60 FC 65 243 75 De Helia et ieiunio On Elijah and Fasting 377 391 PL 14 731 64 CSEL 32 2 411 65 De Nabuthae On Naboth 389 CSEL 32 2 469 De Tobia On Tobias 376 390 PL 14 797 832 CSEL 32 2 519 573 De interpellatione Iob et David The Prayer of Job and David Vol 4 books 383 394 PL 14 835 90 CSEL 32 2 211 96 FC 65 329 420 Apologia prophetae David A Defense of the Prophet David 387 PL 14 891 926 CSEL 32 2 299 355 Enarrationes in xii psalmos davidicos Explanations of Twelve Psalms of David PL 14 963 1238 CSEL 64 Expositio in Psalmum cxviii A Commentary on Psalm 118 386 390 PL 15 1197 1526 CSEL 62 Expositio Esaiae prophetae A Commentary on the Prophet Isaiah CCSL 14 405 8 Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam A Commentary on the Gospel according to Luke Vol 10 books 377 389 PL 15 1527 1850 CSEL 32 4 CCSL 14 1 400 Moral and ascetical commentary Edit De officiis ministrorum On the Duties of Ministers 377 391 PL 16 25 194 De virginibus On Virgins 377 De viduis On Widows 377 PL 16 247 76 De virginitate On Virginity 378 PL 16 279 316 De institutione virginis An Instruction for a Virgin 391 392 PL 16 319 43 Exhortatio virginitatis In Praise of Virginity 393 395 PL 16 351 80 Dogmatic writings Edit De fide On the Faith Vol 5 books 378 380 PL 16 549 726 CSEL 78 De Spiritu Sancto On the Holy Spirit 381 PL 16 731 850 CSEL 79 15 222 FC 44 35 214 De incarnationis dominicae sacramento On the Sacrament of the Lord s Incarnation 381 382 PL 16 853 84 CSEL 79 223 81 FC 44 219 62 Explanatio symboli ad initiandos An Explanation of the Creed for Those about to be Baptised PL 17 1193 96 CSEL 73 1 12 De sacramentis On the Sacraments Vol 6 books 390 PL 16 435 82 CSEL 73 13 116 FC 44 269 328 De mysteriis On the Mysteries De paenitentia On Repentance 384 394 PL 16 485 546 CSEL 73 117 206 Expositio fidei An Explanation of the Faith PL 16 847 50 De sacramento regenerationis sive de philosophia On the Sacrament of Regeneration or On Philosophy fragmented CSEL 11 131 Sermons Edit De excessu fratris On the Death of his Brother 375 378 PL 16 1345 1414 CSEL 73 207 325 FC 22 161 259 De obitu Valentiniani On the Death of Valentinian PL 16 1417 44 CSEL 73 327 67 FC 22 265 99 De obitu Theodosii On the Death of Theodosius 25 February 395 PL 16 1447 88 CSEL 73 369 401 FC 22 307 332 Contra Auxentium de basilicis tradendis Against Auxentius on Handing over the Basilicas 386 PL 16 1049 53 Others Edit 91 letters Ambrosiaster or the pseudo Ambrose is a brief commentary on Paul s Epistles which was long attributed to Ambrose Editions Edit Divi Ambrosii Episcopi Mediolanensis Omnia Opera a 1527 edition of Ambrose s writings compiled and edited by Erasmus The history of the editions of the works of St Ambrose is a long one Erasmus edited them in four tomes at Basle 1527 A valuable Roman edition was brought out in 1580 in five volumes the result of many years labour it was begun by Sixtus V while yet the monk Felice Peretti Prefixed to it is the life of St Ambrose composed by Baronius for his Annales Ecclesiastici The excellent Maurist edition of du Frische and Le Nourry appeared at Paris 1686 90 in two folio volumes it was twice reprinted at Venice 1748 51 and 1781 82 The latest edition of the writings of St Ambrose is that of Paolo Angelo Ballerini Milan 1878 in six folio volumes Standard editions Edit Migne Jacques Paul ed 1845 Patrologia Latina in Latin Vol 14 17 Paris Based on the Maurist edition published in Paris by Jacques Du Frische and Denis Nicolas Le Nourry Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum in Latin Vol 11 32 62 64 73 78 79 Vienna Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna 1866 Ballerini P A ed 1875 1883 Opera omnia in Latin Milan Based on the Maurist edition published in Paris by Jacques Du Frische and Denis Nicolas Le Nourry Catholic University of America ed 1947 Fathers of the Church Vol 22 42 44 65 Washington DC Catholic University of America Press OCLC 8110481 Corpus Christianorum Vol 14 Turnhout Brepols 1953 OCLC 1565173 Latin Edit Hexameron De paradiso De Cain De Noe De Abraham De Isaac De bono mortis ed C Schenkl 1896 Vol 32 1 In Latin De Iacob De Ioseph De patriarchis De fuga saeculi De interpellatione Iob et David De apologia prophetae David De Helia De Nabuthae De Tobia ed C Schenkl 1897 Vol 32 2 Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam ed C Schenkl 1902 Vol 32 4 Expositio de psalmo CXVIII ed M Petschenig 1913 Vol 62 editio altera supplementis aucta cur M Zelzer 1999 Explanatio super psalmos XII ed M Petschenig 1919 Vol 64 editio altera supplementis aucta cur M Zelzer 1999 Explanatio symboli De sacramentis De mysteriis De paenitentia De excessu fratris Satyri De obitu Valentiniani De obitu Theodosii ed Otto Faller 1955 Vol 73 De fide ad Gratianum Augustum ed Otto Faller 1962 Vol 78 De spiritu sancto De incarnationis dominicae sacramento ed Otto Faller 1964 Vol 79 Epistulae et acta ed Otto Faller Vol 82 1 lib 1 6 1968 Otto Faller M Zelzer Vol 82 2 lib 7 9 1982 M Zelzer Vol 82 3 lib 10 epp extra collectionem gesta concilii Aquileiensis 1990 Indices et addenda comp M Zelzer 1996 Vol 82 4English Edit H Wace and P Schaff eds A Select Library of Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church 2nd ser x Contains translations of De Officiis under the title De Officiis Ministrorum De Spiritu Sancto On the Holy Spirit De excessu fratris Satyri On the Decease of His Brother Satyrus Exposition of the Christian Faith De mysteriis Concerning Mysteries De paenitentia Concerning Repentance De virginibus Concerning Virgins De viduis Concerning Widows and a selection of letters St Ambrose On the mysteries and the treatise on the sacraments by an unknown author translated by T Thompson London SPCK 1919 translations of De sacramentis and De mysteriis rev edn published 1950 S AmbrosiiDe Nabuthae a commentary translated by Martin McGuire Washington DC The Catholic University of America 1927 translation of On Naboth S AmbrosiiDe Helia et ieiunio a commentary with an introduction and translation Sister Mary Joseph Aloysius Buck Washington DC The Catholic University of America 1929 translation of On Elijah and Fasting S AmbrosiiDe Tobia a commentary with an introduction and translation Lois Miles Zucker Washington DC The Catholic University of America 1933 translation of On Tobit Funeral orations translated by LP McCauley et al Fathers of the Church vol 22 New York Fathers of the Church Inc 1953 by Gregory of Nazianzus and Ambrose Letters translated by Mary Melchior Beyenka Fathers of the Church vol 26 Washington DC Catholic University of America 1954 Translation of letters 1 91 Saint Ambrose on the sacraments edited by Henry Chadwick Studies in Eucharistic faith and practice 5 London AR Mowbray 1960 Hexameron Paradise and Cain and Abel translated by John J Savage Fathers of the Church vol 42 New York Fathers of the Church 1961 contains translations of Hexameron De paradise and De Cain et Abel Saint Ambrose theological and dogmatic works translated by Roy J Deferrari Fathers of the church vol 44 Washington Catholic University of American Press 1963 Contains translations of The mysteries De mysteriis The holy spirit De Spiritu Sancto The sacrament of the incarnation of Our Lord De incarnationis Dominicae sacramento and The sacraments Seven exegetical works translated by Michael McHugh Fathers of the Church vol 65 Washington Catholic University of America Press 1972 Contains translations of Isaac or the soul De Isaac vel anima Death as a good De bono mortis Jacob and the happy life De Iacob et vita beata Joseph De Ioseph The patriarchs De patriarchis Flight from the world De fuga saeculi The prayer of Job and David De interpellatione Iob et David Homilies of Saint Ambrose on Psalm 118 translated by Ide Ni Riain Dublin Halcyon Press 1998 translation of part of Explanatio psalmorum Ambrosian hymns translated by Charles Kraszewski Lehman PA Libella Veritatis 1999 Commentary of Saint Ambrose on twelve psalms translated by Ide M Ni Riain Dublin Halcyon Press 2000 translations of Explanatio psalmorum on Psalms 1 35 40 43 45 47 49 On Abraham translated by Theodosia Tomkinson Etna CA Center for Traditionalist Orthodox Studies 2000 translation of De Abraham De officiis edited with an introduction translation and commentary by Ivor J Davidson 2 vols Oxford OUP 2001 contains both Latin and English text Commentary of Saint Ambrose on the Gospel according to Saint Luke translated by Ide M Ni Riain Dublin Halcyon 2001 translation of Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam Ambrose of Milan political letters and speeches translated with an introduction and notes by JHWG Liebschuetz Liverpool Liverpool University Press 2005 contains Book Ten of Ambrose s Letters including the oration on the death of Theodosius I Letters outside the Collection Epistulae extra collectionem Letter 30 to Magnus Maximus The oration on the death of Valentinian II De obitu Valentiniani Several of Ambrose s works have recently been published in the bilingual Latin German Fontes Christiani series currently edited by Brepols See also Edit Saints portalAmbrosian hymnography Ambrosian Liturgy and Rite Saint Ambrose Basilica Milan Church Fathers St Ambrose Cathedral Linares Saint Ambrose University Davenport Iowa Ambrose University College Calgary AlbertaReferences EditNotes Edit Italian Sant Ambrogio ˌsantamˈbrɔːdʒo Lombard Sant Ambroeus ˌsaːt aˈbroːs S Paulinus in Vit Ambr 3 has the following posito in administratione prefecture Galliarum patre eius Ambrosio natus est Ambrosius From this practically all of Ambrose s biographers have concluded that Ambrose s father was a praetorian prefect in Gaul This is the only evidence we have however that there ever was an Ambrose as prefect in Gaul 14 Two laws were recorded from this time One of these canceled the law of toleration Gratian had previously issued at Sirmium This toleration allowed freedom of worship to all with the exception of the heretical Manichaeans Photinians and Eunomians 50 The law canceling this has been presented in previous scholarship as proof of Ambrose influence over Gratian but the law s target was Donatism which had failed to be listed in the exceptions There is no evidence to support Ambrose as having had anything to do with this restatement since sanctions against Donatism had existed since Constantine 51 Recent scholarship has tended to reject former views that the edict was a key step in establishing Christianity as the official religion of the empire since it was aimed exclusively at Constantinople and seems to have gone largely unnoticed by contemporaries outside the capital 70 71 Nonetheless the edict is the first known secular Roman law to positively assert a religious orthodoxy 69 These Christian sources have had great influence on perceptions of this period by creating an impression of overt and continuous conflict that has been assumed on an empire wide scale while archaeological evidence indicates that outside of violent rhetoric the decline of paganism away from the imperial court was relatively non confrontational 137 138 139 140 Romans claimed to be the most religious of peoples 146 Their unique success in war conquest and the formation of an empire was attributed to the empire maintaining good relations with the gods through proper reverence and worship practices 147 This did not change once the empire s official religion became Christianity Though both Paredi 1964 pp 436 440 and Ramsey 2002 pp 55 64 give dates for most of Ambrose s writings the dates from Ramsey are preferred as the publication is more recent and the author is dating the works from the perspective of scholarly consensus whereas in Paredi the author offers dates based on his own research Regardless when Ramsey does not provide dates for a work those of Paredi are used Citations Edit Saint Ambrose in the Sacello di San Vittore in Ciel d Oro Artstor Retrieved 8 January 2021 a b Brown 2021 Guiley 2001 p 16 Siecienski 2010 p 57 Sharkey amp Weinandy 2009 p 208 McKinnon 2001 Smith 2021 p 5 Ramsey 2002 p ix Ramsey 2002 pp ix x 1 2 Paredi 1964 pp 442 443 Cvetkovic 2019 p 44 a b Loughlin 1907 Greenslade 1956 p 175 Paredi 1964 p 380 a b c Attwater amp John 1993 Barnes 2011 pp 45 46 Cvetkovic 2019 p 44 46 Cvetkovic 2019 p 46 Thornton 1879 p 15 a b c d Grieve 1911 p 798 Barnes 2011 p 50 Cvetkovic 2019 p 55 57 a b Cvetkovic 2019 p 52 Santi Beati in Italian Italy a b Mediolanensis 2005 p 6 Cvetkovic 2019 p 49 One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain Loughlin James Francis 1907 St Ambrose In Herbermann Charles ed Catholic Encyclopedia Vol 1 New York Robert Appleton Company McSherry James 2011 Outreach and Renewal A First millennium Legacy for the Third millennium Church Cistercian studies series 236 Collegeville Minnesota Liturgical Press p 19 ISBN 9780879072360 An accomplished orator and legal advocate Ambrose was appointed to the Judicial Council by Probus Praetorian Prefect of Italy Sparavigna 2016 p 2 Butler 1991 p 407 Lietzmann 1951 p 57 Kaye 1853 p 33 Kaye 1853 p 5 a b c d e Butler 1991 p 408 Ramsey 2002 pp 6 7 By Ambrose s day Arianism was in slow decline but far from having breathed its last Ambrose s struggles with it occupied his energies for more than half of his term as bishop a b Lietzmann 1951 p 37 Compare Ramsey 2002 p 7 Nor when speaking of religious controversy during this period must one forget Judaism and paganism Judaism it appears now was probably more attractive to many early Christians than scholars had previously realized which helps to explain some of the virulence of the attacks on it by the Fathers Paganism for its part may have become less appealing for various reasons but it was not in the nature of things or of human beings that it would ever disappear entirely Ramsey 2002 p 6 the history of the early Church was a golden age of religious ferment and controversy such as it could well be argued would not be seen again until the Reformation more than a millennium later Ramsey 2002 pp 7 8 In the face of all these rivals orthodox Christianity was not an impassive object In reacting to them it defined itself and assumed more and more of the contours that we recognize today Ramsey 2002 p 5 The task that lay before the Christian leadership was to replace one form of the sacred with another The fourth century was above all the moment when this replacement was being orchestrated and the role that Ambrose played in the process was crucial McLynn 1994 p 79 Nicholson 2018 p xv Salzman Saghy amp Testa 2016 p 2 McLynn 1994 p 79 80 a b c d McLynn 1994 p 80 McLynn 1994 p 79 80 87 McLynn 1994 p 80 90 105 a b McLynn 1994 p 90 McLynn 1994 p 98 McLynn 1994 p 91 McLynn 1994 p 100 102 McLynn 1994 p 103 105 McLynn 1994 p 98 99 Trout 1999 p 50 a b Lietzmann 1951 p 68 McLynn 1994 p 104 Liebeschuetz Hill amp Mediolanensis 2005 p 129 Liebeschuetz Hill amp Mediolanensis 2005 pp 129 130 a b Lietzmann 1951 pp 79 80 a b c d e f g h i Grieve 1911 p 799 Lietzmann 1951 p 80 CAH 1998 p 106 Liebeschuetz Hill amp Mediolanensis 2005 p 130 Liebeschuetz Hill amp Mediolanensis 2005 p 131 Verlag 1976 pp 235 244 McLynn 1994 p 106 110 McLynn 1994 p 108 McLynn 1994 p 109 a b Errington 2006 p 217 Errington 1997 pp 410 415 Hebblewhite p 82 Sary 2019 p 73 Sary 2019 pp 72 74 fn 32 33 34 77 Liebeschuetz Hill amp Mediolanensis 2005 p 17 Chesnut 1981 p 245 252 Herrin 1987 p 64 Liebeschuetz Hill amp Mediolanensis 2005 pp 262 Liebeschuetz Hill amp Mediolanensis 2005 pp 262 263 McLynn 1994 p 331 Errington 1997 p 425 Curran 1998 pp 78 110 McLynn 1994 pp 330 333 Hebblewhite 2020a p intro a b McLynn 1994 p 291 Cameron 2011 pp 63 64 Brown 1992 p 111 Moorhead 2014 p 3 13 Cameron 2011 pp 60 63 131 MacMullen 1984 p 100 Washburn 2006 p 215 McLynn 1994 pp 291 292 330 333 a b Cameron 2011 pp 63 64 Errington 1997 p 409 Cameron 2011 p 74 and note 177 Nicholson 2018 pp 1482 1484 Errington 2006 pp 248 249 Cameron 2011 p 74 Hebblewhite chapter 8 McLynn 1994 p 292 Saint Ambrose Bishop and Confessor Doctor of the Church December 7 Rev Alban Butler 1866 Volume XII December The Lives of the Saints www bartleby com Retrieved 10 June 2019 Norwich 1989 p 116 The Calendar The Church of England Retrieved 27 March 2021 Lesser Feasts and Fasts 2018 Church Publishing Inc 17 December 2019 ISBN 978 1 64065 235 4 a b Smith 2021 pp 3 4 Mediolanensis 2005 pp 4 5 Mediolanensis 2005 p 5 Mediolanensis 2005 p 4 Ramsey 2002 pp ix x Ramsey 2002 p 1 Davidson 1995 p 315 Ramsey 2002 p 9 Ramsey 2002 pp 5 6 Smith 2021 p 2 Ramsey 2002 p 6 Smith 2021 p 1 Brown 2012 p 124 Ramsey 2002 p 2 Smith 2021 pp 6 7 Brown 2003 p 80 a b Kempf 1980 p 88 a b Brown 2012 p 146 Elliott 2019 p 27 Lee 2013 p 41 a b c Elliott 2019 p 28 Nirenberg 2013 pp 117 118 MacCulloch 2010 p 300 McLynn 1994 pp 308 9 a b Elliott 2019 p 29 a b Elliott 2019 p 23 Elliott 2019 p 23 49 Elliott 2019 p 26 Elliott 2019 p 30 Elliott 2019 p 31 Salzman 1993 p 375 Hagendahl 1967 pp 601 630 North John 2017 The Religious History of the Roman Empire Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion doi 10 1093 acrefore 9780199340378 013 114 ISBN 978 0 19 934037 8 Retrieved 19 June 2021 Bayliss pp 65 68 Salzman Saghy amp Testa 2016 p 7 Cameron 1991 pp 121 124 Trombley 2001 pp 166 168 Vol I Trombley 2001 pp 335 336 Vol II Lietzmann 1951 p 69 Sheridan 1966 p 187 Ambrose Epistles 17 18 Symmachus Relationes 1 3 Lietzmann 1951 p 76 Lietzmann 1951 pp 76 77 Cicero Marcus Tullius 1997 The nature of the gods and On divination Amherst N Y Prometheus Books ISBN 978 1 57392 180 0 2 8 Sherk Robert K 1984 Rome and the Greek East to the Death of Augustus Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 511 55268 7 doc 8 9 10 Lietzmann 1951 p 77 Salzman 2006 p 362 Lietzmann 1951 pp 77 78 McLynn 1994 pp 344 346 Cameron 2011 pp 74 80 Augustine of Hippo Epistle to Januarius II section 18 Augustine of Hippo Epistle to Casualanus XXXVI section 32 a b Hanson JW 1899 18 Additional Authorities Universalism The Prevailing Doctrine of The Christian Church During Its First Five Hundred Years Boston and Chicago Universalist Publishing House Retrieved 8 December 2012 The Church Fathers on Universalism Tentmaker retrieved 5 December 2007 Ambrose 1907 Exposition of the Christian Faith Book III The Catholic Encyclopedia New York Robert Appleton Co retrieved 24 February 2009 from New Advent Davidson 1995 p 312 Smith 2021 pp 205 210 Davidson 1995 p 313 Smith 2021 pp 210 212 Brown 2012 p 147 Wojcieszak 2014 pp 177 187 Brown 2012 p 133 Smith 2021 pp 214 216 St Ambrose Catholic Communications Sydney Archdiocese Archived from the original on 2 April 2015 Ambrose of Milan CSEL 64 139 Ambrose of Milan De Mysteriis 59 pp 16 410 NPNF2 10 Ambrose Selected Works and Letters Christian Classics Ethereal Library www ccel org Retrieved 10 June 2019 Ambrose of Milan Expositio in Lucam 2 17 PL 15 1640 De virginibus On Virgins De virginitate Schaff ed Letter of Basil to Ambrose Christian Classics Ethereal library retrieved 8 December 2012 a b Augustine Confessions Book Six Chapter Three Gafford II 2015 pp 20 21 Fenton James 28 July 2006 Read my lips The Guardian London Gavrilov 1997 p 56 73 esp 70 71 Burnyeat 1997 pp 74 76 a b c d e f McKinnon 2001 para 4 Cunningham 1955 p 509 Dunkle 2016 p 1 a b Boynton 2001 1 History of the repertory a b Dunkle 2016 p 11 Dunkle 2016 pp 3 4 McKinnon 2001 para 2 Ambrose De officiis ministrorum e codices unifr ch swissuniversities Retrieved 8 January 2021 a b Ramsey 2002 p 60 Paredi 1964 pp 436 440 Ramsey 2002 pp 55 64 a b Ramsey 2002 p 56 St Ambrose On the mysteries and the treatise On the sacraments by an unknown author archive org Works cited Edit Attwater Donald John Catherine Rachel 1993 The Penguin Dictionary of Saints 3rd ed New York Penguin Books ISBN 978 0 14 051312 7 Barnes T D 2011 The Election of Ambrose of Milan In Leemans Johan Nuffelen Peter Van Keough Shawn W J Nicolaye Carla eds Episcopal Elections in Late Antiquity Walter de Gruyter ISBN 978 3 11 026860 7 Bayliss Richard 2004 Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion Oxford Archaeopress ISBN 1 84171 634 0 Boynton Susan 2001 Hymn II Monophonic Latin Grove Music Online Oxford Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 gmo 9781561592630 article 13648 ISBN 978 1 56159 263 0 subscription or UK public library membership required Brown Peter 1998 Late antiquity illustrated reprint ed Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 51170 5 Brown Peter 1992 Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity Towards a Christian Empire Univ of Wisconsin Press ISBN 0 299 13340 0 Brown Peter 2003 The Rise of Western Christendom Triumph and Diversity AD 200 1000 Blackwell Publishing ISBN 978 1 118 30126 5 Brown Peter 2012 Through the Eye of a Needle Wealth the Fall of Rome and the Making of Christianity in the West 350 550 AD Princeton University Press ISBN 978 0 691 15290 5 Brown Peter 1 January 2021 St Ambrose Encyclopaedia Britannica Chicago Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc Burnyeat MF 1997 Postscript on silent reading Classical Quarterly 47 1 74 76 doi 10 1093 cq 47 1 74 JSTOR 639598 Butler Alban 1991 Walsh Michael ed Butler s lives of the saints San Francisco ISBN 978 0 06 069299 5 Cameron Averil Garnsey Peter eds 1998 The Cambridge Ancient History The Late Empire A D 337 425 XIII Vol 13 ISBN 978 0 521 30200 5 Cameron Averil 1991 Christianity and the rhetoric of empire the development of Christian discourse Berkeley University of California Press ISBN 978 0 520 08923 5 Cameron Alan 2011 The Last Pagans of Rome USA Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 974727 6 Chesnut Glenn F 1981 The Date of Composition of Theodoret s Church history Vigiliae Christianae 35 3 245 252 doi 10 2307 1583142 JSTOR 1583142 Cunningham Maurice P October 1955 The Place of the Hymns of St Ambrose in the Latin Poetic Tradition Studies in Philology 52 4 509 514 JSTOR 4173143 Curran John 1998 From Jovian to Theodosius In Cameron Averil Garnsey Peter eds The Cambridge Ancient History The Late Empire A D 337 425 XIII Second ed Cambridge England ISBN 978 0 521 30200 5 Cvetkovic Carmen Angela Gemeinhardt Peter eds 2019 Episcopal Networks in Late Antiquity Connection and Communication Across Boundaries Walter de Gruyter GmbH amp Co KG ISBN 978 3 11 055339 0 Davidson Ivor J 1995 Ambrose s de officiis and the Intellectual Climate of the Late Fourth Century Vigiliae Christianae 49 4 313 333 doi 10 1163 157007295X00086 JSTOR 1583823 Dunkle Brian P 2016 Enchantment and Creed in the Hymns of Ambrose of Milan Oxford Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 acprof oso 9780198788225 001 0001 ISBN 978 0 19 878822 5 Elliott Paul M C 2019 Creation and Literary Re Creation Ambrose s Use of Philo in the Hexaemeral Letters Gorgias Press ISBN 978 1 4632 4087 5 Errington R Malcolm 1997 Christian Accounts of the Religious Legislation of Theodosius I Klio 79 2 398 443 doi 10 1524 klio 1997 79 2 398 S2CID 159619838 Errington R Malcolm 2006 Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to Theodosius Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press ISBN 0 8078 3038 0 Gafford II Joe Aaron 2015 The Life and Conversion of Augustine of Hippo Tenor of Our Times 4 1 Gavrilov AK 1997 Techniques of Reading in Classical Antiquity Classical Quarterly 47 1 56 73 doi 10 1093 cq 47 1 56 JSTOR 639597 Greenslade Stanley Lawrence 1956 Early Latin theology selections from Tertullian Cyprian Ambrose and Jerome Library of Christian classics Vol 5 Westminster Press ISBN 978 0 664 22005 1 Grieve Alexander J 1911 Ambrose Saint In Chisholm Hugh ed Encyclopaedia Britannica Vol 1 11th ed Cambridge University Press pp 798 799 Guiley Rosemary 2001 The Encyclopedia of Saints New York Facts On File Incorporated ISBN 978 1 4381 3026 2 Hagendahl Harald 1967 Augustine and the Latin Classics vol 2 Augustine s Attitude Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia Stockholm Almqvist amp Wiksell Hebblewhite Mark 2020 Theodosius and the Limits of Empire London Routledge doi 10 4324 9781315103334 ISBN 978 1 138 10298 9 S2CID 213344890 Hebblewhite Mark 2020a Theodosius and the Limits of Empire illustrated ed Routledge pp intro ISBN 978 1 351 59476 9 Herrin Judith 1987 The Formation of Western Christendom Princeton University Press ISBN 978 0 691 00831 8 Kaye John 1853 Some account of the Council of Nicaea in connexion with the life of Athanasius F J Rivington Kempf Friedrich 1980 Dolan John Patrick Jedin Hubert eds The Church in the Age of Feudalism Vol 3 Burns amp Oates ISBN 978 0 86012 085 8 Lee A D 2013 From Rome to Byzantium AD 363 to 565 Edinburgh University Press ISBN 978 0 7486 6835 9 Liebeschuetz John Hugo Wolfgang Gideon Hill Carole Mediolanensis Ambrosius 2005 Ambrose of Milan Political Letters and Speeches illustrated reprint ed Liverpool University Press ISBN 978 0 85323 829 4 Lietzmann Hans 1951 The Era of the Church Fathers Vol 4 Translated by Bertram Lee Woolf London Lutterworth Press doi 10 1515 9783112335383 ISBN 978 3 11 233538 3 Loughlin James 1907 St Ambrose In Herbermann Charles ed Catholic Encyclopedia Vol 1 New York Robert Appleton Company MacCulloch Diarmaid 2010 Christianity The First Three Thousand Years Penguin ISBN 978 1 101 18999 3 MacMullen Ramsay 1984 Christianizing the Roman Empire A D 100 400 Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 03642 8 McKinnon James W November 1994 Desert Monasticism and the Later Fourth Century Psalmodic Movement Music amp Letters 75 4 505 521 doi 10 1093 ml 75 4 505 JSTOR 737286 McKinnon James W 2001 Ambrose Grove Music Online Oxford Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 gmo 9781561592630 article 00751 ISBN 978 1 56159 263 0 subscription or UK public library membership required McLynn Neil B 1994 Ambrose of Milan Church and Court in a Christian Capital The Transformation of the Classical Heritage vol 22 Berkeley University of California Press ISBN 978 0 520 08461 2 Mediolanensis Ambrose 2005 Liebeschuetz J H W G Hill Carole eds Ambrose of Milan Political Letters and Speeches Liverpool University Press ISBN 978 0 85323 829 4 Moorhead John 2014 Ambrose Church and Society in the Late Roman World Routledge ISBN 978 1 317 89102 4 Nicholson Oliver ed 2018 The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 acref 9780198662778 001 0001 ISBN 978 0 19 174445 7 Nirenberg David 2013 Anti Judaism The Western Tradition Head of Zeus ISBN 978 1 78185 296 5 Norwich John Julius 1989 Byzantium The Early Centuries Guild Publishing ISBN 9780670802517 Paredi Angelo 1964 Saint Ambrose His Life and Times translated by Joseph Costelloe Notre Dame IN University of Notre Dame Press ISBN 978 0 268 00239 8 Ramsey Boniface 2002 1997 Ambrose The Early Church Fathers New York Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 81504 3 Salzman Michele Renee 1993 The Evidence for the Conversion of the Roman Empire to Christianity in Book 16 of the Theodosian Code Historia Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte 42 3 362 378 ISSN 0018 2311 JSTOR 4436297 Salzman Michele Renee 2006 Symmachus and the Barbarian Generals Historia Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte 55 3 Salzman Michele Saghy Marianne Testa Rita 2016 Pagans and Christians in late antique Rome conflict competition and coexistence in the fourth century New York NY ISBN 978 1 107 11030 4 Sary Pal 2019 Remarks on the Edict of Thessalonica of 380 In Vojtech Vladar ed Perpauca Terrena Blande Honori dedicata pocta Petrovi Blahovi K Nedozitym 80 Narodeninam Trnavska univerzity pp 67 80 ISBN 978 80 568 0313 4 Sharkey Michael Weinandy Thomas eds 1 January 2009 International Theological Commission Vol II Texts and Documents 1986 2007 Ignatius Press ISBN 978 1 58617 226 8 Sheridan J J 1966 The Altar of Victory Paganism s Last Battle L Antiquite Classique 35 1 186 206 doi 10 3406 antiq 1966 1466 Siecienski A Edward 2010 The Filioque History of a Doctrinal Controversy OUP USA ISBN 978 0 19 537204 5 Smith J Warren 2021 12 Societas and Misericordia in Ambrose theology of community In Gannaway Ethan Grant Robert eds Ambrose of Milan and Community Formation in Late Antiquity Cambridge Scholars Publishing ISBN 978 1 5275 6726 9 Sparavigna Amelia Carolina 22 May 2016 Some Notes on the Urban Planning of Mediolanum and on the Orientation of Its Decumanus SSRN 2779265 Thornton Robinson 1879 St Ambrose His Life Times and Teaching Harvard University Tierney Brian Painter Sidney 1978 The Christian Church Western Europe in the Middle Ages 300 1475 3rd ed New York NY Alfred A Knopf ISBN 978 0 394 32180 6 Trombley Frank R 2001 Hellenic religion and Christianization c 370 529 Boston Brill Academic Publishers ISBN 978 0 391 04121 9 Trout Dennis E 1999 Paulinus of Nola Life Letters and Poems University of California ISBN 978 0 520 92232 7 Trout D 2000 Paulinus of Nola Book Review Theological Studies 61 2 Verlag Franz Steiner 1976 Arbogast and the Death of Valentinian II Historia Zeitschrift fur Alte Geschichte 25 2 235 244 JSTOR 4435500 Washburn Daniel 2006 The Thessalonian Affair in the Fifth Century Histories In Drake Harold Allen Albu Emily Elm Susanna Maas Michael Rapp Claudia Salzman Michael eds Violence in Late Antiquity Perceptions and Practices University of California Santa Barbara Wilken Robert Louis 2003 The Spirit of Early Christian Thought Seeking the Face of God Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 10598 8 Wojcieszak Maciej 2014 Obraz spoleczenstwa Italii w listach Ambrozego z Mediolanu Social issues in the letters of St Ambrose of Milan Christianitas Antiqua in Polish 6 177 187 ISSN 1730 3788 Further reading EditByfield Ted 2003 Darkness Descends A D 350 to 565 the Fall of the Western Roman Empire Christian History Project ISBN 978 0 9689873 3 9 Deferrari Roy J ed 1954 1972 The Fathers of the Church vol 26 42 44 65 New York Fathers of the Church Dudden F Homes 1935 The Life and Times of St Ambrose Oxford Clarendon Press Gilliard Frank D 1984 Senatorial Bishops in the Fourth Century Harvard Theological Review 77 2 153 175 doi 10 1017 s0017816000014279 S2CID 162747415 King N Q 1960 The Emperor Theodosius and the Establishment of Christianity Philadelphia Westminster Press Paulinus 1952 Life of St Ambrose by Paulinus translated by John A Lacy New York Fathers of the Church von Campenhausen Hans Hoffman Manfred trans 1964 Men Who Shaped the Western Church New York Harper and Row Ambrose Patron Saints Index SPQN January 2009 retrieved 8 December 2012External links Edit Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ambrose Wikiquote has quotations related to Ambrose Works by Ambrose at Project Gutenberg Works by or about Ambrose at Internet Archive Works by Ambrose at LibriVox public domain audiobooks Christian Classics Ethereal Library Works of Ambrose of Milan Hymni Ambrosii Latin EarlyChurch org uk Extensive bibliography Ambrose s works text concordances and frequency list Ambrose at The Online Library of Liberty Opera Omnia Ambrose in Anglo Saxon England with Pseudo Ambrose and Ambrosiaster Contributions to Sources of Anglo Saxon Literary Culture by Dabney Anderson Bankert Jessica Wegmann and Charles D Wright Saint Ambrose at the Christian Iconography website Forum about the ambrosian rite in Italian Of St Ambrose from the Caxton translation of the Golden Legend Augustine s account of the penitence of TheodosiusCatholic Church titlesPreceded byAuxentius Archbishop of Milan374 397 Succeeded bySimplician Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Ambrose amp oldid 1136060974, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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