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Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan

Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan ibn al-Hakam (Arabic: عبد الملك ابن مروان ابن الحكم, romanizedʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān ibn al-Ḥakam; July/August 644 or June/July 647 – 9 October 705) was the fifth Umayyad caliph, ruling from April 685 until his death in October 705. A member of the first generation of born Muslims, his early life in Medina was occupied with pious pursuits. He held administrative and military posts under Caliph Mu'awiya I (r. 661–680), founder of the Umayyad Caliphate, and his own father, Caliph Marwan I (r. 684–685). By the time of Abd al-Malik's accession, Umayyad authority had collapsed across the Caliphate as a result of the Second Muslim Civil War and had been reconstituted in Syria and Egypt during his father's reign.

Abd al-Malik
عبد الملك
Gold dinar minted by the Umayyads in 695, which likely depicts Abd al-Malik.[b][8]
5th Caliph of the Umayyad Caliphate
Reign12 April 685 – 9 October 705
PredecessorMarwan I
SuccessorAl-Walid I
BornJuly/August 644 or June/July 647
Medina, Rashidun Caliphate
Died9 October 705 (aged 58–61)
Damascus, Umayyad Caliphate
Burial
Outside of Bab al-Jabiya, Damascus
Wives
  • Wallāda bint al-ʿAbbās ibn al-Jazʾ al-ʿAbsīyya
  • ʿĀtika bint Yazīd I
  • ʿĀʾisha bint Hishām ibn Ismāʿīl al-Makhzūmīyya
  • Umm Ayyūb bint ʿAmr ibn ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān
  • ʿĀʾisha bint Mūsā ibn Ṭalḥa ibn ʿUbayd Allāh
  • Umm al-Mughīra bint al-Mughīra ibn Khālid
  • Umm Abīhā bint ʿAbd Allāh ibn Jaʿfar ibn Abī Ṭālib
  • Shaqrāʾ bint Salama ibn Ḥalbas al-Ṭāʿīyya
Issue
Names
Abū al-Walīd ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān ibn al-Ḥakam
HouseMarwanid
DynastyUmayyad
FatherMarwān
MotherʿĀʾisha bint Muʿāwiya ibn al-Mughīra
ReligionIslam

Following a failed invasion of Iraq in 686, Abd al-Malik focused on securing Syria before making further attempts to conquer the greater part of the Caliphate from his principal rival, the Mecca-based caliph Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr. To that end, he concluded an unfavorable truce with the reinvigorated Byzantine Empire in 689, quashed a coup attempt in Damascus by his kinsman, al-Ashdaq, the following year, and reincorporated into the army the rebellious Qaysi tribes of the Jazira (Upper Mesopotamia) in 691. He then conquered Zubayrid Iraq and dispatched his general, al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, to Mecca where he killed Ibn al-Zubayr in late 692, thereby reuniting the Caliphate under Abd al-Malik's rule. The war with Byzantium resumed, resulting in Umayyad advances into Anatolia and Armenia, the destruction of Carthage and the recapture of Kairouan, the launchpad for the later conquests of western North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula, in 698. In the east, Abd al-Malik's viceroy, al-Hajjaj, firmly established the caliph's authority in Iraq and Khurasan, stamping out opposition by the Kharijites and the Arab tribal nobility by 702. Abd al-Malik's final years were marked by a domestically peaceful and prosperous consolidation of power.

In a significant departure from his predecessors, rule over the Caliphate's provinces was centralized under Abd al-Malik, following the elimination of his rivals. Gradually, loyalist Arab troops from Syria were tasked with maintaining order in the provinces as dependence on less reliable, local Arab garrisons was reduced. Tax surpluses from the provinces were forwarded to Damascus and the traditional stipends to veterans of the early Muslim conquests and their descendants were abolished, salaries being restricted to those in active service. The most consequential of Abd al-Malik's reforms were the introduction of a single Islamic currency in place of Byzantine and Sasanian coinage and the establishment of Arabic as the language of the bureaucracy in place of Greek and Persian in Syria and Iraq, respectively. His Muslim upbringing, the conflicts with external and local Christian forces and rival claimants to Islamic leadership all influenced Abd al-Malik's efforts to prescribe a distinctly Islamic character to the Umayyad state. Another manifestation of this initiative was his founding of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, the earliest archaeologically attested religious monument built by a Muslim ruler and the possessor of the earliest epigraphic proclamations of Islam and the Islamic prophet Muhammad. The foundations established by Abd al-Malik enabled his son and successor, al-Walid I (r. 705–715), who largely maintained his father's policies, to oversee the Umayyad Caliphate's territorial and economic zenith. Abd al-Malik's centralized government became the prototype of later medieval Muslim states.

Early life

Abd al-Malik was born in July/August 644 or June/July 647 in the house of his father Marwan ibn al-Hakam in Medina in the Hejaz (western Arabia).[9][10][c] His mother was A'isha, a daughter of Mu'awiya ibn al-Mughira.[12][13] His parents belonged to the Banu Umayya,[12][13] one of the strongest and wealthiest clans of the Quraysh tribe.[14] Muhammad was a member of the Quraysh, but was ardently opposed by the tribe before they embraced Islam in 630. Not long after, the Quraysh came to dominate Muslim politics.[15] Abd al-Malik belonged to the first generation of born-Muslims and his upbringing in Medina, Islam's political center at the time, was generally described as pious and rigorous by the traditional Muslim sources.[9][16] He took a deep interest in Islam and possibly memorized the Qur'an.[17]

Abd al-Malik's father was a senior aide of their Umayyad kinsman, Caliph Uthman (r. 644–656).[9] In 656, Abd al-Malik witnessed Uthman's assassination in Medina,[12] an "event [that] had a lasting effect on him" and contributed to his "distrust" of the townspeople of Medina, according to the historian A. A. Dixon.[18] Six years later, Abd al-Malik distinguished himself in a campaign against the Byzantines as commander of a Medinese naval unit.[19][20][d] He was appointed to the role by his distant cousin, Caliph Mu'awiya I (r. 661–680), founder of the Umayyad Caliphate.[12] Afterward, he returned to Medina, where he operated under his father, who had become governor of the city,[9] as the kātib (secretary) of Medina's dīwān (bureaucracy).[19] As with the rest of the Umayyads in the Hejaz, Abd al-Malik lacked close ties with Mu'awiya, who ruled from his power base in Damascus in Syria.[9] Mu'awiya belonged to the Sufyanid line of the Umayyad clan, while Abd al-Malik belonged to the larger Abu al-As line. When a revolt broke out in Medina in 683 against Mu'awiya's son and successor, Caliph Yazid I (r. 680–683), the Umayyads, including Abd al-Malik, were expelled from the city.[12] The revolt was part of the wider anti-Umayyad rebellion that became known as the Second Muslim Civil War.[12] On the way to the Umayyad capital in Syria, Abd al-Malik encountered the army of Muslim ibn Uqba, who had been sent by Yazid to subdue the rebels in Medina.[12] He provided Ibn Uqba with intelligence about Medina's defenses.[12] The rebels were defeated at the Battle of al-Harra in August 683, but the army withdrew to Syria after Yazid's death later that year.[12]

The deaths of Yazid and his successor, his son Mu'awiya II, in relatively quick succession in 683–684 precipitated a leadership vacuum in Damascus and the consequent collapse of Umayyad authority across the Caliphate.[22] Most provinces declared their allegiance to the rival Mecca-based caliph Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr.[23] In parts of Syria, older-established Arab tribes who had secured a privileged position in the Umayyad court and military, in particular the Banu Kalb, scrambled to preserve Umayyad rule.[22] Marwan and his family, including Abd al-Malik, had since relocated to Syria, where Marwan met the pro-Umayyad stalwart Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad, who had just been expelled from his governorship in Iraq. Ibn Ziyad persuaded Marwan to forward his candidacy for the caliphate during a summit of pro-Umayyad tribes in Jabiya hosted by the Kalbite chieftain Ibn Bahdal.[24] The tribal nobility elected Marwan as caliph and the latter became dependent on the Kalb and its allies, who collectively became known as the "Yaman" in reference to their ostensibly shared South Arabian (Yamani) roots.[24] Their power came at the expense of the Qaysi tribes, relative newcomers who had come to dominate northern Syria and the Jazira under Mu'awiya I and had defected to Ibn al-Zubayr.[24] The Qays were routed by Marwan and his Yamani backers at the Battle of Marj Rahit in 684, leading to a long-standing blood feud and rivalry between the two tribal coalitions.[24] Abd al-Malik did not participate in the battle on religious grounds, according to the contemporary poems compiled in the anthology of Abu Tammam (d. 845).[25]

Reign

Accession

Abd al-Malik was a close adviser of his father.[9] He was headquartered in Damascus and became its deputy governor during Marwan's expedition to conquer Zubayrid Egypt in late 684.[26] Upon the caliph's return in 685, he held a council in Sinnabra where he appointed Abd al-Malik governor of Palestine and designated him as his chosen successor,[27][28][29] to be followed by Abd al-Malik's brother, Abd al-Aziz.[30] This designation abrogated the succession arrangements reached in Jabiya, which stipulated Yazid's son Khalid would succeed Marwan, followed by another Umayyad, the former governor of Medina, Amr ibn Sa'id al-Ashdaq.[31] Nonetheless, Marwan secured the oaths of allegiance to Abd al-Malik from the Yamani nobility.[30] While the historian Gerald Hawting notes that Abd al-Malik was nominated despite his relative lack of political experience, Dixon maintains he was chosen "because of his political ability and his knowledge of statecraft and provincial administration", as indicated by his "gradual advance in holding important posts" from an early age.[26] Marwan died in April 685 and Abd al-Malik's accession as caliph was peacefully managed by the Yamani nobles.[9][16] He was proclaimed caliph in Jerusalem, according to a report by the 9th-century historian Khalifa ibn Khayyat, which the modern historian Amikam Elad considers to be seemingly "reliable".[29]

At the time of his accession, critical posts were held by members of Abd al-Malik's family.[9] His brother, Muhammad, was charged with suppressing the Qaysi tribes, while Abd al-Aziz maintained peace and stability as governor of Egypt until his death in 705.[9][32] During the early years of his reign, Abd al-Malik heavily relied on the Yamani nobles of Syria, including Ibn Bahdal al-Kalbi and Rawh ibn Zinba al-Judhami, who played key roles in his administration;[9] the latter served as the equivalent to the chief minister or wazīr of the later Abbasid caliphs.[33] Furthermore, a Yamani always headed Abd al-Malik's shurṭa (elite security retinue).[34] The first to hold the post was Yazid ibn Abi Kabsha al-Saksaki and he was followed by another Yamani, Ka'b ibn Hamid al-Ansi.[34][35][36] The caliph's ḥaras (personal guard) was typically led by a mawlā (non-Arab Muslim freedman; plural: mawālī) and staffed by mawālī.[34]

Early challenges

 
Map of the political situation in the Caliphate during the Second Muslim Civil War about 686. The area shaded in red represents the approximate territory controlled by Abd al-Malik, while the areas shaded in green and blue represent the territories of his respective rivals, al-Mukhtar and Ibn al-Zubayr. The areas shaded in yellow represent territory controlled by the Kharijites

Though Umayyad rule had been restored in Syria and Egypt, Abd al-Malik faced several challenges to his authority.[9] Most provinces of the Caliphate continued to recognize Ibn al-Zubayr, while the Qaysi tribes regrouped under Zufar ibn al-Harith al-Kilabi and resisted Umayyad rule in the Jazira from al-Qarqisiya,[37] a Euphrates river fortress strategically located at the crossroads of Syria and Iraq.[38]

Failure in Iraq

Re-establishing Umayyad rule across the Caliphate was the major priority of Abd al-Malik.[37] His initial focus was the reconquest of Iraq, the Caliphate's wealthiest province.[34] Iraq was also home to a large population of Arab tribesmen,[34] the group from which the Caliphate derived the bulk of its troops.[39] In contrast, Egypt, which provided significant income to the treasury, possessed a small Arab community and was thus a meager source of troops.[40] The demand for soldiers was pressing for the Umayyads as the backbone of their military, the Syrian army, remained fractured along Yamani and Qaysi lines. Though the roughly 6,000 Yamani soldiers of Abd al-Malik's predecessor were able to consolidate the Umayyad position in Syria, they were too few to reassert authority throughout the Caliphate.[39] Ibn Ziyad, a key figure in the establishment of Marwanid power, set about enlarging the army by recruiting widely among the Arab tribes, including those which nominally belonged to the Qays faction.[39]

Ibn Ziyad had been tasked by Abd al-Malik's father with the reconquest of Iraq.[41] At the time, Iraq and its dependencies were split between the pro-Alid forces of al-Mukhtar al-Thaqafi in Kufa and the forces of Ibn al-Zubayr's brother Mus'ab in Basra. In August 686, Ibn Ziyad's 60,000-strong army was routed at the Battle of Khazir and he was slain, alongside most of his deputy commanders, at the hands of al-Mukhtar's much smaller pro-Alid force led by Ibrahim ibn al-Ashtar.[12][37] The decisive defeat and the loss of Ibn Ziyad represented a major setback to Abd al-Malik's ambitions in Iraq. He refrained from further major campaigns in the province for the next five years, during which Mus'ab defeated and killed al-Mukhtar and his supporters and became Iraq's sole ruler.[12][37]

Abd al-Malik shifted his focus to consolidating control of Syria.[37] His efforts in Iraq had been undermined by the Qaysi–Yamani schism when a Qaysi general in Ibn Ziyad's army, Umayr ibn al-Hubab al-Sulami, defected with his men mid-battle to join Zufar's rebellion.[39] Umayr's subsequent campaign against the large Christian Banu Taghlib tribe in the Jazira sparked a series of tit-for-tat raids and further deepened Arab tribal divisions, the previously neutral Taghlib throwing in its lot with the Yaman and the Umayyads.[42] The Taghlib killed Umayr in 689 and delivered his head to Abd al-Malik.[43]

Byzantine attacks and the treaty of 689

Along Syria's northern frontier, the Byzantines had been on the offensive since the failure of the First Arab Siege of Constantinople in 678.[44] In 679, a thirty-year peace treaty was concluded, obliging the Umayyads to pay an annual tribute of 3,000 gold coins, 50 horses and 50 slaves, and withdraw their troops from the forward bases they had occupied on the Byzantine coast.[45] The outbreak of the Muslim civil war allowed the Byzantine emperor Constantine IV (r. 668–685) to extort territorial concessions and enormous tribute from the Umayyads. In 685, the emperor led his army to Mopsuestia in Cilicia, and prepared to cross the border into Syria, where the Mardaites, an indigenous Christian group,[e] were already causing considerable trouble. With his own position insecure, Abd al-Malik concluded a treaty whereby he would pay a tribute of 1,000 gold coins, a horse and a slave for every day of the year.[47]

 
Map of the Arab–Byzantine frontier zone during the 7th–10th centuries, with major fortresses indicated

Under Justinian II (r. 685–695, 705–711), the Byzantines became more aggressive, though it is unclear whether they intervened directly as reported by the 9th-century Muslim historian al-Baladhuri or used the Mardaites to mount pressure on the Muslims:[48] Mardaite depredations extended throughout Syria, as far south as Mount Lebanon and the Galilee uplands.[49] These raids culminated with the short-lived Byzantine recapture of Antioch in 688.[50] The setbacks in Iraq had weakened the Umayyads, and when a new treaty was concluded in 689, it greatly favored the Byzantines: according to the 9th-century Byzantine chronicler Theophanes the Confessor, the treaty repeated the tribute obligations of 685, but now Byzantium and the Umayyads established a condominium over Cyprus, Armenia and Caucasian Iberia (modern Georgia), the revenue from which was to be shared between the two states. In exchange, Byzantium undertook to resettle the Mardaites in its own territory. The 12th-century Syriac chronicler Michael the Syrian, however, mentions that Armenia and Adharbayjan were to come under full Byzantine control. In reality, as the latter regions were not held by the Umayyads at this point, the agreement probably indicates a carte blanche by Abd al-Malik to the Byzantines to proceed against Zubayrid forces there. This arrangement suited both sides: Abd al-Malik weakened his opponent's forces and secured his northern frontier, and the Byzantines gained territory and reduced the power of the side that was apparently winning the Muslim civil war.[51] About 12,000 Mardaites were indeed resettled in Byzantium, but many remained behind, only submitting to the Umayyads in the reign of al-Walid I (r. 705–715). Their presence disrupted Umayyad supply lines and obliged them to permanently keep troops on standby to guard against their raids.[52]

The Byzantine counteroffensive represented the first challenge against a Muslim power by a people defeated in the early Muslim conquests.[44] Moreover, the Mardaite raids demonstrated to Abd al-Malik and his successors that the state could no longer depend on the quiescence of Syria's Christian majority, which until then had largely refrained from rebellion.[44] The modern historian Khalid Yahya Blankinship described the treaty of 689 as "an onerous and completely humiliating pact" and surmised that Abd al-Malik's ability to pay the annual tribute in addition to financing his own wartime army relied on treasury funds accrued during the campaigns of his Sufyanid predecessors and revenues from Egypt.[53]

Revolt of al-Ashdaq and end of the Qaysi rebellion

In 689/90, Abd al-Malik used the respite from the truce to initiate a campaign against the Zubayrids of Iraq, but was forced to return to Damascus when al-Ashdaq and his loyalists abandoned the army's camp and seized control of the city.[54] Al-Ashdaq viewed Abd al-Malik's accession as a violation of the caliphal succession agreement reached in Jabiya.[30] Abd al-Malik besieged his kinsman for sixteen days and promised him safety and significant political concessions if he relinquished the city.[12][54] Though al-Ashdaq agreed to the terms and surrendered, Abd al-Malik remained distrustful of the former's ambitions and executed him personally.[12]

Zufar's control of al-Qarqisiya, despite earlier attempts to dislodge him by Ibn Ziyad in 685/86 and the caliph's governor in Homs, Aban ibn al-Walid ibn Uqba, in 689/90, remained an obstacle to the caliph's ambitions in Iraq.[55] In revenge for Umayr's slaying, Zufar had intensified his raids and inflicted heavy casualties on the caliph's tribal allies in the Jazira.[56] Abd al-Malik resolved to command the siege of al-Qarqisiya in person in the summer of 691, and ultimately secured the defection of Zufar and the pro-Zubayrid Qays in return for privileged positions in the Umayyad court and army.[12][57][58] The integration of the Qaysi rebels strongly reinforced the Syrian army, and Umayyad authority was restored in the Jazira.[12] From then onward, Abd al-Malik and his immediate successors attempted to balance the interests of the Qays and Yaman in the Umayyad court and army.[59] This represented a break from the preceding seven years, during which the Yaman, and particularly the Kalb, were the dominant force of the army.[60]

Defeat of the Zubayrids

 
The Ka'aba in Mecca (pictured in 1917) was the headquarters of Ibn al-Zubayr where he was besieged and defeated by Abd al-Malik's forces led by al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf in 692

With threats in Syria and the Jazira neutralized, Abd al-Malik was free to focus on the reconquest of Iraq.[12][57] While Mus'ab had been bogged down fighting Kharijite rebels and contending with disaffected Arab tribesmen in Basra and Kufa, Abd al-Malik was secretly contacting and winning over these same Arab nobles.[42] Thus, by the time Abd al-Malik led the Syrian army into Iraq in 691, the struggle to recapture the province was virtually complete.[42] Command of the army was held by members of his family, his brother Muhammad leading the vanguard and Yazid I's sons Khalid and Abd Allah leading the right and left wings, respectively.[42] Many Syrian nobles held reservations about the campaign and counseled Abd al-Malik not to participate in person.[42] Nonetheless, the caliph was at the head of the army when it camped opposite Mus'ab's forces at Maskin, along the Dujayl Canal.[57] In the ensuing Battle of Maskin, most of Mus'ab's forces, many of whom were resentful at the heavy toll he had exacted on al-Mukhtar's Kufan partisans, refused to fight and his leading commander, Ibn al-Ashtar, fell at the beginning of hostilities.[57][61][62] Abd al-Malik invited Mus'ab to surrender in return for the governorship of Iraq or any other province of his choice, but the latter refused and was killed in action.[63]

Following his victory, Abd al-Malik received the allegiance of Kufa's nobility and appointed governors to the Caliphate's eastern provinces.[64][f] Afterward, he dispatched a 2,000-strong Syrian contingent to subdue Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hejaz.[67][68] The commander of the expedition, al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, had risen through the ranks and would become a highly competent and efficient supporter of the caliph.[59] Al-Hajjaj remained encamped for several months in Ta'if, east of Mecca, and fought numerous skirmishes with Zubayrid loyalists in the plain of Arafat.[69] Abd al-Malik sent him reinforcements led by his mawlā, Tariq ibn Amr, who had earlier captured Medina from its Zubayrid governor.[70] In March 692, al-Hajjaj besieged Ibn al-Zubayr in Mecca and bombarded the Ka'aba, the holiest sanctuary in Islam, with catapults.[67][70] Though 10,000 of Ibn al-Zubayr's supporters, including his sons, eventually surrendered and received pardons, Ibn al-Zubayr and a core of his loyalists held out in the Ka'aba and were killed by al-Hajjaj's troops in September or October.[67][70] Ibn al-Zubayr's death marked the end of the civil war and the reunification of the Caliphate under Abd al-Malik.[67][71][72] In a panegyric that the literary historian Suzanne Stetkevych asserts was intended to "declare" and "legitimize" Abd al-Malik's victory, the caliph's Christian court poet al-Akhtal eulogized him on the eve or aftermath of Ibn al-Zubayr's fall as follows:

To a man whose gifts do not elude us, whom God has made victorious, so let him in his victory long delight!

He who wades into the deep of battle, auspicious his augury, the Caliph of God through whom men pray for rain.

When his soul whispers its intention to him it sends him resolutely forth, his courage and his caution like two keen blades.

In him the common weal resides, and after his assurance no peril can seduce him from his pledge.

— Al-Akhtal (640–708), Khaffat al-qaṭīnu ("The tribe has departed")[73]

After his victory, Abd al-Malik aimed to reconcile with the Hejazi elite, including the Zubayrids and the Alids, the Umayyads' rivals within the Quraysh.[74] He relied on the Banu Makhzum, another Qurayshite clan, as his intermediaries in view of the Umayyad family's absence in the region due to their exile in 683.[74] Nevertheless, he remained wary of the Hejazi elite's ambitions and kept a vigilant eye on them through his various governors in Medina.[74] The first of these was al-Hajjaj, who was also appointed governor of Yemen and the Yamama (central Arabia) and led the Hajj pilgrim caravans of 693 and 694.[67] Though he maintained peace in the Hejaz, the harshness of his rule led to numerous complaints from its residents and may have played a role in his transfer from the post by Abd al-Malik.[67] A member of the Makhzum and Abd al-Malik's father-in-law, Hisham ibn Isma'il, was ultimately appointed. During his tenure in 701–706 he was also known for brutalizing Medina's townspeople.[17]

Consolidation in Iraq and the east

Despite his victory, the control and governance of Iraq, a politically turbulent province from the time of the Muslim conquest in the 630s, continued to pose a major challenge for Abd al-Malik.[59] He had withdrawn the Syrian army and entrusted to the Iraqis the defense of Basra from the Kharijite threat.[42][75] Most Iraqis had become "weary of the conflict" with the Kharijites, "which had brought them little but hardship and loss", according to Gibb.[12] Those from Kufa, in particular, had grown accustomed to the wealth and comfort of their lives at home and their reluctance to undertake lengthy campaigns far from their families was an issue that previous rulers of Iraq had consistently encountered.[76][77] Initially, the caliph appointed his brother Bishr governor of Kufa and another kinsman, Khalid ibn Abdallah, to Basra before the latter too was put under Bishr's jurisdiction.[32] Neither governor was up to the task, but the Iraqis eventually defeated the Najdiyya Kharijites in the Yamama in 692/93.[75][78] The Azariqa Kharijites in Persia were more difficult to rein in,[78] and following Bishr's death in 694, the Iraqi troops deserted the field against them at Ramhormoz.[79]

Abd al-Malik's attempt at family rule in Iraq had proven unsuccessful, and he installed al-Hajjaj in the post instead in 694. Kufa and Basra were combined into a single province under al-Hajjaj, who, from the start of his rule, displayed a strong commitment to governing Iraq effectively. Against the Azariqa, al-Hajjaj backed al-Muhallab ibn Abi Sufra al-Azdi, a Zubayrid holdover with long experience combating the Kharijite rebels. Al-Muhallab finally defeated the Azariqa in 697.[59] Concurrently, a Kharijite revolt led by Shabib ibn Yazid al-Shaybani flared up in the heart of Iraq, resulting in the rebel takeover of al-Mada'in and siege of Kufa.[78] Al-Hajjaj responded to the unwillingness or inability of the war-weary Iraqis to face the Kharijites by obtaining from Abd al-Malik Syrian reinforcements led by Sufyan ibn al-Abrad al-Kalbi.[42][78] A more disciplined force, the Syrians repelled the rebel attack on Kufa and killed Shabib in early 697.[78][80] By 698, the Kharijite revolts had been stamped out.[81] Abd al-Malik attached to Iraq Sistan and Khurasan, thus making al-Hajjaj responsible for a super-province encompassing the eastern half of the Caliphate.[59] Al-Hajjaj made al-Muhallab deputy governor of Khurasan, a post he held until his death in 702, after which it was bequeathed to his son Yazid.[81][82] During his term, al-Muhallab recommenced the Muslim conquests in Central Asia, though the campaign reaped few territorial gains during Abd al-Malik's reign.[78]

Upon becoming governor, al-Hajjaj immediately threatened with death any Iraqi who refused to participate in the war efforts against the Kharijites.[59] In an effort to reduce expenditure, he had lowered the Iraqis' pay to less than that of their Syrian counterparts in the province.[59] By his measures, al-Hajjaj appeared "almost to have goaded the Iraqis into rebellion, as if looking for an excuse to break them", according to the historian Hugh Kennedy.[59] Indeed, conflict with the muqātila (Arab tribal forces who formed Iraq's garrisons) came to a head beginning in 699 when al-Hajjaj ordered Ibn al-Ash'ath to lead an expedition against Zabulistan.[81][83] Ibn al-Ash'ath and his commanders were wealthy and leading noblemen and bristled at al-Hajjaj's frequent rebukes and demands and the difficulties of the campaign.[83] In response, Ibn al-Ash'ath and his army revolted in Sistan, marched back and defeated al-Hajjaj's loyalists in Tustar in 701, and entered Kufa soon after.[83] Al-Hajjaj held out in Basra with his Banu Thaqif kinsmen and Syrian loyalists, who were numerically insufficient to counter the unified Iraqi front led by Ibn al-Ash'ath.[83] Alarmed at events, Abd al-Malik offered the Iraqis a pay raise equal to the Syrians and the replacement of al-Hajjaj with Ibn al-Ash'ath.[83] Due to his supporters' rejection of the terms, Ibn al-Ash'ath refused the offer, and al-Hajjaj took the initiative, routing Ibn al-Ash'ath's forces at the Battle of Dayr al-Jamajim in April.[83][84] Many of the Iraqis had defected after promises of amnesty if they disarmed, while Ibn al-Ash'ath and his core supporters fled to Zabulistan, where they were dispersed in 702.[83]

The suppression of the revolt marked the end of the Iraqi muqātila as a military force and the beginning of Syrian military domination of Iraq.[78][84] Iraqi internal divisions, and the utilization of disciplined Syrian forces by Abd al-Malik and al-Hajjaj, voided the Iraqis' attempt to reassert power in the province.[83] Determined to prevent further rebellions, al-Hajjaj founded a permanent Syrian garrison in Wasit, situated between the long-established Iraqi garrisons of Kufa and Basra, and instituted a more rigorous administration in the province.[83][84] Power thereafter derived from the Syrian troops, who became Iraq's ruling class, while Iraq's Arab nobility, religious scholars and mawālī were their virtual subjects.[83] Furthermore, the surplus taxes from the agriculturally rich Sawad lands were redirected from the muqātila to Abd al-Malik's treasury in Damascus to pay the Syrian troops in the province.[84][85] This reflected a wider campaign by the caliph to institute greater control over the Caliphate.[85]

Renewal of Byzantine wars in Anatolia, Armenia and North Africa

Despite the ten-year truce of 689, war with Byzantium resumed following Abd al-Malik's victory against Ibn al-Zubayr in 692.[78] The decision to resume hostilities was taken by Emperor Justinian II, ostensibly because of his refusal to accept payment of the tribute in the Muslim currency introduced that year rather than the Byzantine nomisma (see below).[78][86] This is reported solely by Theophanes and issues of chronology make this suspect; not all modern scholars accept its veracity.[87] The real casus belli, according to both Theophanes and the later Syriac sources, was Justinian's attempt to enforce his exclusive jurisdiction over Cyprus, and to move its population to Cyzicus in northwestern Anatolia, contrary to the treaty.[87][88] Given the enormous advantages secured by the treaty for Byzantium, Justinian's decision has been criticized by Byzantine and modern historians alike. However, the historian Ralph-Johannes Lilie points out that with Abd al-Malik emerging victorious from the civil war, Justinian may have felt it was only a matter of time until the caliph broke the treaty, and resolved to strike first, before Abd al-Malik could consolidate his position further.[89]

 
In 698 Abd al-Malik's forces led by Hassan ibn al-Nu'man destroyed Carthage (ruins pictured in 2013), which signaled "the final, irretrievable end" of Byzantine power in North Africa.
 
The nearby town of Tunis (pictured in 2017) was subsequently founded on the caliph's orders and equipped with a naval arsenal.

The Umayyads decisively defeated the Byzantines at the Battle of Sebastopolis in 692 and parried a Byzantine counter-attack in 693/94 in the direction of Antioch.[78][90] Over the following years, the Umayyads launched constant raids against the Byzantine territories in Anatolia and Armenia, led by the caliph's brother Muhammad, and his sons al-Walid, Abd Allah, and Maslama, laying the foundation for further conquests in these areas under Abd al-Malik's successors, which would culminate in the Second Arab Siege of Constantinople in 717–718.[78][91] The military defeats inflicted on Justinian II contributed to the downfall of the emperor and his Heraclian dynasty in 695, ushering in a 22-year period of instability, in which the Byzantine throne changed hands seven times in violent revolutions, further aiding the Arab advance.[92][93] In 698/99, Emperor Tiberios III (r. 698–705) secured a treaty with the caliph for the return of the Cypriots, both those moved by Justinian II, as well as those subsequently deported by the Arabs to Syria, to their island.[94][95] Beginning in 700, Abd al-Malik's brother Muhammad subdued Armenia in a series of campaigns. The Armenians rebelled in 703 and received Byzantine aid, but Muhammad defeated them and sealed the failure of the revolt by executing the rebel princes in 705. As a result, Armenia was annexed into the Caliphate along with the principalities of Caucasian Albania and Iberia as the province of Arminiya.[96][97][98]

Meanwhile, in North Africa, a Byzantine–Berber alliance had reconquered Ifriqiya and slain its governor, Uqba ibn Nafi, in the Battle of Vescera in 682.[99] Abd al-Malik charged Uqba's deputy, Zuhayr ibn Qays, to reassert the Arab position in 688, but after initial gains, including the slaying of the Berber ruler Kasila at the Battle of Mams, Zuhayr was driven back to Barqa (Cyrenaica) by Kasila's partisans and slain by Byzantine naval raiders.[100] In 695, Abd al-Malik dispatched Hassan ibn al-Nu'man with a 40,000-strong army to retake Ifriqiya.[100][101] Hassan captured Byzantine-held Kairouan, Carthage and Bizerte.[100] With the aid of naval reinforcements sent by Emperor Leontios (r. 695–698), the Byzantines recaptured Carthage by 696/97.[100] After the Byzantines were repelled, Carthage was captured and destroyed by Hassan in 698,[78][101] signaling "the final, irretrievable end of Roman power in Africa", according to Kennedy.[102] Kairouan was firmly secured as a launchpad for later conquests, while the port town of Tunis was founded and equipped with an arsenal on the orders of Abd al-Malik, who was intent on establishing a strong Arab fleet.[78][101] Hassan continued his campaign against the Berbers, defeating them and killing their leader, the warrior queen al-Kahina, between 698 and 703.[100] Afterward, Hassan was dismissed by Abd al-Aziz, and replaced by Musa ibn Nusayr,[101] who went on to lead the Umayyad conquests of western North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula during the reign of al-Walid.[103]

Final years

The last years of Abd al-Malik's reign were generally characterized by the sources as a domestically peaceful and prosperous consolidation of power.[78] The blood feuds between the Qays and Yaman, which persisted despite the former's reconciliation with the Umayyads in 691, had dissipated toward the end of his rule.[104] Dixon credits this to Abd al-Malik's success at "harnessing tribal feeling to the interests of the government, [while] at the same time suppressing its violent manifestations".[104][g]

The remaining principal issue faced by the caliph was ensuring the succession of his eldest son, al-Walid, in place of the designated successor, Abd al-Aziz.[78] The latter consistently refused Abd al-Malik's entreaties to step down from the line of succession, but potential conflict was avoided when Abd al-Aziz died in May 705.[78] He was promptly replaced as governor of Egypt by the caliph's son Abd Allah.[108] Abd al-Malik died five months later, on 9 October.[109] The cause of his death was attributed by the historian al-Asma'i (d. 828) to the 'Plague of the Maidens', so-called because it originated with the young women of Basra before spreading across Iraq and Syria.[110] He was buried outside of the Bab al-Jabiya gate of Damascus.[109]

Legacy

 
A map depicting the expansion of the Caliphate. The areas highlighted in pink depict territorial expansion during Abd al-Malik's reign

Abd al-Malik is considered the most "celebrated" Umayyad caliph by the historian Julius Wellhausen.[111] "His reign had been a period of hard-won successes", in the words of Kennedy.[82] The 9th-century historian al-Yaqubi described Abd al-Malik as "courageous, shrewd and sagacious, but also ... miserly".[35] His successor, al-Walid, continued his father's policies and his rule likely marked the peak of Umayyad power and prosperity.[76][112] Abd al-Malik's key administrative reforms, reunification of the Caliphate and suppression of all active domestic opposition enabled the major territorial expansion of the Caliphate during al-Walid's reign.[113] Three other sons of Abd al-Malik, Sulayman, Yazid II and Hisham, would rule in succession until 743, interrupted only by the rule of Abd al-Aziz's son, Umar II (r. 717–720).[76] With the exceptions of the latter and Marwan II (r. 744–750), all the Umayyad caliphs who came after Abd al-Malik were directly descended from him, hence the references to him as the "father of kings" in the traditional Muslim sources.[111] The Umayyad emirs and caliphs who ruled in the Iberian Peninsula between 756 and 1031 were also his direct descendants.[114] In the assessment of his biographer Chase F. Robinson, "Mu'awiya may have introduced the principle of dynastic succession into the ruling tradition of early Islam, but Abd al-Malik made it work".[114]

 
Family tree of the Umayyad dynasty during the reign of Abd al-Malik, whose reliance on his family was unprecedented in the Caliphate's history.

Abd al-Malik's concentration of power into the hands of his family was unprecedented; at one point, his brothers or sons held nearly all governorships of the provinces and Syria's districts.[115][116] Likewise, his court in Damascus was filled with far more Umayyads than under his Sufyanid predecessors, a result of the clan's exile to the city from Medina in 683.[117] He maintained close ties with the Sufyanids through marital relations and official appointments, such as according Yazid I's son Khalid a prominent role in the court and army and wedding to him his daughter A'isha.[32][118] Abd al-Malik also married Khalid's sister Atika, who became his favorite and most influential wife.[32]

 
A milestone, found at Khan al-Hathrura near Jericho, produced on Abd al-Malik's orders on the road between Damascus and Jerusalem

After his victory in the civil war, Abd al-Malik embarked on a far-reaching campaign to consolidate Umayyad rule over the Caliphate.[85][119] The collapse of Umayyad authority precipitated by Mu'awiya I's death made it apparent to Abd al-Malik that the decentralized Sufyanid system was unsustainable.[85] Moreover, despite the defeat of his Muslim rivals, his dynasty remained domestically and externally insecure, prompting a need to legitimize its existence, according to Blankinship.[44] Abd al-Malik's solution to the fractious tribalism which defined his predecessors' caliphate was to centralize power.[78] At the same time, his response to the Byzantine–Christian resurgence and the criticism of Muslim religious circles, which dated from the beginning of Umayyad rule and culminated with the outbreak of the civil war, was to implement Islamization measures.[44][120] The centralized administration he established became the prototype of later medieval Muslim states.[85] In Kennedy's assessment, Abd al-Malik's "centralized, bureaucratic empire ... was in many ways an impressive achievement", but the political, economic and social divisions that developed within the Islamic community during his reign "was to prove something of a difficult inheritance for the later Umayyads".[121]

According to Wellhausen, government "evidently became more technical and hierarchical" under Abd al-Malik, though not nearly to the extent of the later Abbasid caliphs.[122] As opposed to the freewheeling governing style of the Sufyanids, Abd al-Malik ruled strictly over his officials and kept interactions with them largely formal.[123] He put an end to the provinces' retention of the lion's share of surplus tax revenues, as had been the case under the Sufyanids, and had them redirected to the caliphal treasury in Damascus.[124] He supported al-Hajjaj's policy of collecting the poll tax, traditionally imposed on the Caliphate's non-Muslim subjects, from the mawālī of Iraq and instructed Abd al-Aziz to implement this measure in Egypt, though the latter allegedly disregarded the order.[125] Abd al-Malik may have inaugurated several high-ranking offices, and Muslim tradition generally credits him with the organization of the barīd (postal service), whose principal purpose was to efficiently inform the caliph of developments outside of Damascus.[126] He built and repaired roads that connected Damascus with Palestine and linked Jerusalem to its eastern and western hinterlands, as evidenced by seven milestones found throughout the region,[127][128][129] the oldest of which dates to May 692 and the latest to September 704.[130][h] The road project formed part of Abd al-Malik's centralization drive, special attention being paid to Palestine due to its critical position as a transit zone between Syria and Egypt and Jerusalem's religious centrality to the caliph.[133][134]

Institution of Islamic currency and Arabization of the bureaucracy

 
A gold dinar of Abd al-Malik minted in Damascus in 697/98. Abd al-Malik introduced an independent Islamic currency in 693, which initially bore depictions of the caliph before being abandoned for coins solely containing inscriptions

A major component of Abd al-Malik's centralization and Islamization measures was the institution of an Islamic currency.[44][85] The Byzantine gold solidus was discontinued in Syria and Egypt,[44][78] the likely impetus being the Byzantines' addition of an image of Christ on their coins in 691/92, which violated Muslim prohibitions on images of prophets.[135] To replace the Byzantine coins, he introduced an Islamic gold currency, the dinar, in 693.[78][136] Initially, the new coinage contained depictions of the caliph as the spiritual leader of the Muslim community and its supreme military commander.[44] This image proved no more acceptable to Muslim officialdom and was replaced in 696 or 697 with image-less coinage inscribed with Qur'anic quotes and other Muslim religious formulas.[136] In 698/99, similar changes were made to the silver dirhams issued by the Muslims in the former Sasanian Persian lands in the eastern Caliphate.[135] Depictions of the Sasanian king were consequently removed from the coinage,[135] though Abd al-Malik's new dirham retained its characteristically Sasanian silver fabric and wide flan.[137]

 
A glass coin weight bearing the name of "the Servant of God, Abd al-Malik, Commander of the Faithful", minted in Damascus

Shortly after the overhaul of the Caliphate's currency, in circa 700, Abd al-Malik is generally credited with the replacement of Greek with Arabic as the language of the dīwān in Syria.[136][138][139] The transition was carried out by his scribe Sulayman ibn Sa'd.[140] Al-Hajjaj had initiated the Arabization of the Persian dīwān in Iraq, three years before.[139] Though the official language was changed, Greek and Persian-speaking bureaucrats who were versed in Arabic kept their posts.[141] The Arabization of the bureaucracy and currency was the most consequential administrative reform undertaken by the caliph.[78] Arabic ultimately became the sole official language of the Umayyad state,[135] but the transition in faraway provinces, such as Khurasan, did not occur until the 740s.[142] According to Gibb, the decree was the "first step towards the reorganization and unification of the diverse tax-systems in the provinces, and also a step towards a more definitely Muslim administration".[78] Indeed, it formed an important part of the Islamization measures that lent the Umayyad Caliphate "a more ideological and programmatic coloring it had previously lacked", according to Blankinship.[143] In tandem, Abd al-Malik began the export of papyri containing the Muslim statement of belief in Greek to spread Islamic teachings in the Byzantine realm.[135] This was a further testament to the ideological expansion of the Byzantine–Muslim struggle.[135]

The increasingly Muslim character of the state under Abd al-Malik was partly a reflection of Islam's influence in the lives of the caliph and the chief enforcer of his policies, al-Hajjaj, both of whom belonged to the first generation of rulers born and raised as Muslims.[78] Having spent most of their lives in the Hejaz, the theological and legal center of Islam where Arabic was spoken exclusively and administrative offices were held solely by Arab Muslims, Abd al-Malik and his viceroy only understood Arabic and were unfamiliar with the Syrian and Greek Christian and Persian Zoroastrian officials of the dīwān.[144] They stood in stark contrast to the Sufyanid caliphs and their governors in Iraq, who had entered these regions as youths and whose children were as acquainted with the native majority as with the Arab Muslim newcomers.[144] According to Wellhausen, Abd al-Malik was careful not to offend his pious subjects "in the careless fashion of [Caliph] Yazid", but from the time of his accession "he subordinated everything to policy, and even exposed the Ka'ba to the danger of destruction", despite the piety of his upbringing and early career.[17] Dixon challenges this view, attributing the Abbasid-era Muslim sources' portrayal of Abd al-Malik's transformation in character after his accession and the consequent abandonment of his piety to their general hostility to Abd al-Malik, whom they variously "accused of being a mean, treacherous and blood-thirsty person".[25] Dixon nonetheless concedes that the caliph disregarded his early Muslim ideals when he felt political circumstances necessitated it.[25]

Reorganization of the army

Abd al-Malik shifted away from his predecessors' use of Arab tribal masses in favor of an organized army.[119][145] Likewise, Arab noblemen who had derived their power solely through their tribal standing and personal relations with a caliph were gradually replaced with military men who had risen through the ranks.[119][145] These developments have been partially obscured by the medieval sources due to their continued usage of Arab tribal terminology when referencing the army, such as the names of the tribal confederations Mudar, Rabi'a, Qays and Yaman.[119] According to Hawting, these do not represent the "tribes in arms" utilized by earlier caliphs; rather, they denote army factions whose membership was often (but not exclusively) determined by tribal origin.[119] Abd al-Malik also established a Berber-dominated private militia called al-Waḍḍāḥiya after their original commander, the caliph's mawlā al-Waddah, which helped enforce the authority of Umayyad caliphs through the reign of Marwan II.[146]

Under Abd al-Malik, loyalist Syrian troops began to be deployed throughout the Caliphate to keep order, which came largely at the expense of the tribal nobility of Iraq.[119] The latter's revolt under Ibn al-Ash'ath demonstrated to Abd al-Malik the unreliability of the Iraqi muqātila in securing the central government's interests in the province and its eastern dependencies.[119] It was following the revolt's suppression that the military became primarily composed of the Syrian army.[82] Consecrating this transformation was a fundamental change to the system of military pay, whereby salaries were restricted to those in active service. This marked an end to the system established by Caliph Umar (r. 634–644), which paid stipends to veterans of the earlier Muslim conquests and their descendants.[82] While the Iraqi tribal nobility viewed the stipends as their traditional right, al-Hajjaj viewed them as a handicap restricting his and Abd al-Malik's executive authority and financial ability to reward loyalists in the army.[82] Stipends were similarly stopped to the inhabitants of the Hejaz, including the Quraysh.[147] Thus, a professional army was established during Abd al-Malik's reign whose salaries derived from tax proceeds.[82] The dependence on the Syrian army of his successors, especially Hisham (r. 724–743), scattered the army among the Caliphate's multiple and isolated war fronts, most of them distant from Syria.[148] The growing strain and heavy losses inflicted on the Syrians by the Caliphate's external enemies and increasing factional divisions within the army contributed to the weakening and downfall of Umayyad rule in 750.[148][149]

Foundation of the Dome of the Rock

 
The Dome of the Rock (pictured in 2015) in Jerusalem was founded by Abd al-Malik in 691/92

In 685/86 or 688, Abd al-Malik began planning the construction of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem.[150] Its dedication inscription mentions the year 691/92, which most scholars agree is the completion date of the building.[151][152] It is the earliest archaeologically attested religious structure to be built by a Muslim ruler and the building's inscriptions contain the earliest epigraphic proclamations of Islam and of Muhammad.[153] The inscriptions proved to be a milestone, as afterward they became a common feature in Islamic structures and almost always mention Muhammad.[153] The Dome of the Rock remains a "unique monument of Islamic culture in almost all respects", including as a "work of art and as a cultural and pious document", according to historian Oleg Grabar.[154]

 
Abd al-Malik also erected the Dome of the Chain (pictured in 2013), which is adjacent to the Dome of the Rock

Narratives by the medieval sources about Abd al-Malik's motivations in building the Dome of the Rock vary.[154] At the time of its construction, the caliph was engaged in war with Christian Byzantium and its Syrian Christian allies on the one hand and with the rival caliph Ibn al-Zubayr, who controlled Mecca, the annual destination of Muslim pilgrimage, on the other hand.[154][155] Thus, one series of explanations was that Abd al-Malik intended for the Dome of the Rock to be a religious monument of victory over the Christians that would distinguish Islam's uniqueness within the common Abrahamic religious setting of Jerusalem, home of the two older Abrahamic faiths, Judaism and Christianity.[154][156] The other main explanation holds that Abd al-Malik, in the heat of the war with Ibn al-Zubayr, sought to build the structure to divert the focus of the Muslims in his realm from the Ka'aba in Mecca, where Ibn al-Zubayr would publicly condemn the Umayyads during the annual pilgrimage to the sanctuary.[154][155][156] Though most modern historians dismiss the latter account as a product of anti-Umayyad propaganda in the traditional Muslim sources and doubt that Abd al-Malik would attempt to alter the sacred Muslim requirement of fulfilling the pilgrimage to the Ka'aba, other historians concede this cannot be conclusively dismissed.[154][155][156] A last explanation has been to interpret the creation of the Haram al-Sharif complex as a monumental profession of faith, intended to proclaim the role of intercessor that Muhammad was supposed to play on the day of the resurrection. The site was presented as the scene of the Last Judgement. The Dome of the Chain featured the divine courthouse, before which the deceased would appear before entering Heaven, represented by the Dome of the Rock.[157]

While his sons commissioned numerous architectural works, Abd al-Malik's known building activities were limited to Jerusalem.[158] As well as the Dome of the Rock, he is credited with constructing the adjacent Dome of the Chain,[159] expanding the boundaries of the Temple Mount (Haram al-Sharif) to include the Foundation Stone around which the Dome of the Rock was built and building two gates of the Temple Mount (possibly the Mercy Gate and the Prophet's Gate).[158][160] Theophanes, possibly conserving an original Syro-Palestinian Melkite source, reports that Abd al-Malik sought to remove some columns from a Christian shrine at Gethsemane to rebuild the Ka'aba, but he was dissuaded by his Christian treasurer, Sarjun ibn Mansur (the father of John of Damascus), and another leading Christian, called Patrikios, from Palestine, who successfully petitioned Emperor Justinian II to supply other columns instead.[94][161]

Family and residences

class=notpageimage|
The seasonal residences of Abd al-Malik during his caliphate, as shown in present-day Syria, Lebanon and Israel

Abd al-Malik had children with several wives and ummahāt awlād (slave concubines; singular: umm walad). He was married to Wallada bint al-Abbas ibn al-Jaz, a fourth-generation descendant of the prominent Banu Abs chieftain Zuhayr ibn Jadhima.[162] She bore Abd al-Malik the sons al-Walid I, Sulayman, Marwan al-Akbar and a daughter, A'isha.[162] From Caliph Yazid I's daughter Atika, he had his sons Yazid II, Marwan al-Asghar, Mu'awiya and a daughter, Umm Kulthum.[118][162] His wife A'isha bint Hisham ibn Isma'il, whom he divorced,[163] belonged to the Makhzum clan and mothered Abd al-Malik's son Hisham.[162] He had a second wife from the Makhzum, Umm al-Mughira bint al-Mughira ibn Khalid, a great-granddaughter of the pre-Islamic leader of the Quraysh, Hisham ibn al-Mughira. From this marriage, Abd al-Malik had his daughter Fatima, who was wed to Umar II.[162][164]

From his marriage to Umm Ayyub bint Amr, a granddaughter of Caliph Uthman, Abd al-Malik had his son al-Hakam,[162][165] who, according to the medieval Arab genealogists, died at a young age, contradicting a number of contemporary Arabic poems which suggest he lived into adulthood.[166] Abd al-Malik also married A'isha bint Musa, a granddaughter of one of Muhammad's leading companions, Talha ibn Ubayd Allah, and together they had a son, Bakkar, who was also known as Abu Bakr.[162][167] Abd al-Malik married and divorced during his caliphate Umm Abiha, a granddaughter of Ja'far ibn Abi Talib,[162][168][169] and Shaqra bint Salama ibn Halbas, a woman of the Banu Tayy.[162] Abd al-Malik's sons from his ummahāt awlād were Abd Allah, Maslama, Sa'id al-Khayr, al-Mundhir, Anbasa, Muhammad and al-Hajjaj,[162] the last named after the caliph's viceroy.[170] At the time of his death, fourteen of Abd al-Malik's sons had survived him, according to al-Yaqubi.[35]

Abd al-Malik divided his time between Damascus and seasonal residences in its general vicinity.[171][172] He spent the winter mostly in Damascus and Sinnabra near Lake Tiberias, then to Jabiya in the Golan Heights and Dayr Murran, a monastery village on the slopes of Mount Qasyoun overlooking the Ghouta orchards of Damascus.[171][172] He would typically return to the city in March and leave again in the heat of summer to Baalbek in the Beqaa Valley before heading back to Damascus in early autumn.[171][172] His Damascus residence was the Khadra Palace commissioned by Mu'awiya I and purchased by Abd al-Malik from Khalid ibn Yazid at the beginning of his reign.[173]

Notes

  1. ^ Amīr al-muʾminīn (commander of the faithful) is the most referenced formal title of Abd al-Malik in coins, inscriptions and the early Muslim literary tradition.[1][2][3] He is also referred to as khalīfat Allāh (caliph of God) in a number of coins minted in the mid-690s, correspondence from his viceroy al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf and poetic verses by his contemporaries al-Akhtal, Jarir and al-Farazdaq.[4][5]
  2. ^ The general view among historians and numismatists is that the human figure depicted in the coins minted by Abd al-Malik between 693 and 697, which have come to be known as the "standing caliph" issue, represent Abd al-Malik.[6] The historian Robert Hoyland, however, argues that this may be a near-contemporary depiction of the Islamic prophet Muhammad.[7]
  3. ^ The consensus in the Islamic tradition is that Abd al-Malik was born in the Islamic calendar month of Ramadan, though no day is specified.[10] One set of traditional sources, including Khalifa ibn Khayyat (d. 854), al-Tabari (d. 923) citing al-Mada'ini (d. 843), al-Baladhuri (d. 892) and Ibn Asakir (d. 1175), hold Abd al-Malik was born in the year 23 AH, while another set of accounts, including Ibn Sa'd (d. 845), al-Tabari citing al-Waqidi (d. 823), Ibn Asakir, Ibn al-Athir (d. 1233) and al-Suyuti (d. 1505) hold he was born in 26 AH.[11]
  4. ^ Abd al-Malik's counterpart in the Syrian naval unit during the winter sea campaign against the Byzantine Empire in c. 662 was Busr ibn Abi Artat or Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid ibn al-Walid.[20] According to the historian Marek Jankowiak, Abd al-Malik's military role against the Byzantines during the reign of Caliph Mu'awiya I (r. 661–680) was "expunged" from the generally anti-Umayyad, Abbasid-era Islamic tradition, but preserved in other Islamic traditions transmitted by the 10th-century Arabic Christian chronicler Agapius of Hierapolis.[21]
  5. ^ The home of the Mardaites, a Christian people of unclear ethnic origins, known in Arabic as the "Jarājima", was the mountainous spine along the Syrian coast, namely the Amanus, Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon ranges. There, they held a significant degree of autonomy and shifted their nominal allegiance between the Byzantine Empire and the Caliphate, depending on political circumstances along the Arab–Byzantine front.[46]
  6. ^ The semi-independent, pro-Zubayrid governor of Khurasan, Abd Allah ibn Khazim, rejected Abd al-Malik's entreaties in early 692 to recognize his caliphate in return for a confirmation of Ibn Khazim's governorship.[65] Ibn Khazim was soon after slain in a mutiny led by one his commanders, Bahir ibn Warqa, and his head was sent to the caliph by the lieutenant governor of Merv, Bukayr ibn Wishah, to whom Abd al-Malik subsequently conferred the governorship of Khurasan.[66]
  7. ^ After the reconciliation of 691, violence between the Banu Kalb and the Qaysi Banu Fazara of the Hejaz flared up until 692–694.[105] The blood feud between the Qaysi Banu Sulaym and the Yamani-allied Banu Taghlib persisted until 692.[106] Abd al-Malik intervened in both cases and put a definitive end to the tit-for-tat raids by means of financial compensation, threat of force and executions of tribal chieftains.[107]
  8. ^ The milestones, all containing inscriptions crediting Abd al-Malik for the road works, were found, from north to south, in or near Fiq, Samakh, St. George's Monastery of Wadi Qelt, Khan al-Hathrura, Bab al-Wad and Abu Ghosh. The milestone found in Samakh dates to 692, the two milestones at Fiq both date to 704 and the remaining milestones are undated.[131] The fragment of an eighth milestone, likely produced soon after Abd al-Malik's death, was found at Ein Hemed, immediately west of Abu Ghosh.[132]

References

  1. ^ Crone & Hinds 1986, p. 11.
  2. ^ Marsham 2018, pp. 7–8.
  3. ^ Anjum 2012, p. 47.
  4. ^ Crone & Hinds 1986, pp. 7–8.
  5. ^ Marsham 2018, p. 7.
  6. ^ Hoyland 2007, p. 594.
  7. ^ Hoyland 2007, pp. 593–596.
  8. ^ "British Museum 1954,1011.2". The British Museum.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Kennedy 2016, p. 80.
  10. ^ a b Dixon 1971, p. 15.
  11. ^ Dixon 1971, p. 15, notes 1–2.
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Gibb 1960, p. 76.
  13. ^ a b Ahmed 2010, p. 111.
  14. ^ Della Vida 2000, p. 838.
  15. ^ Donner 1981, pp. 77–78.
  16. ^ a b Dixon 1971, p. 20.
  17. ^ a b c Wellhausen 1927, p. 215.
  18. ^ Dixon 1971, p. 16.
  19. ^ a b Dixon 1971, p. 17.
  20. ^ a b Jankowiak 2013, p. 264.
  21. ^ Jankowiak 2013, p. 273.
  22. ^ a b Kennedy 2016, pp. 78–79.
  23. ^ Hawting 2000, p. 48.
  24. ^ a b c d Kennedy 2016, p. 79.
  25. ^ a b c Dixon 1971, p. 21.
  26. ^ a b Dixon 1971, p. 18.
  27. ^ Mayer 1952, p. 185.
  28. ^ Crone 1980, pp. 100, 125.
  29. ^ a b Elad 1999, p. 24.
  30. ^ a b c Hawting 2000, p. 59.
  31. ^ Hawting 2000, pp. 58–59.
  32. ^ a b c d Wellhausen 1927, p. 222.
  33. ^ Hawting 1995, p. 466.
  34. ^ a b c d e Kennedy 2001, p. 35.
  35. ^ a b c Biesterfeldt & Günther 2018, p. 986.
  36. ^ Crone 1980, p. 163.
  37. ^ a b c d e Kennedy 2016, p. 81.
  38. ^ Streck 1978, pp. 654–655.
  39. ^ a b c d Kennedy 2001, p. 32.
  40. ^ Kennedy 2016, pp. 80–81.
  41. ^ Bosworth 1991, p. 622.
  42. ^ a b c d e f g Kennedy 2001, p. 33.
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Bibliography

Further reading

Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan
Born: 646/47 Died: 9 October 705
Preceded by Caliph of Islam
Umayyad Caliph

12 April 685 – 9 October 705
Succeeded by

malik, marwan, other, people, with, same, name, abdul, malik, hakam, arabic, عبد, الملك, ابن, مروان, ابن, الحكم, romanized, ʿabd, malik, marwān, Ḥakam, july, august, june, july, october, fifth, umayyad, caliph, ruling, from, april, until, death, october, membe. For other people with the same name see Abdul Malik Abd al Malik ibn Marwan ibn al Hakam Arabic عبد الملك ابن مروان ابن الحكم romanized ʿAbd al Malik ibn Marwan ibn al Ḥakam July August 644 or June July 647 9 October 705 was the fifth Umayyad caliph ruling from April 685 until his death in October 705 A member of the first generation of born Muslims his early life in Medina was occupied with pious pursuits He held administrative and military posts under Caliph Mu awiya I r 661 680 founder of the Umayyad Caliphate and his own father Caliph Marwan I r 684 685 By the time of Abd al Malik s accession Umayyad authority had collapsed across the Caliphate as a result of the Second Muslim Civil War and had been reconstituted in Syria and Egypt during his father s reign Abd al Malikعبد الملكAmir al muʾmininKhalifat Allah a Gold dinar minted by the Umayyads in 695 which likely depicts Abd al Malik b 8 5th Caliph of the Umayyad CaliphateReign12 April 685 9 October 705PredecessorMarwan ISuccessorAl Walid IBornJuly August 644 or June July 647Medina Rashidun CaliphateDied9 October 705 aged 58 61 Damascus Umayyad CaliphateBurialOutside of Bab al Jabiya DamascusWivesWallada bint al ʿAbbas ibn al Jazʾ al ʿAbsiyyaʿAtika bint Yazid IʿAʾisha bint Hisham ibn Ismaʿil al MakhzumiyyaUmm Ayyub bint ʿAmr ibn ʿUthman ibn ʿAffanʿAʾisha bint Musa ibn Ṭalḥa ibn ʿUbayd AllahUmm al Mughira bint al Mughira ibn KhalidUmm Abiha bint ʿAbd Allah ibn Jaʿfar ibn Abi ṬalibShaqraʾ bint Salama ibn Ḥalbas al ṬaʿiyyaIssueAl WalidSulaymanYazid IIHishamʿAbd AllahMaslamaMarwan al AkbarSaʿid al KhayrMuḥammadMarwan al AṣgharMuʿawiyaAbu Bakr BakkarAl ḤakamAl MundhirʿAnbasaAl ḤajjajUmm Kulthum daughter ʿAʾisha daughter Faṭima daughter NamesAbu al Walid ʿAbd al Malik ibn Marwan ibn al ḤakamHouseMarwanidDynastyUmayyadFatherMarwanMotherʿAʾisha bint Muʿawiya ibn al MughiraReligionIslamFollowing a failed invasion of Iraq in 686 Abd al Malik focused on securing Syria before making further attempts to conquer the greater part of the Caliphate from his principal rival the Mecca based caliph Abd Allah ibn al Zubayr To that end he concluded an unfavorable truce with the reinvigorated Byzantine Empire in 689 quashed a coup attempt in Damascus by his kinsman al Ashdaq the following year and reincorporated into the army the rebellious Qaysi tribes of the Jazira Upper Mesopotamia in 691 He then conquered Zubayrid Iraq and dispatched his general al Hajjaj ibn Yusuf to Mecca where he killed Ibn al Zubayr in late 692 thereby reuniting the Caliphate under Abd al Malik s rule The war with Byzantium resumed resulting in Umayyad advances into Anatolia and Armenia the destruction of Carthage and the recapture of Kairouan the launchpad for the later conquests of western North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula in 698 In the east Abd al Malik s viceroy al Hajjaj firmly established the caliph s authority in Iraq and Khurasan stamping out opposition by the Kharijites and the Arab tribal nobility by 702 Abd al Malik s final years were marked by a domestically peaceful and prosperous consolidation of power In a significant departure from his predecessors rule over the Caliphate s provinces was centralized under Abd al Malik following the elimination of his rivals Gradually loyalist Arab troops from Syria were tasked with maintaining order in the provinces as dependence on less reliable local Arab garrisons was reduced Tax surpluses from the provinces were forwarded to Damascus and the traditional stipends to veterans of the early Muslim conquests and their descendants were abolished salaries being restricted to those in active service The most consequential of Abd al Malik s reforms were the introduction of a single Islamic currency in place of Byzantine and Sasanian coinage and the establishment of Arabic as the language of the bureaucracy in place of Greek and Persian in Syria and Iraq respectively His Muslim upbringing the conflicts with external and local Christian forces and rival claimants to Islamic leadership all influenced Abd al Malik s efforts to prescribe a distinctly Islamic character to the Umayyad state Another manifestation of this initiative was his founding of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem the earliest archaeologically attested religious monument built by a Muslim ruler and the possessor of the earliest epigraphic proclamations of Islam and the Islamic prophet Muhammad The foundations established by Abd al Malik enabled his son and successor al Walid I r 705 715 who largely maintained his father s policies to oversee the Umayyad Caliphate s territorial and economic zenith Abd al Malik s centralized government became the prototype of later medieval Muslim states Contents 1 Early life 2 Reign 2 1 Accession 2 2 Early challenges 2 2 1 Failure in Iraq 2 2 2 Byzantine attacks and the treaty of 689 2 2 3 Revolt of al Ashdaq and end of the Qaysi rebellion 2 3 Defeat of the Zubayrids 2 4 Consolidation in Iraq and the east 2 5 Renewal of Byzantine wars in Anatolia Armenia and North Africa 2 6 Final years 3 Legacy 3 1 Institution of Islamic currency and Arabization of the bureaucracy 3 2 Reorganization of the army 3 3 Foundation of the Dome of the Rock 4 Family and residences 5 Notes 6 References 7 Bibliography 8 Further readingEarly life EditAbd al Malik was born in July August 644 or June July 647 in the house of his father Marwan ibn al Hakam in Medina in the Hejaz western Arabia 9 10 c His mother was A isha a daughter of Mu awiya ibn al Mughira 12 13 His parents belonged to the Banu Umayya 12 13 one of the strongest and wealthiest clans of the Quraysh tribe 14 Muhammad was a member of the Quraysh but was ardently opposed by the tribe before they embraced Islam in 630 Not long after the Quraysh came to dominate Muslim politics 15 Abd al Malik belonged to the first generation of born Muslims and his upbringing in Medina Islam s political center at the time was generally described as pious and rigorous by the traditional Muslim sources 9 16 He took a deep interest in Islam and possibly memorized the Qur an 17 Abd al Malik s father was a senior aide of their Umayyad kinsman Caliph Uthman r 644 656 9 In 656 Abd al Malik witnessed Uthman s assassination in Medina 12 an event that had a lasting effect on him and contributed to his distrust of the townspeople of Medina according to the historian A A Dixon 18 Six years later Abd al Malik distinguished himself in a campaign against the Byzantines as commander of a Medinese naval unit 19 20 d He was appointed to the role by his distant cousin Caliph Mu awiya I r 661 680 founder of the Umayyad Caliphate 12 Afterward he returned to Medina where he operated under his father who had become governor of the city 9 as the katib secretary of Medina s diwan bureaucracy 19 As with the rest of the Umayyads in the Hejaz Abd al Malik lacked close ties with Mu awiya who ruled from his power base in Damascus in Syria 9 Mu awiya belonged to the Sufyanid line of the Umayyad clan while Abd al Malik belonged to the larger Abu al As line When a revolt broke out in Medina in 683 against Mu awiya s son and successor Caliph Yazid I r 680 683 the Umayyads including Abd al Malik were expelled from the city 12 The revolt was part of the wider anti Umayyad rebellion that became known as the Second Muslim Civil War 12 On the way to the Umayyad capital in Syria Abd al Malik encountered the army of Muslim ibn Uqba who had been sent by Yazid to subdue the rebels in Medina 12 He provided Ibn Uqba with intelligence about Medina s defenses 12 The rebels were defeated at the Battle of al Harra in August 683 but the army withdrew to Syria after Yazid s death later that year 12 The deaths of Yazid and his successor his son Mu awiya II in relatively quick succession in 683 684 precipitated a leadership vacuum in Damascus and the consequent collapse of Umayyad authority across the Caliphate 22 Most provinces declared their allegiance to the rival Mecca based caliph Abd Allah ibn al Zubayr 23 In parts of Syria older established Arab tribes who had secured a privileged position in the Umayyad court and military in particular the Banu Kalb scrambled to preserve Umayyad rule 22 Marwan and his family including Abd al Malik had since relocated to Syria where Marwan met the pro Umayyad stalwart Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad who had just been expelled from his governorship in Iraq Ibn Ziyad persuaded Marwan to forward his candidacy for the caliphate during a summit of pro Umayyad tribes in Jabiya hosted by the Kalbite chieftain Ibn Bahdal 24 The tribal nobility elected Marwan as caliph and the latter became dependent on the Kalb and its allies who collectively became known as the Yaman in reference to their ostensibly shared South Arabian Yamani roots 24 Their power came at the expense of the Qaysi tribes relative newcomers who had come to dominate northern Syria and the Jazira under Mu awiya I and had defected to Ibn al Zubayr 24 The Qays were routed by Marwan and his Yamani backers at the Battle of Marj Rahit in 684 leading to a long standing blood feud and rivalry between the two tribal coalitions 24 Abd al Malik did not participate in the battle on religious grounds according to the contemporary poems compiled in the anthology of Abu Tammam d 845 25 Reign EditAccession Edit Abd al Malik was a close adviser of his father 9 He was headquartered in Damascus and became its deputy governor during Marwan s expedition to conquer Zubayrid Egypt in late 684 26 Upon the caliph s return in 685 he held a council in Sinnabra where he appointed Abd al Malik governor of Palestine and designated him as his chosen successor 27 28 29 to be followed by Abd al Malik s brother Abd al Aziz 30 This designation abrogated the succession arrangements reached in Jabiya which stipulated Yazid s son Khalid would succeed Marwan followed by another Umayyad the former governor of Medina Amr ibn Sa id al Ashdaq 31 Nonetheless Marwan secured the oaths of allegiance to Abd al Malik from the Yamani nobility 30 While the historian Gerald Hawting notes that Abd al Malik was nominated despite his relative lack of political experience Dixon maintains he was chosen because of his political ability and his knowledge of statecraft and provincial administration as indicated by his gradual advance in holding important posts from an early age 26 Marwan died in April 685 and Abd al Malik s accession as caliph was peacefully managed by the Yamani nobles 9 16 He was proclaimed caliph in Jerusalem according to a report by the 9th century historian Khalifa ibn Khayyat which the modern historian Amikam Elad considers to be seemingly reliable 29 At the time of his accession critical posts were held by members of Abd al Malik s family 9 His brother Muhammad was charged with suppressing the Qaysi tribes while Abd al Aziz maintained peace and stability as governor of Egypt until his death in 705 9 32 During the early years of his reign Abd al Malik heavily relied on the Yamani nobles of Syria including Ibn Bahdal al Kalbi and Rawh ibn Zinba al Judhami who played key roles in his administration 9 the latter served as the equivalent to the chief minister or wazir of the later Abbasid caliphs 33 Furthermore a Yamani always headed Abd al Malik s shurṭa elite security retinue 34 The first to hold the post was Yazid ibn Abi Kabsha al Saksaki and he was followed by another Yamani Ka b ibn Hamid al Ansi 34 35 36 The caliph s ḥaras personal guard was typically led by a mawla non Arab Muslim freedman plural mawali and staffed by mawali 34 Early challenges Edit Map of the political situation in the Caliphate during the Second Muslim Civil War about 686 The area shaded in red represents the approximate territory controlled by Abd al Malik while the areas shaded in green and blue represent the territories of his respective rivals al Mukhtar and Ibn al Zubayr The areas shaded in yellow represent territory controlled by the Kharijites Though Umayyad rule had been restored in Syria and Egypt Abd al Malik faced several challenges to his authority 9 Most provinces of the Caliphate continued to recognize Ibn al Zubayr while the Qaysi tribes regrouped under Zufar ibn al Harith al Kilabi and resisted Umayyad rule in the Jazira from al Qarqisiya 37 a Euphrates river fortress strategically located at the crossroads of Syria and Iraq 38 Failure in Iraq Edit Further information Battle of Khazir Re establishing Umayyad rule across the Caliphate was the major priority of Abd al Malik 37 His initial focus was the reconquest of Iraq the Caliphate s wealthiest province 34 Iraq was also home to a large population of Arab tribesmen 34 the group from which the Caliphate derived the bulk of its troops 39 In contrast Egypt which provided significant income to the treasury possessed a small Arab community and was thus a meager source of troops 40 The demand for soldiers was pressing for the Umayyads as the backbone of their military the Syrian army remained fractured along Yamani and Qaysi lines Though the roughly 6 000 Yamani soldiers of Abd al Malik s predecessor were able to consolidate the Umayyad position in Syria they were too few to reassert authority throughout the Caliphate 39 Ibn Ziyad a key figure in the establishment of Marwanid power set about enlarging the army by recruiting widely among the Arab tribes including those which nominally belonged to the Qays faction 39 Ibn Ziyad had been tasked by Abd al Malik s father with the reconquest of Iraq 41 At the time Iraq and its dependencies were split between the pro Alid forces of al Mukhtar al Thaqafi in Kufa and the forces of Ibn al Zubayr s brother Mus ab in Basra In August 686 Ibn Ziyad s 60 000 strong army was routed at the Battle of Khazir and he was slain alongside most of his deputy commanders at the hands of al Mukhtar s much smaller pro Alid force led by Ibrahim ibn al Ashtar 12 37 The decisive defeat and the loss of Ibn Ziyad represented a major setback to Abd al Malik s ambitions in Iraq He refrained from further major campaigns in the province for the next five years during which Mus ab defeated and killed al Mukhtar and his supporters and became Iraq s sole ruler 12 37 Abd al Malik shifted his focus to consolidating control of Syria 37 His efforts in Iraq had been undermined by the Qaysi Yamani schism when a Qaysi general in Ibn Ziyad s army Umayr ibn al Hubab al Sulami defected with his men mid battle to join Zufar s rebellion 39 Umayr s subsequent campaign against the large Christian Banu Taghlib tribe in the Jazira sparked a series of tit for tat raids and further deepened Arab tribal divisions the previously neutral Taghlib throwing in its lot with the Yaman and the Umayyads 42 The Taghlib killed Umayr in 689 and delivered his head to Abd al Malik 43 Byzantine attacks and the treaty of 689 Edit Along Syria s northern frontier the Byzantines had been on the offensive since the failure of the First Arab Siege of Constantinople in 678 44 In 679 a thirty year peace treaty was concluded obliging the Umayyads to pay an annual tribute of 3 000 gold coins 50 horses and 50 slaves and withdraw their troops from the forward bases they had occupied on the Byzantine coast 45 The outbreak of the Muslim civil war allowed the Byzantine emperor Constantine IV r 668 685 to extort territorial concessions and enormous tribute from the Umayyads In 685 the emperor led his army to Mopsuestia in Cilicia and prepared to cross the border into Syria where the Mardaites an indigenous Christian group e were already causing considerable trouble With his own position insecure Abd al Malik concluded a treaty whereby he would pay a tribute of 1 000 gold coins a horse and a slave for every day of the year 47 Map of the Arab Byzantine frontier zone during the 7th 10th centuries with major fortresses indicated Under Justinian II r 685 695 705 711 the Byzantines became more aggressive though it is unclear whether they intervened directly as reported by the 9th century Muslim historian al Baladhuri or used the Mardaites to mount pressure on the Muslims 48 Mardaite depredations extended throughout Syria as far south as Mount Lebanon and the Galilee uplands 49 These raids culminated with the short lived Byzantine recapture of Antioch in 688 50 The setbacks in Iraq had weakened the Umayyads and when a new treaty was concluded in 689 it greatly favored the Byzantines according to the 9th century Byzantine chronicler Theophanes the Confessor the treaty repeated the tribute obligations of 685 but now Byzantium and the Umayyads established a condominium over Cyprus Armenia and Caucasian Iberia modern Georgia the revenue from which was to be shared between the two states In exchange Byzantium undertook to resettle the Mardaites in its own territory The 12th century Syriac chronicler Michael the Syrian however mentions that Armenia and Adharbayjan were to come under full Byzantine control In reality as the latter regions were not held by the Umayyads at this point the agreement probably indicates a carte blanche by Abd al Malik to the Byzantines to proceed against Zubayrid forces there This arrangement suited both sides Abd al Malik weakened his opponent s forces and secured his northern frontier and the Byzantines gained territory and reduced the power of the side that was apparently winning the Muslim civil war 51 About 12 000 Mardaites were indeed resettled in Byzantium but many remained behind only submitting to the Umayyads in the reign of al Walid I r 705 715 Their presence disrupted Umayyad supply lines and obliged them to permanently keep troops on standby to guard against their raids 52 The Byzantine counteroffensive represented the first challenge against a Muslim power by a people defeated in the early Muslim conquests 44 Moreover the Mardaite raids demonstrated to Abd al Malik and his successors that the state could no longer depend on the quiescence of Syria s Christian majority which until then had largely refrained from rebellion 44 The modern historian Khalid Yahya Blankinship described the treaty of 689 as an onerous and completely humiliating pact and surmised that Abd al Malik s ability to pay the annual tribute in addition to financing his own wartime army relied on treasury funds accrued during the campaigns of his Sufyanid predecessors and revenues from Egypt 53 Revolt of al Ashdaq and end of the Qaysi rebellion Edit In 689 90 Abd al Malik used the respite from the truce to initiate a campaign against the Zubayrids of Iraq but was forced to return to Damascus when al Ashdaq and his loyalists abandoned the army s camp and seized control of the city 54 Al Ashdaq viewed Abd al Malik s accession as a violation of the caliphal succession agreement reached in Jabiya 30 Abd al Malik besieged his kinsman for sixteen days and promised him safety and significant political concessions if he relinquished the city 12 54 Though al Ashdaq agreed to the terms and surrendered Abd al Malik remained distrustful of the former s ambitions and executed him personally 12 Zufar s control of al Qarqisiya despite earlier attempts to dislodge him by Ibn Ziyad in 685 86 and the caliph s governor in Homs Aban ibn al Walid ibn Uqba in 689 90 remained an obstacle to the caliph s ambitions in Iraq 55 In revenge for Umayr s slaying Zufar had intensified his raids and inflicted heavy casualties on the caliph s tribal allies in the Jazira 56 Abd al Malik resolved to command the siege of al Qarqisiya in person in the summer of 691 and ultimately secured the defection of Zufar and the pro Zubayrid Qays in return for privileged positions in the Umayyad court and army 12 57 58 The integration of the Qaysi rebels strongly reinforced the Syrian army and Umayyad authority was restored in the Jazira 12 From then onward Abd al Malik and his immediate successors attempted to balance the interests of the Qays and Yaman in the Umayyad court and army 59 This represented a break from the preceding seven years during which the Yaman and particularly the Kalb were the dominant force of the army 60 Defeat of the Zubayrids Edit Further information Battle of Maskin The Ka aba in Mecca pictured in 1917 was the headquarters of Ibn al Zubayr where he was besieged and defeated by Abd al Malik s forces led by al Hajjaj ibn Yusuf in 692 With threats in Syria and the Jazira neutralized Abd al Malik was free to focus on the reconquest of Iraq 12 57 While Mus ab had been bogged down fighting Kharijite rebels and contending with disaffected Arab tribesmen in Basra and Kufa Abd al Malik was secretly contacting and winning over these same Arab nobles 42 Thus by the time Abd al Malik led the Syrian army into Iraq in 691 the struggle to recapture the province was virtually complete 42 Command of the army was held by members of his family his brother Muhammad leading the vanguard and Yazid I s sons Khalid and Abd Allah leading the right and left wings respectively 42 Many Syrian nobles held reservations about the campaign and counseled Abd al Malik not to participate in person 42 Nonetheless the caliph was at the head of the army when it camped opposite Mus ab s forces at Maskin along the Dujayl Canal 57 In the ensuing Battle of Maskin most of Mus ab s forces many of whom were resentful at the heavy toll he had exacted on al Mukhtar s Kufan partisans refused to fight and his leading commander Ibn al Ashtar fell at the beginning of hostilities 57 61 62 Abd al Malik invited Mus ab to surrender in return for the governorship of Iraq or any other province of his choice but the latter refused and was killed in action 63 Following his victory Abd al Malik received the allegiance of Kufa s nobility and appointed governors to the Caliphate s eastern provinces 64 f Afterward he dispatched a 2 000 strong Syrian contingent to subdue Ibn al Zubayr in the Hejaz 67 68 The commander of the expedition al Hajjaj ibn Yusuf had risen through the ranks and would become a highly competent and efficient supporter of the caliph 59 Al Hajjaj remained encamped for several months in Ta if east of Mecca and fought numerous skirmishes with Zubayrid loyalists in the plain of Arafat 69 Abd al Malik sent him reinforcements led by his mawla Tariq ibn Amr who had earlier captured Medina from its Zubayrid governor 70 In March 692 al Hajjaj besieged Ibn al Zubayr in Mecca and bombarded the Ka aba the holiest sanctuary in Islam with catapults 67 70 Though 10 000 of Ibn al Zubayr s supporters including his sons eventually surrendered and received pardons Ibn al Zubayr and a core of his loyalists held out in the Ka aba and were killed by al Hajjaj s troops in September or October 67 70 Ibn al Zubayr s death marked the end of the civil war and the reunification of the Caliphate under Abd al Malik 67 71 72 In a panegyric that the literary historian Suzanne Stetkevych asserts was intended to declare and legitimize Abd al Malik s victory the caliph s Christian court poet al Akhtal eulogized him on the eve or aftermath of Ibn al Zubayr s fall as follows To a man whose gifts do not elude us whom God has made victorious so let him in his victory long delight He who wades into the deep of battle auspicious his augury the Caliph of God through whom men pray for rain When his soul whispers its intention to him it sends him resolutely forth his courage and his caution like two keen blades In him the common weal resides and after his assurance no peril can seduce him from his pledge Al Akhtal 640 708 Khaffat al qaṭinu The tribe has departed 73 After his victory Abd al Malik aimed to reconcile with the Hejazi elite including the Zubayrids and the Alids the Umayyads rivals within the Quraysh 74 He relied on the Banu Makhzum another Qurayshite clan as his intermediaries in view of the Umayyad family s absence in the region due to their exile in 683 74 Nevertheless he remained wary of the Hejazi elite s ambitions and kept a vigilant eye on them through his various governors in Medina 74 The first of these was al Hajjaj who was also appointed governor of Yemen and the Yamama central Arabia and led the Hajj pilgrim caravans of 693 and 694 67 Though he maintained peace in the Hejaz the harshness of his rule led to numerous complaints from its residents and may have played a role in his transfer from the post by Abd al Malik 67 A member of the Makhzum and Abd al Malik s father in law Hisham ibn Isma il was ultimately appointed During his tenure in 701 706 he was also known for brutalizing Medina s townspeople 17 Consolidation in Iraq and the east Edit Despite his victory the control and governance of Iraq a politically turbulent province from the time of the Muslim conquest in the 630s continued to pose a major challenge for Abd al Malik 59 He had withdrawn the Syrian army and entrusted to the Iraqis the defense of Basra from the Kharijite threat 42 75 Most Iraqis had become weary of the conflict with the Kharijites which had brought them little but hardship and loss according to Gibb 12 Those from Kufa in particular had grown accustomed to the wealth and comfort of their lives at home and their reluctance to undertake lengthy campaigns far from their families was an issue that previous rulers of Iraq had consistently encountered 76 77 Initially the caliph appointed his brother Bishr governor of Kufa and another kinsman Khalid ibn Abdallah to Basra before the latter too was put under Bishr s jurisdiction 32 Neither governor was up to the task but the Iraqis eventually defeated the Najdiyya Kharijites in the Yamama in 692 93 75 78 The Azariqa Kharijites in Persia were more difficult to rein in 78 and following Bishr s death in 694 the Iraqi troops deserted the field against them at Ramhormoz 79 Abd al Malik s attempt at family rule in Iraq had proven unsuccessful and he installed al Hajjaj in the post instead in 694 Kufa and Basra were combined into a single province under al Hajjaj who from the start of his rule displayed a strong commitment to governing Iraq effectively Against the Azariqa al Hajjaj backed al Muhallab ibn Abi Sufra al Azdi a Zubayrid holdover with long experience combating the Kharijite rebels Al Muhallab finally defeated the Azariqa in 697 59 Concurrently a Kharijite revolt led by Shabib ibn Yazid al Shaybani flared up in the heart of Iraq resulting in the rebel takeover of al Mada in and siege of Kufa 78 Al Hajjaj responded to the unwillingness or inability of the war weary Iraqis to face the Kharijites by obtaining from Abd al Malik Syrian reinforcements led by Sufyan ibn al Abrad al Kalbi 42 78 A more disciplined force the Syrians repelled the rebel attack on Kufa and killed Shabib in early 697 78 80 By 698 the Kharijite revolts had been stamped out 81 Abd al Malik attached to Iraq Sistan and Khurasan thus making al Hajjaj responsible for a super province encompassing the eastern half of the Caliphate 59 Al Hajjaj made al Muhallab deputy governor of Khurasan a post he held until his death in 702 after which it was bequeathed to his son Yazid 81 82 During his term al Muhallab recommenced the Muslim conquests in Central Asia though the campaign reaped few territorial gains during Abd al Malik s reign 78 Upon becoming governor al Hajjaj immediately threatened with death any Iraqi who refused to participate in the war efforts against the Kharijites 59 In an effort to reduce expenditure he had lowered the Iraqis pay to less than that of their Syrian counterparts in the province 59 By his measures al Hajjaj appeared almost to have goaded the Iraqis into rebellion as if looking for an excuse to break them according to the historian Hugh Kennedy 59 Indeed conflict with the muqatila Arab tribal forces who formed Iraq s garrisons came to a head beginning in 699 when al Hajjaj ordered Ibn al Ash ath to lead an expedition against Zabulistan 81 83 Ibn al Ash ath and his commanders were wealthy and leading noblemen and bristled at al Hajjaj s frequent rebukes and demands and the difficulties of the campaign 83 In response Ibn al Ash ath and his army revolted in Sistan marched back and defeated al Hajjaj s loyalists in Tustar in 701 and entered Kufa soon after 83 Al Hajjaj held out in Basra with his Banu Thaqif kinsmen and Syrian loyalists who were numerically insufficient to counter the unified Iraqi front led by Ibn al Ash ath 83 Alarmed at events Abd al Malik offered the Iraqis a pay raise equal to the Syrians and the replacement of al Hajjaj with Ibn al Ash ath 83 Due to his supporters rejection of the terms Ibn al Ash ath refused the offer and al Hajjaj took the initiative routing Ibn al Ash ath s forces at the Battle of Dayr al Jamajim in April 83 84 Many of the Iraqis had defected after promises of amnesty if they disarmed while Ibn al Ash ath and his core supporters fled to Zabulistan where they were dispersed in 702 83 The suppression of the revolt marked the end of the Iraqi muqatila as a military force and the beginning of Syrian military domination of Iraq 78 84 Iraqi internal divisions and the utilization of disciplined Syrian forces by Abd al Malik and al Hajjaj voided the Iraqis attempt to reassert power in the province 83 Determined to prevent further rebellions al Hajjaj founded a permanent Syrian garrison in Wasit situated between the long established Iraqi garrisons of Kufa and Basra and instituted a more rigorous administration in the province 83 84 Power thereafter derived from the Syrian troops who became Iraq s ruling class while Iraq s Arab nobility religious scholars and mawali were their virtual subjects 83 Furthermore the surplus taxes from the agriculturally rich Sawad lands were redirected from the muqatila to Abd al Malik s treasury in Damascus to pay the Syrian troops in the province 84 85 This reflected a wider campaign by the caliph to institute greater control over the Caliphate 85 Renewal of Byzantine wars in Anatolia Armenia and North Africa Edit Despite the ten year truce of 689 war with Byzantium resumed following Abd al Malik s victory against Ibn al Zubayr in 692 78 The decision to resume hostilities was taken by Emperor Justinian II ostensibly because of his refusal to accept payment of the tribute in the Muslim currency introduced that year rather than the Byzantine nomisma see below 78 86 This is reported solely by Theophanes and issues of chronology make this suspect not all modern scholars accept its veracity 87 The real casus belli according to both Theophanes and the later Syriac sources was Justinian s attempt to enforce his exclusive jurisdiction over Cyprus and to move its population to Cyzicus in northwestern Anatolia contrary to the treaty 87 88 Given the enormous advantages secured by the treaty for Byzantium Justinian s decision has been criticized by Byzantine and modern historians alike However the historian Ralph Johannes Lilie points out that with Abd al Malik emerging victorious from the civil war Justinian may have felt it was only a matter of time until the caliph broke the treaty and resolved to strike first before Abd al Malik could consolidate his position further 89 In 698 Abd al Malik s forces led by Hassan ibn al Nu man destroyed Carthage ruins pictured in 2013 which signaled the final irretrievable end of Byzantine power in North Africa The nearby town of Tunis pictured in 2017 was subsequently founded on the caliph s orders and equipped with a naval arsenal The Umayyads decisively defeated the Byzantines at the Battle of Sebastopolis in 692 and parried a Byzantine counter attack in 693 94 in the direction of Antioch 78 90 Over the following years the Umayyads launched constant raids against the Byzantine territories in Anatolia and Armenia led by the caliph s brother Muhammad and his sons al Walid Abd Allah and Maslama laying the foundation for further conquests in these areas under Abd al Malik s successors which would culminate in the Second Arab Siege of Constantinople in 717 718 78 91 The military defeats inflicted on Justinian II contributed to the downfall of the emperor and his Heraclian dynasty in 695 ushering in a 22 year period of instability in which the Byzantine throne changed hands seven times in violent revolutions further aiding the Arab advance 92 93 In 698 99 Emperor Tiberios III r 698 705 secured a treaty with the caliph for the return of the Cypriots both those moved by Justinian II as well as those subsequently deported by the Arabs to Syria to their island 94 95 Beginning in 700 Abd al Malik s brother Muhammad subdued Armenia in a series of campaigns The Armenians rebelled in 703 and received Byzantine aid but Muhammad defeated them and sealed the failure of the revolt by executing the rebel princes in 705 As a result Armenia was annexed into the Caliphate along with the principalities of Caucasian Albania and Iberia as the province of Arminiya 96 97 98 Meanwhile in North Africa a Byzantine Berber alliance had reconquered Ifriqiya and slain its governor Uqba ibn Nafi in the Battle of Vescera in 682 99 Abd al Malik charged Uqba s deputy Zuhayr ibn Qays to reassert the Arab position in 688 but after initial gains including the slaying of the Berber ruler Kasila at the Battle of Mams Zuhayr was driven back to Barqa Cyrenaica by Kasila s partisans and slain by Byzantine naval raiders 100 In 695 Abd al Malik dispatched Hassan ibn al Nu man with a 40 000 strong army to retake Ifriqiya 100 101 Hassan captured Byzantine held Kairouan Carthage and Bizerte 100 With the aid of naval reinforcements sent by Emperor Leontios r 695 698 the Byzantines recaptured Carthage by 696 97 100 After the Byzantines were repelled Carthage was captured and destroyed by Hassan in 698 78 101 signaling the final irretrievable end of Roman power in Africa according to Kennedy 102 Kairouan was firmly secured as a launchpad for later conquests while the port town of Tunis was founded and equipped with an arsenal on the orders of Abd al Malik who was intent on establishing a strong Arab fleet 78 101 Hassan continued his campaign against the Berbers defeating them and killing their leader the warrior queen al Kahina between 698 and 703 100 Afterward Hassan was dismissed by Abd al Aziz and replaced by Musa ibn Nusayr 101 who went on to lead the Umayyad conquests of western North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula during the reign of al Walid 103 Final years Edit The last years of Abd al Malik s reign were generally characterized by the sources as a domestically peaceful and prosperous consolidation of power 78 The blood feuds between the Qays and Yaman which persisted despite the former s reconciliation with the Umayyads in 691 had dissipated toward the end of his rule 104 Dixon credits this to Abd al Malik s success at harnessing tribal feeling to the interests of the government while at the same time suppressing its violent manifestations 104 g The remaining principal issue faced by the caliph was ensuring the succession of his eldest son al Walid in place of the designated successor Abd al Aziz 78 The latter consistently refused Abd al Malik s entreaties to step down from the line of succession but potential conflict was avoided when Abd al Aziz died in May 705 78 He was promptly replaced as governor of Egypt by the caliph s son Abd Allah 108 Abd al Malik died five months later on 9 October 109 The cause of his death was attributed by the historian al Asma i d 828 to the Plague of the Maidens so called because it originated with the young women of Basra before spreading across Iraq and Syria 110 He was buried outside of the Bab al Jabiya gate of Damascus 109 Legacy Edit A map depicting the expansion of the Caliphate The areas highlighted in pink depict territorial expansion during Abd al Malik s reign Abd al Malik is considered the most celebrated Umayyad caliph by the historian Julius Wellhausen 111 His reign had been a period of hard won successes in the words of Kennedy 82 The 9th century historian al Yaqubi described Abd al Malik as courageous shrewd and sagacious but also miserly 35 His successor al Walid continued his father s policies and his rule likely marked the peak of Umayyad power and prosperity 76 112 Abd al Malik s key administrative reforms reunification of the Caliphate and suppression of all active domestic opposition enabled the major territorial expansion of the Caliphate during al Walid s reign 113 Three other sons of Abd al Malik Sulayman Yazid II and Hisham would rule in succession until 743 interrupted only by the rule of Abd al Aziz s son Umar II r 717 720 76 With the exceptions of the latter and Marwan II r 744 750 all the Umayyad caliphs who came after Abd al Malik were directly descended from him hence the references to him as the father of kings in the traditional Muslim sources 111 The Umayyad emirs and caliphs who ruled in the Iberian Peninsula between 756 and 1031 were also his direct descendants 114 In the assessment of his biographer Chase F Robinson Mu awiya may have introduced the principle of dynastic succession into the ruling tradition of early Islam but Abd al Malik made it work 114 Family tree of the Umayyad dynasty during the reign of Abd al Malik whose reliance on his family was unprecedented in the Caliphate s history Abd al Malik s concentration of power into the hands of his family was unprecedented at one point his brothers or sons held nearly all governorships of the provinces and Syria s districts 115 116 Likewise his court in Damascus was filled with far more Umayyads than under his Sufyanid predecessors a result of the clan s exile to the city from Medina in 683 117 He maintained close ties with the Sufyanids through marital relations and official appointments such as according Yazid I s son Khalid a prominent role in the court and army and wedding to him his daughter A isha 32 118 Abd al Malik also married Khalid s sister Atika who became his favorite and most influential wife 32 A milestone found at Khan al Hathrura near Jericho produced on Abd al Malik s orders on the road between Damascus and Jerusalem After his victory in the civil war Abd al Malik embarked on a far reaching campaign to consolidate Umayyad rule over the Caliphate 85 119 The collapse of Umayyad authority precipitated by Mu awiya I s death made it apparent to Abd al Malik that the decentralized Sufyanid system was unsustainable 85 Moreover despite the defeat of his Muslim rivals his dynasty remained domestically and externally insecure prompting a need to legitimize its existence according to Blankinship 44 Abd al Malik s solution to the fractious tribalism which defined his predecessors caliphate was to centralize power 78 At the same time his response to the Byzantine Christian resurgence and the criticism of Muslim religious circles which dated from the beginning of Umayyad rule and culminated with the outbreak of the civil war was to implement Islamization measures 44 120 The centralized administration he established became the prototype of later medieval Muslim states 85 In Kennedy s assessment Abd al Malik s centralized bureaucratic empire was in many ways an impressive achievement but the political economic and social divisions that developed within the Islamic community during his reign was to prove something of a difficult inheritance for the later Umayyads 121 According to Wellhausen government evidently became more technical and hierarchical under Abd al Malik though not nearly to the extent of the later Abbasid caliphs 122 As opposed to the freewheeling governing style of the Sufyanids Abd al Malik ruled strictly over his officials and kept interactions with them largely formal 123 He put an end to the provinces retention of the lion s share of surplus tax revenues as had been the case under the Sufyanids and had them redirected to the caliphal treasury in Damascus 124 He supported al Hajjaj s policy of collecting the poll tax traditionally imposed on the Caliphate s non Muslim subjects from the mawali of Iraq and instructed Abd al Aziz to implement this measure in Egypt though the latter allegedly disregarded the order 125 Abd al Malik may have inaugurated several high ranking offices and Muslim tradition generally credits him with the organization of the barid postal service whose principal purpose was to efficiently inform the caliph of developments outside of Damascus 126 He built and repaired roads that connected Damascus with Palestine and linked Jerusalem to its eastern and western hinterlands as evidenced by seven milestones found throughout the region 127 128 129 the oldest of which dates to May 692 and the latest to September 704 130 h The road project formed part of Abd al Malik s centralization drive special attention being paid to Palestine due to its critical position as a transit zone between Syria and Egypt and Jerusalem s religious centrality to the caliph 133 134 Institution of Islamic currency and Arabization of the bureaucracy Edit A gold dinar of Abd al Malik minted in Damascus in 697 98 Abd al Malik introduced an independent Islamic currency in 693 which initially bore depictions of the caliph before being abandoned for coins solely containing inscriptions A major component of Abd al Malik s centralization and Islamization measures was the institution of an Islamic currency 44 85 The Byzantine gold solidus was discontinued in Syria and Egypt 44 78 the likely impetus being the Byzantines addition of an image of Christ on their coins in 691 92 which violated Muslim prohibitions on images of prophets 135 To replace the Byzantine coins he introduced an Islamic gold currency the dinar in 693 78 136 Initially the new coinage contained depictions of the caliph as the spiritual leader of the Muslim community and its supreme military commander 44 This image proved no more acceptable to Muslim officialdom and was replaced in 696 or 697 with image less coinage inscribed with Qur anic quotes and other Muslim religious formulas 136 In 698 99 similar changes were made to the silver dirhams issued by the Muslims in the former Sasanian Persian lands in the eastern Caliphate 135 Depictions of the Sasanian king were consequently removed from the coinage 135 though Abd al Malik s new dirham retained its characteristically Sasanian silver fabric and wide flan 137 A glass coin weight bearing the name of the Servant of God Abd al Malik Commander of the Faithful minted in Damascus Shortly after the overhaul of the Caliphate s currency in circa 700 Abd al Malik is generally credited with the replacement of Greek with Arabic as the language of the diwan in Syria 136 138 139 The transition was carried out by his scribe Sulayman ibn Sa d 140 Al Hajjaj had initiated the Arabization of the Persian diwan in Iraq three years before 139 Though the official language was changed Greek and Persian speaking bureaucrats who were versed in Arabic kept their posts 141 The Arabization of the bureaucracy and currency was the most consequential administrative reform undertaken by the caliph 78 Arabic ultimately became the sole official language of the Umayyad state 135 but the transition in faraway provinces such as Khurasan did not occur until the 740s 142 According to Gibb the decree was the first step towards the reorganization and unification of the diverse tax systems in the provinces and also a step towards a more definitely Muslim administration 78 Indeed it formed an important part of the Islamization measures that lent the Umayyad Caliphate a more ideological and programmatic coloring it had previously lacked according to Blankinship 143 In tandem Abd al Malik began the export of papyri containing the Muslim statement of belief in Greek to spread Islamic teachings in the Byzantine realm 135 This was a further testament to the ideological expansion of the Byzantine Muslim struggle 135 The increasingly Muslim character of the state under Abd al Malik was partly a reflection of Islam s influence in the lives of the caliph and the chief enforcer of his policies al Hajjaj both of whom belonged to the first generation of rulers born and raised as Muslims 78 Having spent most of their lives in the Hejaz the theological and legal center of Islam where Arabic was spoken exclusively and administrative offices were held solely by Arab Muslims Abd al Malik and his viceroy only understood Arabic and were unfamiliar with the Syrian and Greek Christian and Persian Zoroastrian officials of the diwan 144 They stood in stark contrast to the Sufyanid caliphs and their governors in Iraq who had entered these regions as youths and whose children were as acquainted with the native majority as with the Arab Muslim newcomers 144 According to Wellhausen Abd al Malik was careful not to offend his pious subjects in the careless fashion of Caliph Yazid but from the time of his accession he subordinated everything to policy and even exposed the Ka ba to the danger of destruction despite the piety of his upbringing and early career 17 Dixon challenges this view attributing the Abbasid era Muslim sources portrayal of Abd al Malik s transformation in character after his accession and the consequent abandonment of his piety to their general hostility to Abd al Malik whom they variously accused of being a mean treacherous and blood thirsty person 25 Dixon nonetheless concedes that the caliph disregarded his early Muslim ideals when he felt political circumstances necessitated it 25 Reorganization of the army Edit Abd al Malik shifted away from his predecessors use of Arab tribal masses in favor of an organized army 119 145 Likewise Arab noblemen who had derived their power solely through their tribal standing and personal relations with a caliph were gradually replaced with military men who had risen through the ranks 119 145 These developments have been partially obscured by the medieval sources due to their continued usage of Arab tribal terminology when referencing the army such as the names of the tribal confederations Mudar Rabi a Qays and Yaman 119 According to Hawting these do not represent the tribes in arms utilized by earlier caliphs rather they denote army factions whose membership was often but not exclusively determined by tribal origin 119 Abd al Malik also established a Berber dominated private militia called al Waḍḍaḥiya after their original commander the caliph s mawla al Waddah which helped enforce the authority of Umayyad caliphs through the reign of Marwan II 146 Under Abd al Malik loyalist Syrian troops began to be deployed throughout the Caliphate to keep order which came largely at the expense of the tribal nobility of Iraq 119 The latter s revolt under Ibn al Ash ath demonstrated to Abd al Malik the unreliability of the Iraqi muqatila in securing the central government s interests in the province and its eastern dependencies 119 It was following the revolt s suppression that the military became primarily composed of the Syrian army 82 Consecrating this transformation was a fundamental change to the system of military pay whereby salaries were restricted to those in active service This marked an end to the system established by Caliph Umar r 634 644 which paid stipends to veterans of the earlier Muslim conquests and their descendants 82 While the Iraqi tribal nobility viewed the stipends as their traditional right al Hajjaj viewed them as a handicap restricting his and Abd al Malik s executive authority and financial ability to reward loyalists in the army 82 Stipends were similarly stopped to the inhabitants of the Hejaz including the Quraysh 147 Thus a professional army was established during Abd al Malik s reign whose salaries derived from tax proceeds 82 The dependence on the Syrian army of his successors especially Hisham r 724 743 scattered the army among the Caliphate s multiple and isolated war fronts most of them distant from Syria 148 The growing strain and heavy losses inflicted on the Syrians by the Caliphate s external enemies and increasing factional divisions within the army contributed to the weakening and downfall of Umayyad rule in 750 148 149 Foundation of the Dome of the Rock Edit The Dome of the Rock pictured in 2015 in Jerusalem was founded by Abd al Malik in 691 92 In 685 86 or 688 Abd al Malik began planning the construction of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem 150 Its dedication inscription mentions the year 691 92 which most scholars agree is the completion date of the building 151 152 It is the earliest archaeologically attested religious structure to be built by a Muslim ruler and the building s inscriptions contain the earliest epigraphic proclamations of Islam and of Muhammad 153 The inscriptions proved to be a milestone as afterward they became a common feature in Islamic structures and almost always mention Muhammad 153 The Dome of the Rock remains a unique monument of Islamic culture in almost all respects including as a work of art and as a cultural and pious document according to historian Oleg Grabar 154 Abd al Malik also erected the Dome of the Chain pictured in 2013 which is adjacent to the Dome of the Rock Narratives by the medieval sources about Abd al Malik s motivations in building the Dome of the Rock vary 154 At the time of its construction the caliph was engaged in war with Christian Byzantium and its Syrian Christian allies on the one hand and with the rival caliph Ibn al Zubayr who controlled Mecca the annual destination of Muslim pilgrimage on the other hand 154 155 Thus one series of explanations was that Abd al Malik intended for the Dome of the Rock to be a religious monument of victory over the Christians that would distinguish Islam s uniqueness within the common Abrahamic religious setting of Jerusalem home of the two older Abrahamic faiths Judaism and Christianity 154 156 The other main explanation holds that Abd al Malik in the heat of the war with Ibn al Zubayr sought to build the structure to divert the focus of the Muslims in his realm from the Ka aba in Mecca where Ibn al Zubayr would publicly condemn the Umayyads during the annual pilgrimage to the sanctuary 154 155 156 Though most modern historians dismiss the latter account as a product of anti Umayyad propaganda in the traditional Muslim sources and doubt that Abd al Malik would attempt to alter the sacred Muslim requirement of fulfilling the pilgrimage to the Ka aba other historians concede this cannot be conclusively dismissed 154 155 156 A last explanation has been to interpret the creation of the Haram al Sharif complex as a monumental profession of faith intended to proclaim the role of intercessor that Muhammad was supposed to play on the day of the resurrection The site was presented as the scene of the Last Judgement The Dome of the Chain featured the divine courthouse before which the deceased would appear before entering Heaven represented by the Dome of the Rock 157 While his sons commissioned numerous architectural works Abd al Malik s known building activities were limited to Jerusalem 158 As well as the Dome of the Rock he is credited with constructing the adjacent Dome of the Chain 159 expanding the boundaries of the Temple Mount Haram al Sharif to include the Foundation Stone around which the Dome of the Rock was built and building two gates of the Temple Mount possibly the Mercy Gate and the Prophet s Gate 158 160 Theophanes possibly conserving an original Syro Palestinian Melkite source reports that Abd al Malik sought to remove some columns from a Christian shrine at Gethsemane to rebuild the Ka aba but he was dissuaded by his Christian treasurer Sarjun ibn Mansur the father of John of Damascus and another leading Christian called Patrikios from Palestine who successfully petitioned Emperor Justinian II to supply other columns instead 94 161 Family and residences Edit Damascus Baalbek Jabiya Sinnabraclass notpageimage The seasonal residences of Abd al Malik during his caliphate as shown in present day Syria Lebanon and Israel Abd al Malik had children with several wives and ummahat awlad slave concubines singular umm walad He was married to Wallada bint al Abbas ibn al Jaz a fourth generation descendant of the prominent Banu Abs chieftain Zuhayr ibn Jadhima 162 She bore Abd al Malik the sons al Walid I Sulayman Marwan al Akbar and a daughter A isha 162 From Caliph Yazid I s daughter Atika he had his sons Yazid II Marwan al Asghar Mu awiya and a daughter Umm Kulthum 118 162 His wife A isha bint Hisham ibn Isma il whom he divorced 163 belonged to the Makhzum clan and mothered Abd al Malik s son Hisham 162 He had a second wife from the Makhzum Umm al Mughira bint al Mughira ibn Khalid a great granddaughter of the pre Islamic leader of the Quraysh Hisham ibn al Mughira From this marriage Abd al Malik had his daughter Fatima who was wed to Umar II 162 164 From his marriage to Umm Ayyub bint Amr a granddaughter of Caliph Uthman Abd al Malik had his son al Hakam 162 165 who according to the medieval Arab genealogists died at a young age contradicting a number of contemporary Arabic poems which suggest he lived into adulthood 166 Abd al Malik also married A isha bint Musa a granddaughter of one of Muhammad s leading companions Talha ibn Ubayd Allah and together they had a son Bakkar who was also known as Abu Bakr 162 167 Abd al Malik married and divorced during his caliphate Umm Abiha a granddaughter of Ja far ibn Abi Talib 162 168 169 and Shaqra bint Salama ibn Halbas a woman of the Banu Tayy 162 Abd al Malik s sons from his ummahat awlad were Abd Allah Maslama Sa id al Khayr al Mundhir Anbasa Muhammad and al Hajjaj 162 the last named after the caliph s viceroy 170 At the time of his death fourteen of Abd al Malik s sons had survived him according to al Yaqubi 35 Abd al Malik divided his time between Damascus and seasonal residences in its general vicinity 171 172 He spent the winter mostly in Damascus and Sinnabra near Lake Tiberias then to Jabiya in the Golan Heights and Dayr Murran a monastery village on the slopes of Mount Qasyoun overlooking the Ghouta orchards of Damascus 171 172 He would typically return to the city in March and leave again in the heat of summer to Baalbek in the Beqaa Valley before heading back to Damascus in early autumn 171 172 His Damascus residence was the Khadra Palace commissioned by Mu awiya I and purchased by Abd al Malik from Khalid ibn Yazid at the beginning of his reign 173 Abbreviated family tree of Abd al MalikUmayyaHarbAbu al AsAbu SufyanAffanAl HakamAl MughiraMu awiya I r 661 680 Uthman r 644 656 Marwan I r 684 685 YahyaMu awiyaYazid I r 680 683 Abd al Malik r 685 705 Abd al AzizMuhammadBishrMu awiya II r 683 684 Al Walid I r 705 715 Sulayman r 715 717 Abd AllahMaslamaYazid II r 720 724 Hisham r 724 743 Abd al Malik Marwanid caliphs Sufyanid caliphs Caliph UthmanNotes Edit Amir al muʾminin commander of the faithful is the most referenced formal title of Abd al Malik in coins inscriptions and the early Muslim literary tradition 1 2 3 He is also referred to as khalifat Allah caliph of God in a number of coins minted in the mid 690s correspondence from his viceroy al Hajjaj ibn Yusuf and poetic verses by his contemporaries al Akhtal Jarir and al Farazdaq 4 5 The general view among historians and numismatists is that the human figure depicted in the coins minted by Abd al Malik between 693 and 697 which have come to be known as the standing caliph issue represent Abd al Malik 6 The historian Robert Hoyland however argues that this may be a near contemporary depiction of the Islamic prophet Muhammad 7 The consensus in the Islamic tradition is that Abd al Malik was born in the Islamic calendar month of Ramadan though no day is specified 10 One set of traditional sources including Khalifa ibn Khayyat d 854 al Tabari d 923 citing al Mada ini d 843 al Baladhuri d 892 and Ibn Asakir d 1175 hold Abd al Malik was born in the year 23 AH while another set of accounts including Ibn Sa d d 845 al Tabari citing al Waqidi d 823 Ibn Asakir Ibn al Athir d 1233 and al Suyuti d 1505 hold he was born in 26 AH 11 Abd al Malik s counterpart in the Syrian naval unit during the winter sea campaign against the Byzantine Empire in c 662 was Busr ibn Abi Artat or Abd al Rahman ibn Khalid ibn al Walid 20 According to the historian Marek Jankowiak Abd al Malik s military role against the Byzantines during the reign of Caliph Mu awiya I r 661 680 was expunged from the generally anti Umayyad Abbasid era Islamic tradition but preserved in other Islamic traditions transmitted by the 10th century Arabic Christian chronicler Agapius of Hierapolis 21 The home of the Mardaites a Christian people of unclear ethnic origins known in Arabic as the Jarajima was the mountainous spine along the Syrian coast namely the Amanus Lebanon and Anti Lebanon ranges There they held a significant degree of autonomy and shifted their nominal allegiance between the Byzantine Empire and the Caliphate depending on political circumstances along the Arab Byzantine front 46 The semi independent pro Zubayrid governor of Khurasan Abd Allah ibn Khazim rejected Abd al Malik s entreaties in early 692 to recognize his caliphate in return for a confirmation of Ibn Khazim s governorship 65 Ibn Khazim was soon after slain in a mutiny led by one his commanders Bahir ibn Warqa and his head was sent to the caliph by the lieutenant governor of Merv Bukayr ibn Wishah to whom Abd al Malik subsequently conferred the governorship of Khurasan 66 After the reconciliation of 691 violence between the Banu Kalb and the Qaysi Banu Fazara of the Hejaz flared up until 692 694 105 The blood feud between the Qaysi Banu Sulaym and the Yamani allied Banu Taghlib persisted until 692 106 Abd al Malik intervened in both cases and put a definitive end to the tit for tat raids by means of financial compensation threat of force and executions of tribal chieftains 107 The milestones all containing inscriptions crediting Abd al Malik for the road works were found from north to south in or near Fiq Samakh St George s Monastery of Wadi Qelt Khan al Hathrura Bab al Wad and Abu Ghosh The milestone found in Samakh dates to 692 the two milestones at Fiq both date to 704 and the remaining milestones are undated 131 The fragment of an eighth milestone likely produced soon after Abd al Malik s death was found at Ein Hemed immediately west of Abu Ghosh 132 References Edit Crone amp Hinds 1986 p 11 Marsham 2018 pp 7 8 Anjum 2012 p 47 Crone amp Hinds 1986 pp 7 8 Marsham 2018 p 7 Hoyland 2007 p 594 Hoyland 2007 pp 593 596 British Museum 1954 1011 2 The British Museum a b c d e f g h i j k Kennedy 2016 p 80 a b Dixon 1971 p 15 Dixon 1971 p 15 notes 1 2 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Gibb 1960 p 76 a b Ahmed 2010 p 111 Della Vida 2000 p 838 Donner 1981 pp 77 78 a b Dixon 1971 p 20 a b c Wellhausen 1927 p 215 Dixon 1971 p 16 a b Dixon 1971 p 17 a b Jankowiak 2013 p 264 Jankowiak 2013 p 273 a b Kennedy 2016 pp 78 79 Hawting 2000 p 48 a b c d Kennedy 2016 p 79 a b c Dixon 1971 p 21 a b Dixon 1971 p 18 Mayer 1952 p 185 Crone 1980 pp 100 125 a b Elad 1999 p 24 a b c Hawting 2000 p 59 Hawting 2000 pp 58 59 a b c d Wellhausen 1927 p 222 Hawting 1995 p 466 a b c d e Kennedy 2001 p 35 a b c Biesterfeldt amp Gunther 2018 p 986 Crone 1980 p 163 a b c d e Kennedy 2016 p 81 Streck 1978 pp 654 655 a b c d Kennedy 2001 p 32 Kennedy 2016 pp 80 81 Bosworth 1991 p 622 a b c d e f g Kennedy 2001 p 33 Wellhausen 1927 p 204 a b c d e f g h Blankinship 1994 p 28 Lilie 1976 pp 81 82 Eger 2015 pp 295 296 Lilie 1976 pp 101 102 Lilie 1976 p 102 Eger 2015 p 296 Lilie 1976 pp 102 103 Lilie 1976 pp 103 106 109 Lilie 1976 pp 106 107 note 13 Blankinship 1994 pp 27 28 a b Dixon 1971 p 125 Dixon 1971 pp 92 93 Dixon 1971 p 102 a b c d Kennedy 2016 p 84 Dixon 1971 p 93 a b c d e f g h Kennedy 2016 p 87 Kennedy 2016 pp 86 87 Fishbein 1990 p 181 Wellhausen 1927 pp 195 196 Dixon 1971 pp 133 134 Wellhausen 1927 p 197 Wellhausen 1927 p 420 Wellhausen 1927 p 421 a b c d e f Dietrich 1971 p 40 Wellhausen 1927 pp 197 198 Wellhausen 1927 p 198 a b c Wellhausen 1927 p 199 Wellhausen 1927 p 200 Dixon 1971 p 140 Stetkevych 2016 pp 129 136 137 141 a b c Ahmed 2010 p 152 a b Wellhausen 1927 p 227 a b c Hawting 2000 p 58 Wellhausen 1927 p 229 a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Gibb 1960 p 77 Wellhausen 1927 pp 228 229 Kennedy 2001 pp 33 34 a b c Wellhausen 1927 p 231 a b c d e f Kennedy 2016 p 89 a b c d e f g h i j Kennedy 2016 p 88 a b c d Kennedy 2001 p 34 a b c d e f Kennedy 2016 p 85 Mango amp Scott 1997 p 509 a b Mango amp Scott 1997 p 510 note 1 Ditten 1993 pp 308 314 Lilie 1976 pp 107 110 Lilie 1976 pp 110 112 Lilie 1976 pp 112 116 Blankinship 1994 p 31 Lilie 1976 p 140 a b PmbZ Abd al Malik 18 corr Ditten 1993 pp 314 317 Blankinship 1994 p 107 Ter Ghewondyan 1976 pp 20 21 Lilie 1976 pp 113 115 Kaegi 2010 pp 13 14 a b c d e Kaegi 2010 p 14 a b c d Talbi 1971 p 271 Kennedy 2007 p 217 Levi Provencal 1993 p 643 a b Dixon 1971 p 120 Dixon 1971 pp 96 98 Dixon 1971 pp 103 104 Dixon 1971 pp 96 98 103 104 Becker 1960 p 42 a b Hinds 1990 pp 125 126 Conrad 1981 p 55 a b Wellhausen 1927 p 223 Kennedy 2002 p 127 Dixon 1971 p 198 a b Robinson 2005 p 124 Wellhausen 1927 pp 221 222 Bacharach 1996 p 30 Wellhausen 1927 pp 167 222 a b Ahmed 2010 p 118 a b c d e f g Hawting 2000 p 62 Blankinship 1994 p 78 Kennedy 2016 p 90 Wellhausen 1927 pp 220 221 Wellhausen 1927 p 221 Kennedy 2016 pp 72 76 85 Crone 1994 p 14 note 63 Hawting 2000 p 64 Sharon 1966 pp 368 370 372 Sharon 2004 p 95 Elad 1999 p 26 Bacharach 2010 p 7 Sharon 2004 pp 94 96 Cytryn Silverman 2007 pp 609 610 Sharon 1966 pp 370 372 Sharon 2004 p 96 a b c d e f Blankinship 1994 p 94 a b c Blankinship 1994 pp 28 94 Darley amp Canepa 2018 p 367 Hawting 2000 p 63 a b Duri 1965 p 324 Sprengling 1939 pp 212 213 Wellhausen 1927 pp 219 220 Hawting 2000 pp 63 64 Blankinship 1994 p 95 a b Sprengling 1939 pp 193 195 a b Robinson 2005 p 68 Athamina 1998 p 371 Elad 2016 p 331 a b Blankinship 1994 p 236 Kennedy 2001 p 30 Elad 1999 pp 24 44 Johns 2003 pp 424 426 Elad 1999 p 45 a b Johns 2003 p 416 a b c d e f Grabar 1986 p 299 a b c Johns 2003 pp 425 426 a b c Hawting 2000 p 60 Tillier Mathieu Abd al Malik Muḥammad et le Jugement dernier le dome du Rocher comme expression d une orthodoxie islamique inLes vivants et les morts dans les societes medievales Actes du XLVIIIe Congres de la SHMESP Jerusalem 2017 Editions de la Sorbonne Paris 2018 p 341 365 https books openedition org psorbonne 53878 Archived 1 March 2021 at the Wayback Machine a b Bacharach 1996 p 28 Elad 1999 p 47 Elad 1999 pp 25 26 Mango amp Scott 1997 p 510 note 5 a b c d e f g h i j Hinds 1990 p 118 Blankinship 1989 pp 1 2 Hinds 1991 p 140 Ahmed 2010 p 116 Ahmed 2010 p 116 note 613 Ahmed 2010 p 160 note 858 Ahmed 2010 p 128 Madelung 1992 pp 247 260 Chowdhry 1972 p 155 a b c Kennedy 2016 p 96 a b c Bacharach 1996 p 38 Flood 2001 p 147 Bibliography EditAhmed Asad Q 2010 The Religious Elite of the Early Islamic Ḥijaz Five Prosopographical Case Studies Oxford University of Oxford Linacre College Unit for Prosopographical Research ISBN 978 1 900934 13 8 Anjum Ovamir 2012 Politics Law and Community in Islamic Thought The Taymiyyan Moment New York Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 1 107 01406 0 Athamina Khalil 1998 Non Arab Regiments and Private Militias during the Umayyad Period Arabica Brill 45 3 347 378 doi 10 1163 157005898774230400 JSTOR 4057316 Bacharach Jere L 1996 Marwanid Umayyad Building Activities Speculations on Patronage Muqarnas Online Brill 13 27 44 doi 10 1163 22118993 90000355 ISSN 2211 8993 JSTOR 1523250 Bacharach Jere L 2010 Signs of Sovereignty The Shahada the Qurʾanic Verses and the Coinage of ʿAbd al Malik Muqarnas Online Brill 27 1 30 doi 10 1163 22118993 02701002 ISSN 2211 8993 JSTOR 25769690 Becker C H 1960 ʿAbd Allah b ʿAbd al Malik In Gibb H A R Kramers J H Levi Provencal E Schacht J Lewis B amp Pellat Ch eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume I A B Leiden E J Brill p 42 OCLC 495469456 Biesterfeldt Hinrich Gunther Sebastian 2018 The Works of Ibn Waḍiḥ al Yaʿqubi Volume 3 An English Translation Leiden Brill ISBN 978 90 04 35621 4 Blankinship Khalid Yahya ed 1989 The History of al Ṭabari Volume XXV The End of Expansion The Caliphate of Hisham A D 724 738 A H 105 120 SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies Albany New York State University of New York Press ISBN 978 0 88706 569 9 Blankinship Khalid Yahya 1994 The End of the Jihad State The Reign of Hisham ibn ʻAbd al Malik and the Collapse of the Umayyads Albany New York State University of New York Press ISBN 978 0 7914 1827 7 Bosworth C E 1991 Marwan I b al Ḥakam In Bosworth C E van Donzel E amp Pellat Ch eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume VI Mahk Mid Leiden E J Brill pp 621 623 ISBN 978 90 04 08112 3 Chowdhry Shiv Rai 1972 Al Ḥajjaj ibn Yusuf An Examination of His Works and Personality Thesis University of Delhi Conrad Lawrence I 1981 Arabic Plague Chronologies and Treatises Social and Historical Factors in the Formation of a Literary Genre Studia Islamica 54 54 51 93 doi 10 2307 1595381 JSTOR 1595381 PMID 11618185 Crone Patricia 1980 Slaves on Horses The Evolution of the Islamic Polity Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 52940 9 Crone Patricia Hinds Martin 1986 God s Caliph Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 32185 9 Crone Patricia 1994 Were the Qays and Yemen of the Umayyad Period Political Parties Der Islam Walter de Gruyter and Co 71 1 1 57 doi 10 1515 islm 1994 71 1 1 ISSN 0021 1818 S2CID 154370527 Cytryn Silverman Katia 2007 The Fifth Mil from Jerusalem Another Umayyad Milestone from Southern Bilad al Sham Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies Cambridge University Press 70 3 603 610 doi 10 1017 S0041977X07000857 JSTOR 40378940 S2CID 162314029 Darley Rebecca Canepa Matthew 2018 coinage Persian In Nicholson Oliver ed The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 866277 8 Della Vida Giorgio Levi 2000 Umayya b ʿAbd Shams In Bearman P J Bianquis Th Bosworth C E van Donzel E amp Heinrichs W P eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume X T U Leiden E J Brill pp 837 838 ISBN 978 90 04 11211 7 Dietrich Albert 1971 Al Ḥadjdjadj b Yusuf In Lewis B Menage V L Pellat Ch amp Schacht J eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume III H Iram Leiden E J Brill pp 39 43 OCLC 495469525 Ditten Hans 1993 Ethnische Verschiebungen zwischen der Balkanhalbinsel und Kleinasien vom Ende des 6 bis zur zweiten Halfte des 9 Jahrhunderts in German Berlin Akademie Verlag ISBN 3 05 001990 5 Dixon Abd al Ameer 1971 The Umayyad Caliphate 65 86 684 705 A Political Study London Luzac ISBN 978 0718901493 Donner Fred M 1981 The Early Islamic Conquests Princeton Princeton University Press ISBN 0 691 05327 8 Duri Abd al Aziz 1965 Diwan In Lewis B Pellat Ch amp Schacht J eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume II C G Leiden E J Brill pp 323 327 OCLC 495469475 Eger A Asa 2015 The Islamic Byzantine Frontier Interaction and Exchange Among Muslim and Christian Communities London and New York I B Tauris ISBN 978 1 78076 157 2 Elad Amikam 1999 Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic Worship Holy Places Ceremonies Pilgrimage 2nd ed Leiden Brill ISBN 90 04 10010 5 Elad Amikam 2016 The Rebellion of Muḥammad al Nafs al Zakiyya in 145 762 Ṭalibis and Early ʿAbbasis in Conflict Leiden Brill ISBN 978 90 04 22989 1 Flood Finbar Barry 2001 The Great Mosque of Damascus Studies on the Makings of an Ummayyad Visual Culture Leiden Boston and Koln Brill ISBN 90 04 11638 9 Fishbein Michael ed 1990 The History of al Ṭabari Volume XXI The Victory of the Marwanids A D 685 693 A H 66 73 SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies Albany New York State University of New York Press ISBN 978 0 7914 0221 4 Gibb H A R 1960 ʿAbd al Malik b Marwan In Gibb H A R Kramers J H Levi Provencal E Schacht J Lewis B amp Pellat Ch eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume I A B Leiden E J Brill pp 76 77 OCLC 495469456 Grabar O 1986 Kubbat al Ṣakhra In Bosworth C E van Donzel E Lewis B amp Pellat Ch eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume V Khe Mahi Leiden E J Brill pp 298 299 ISBN 978 90 04 07819 2 Hoyland Robert 2007 Writing the Biography of Muhammad History Compass 5 581 602 doi 10 1111 j 1478 0542 2007 00395 x Hawting G R 1995 Rawḥ b Zinbaʿ In Bosworth C E van Donzel E Heinrichs W P amp Lecomte G eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume VIII Ned Sam Leiden E J Brill p 466 ISBN 978 90 04 09834 3 Hawting Gerald R 2000 The First Dynasty of Islam The Umayyad Caliphate AD 661 750 Second ed London and New York Routledge ISBN 0 415 24072 7 Hinds Martin ed 1990 The History of al Ṭabari Volume XXIII The Zenith of the Marwanid House The Last Years of ʿAbd al Malik and the Caliphate of al Walid A D 700 715 A H 81 95 SUNY Series in Near Eastern Studies Albany New York State University of New York Press ISBN 978 0 88706 721 1 Hinds M 1991 Makhzum In Bosworth C E van Donzel E amp Pellat Ch eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume VI Mahk Mid Leiden E J Brill pp 137 140 ISBN 978 90 04 08112 3 Jankowiak Marek 2013 The First Arab Siege of Constantinople In Zuckerman Constantin ed Travaux et memoires Vol 17 Constructing the Seventh Century Paris Association des Amis du Centre d Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance pp 237 320 Johns Jeremy January 2003 Archaeology and the History of Early Islam The First Seventy Years Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 46 4 411 436 doi 10 1163 156852003772914848 S2CID 163096950 Kaegi Walter E 2010 Muslim Expansion and Byzantine Collapse in North Africa Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 19677 2 Kennedy Hugh 2001 The Armies of the Caliphs Military and Society in the Early Islamic State London and New York Routledge ISBN 0 415 25093 5 Kennedy Hugh N 2002 Al Walid I In Bearman P J Bianquis Th Bosworth C E van Donzel E amp Heinrichs W P eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume XI W Z Leiden E J Brill pp 127 128 ISBN 978 90 04 12756 2 Kennedy Hugh 2007 The Great Arab Conquests How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In Philadelphia Pennsylvania Da Capo Press ISBN 978 0 306 81740 3 Kennedy Hugh 2016 The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates The Islamic Near East from the 6th to the 11th Century Third ed Abingdon Oxon and New York Routledge ISBN 978 1 138 78761 2 Levi Provencal E 1993 Musa b Nuṣayr In Bosworth C E van Donzel E Heinrichs W P amp Pellat Ch eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume VII Mif Naz Leiden E J Brill pp 643 644 ISBN 978 90 04 09419 2 Lilie Ralph Johannes 1976 Die byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber Studien zur Strukturwandlung des byzantinischen Staates im 7 und 8 Jhd in German Munich Institut fur Byzantinistik und Neugriechische Philologie der Universitat Munchen OCLC 797598069 Lilie Ralph Johannes Ludwig Claudia Pratsch Thomas Zielke Beate 2013 Abd al Malik Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit Online Berlin Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften Nach Vorarbeiten F Winkelmanns erstellt in German Berlin and Boston De Gruyter Madelung Wilferd 1992 Religious and Ethnic Movements in Medieval Islam Aldershot Hants Variorum ISBN 0 86078 310 3 Mango Cyril Scott Roger 1997 The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor Byzantine and Near Eastern History AD 284 813 Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 0 19 822568 7 Marsham Andrew 2018 God s Caliph Revisited Umayyad Political Thought in its Late Antique Context In George Alain Marsham Andrew eds Power Patronage and Memory in Early Islam Perspectives on Umayyad Elites New York Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 049893 1 Mayer L A 1952 As Sinnabra Israel Exploration Society 2 3 183 187 JSTOR 27924483 Robinson Chase F 2005 Abd al Malik London Oneworld Publications ISBN 978 1 85168 361 1 Sharon Moshe June 1966 An Arabic Inscription from the Time of the Caliph Abd al Malik Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 29 2 367 372 doi 10 1017 S0041977X00058900 S2CID 162899475 Sharon Moshe 2004 Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae CIAP D F Volume Three Leiden and Boston Brill ISBN 90 04 13197 3 Sprengling Martin April 1939 From Persian to Arabic The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures The University of Chicago Press 56 2 175 224 doi 10 1086 370538 JSTOR 528934 S2CID 170486943 Stetkevych Suzanne Pinckney 2016 Al Akhṭal at the Court of ʿAbd al Malik The Qaṣida and the Construction of Umayyad Authority In Borrut Antoine Donner Fred M eds Christians and Others in the Umayyad State Late Antique and Medieval Islamic Near East Chicago The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago pp 129 156 ISBN 978 1 614910 31 2 Streck Maximilian 1978 Karkisiya In van Donzel E Lewis B Pellat Ch amp Bosworth C E eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume IV Iran Kha Leiden E J Brill pp 654 655 OCLC 758278456 Talbi M 1971 Ḥassan b al Nuʿman al Ghassani In Lewis B Menage V L Pellat Ch amp Schacht J eds The Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition Volume III H Iram Leiden E J Brill p 271 OCLC 495469525 Ter Ghewondyan Aram 1976 1965 The Arab Emirates in Bagratid Armenia Translated by Nina G Garsoian Lisbon Livraria Bertrand OCLC 490638192 Wellhausen Julius 1927 The Arab Kingdom and Its Fall Translated by Margaret Graham Weir Calcutta University of Calcutta OCLC 752790641 Further reading EditClarke Nicola 2018 Abd al Malik b Marwan In Nicholson Oliver ed The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity Oxford Oxford University Press pp 3 4 ISBN 978 0 19 866277 8 Pezeshk Manouchehr Negahban Farzin Miller Isabel 2015 ʿAbd al Malik b Marwan In Madelung Wilferd Daftary Farhad eds Encyclopaedia Islamica Online Brill Online ISSN 1875 9831 Abd al Malik ibn MarwanUmayyad dynastyBorn 646 47 Died 9 October 705Preceded byMarwan I Caliph of IslamUmayyad Caliph12 April 685 9 October 705 Succeeded byAl Walid I Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Abd al Malik ibn Marwan amp oldid 1152421123, wikipedia, wiki, book, 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