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Rent control in the United States

Rent control in the United States refers to laws or ordinances that set price controls on the rent of residential housing to function as a price ceiling.[1] More loosely, "rent control" describes several types of price control:

  • "strict price ceilings", also known as "rent freeze" systems, or "absolute" or "first generation" rent controls, in which no increases in rent are allowed at all (rent is typically frozen at the rate existing when the law was enacted);
  • "vacancy control", also known as "strict" or "strong" rent control, in which the rental price can rise but continues to be regulated in between tenancies (a new tenant pays almost the same rent as the previous tenant); and
  • "vacancy decontrol", also known as "tenancy" or "second-generation" rent control, which limits price increases during a tenancy but allows rents to rise to market rate between tenancies (new tenants pay market rate rent but increases are limited as long as they remain).[1]

As of 2022, six states (California, New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Oregon, and Minnesota) and the District of Columbia have localities in which some form of residential rent control is in effect (for normal structures, excluding mobile homes).[2] Thirty-seven states either prohibit or preempt rent control, while seven states allow their cities to enact rent control but have no cities that have implemented it.[3][4] For localities with rent control, it often covers a large percentage of that city's stock of rental units. For example, in New York City as of 2017, 45% of rental units were "rent stabilized" and 1% were "rent controlled" (these are different legal classifications in NYC).[5] In the District of Columbia as of 2019, about 36% of rental units were rent controlled.[6] In San Francisco as of 2014, about 75% of all rental units were rent controlled,[7]: 1 and in Los Angeles in 2014, 80% of multifamily units were rent controlled.[8]: 1

In 2019, Oregon's legislature passed a bill which made the state the first in the nation to adopt a state-wide rent control policy. This new law limits annual rent increases to inflation plus 7 percent, includes vacancy decontrol (market rate between tenancies), exempts new construction for 15 years, and keeps the current state ban on local rent control policies (state level preemption) intact.[9]: 1[10]: 1 In November 2021, voters in Saint Paul, Minnesota, passed a rent control ballot initiative that capped annual rent increases at 3 percent, included vacancy control, and did not exempt new construction or allow inflation to be added to the allowable rate increase.[11][12] This resulted in an 80% reduction in requests for new multifamily housing permits, while in neighboring Minneapolis, where voters authorized the city council to craft a rent control ordinance which might exempt new construction, permits were up 70%.[11][13]

There is a consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of rental housing units.[14][15][16][17][18][19][20] Other observers see rent control as benefiting the renter, preventing excessive rent increases and unfair evictions. Rent control may stabilize a community, promoting continuity, and it may mitigate income inequality.[21][22][23]

History

In the United States during World War I, rents were "controlled" through a combination of public pressure and the efforts of local anti-rent-profiteering committees. Between 1919 and 1924, a number of cities and states adopted rent- and eviction-control laws. Modern rent controls were first adopted in response to the Great Depression and WWII- era shortages. Because of these shortages and the overall national economic crisis, the federal government called for emergency price control on consumer goods and rent control in 1942.[24] However, not all states decided to implement these rent control laws.

It was not until the 1970s, during the economic recession, that Richard Nixon temporarily implemented a national wage and price controls to combat hyperinflation, but this did not last for long and began to phase out in 1973. Nonetheless, tenants particularly in Berkeley kept organizing and brought rent stabilization to the June 6, 1973 L972 ballot. They won and Berkeley became the first city in California to have rent control since World War II.[24] Other cities around the country followed and some still remain in effect or have been reintroduced in certain cities with large tenant populations, such as New York City, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Washington, D.C., and Oakland, California. Many smaller communities also have rent control — notably the California cities of Santa Monica, Berkeley, and West Hollywood[25] — along with many small towns in New Jersey. In the early 1990s, rent control in some cities, such as Boston and Cambridge, Massachusetts, was ended by state referendums.[26] When rent control ended in Cambridge, the city realized a 20% increase in new development and an increase in property values, according to a study by the MIT Center for Real Estate.[27]

History reveals that these regulations are constantly in flux and adapting to situations such as natural disasters, economic crises, and pandemics. These changes do not always look the same and vary within each state and city. For example, due to COVID-19, Oakland, California implemented a moratorium to prevent evictions from happening, which ended in February 2021.[28] Whereas in Massachusetts the eviction moratorium ended on October 17, 2020, and there was a CDC moratorium that stopped physical removals in cases where tenants owed rent due to illness or job loss until December 31, 2020.[29]

New York

New York State has had the longest history of rent controls, since 1943. New York City contains the majority of units covered by rent control. Rent control laws have stayed on the books for decades in New York because of an inadequate supply of "decent, affordable housing".[30] The worsening in the rental market led to the enactment of the Rent Stabilization Law of 1969, which aimed to help increase the number of available rental units. The current system is very complicated, and most of the protected renters are elderly.[31] William A. Moses, the founder of the Community Housing Improvement Program, a trade association that represents the owners of over 4,000 apartment buildings in New York City, said in 1983 that rent control was "the principal reason for neighborhood deterioration" and that at least 300,000 apartment units would have been built in New York City without it. Moses argued that landlords might not maintain their property if they were not allowed to collect adequate rent.[32] Urban planning scholar Peter Marcuse said in 1983 that rent control was not the reason for some landlords abandoning their NYC properties at the low end of the market – instead, such abandonment stemmed from the inability of low-income renters to pay the maximum rent allowed by law.[32] New York expanded rent control to encompass other municipalities in 2019 through the passage of the Housing Stability and Tenant Protection Act of 2019.[33] Since then, opponents have argued these new rent control regulations hinder investment in multifamily properties in New York City.[34] New York's rent control laws have also received criticism for inadvertently benefiting affluent tenants who might not otherwise need rental assistance.[35] Additionally, a survey of property owners who own or manage rent stabilized units in New York City found that rent regulations would lead to fewer non-essential improvements and proactive maintenance at their buildings.[36]

California

In California, municipal enactment of rent controls followed the high inflation of the 1970s (causing rents to continually rise)[37]: 1 and the 1979 statewide Proposition 13, which set property tax rates at 1%, and capped yearly increases at 2%. Leading the campaign to enact Proposition 13, California politician Howard Jarvis tried to get tenants to vote for Prop 13 by claiming that landlords would pass tax savings along to tenants; when most failed to do so, it became an additional motivating factor for rent control.[37]: 2

In 1985, California adopted the Ellis Act, eliminating municipalities' ability to prohibit the removal of properties from rental activities after the California Supreme Court in Nash v. City of Santa Monica[38] ruled that municipalities could prevent landlords from "going out of business" and withdrawing their properties from the rental market.New Study Calls for Ellis Act Reform

"Strong" or "vacancy control" rent control laws were in effect in five California cities (West Hollywood, Santa Monica, Berkeley, East Palo Alto, and Cotati) in 1995, when AB 1164 (known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act) preempted some elements of municipal rent control ordinances and eliminated strong rent-control in California (except in special cases like mobile home parks).[39][40][41]

In 2018, a statewide initiative (Proposition 10) attempted to repeal the Costa-Hawkins law, which, if passed, would have allowed cities and municipalities to enact "strong" or "vacancy control" systems, allowed rent control to be applied to buildings built after 1995, and would have allowed rent control on single-family homes. All are currently prohibited by Costa-Hawkins.[42]: 1 The proposition failed 59% to 41%.[43][44]

In 2019, the California legislature passed and the governor signed AB 1482, which created a statewide rent cap for the next 10 years.[45] The Tenant Protection Act of 2019 caps annual rent increases at 5% plus regional inflation.[45] For example, had the bill been in effect in 2019, rent increases in Los Angeles would have been capped at 8.3%, and in San Francisco at 9%.[45] The increases are pegged to the rental rate as of March 15, 2019.[45] The new law does not apply to buildings built within the prior 15 years, or to single-family homes (unless owned by corporations or institutional investors).[45] It also includes a requirement to show "just cause" for evictions, and retains "vacancy decontrol", meaning that rents can increase to market rate between tenants.[45]

In 2020, Michael Weinstein, the founder of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, sponsored and financed a second ballot initiative to allow more rent control, because he felt that AB 1482 (above) did not provide enough tenant protections, such as limiting rent increases between tenants.[45] 2020 California Proposition 21, like its predecessor 2018 California Proposition 10, was funded almost exclusively by Weinstein's AIDS Healthcare Foundation, and failed by an almost identical margin.[45][46][47]

Mobile homes

In some regions, rent control laws are more commonly adopted for mobile home parks.[48] Reasons given for these laws include residents owning their homes while renting the land the home sits on, the high cost of moving mobile homes, and the loss of home value when they are moved. California, for example, has only 13 local apartment rent control laws but over 100 local mobile home rent control laws.[citation needed] No new mobile home parks have been built in California since 1991.[citation needed]

Law

Rent control laws define which rental units are affected, and may only cover larger complexes, or units older than a certain date. To attempt to not disincentivise investment in new housing stock, rent control laws often exempt new construction. For example, San Francisco's Rent Stabilization Ordinance exempts all units built after 1979.[49] New York State generally exempts units built after 1974 anywhere in the state (although owners can agree to rent stabilization in exchange for tax benefits).[50]

The frequency and degree of rent increases are limited, usually to the rate of inflation defined by the United States Consumer Price Index or to a fraction thereof. San Francisco, for example, allows annual rent increases of 60% of the CPI, up to a maximum 7%.[51]

Rent control laws are often administered by nonelected rent control boards. Officers in city government assign members of the board, which will ensure mixed numbers of tenants and property owners to balance out their benefits. As stated in Goodman's research, a typical rent control board in New York is structured by two tenants, two landlords, and one homeowner. (Gilderbloom & Markham, 1996).[52]

Federal law

Rent regulation in the United States is an issue for each state. In 1921, the Supreme Court of the United States case of Block v. Hirsh[53] held by a majority that regulation of rents in the District of Columbia as a temporary emergency measure was constitutional, but shortly afterwards in 1924 in Chastleton Corp v. Sinclair[54] the same law was unanimously struck down by the Supreme Court. After the 1930s New Deal, the Supreme Court ceased to interfere with social and economic legislation, and a growing number of states adopted rules.[citation needed] In the 1986 case of Fisher v. City of Berkeley,[55] the US Supreme court held that there was no incompatibility between rent control and the Sherman Act.

State and local law

Oregon and California are the only states with statewide rent control laws, both enacted in 2019.[56][45] Six states—California, New York, New Jersey, Maine, Maryland, and Minnesota—have localities in which some form of residential rent control is in effect.[57][58] The District of Columbia also has rent control for some rental units; publicly owned or assisted properties, properties built in 1978 or later, and properties held by an owner with fewer than five rental units are exempt from D.C.'s rent-control law.[59]

Thirty-seven states either prohibit or preempt rent control, while eight states allow their cities to enact rent control, but have no cities that have implemented it.[3][4]

As of 2019, about 182 U.S. municipalities have rent control: 99 in New Jersey, 63 in New York, 18 in California, one in Maryland, and Washington, D.C.[57] The five most populous cities with rent control are New York City; Los Angeles; San Francisco; Oakland; and Washington, D.C.[57] The sole Maryland municipality with rent control is Takoma Park.[60]

Impact

There is a consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of housing.[61][62]: 106[63]: 204[64]: 1 A 2009 review of the economic literature[62]: 106 by Blair Jenkins found that "the economics profession has reached a rare consensus: Rent control creates many more problems than it solves".[62]: 105 [65]: 1 [66]: 1 [67]: 1 In a 2013 analysis of the body of economic research on rent control by Peter Tatian at the Urban Institute (a think tank described both as "liberal"[68] and "independent"[69][70]), he stated that "The conclusion seems to be that rent stabilization doesn't do a good job of protecting its intended beneficiaries—poor or vulnerable renters—because the targeting of the benefits is very haphazard.", and concluded that: "Given the current research, there seems to be little one can say in favor of rent control." [65]: 1 [71]: 1 [72]: 1 Two economists from opposing sides of the political spectrum, Nobel Laureate Paul Krugman (who identifies as an American liberal or European social democrat),[73] and Thomas Sowell, (who stated that "libertarian" might best describe his views)[74]: 1 have both criticized rent regulation as poor economics, which, despite its good intentions, leads to the creation of less housing, raises prices, and increases urban blight.[64]: 1 [75]: 4 [74]: 1 Writing in 1946, economists Milton Friedman and George J. Stigler said: "Rent ceilings, therefore, cause haphazard and arbitrary allocation of space, inefficient use of space, retardation of new construction and indefinite continuance of rent ceilings, or subsidization of new construction and a future depression in residential building."[76]

Historically, there have been two types of rent control – vacancy control (where the rent level of a unit is controlled irrespective of whether the tenant remains in the unit or not) and vacancy decontrol (where the rent level is controlled only while the existing tenant remains in the unit). In California prior to 1997, both types were allowed (the Costa/Hawkins bill of that year phased out vacancy control provisions). A 1990 study of Santa Monica, CA showed that vacancy control in that city protected existing tenants (lower increases in rent and longer stability). However, the policy potentially discouraged investors from building new rental units.[77]

A 2000 study that compared the border areas of four California cities having vacancy control provisions (Santa Monica, Berkeley, West Hollywood, East Palo Alto) with the border areas of adjoining jurisdictions (two of which allowed vacancy decontrol, including Los Angeles, and two of which had no rent control) showed that existing tenants in the vacancy control cities had lower rents and longer tenure than in the comparison areas. Thus, the ordinances helped protect the existing tenants and, therefore, increased community stability. However, there were fewer new rental units created in the border areas of the vacancy controlled cities over the 10-year period.[78]

A study that compared the effects of local rent control measures (both vacancy control and vacancy decontrol) with other local growth management measures in 490 California cities and counties (including all the largest ones) showed that rent control was stronger than individual land use restrictions (but not the aggregate effect of all growth restrictions) in reducing the number of rental units constructed between 1980 and 1990.[79] The measures (both rent control and growth management) helped displace new construction from the metropolitan areas to the interiors of the state with low income and minority populations being particularly impacted.

In 1994, San Francisco voters passed a ballot initiative which expanded the city's existing rent control laws to include small multi-unit apartments with four or less units, built prior to 1980 (about 30% of the city's rental housing stock at the time). [80]: 7[81]: 1[82]: 1 In 2017, Stanford economics researcher Rebecca Diamond and others published a study which examined the effects of this specific rent control law on the rental units newly controlled compared to similar style units (multi-unit apartments with four or less units) not under rent control (built after 1980), as well as this law's effect on the total city rental stock, and on overall rent prices in the city, covering the years from 1995 to 2012. [81][82][83][84]: 1[85]: 1[86] They found that while San Francisco's rent control laws benefited tenants who had rent controlled units, it also resulted in landlords removing 30% of the units in the study from the rental market, (by conversion to condos or TICs) which led to a 15% citywide decrease in total rental units, and a 7% increase in citywide rents. [80]: 1,44 [81][82]: 1[83][84] The authors stated that "This substitution toward owner occupied and high-end new construction rental housing likely fueled the gentrification of San Francisco, as these types of properties cater to higher income individuals." [80]: 3 [81][82]: 1[83][84][85]: 1 The authors also noted that "...forcing landlords to provide insurance against rent increases leads to large losses to tenants. If society desires to provide social insurance against rent increases, it would be more desirable to offer this subsidy in the form of a government subsidy or tax credit. This would remove landlords' incentives to decrease the housing supply and could provide households with the insurance they desire." [80]: 44 [81]: 1[82]: 1[83]: 1[84]: 1[85]: 1[86]: 1

The rental-accommodation market suffers from information asymmetries and high transaction costs. Typically, a landlord has more information about a home than a prospective tenant can reasonably detect. Moreover, once the tenant has moved in, the costs of moving again are very high. Unscrupulous landlords could conceal defects and, if the tenant complains, threaten to raise the rent at the end of the lease. With rent control, tenants can request that hidden defects, if they exist, be repaired to comply with building code requirements, without fearing retaliatory rent increases. Rent control could thus compensate somewhat for inefficiencies of the housing market.[1]: 1 [87] In older buildings, rent control may broaden incentives to renovate individual units: tenants may invest sweat equity and their own money to improve their homes if they are protected from landlords trying to capture the added value,[88][89][citation needed] while vacancy decontrol preserves landlords' financial incentive to renovate vacant units because it allows them to re-rent at market value.

According to a 2018 review of new research by Rebecca Diamond, new research showed that rent control benefitted tenants in the short-run, but had adverse effects for tenants and neighborhood stability in the long-run by reducing affordability, increasing gentrification, and creating negative spillovers for nearby neighborhoods.[90] Landlords frequently responded to rent control policies by reconverting rentals into buildings exempt from rent control or by allowing rentals to decay.[90]

A 2019 NBER working paper, which evaluated the efficacy of different housing affordability government policies, found that better targeting of rent control (towards the neediest households) could be welfare improving.[91] A 2021 study modelled rent control policies and found that they may raise housing prices and reduce housing quantities, but that "well-designed rent control may help policymakers to stabilize housing market dynamics, even without creating housing market distortions".[92]

Commentary

In 2000, New York Times columnist and Princeton University economist Paul Krugman published a frequently cited column on rent control.[93] He wrote, "The analysis of rent control is among the best-understood issues in all of economics, and – among economists anyway – one of the least controversial. In 1992, a poll of the American Economic Association found 93 percent of its members agreeing that 'a ceiling on rents reduces the quality and quantity of housing."

In light of recent legislative activity and ballot initiatives, several editorial boards have weighed in on rent control. In March 2019, the Chicago Tribune noted,[94] "The cost of rent control would be borne throughout the city in ways that, over time, would leave Chicago worse off. Even for many renters." In September 2019, the Washington Post argued,[95] "Rent-controlled laws can be good for some privileged beneficiaries, who are often not the people who really need help. But they are bad for many others." In September 2019, the Wall Street Journal wrote,[96] "Economists of all stripes agree rent control doesn't work. A mere 2% think it has positive effects, according to a 2012 survey by the IGM Forum."

Tenants' rights activists argue that rent control is necessary in times of long term housing shortages (See California housing shortage) to reduce the human suffering caused by increasing rents and the homelessness which results when people who can no longer afford the rent increases get evicted.[97]: 1 Milton Friedman argued that rent control restricts the property rights of property owners,[76] as it limits what they may do with their property, requiring petitioning and other processes by law, prior to taking action against a renter.

See also

People

  • Don A. Allen, member of the California State Assembly and of the Los Angeles City Council in the 1940s and 1950s, urged lifting of wartime rent controls in Los Angeles

Notes

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References

  • Baar, Kenneth K. (1983). "Guidelines for Drafting Rent Control Laws: Lessons of a Decade." Rutgers Law Review, Vol. 35 No. 4 (Summer 1983).
  • Baar, Kenneth K. (1992). "The Right to Sell the "Im"mobile Manufactured Home in Its Rent Controlled Space in the "Im"mobile Home Park: Valid Regulation or Unconstitutional Taking?" The Urban Lawyer, Vol. 24 pp. 157–221.
  • Block, Walter (2008). "Rent Control". In David R. Henderson (ed.). Concise Encyclopedia of Economics (2nd ed.). Library of Economics and Liberty. ISBN 978-0-86597-665-8. OCLC 237794267.
  • Downs, Anthony (1996). A Reevaluation of Residential Rent Controls. Washington, D.C. : Urban Land Institute, ISBN 0-87420-801-7.
  • Friedman, Milton, and George J. Stigler (1946). Roofs or Ceilings? The Current Housing Problem. Irvington-on-Hudson, N.Y.: Foundation for Economic Education.
  • Gilderbloom, John I., editor (1981). Rent Control: A Source Book. Center for Policy Alternatives; 3rd edition, June 1, 1981. ISBN 0-938806-01-7.
  • Keating, Dennis, editor (1998). Rent Control: Regulation and the Housing Market. Center for Urban Policy Research, ISBN 0-88285-159-4.
  • McDonough, Cristina (2007). "Rent Control and Rent Stabilization as Forms of Regulatory and Physical Taking." Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review, Vol. 34 pp. 361–85.
  • Niebanck, Paul L., editor (1986). The Rent Control Debate. University of North Carolina Press, ISBN 0-8078-1670-1.
  • Tucker, William (1991). Zoning, Rent Control and Affordable Housing. ISBN 0-932790-78-X.
  • Turner, Margery Austin (1990). Housing Market Impacts of Rent Control. Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute Press, ISBN 0-87766-443-9.
  • Gilderbloom, John I.; Markham, John P. (1996). "Moderate Rent Control: Sixty Cities over 20 Years". Journal of Urban Affairs. 18 (4): 409–430. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9906.1996.tb00388.x.

External links

  • Rent Control Around the World: Pros and Cons
  • California cities with rent control
  • additional California cities with rent regulation
  • New York communities with rent control
  • Pro-rent control article from tenant.net
  • New York Magazine article on Rent Control including interviews with tenants
  • Rent Control in the New Millennium by Dennis Keating
  • Almanac of Policy Issues – Rent Controls
  • Rent Controls and Housing Investment
  • Pro-rent control article from Dollars & Sense magazine
  • Four Thousand Years of Price Control – Mises Institute
  • Rent Stabilized Apartments Go Up Again! – Best Rents NYC

rent, control, united, states, refers, laws, ordinances, that, price, controls, rent, residential, housing, function, price, ceiling, more, loosely, rent, control, describes, several, types, price, control, strict, price, ceilings, also, known, rent, freeze, s. Rent control in the United States refers to laws or ordinances that set price controls on the rent of residential housing to function as a price ceiling 1 More loosely rent control describes several types of price control strict price ceilings also known as rent freeze systems or absolute or first generation rent controls in which no increases in rent are allowed at all rent is typically frozen at the rate existing when the law was enacted vacancy control also known as strict or strong rent control in which the rental price can rise but continues to be regulated in between tenancies a new tenant pays almost the same rent as the previous tenant and vacancy decontrol also known as tenancy or second generation rent control which limits price increases during a tenancy but allows rents to rise to market rate between tenancies new tenants pay market rate rent but increases are limited as long as they remain 1 As of 2022 six states California New York New Jersey Maryland Oregon and Minnesota and the District of Columbia have localities in which some form of residential rent control is in effect for normal structures excluding mobile homes 2 Thirty seven states either prohibit or preempt rent control while seven states allow their cities to enact rent control but have no cities that have implemented it 3 4 For localities with rent control it often covers a large percentage of that city s stock of rental units For example in New York City as of 2017 45 of rental units were rent stabilized and 1 were rent controlled these are different legal classifications in NYC 5 In the District of Columbia as of 2019 about 36 of rental units were rent controlled 6 In San Francisco as of 2014 about 75 of all rental units were rent controlled 7 1 and in Los Angeles in 2014 80 of multifamily units were rent controlled 8 1 In 2019 Oregon s legislature passed a bill which made the state the first in the nation to adopt a state wide rent control policy This new law limits annual rent increases to inflation plus 7 percent includes vacancy decontrol market rate between tenancies exempts new construction for 15 years and keeps the current state ban on local rent control policies state level preemption intact 9 1 10 1 In November 2021 voters in Saint Paul Minnesota passed a rent control ballot initiative that capped annual rent increases at 3 percent included vacancy control and did not exempt new construction or allow inflation to be added to the allowable rate increase 11 12 This resulted in an 80 reduction in requests for new multifamily housing permits while in neighboring Minneapolis where voters authorized the city council to craft a rent control ordinance which might exempt new construction permits were up 70 11 13 There is a consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of rental housing units 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Other observers see rent control as benefiting the renter preventing excessive rent increases and unfair evictions Rent control may stabilize a community promoting continuity and it may mitigate income inequality 21 22 23 Contents 1 History 1 1 New York 1 2 California 1 3 Mobile homes 2 Law 2 1 Federal law 2 2 State and local law 3 Impact 4 Commentary 5 See also 6 Notes 7 References 8 External linksHistory EditMain article Rent regulation In the United States during World War I rents were controlled through a combination of public pressure and the efforts of local anti rent profiteering committees Between 1919 and 1924 a number of cities and states adopted rent and eviction control laws Modern rent controls were first adopted in response to the Great Depression and WWII era shortages Because of these shortages and the overall national economic crisis the federal government called for emergency price control on consumer goods and rent control in 1942 24 However not all states decided to implement these rent control laws It was not until the 1970s during the economic recession that Richard Nixon temporarily implemented a national wage and price controls to combat hyperinflation but this did not last for long and began to phase out in 1973 Nonetheless tenants particularly in Berkeley kept organizing and brought rent stabilization to the June 6 1973 L972 ballot They won and Berkeley became the first city in California to have rent control since World War II 24 Other cities around the country followed and some still remain in effect or have been reintroduced in certain cities with large tenant populations such as New York City San Francisco Los Angeles Washington D C and Oakland California Many smaller communities also have rent control notably the California cities of Santa Monica Berkeley and West Hollywood 25 along with many small towns in New Jersey In the early 1990s rent control in some cities such as Boston and Cambridge Massachusetts was ended by state referendums 26 When rent control ended in Cambridge the city realized a 20 increase in new development and an increase in property values according to a study by the MIT Center for Real Estate 27 History reveals that these regulations are constantly in flux and adapting to situations such as natural disasters economic crises and pandemics These changes do not always look the same and vary within each state and city For example due to COVID 19 Oakland California implemented a moratorium to prevent evictions from happening which ended in February 2021 28 Whereas in Massachusetts the eviction moratorium ended on October 17 2020 and there was a CDC moratorium that stopped physical removals in cases where tenants owed rent due to illness or job loss until December 31 2020 29 New York Edit New York State has had the longest history of rent controls since 1943 New York City contains the majority of units covered by rent control Rent control laws have stayed on the books for decades in New York because of an inadequate supply of decent affordable housing 30 The worsening in the rental market led to the enactment of the Rent Stabilization Law of 1969 which aimed to help increase the number of available rental units The current system is very complicated and most of the protected renters are elderly 31 William A Moses the founder of the Community Housing Improvement Program a trade association that represents the owners of over 4 000 apartment buildings in New York City said in 1983 that rent control was the principal reason for neighborhood deterioration and that at least 300 000 apartment units would have been built in New York City without it Moses argued that landlords might not maintain their property if they were not allowed to collect adequate rent 32 Urban planning scholar Peter Marcuse said in 1983 that rent control was not the reason for some landlords abandoning their NYC properties at the low end of the market instead such abandonment stemmed from the inability of low income renters to pay the maximum rent allowed by law 32 New York expanded rent control to encompass other municipalities in 2019 through the passage of the Housing Stability and Tenant Protection Act of 2019 33 Since then opponents have argued these new rent control regulations hinder investment in multifamily properties in New York City 34 New York s rent control laws have also received criticism for inadvertently benefiting affluent tenants who might not otherwise need rental assistance 35 Additionally a survey of property owners who own or manage rent stabilized units in New York City found that rent regulations would lead to fewer non essential improvements and proactive maintenance at their buildings 36 California Edit In California municipal enactment of rent controls followed the high inflation of the 1970s causing rents to continually rise 37 1 and the 1979 statewide Proposition 13 which set property tax rates at 1 and capped yearly increases at 2 Leading the campaign to enact Proposition 13 California politician Howard Jarvis tried to get tenants to vote for Prop 13 by claiming that landlords would pass tax savings along to tenants when most failed to do so it became an additional motivating factor for rent control 37 2 In 1985 California adopted the Ellis Act eliminating municipalities ability to prohibit the removal of properties from rental activities after the California Supreme Court in Nash v City of Santa Monica 38 ruled that municipalities could prevent landlords from going out of business and withdrawing their properties from the rental market New Study Calls for Ellis Act Reform Strong or vacancy control rent control laws were in effect in five California cities West Hollywood Santa Monica Berkeley East Palo Alto and Cotati in 1995 when AB 1164 known as the Costa Hawkins Rental Housing Act preempted some elements of municipal rent control ordinances and eliminated strong rent control in California except in special cases like mobile home parks 39 40 41 In 2018 a statewide initiative Proposition 10 attempted to repeal the Costa Hawkins law which if passed would have allowed cities and municipalities to enact strong or vacancy control systems allowed rent control to be applied to buildings built after 1995 and would have allowed rent control on single family homes All are currently prohibited by Costa Hawkins 42 1 The proposition failed 59 to 41 43 44 In 2019 the California legislature passed and the governor signed AB 1482 which created a statewide rent cap for the next 10 years 45 The Tenant Protection Act of 2019 caps annual rent increases at 5 plus regional inflation 45 For example had the bill been in effect in 2019 rent increases in Los Angeles would have been capped at 8 3 and in San Francisco at 9 45 The increases are pegged to the rental rate as of March 15 2019 45 The new law does not apply to buildings built within the prior 15 years or to single family homes unless owned by corporations or institutional investors 45 It also includes a requirement to show just cause for evictions and retains vacancy decontrol meaning that rents can increase to market rate between tenants 45 In 2020 Michael Weinstein the founder of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation sponsored and financed a second ballot initiative to allow more rent control because he felt that AB 1482 above did not provide enough tenant protections such as limiting rent increases between tenants 45 2020 California Proposition 21 like its predecessor 2018 California Proposition 10 was funded almost exclusively by Weinstein s AIDS Healthcare Foundation and failed by an almost identical margin 45 46 47 Mobile homes Edit In some regions rent control laws are more commonly adopted for mobile home parks 48 Reasons given for these laws include residents owning their homes while renting the land the home sits on the high cost of moving mobile homes and the loss of home value when they are moved California for example has only 13 local apartment rent control laws but over 100 local mobile home rent control laws citation needed No new mobile home parks have been built in California since 1991 citation needed Law EditRent control laws define which rental units are affected and may only cover larger complexes or units older than a certain date To attempt to not disincentivise investment in new housing stock rent control laws often exempt new construction For example San Francisco s Rent Stabilization Ordinance exempts all units built after 1979 49 New York State generally exempts units built after 1974 anywhere in the state although owners can agree to rent stabilization in exchange for tax benefits 50 The frequency and degree of rent increases are limited usually to the rate of inflation defined by the United States Consumer Price Index or to a fraction thereof San Francisco for example allows annual rent increases of 60 of the CPI up to a maximum 7 51 Rent control laws are often administered by nonelected rent control boards Officers in city government assign members of the board which will ensure mixed numbers of tenants and property owners to balance out their benefits As stated in Goodman s research a typical rent control board in New York is structured by two tenants two landlords and one homeowner Gilderbloom amp Markham 1996 52 Federal law Edit Rent regulation in the United States is an issue for each state In 1921 the Supreme Court of the United States case of Block v Hirsh 53 held by a majority that regulation of rents in the District of Columbia as a temporary emergency measure was constitutional but shortly afterwards in 1924 in Chastleton Corp v Sinclair 54 the same law was unanimously struck down by the Supreme Court After the 1930s New Deal the Supreme Court ceased to interfere with social and economic legislation and a growing number of states adopted rules citation needed In the 1986 case of Fisher v City of Berkeley 55 the US Supreme court held that there was no incompatibility between rent control and the Sherman Act State and local law Edit Oregon and California are the only states with statewide rent control laws both enacted in 2019 56 45 Six states California New York New Jersey Maine Maryland and Minnesota have localities in which some form of residential rent control is in effect 57 58 The District of Columbia also has rent control for some rental units publicly owned or assisted properties properties built in 1978 or later and properties held by an owner with fewer than five rental units are exempt from D C s rent control law 59 Thirty seven states either prohibit or preempt rent control while eight states allow their cities to enact rent control but have no cities that have implemented it 3 4 As of 2019 about 182 U S municipalities have rent control 99 in New Jersey 63 in New York 18 in California one in Maryland and Washington D C 57 The five most populous cities with rent control are New York City Los Angeles San Francisco Oakland and Washington D C 57 The sole Maryland municipality with rent control is Takoma Park 60 Impact EditThere is a consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of housing 61 62 106 63 204 64 1 A 2009 review of the economic literature 62 106 by Blair Jenkins found that the economics profession has reached a rare consensus Rent control creates many more problems than it solves 62 105 65 1 66 1 67 1 In a 2013 analysis of the body of economic research on rent control by Peter Tatian at the Urban Institute a think tank described both as liberal 68 and independent 69 70 he stated that The conclusion seems to be that rent stabilization doesn t do a good job of protecting its intended beneficiaries poor or vulnerable renters because the targeting of the benefits is very haphazard and concluded that Given the current research there seems to be little one can say in favor of rent control 65 1 71 1 72 1 Two economists from opposing sides of the political spectrum Nobel Laureate Paul Krugman who identifies as an American liberal or European social democrat 73 and Thomas Sowell who stated that libertarian might best describe his views 74 1 have both criticized rent regulation as poor economics which despite its good intentions leads to the creation of less housing raises prices and increases urban blight 64 1 75 4 74 1 Writing in 1946 economists Milton Friedman and George J Stigler said Rent ceilings therefore cause haphazard and arbitrary allocation of space inefficient use of space retardation of new construction and indefinite continuance of rent ceilings or subsidization of new construction and a future depression in residential building 76 Historically there have been two types of rent control vacancy control where the rent level of a unit is controlled irrespective of whether the tenant remains in the unit or not and vacancy decontrol where the rent level is controlled only while the existing tenant remains in the unit In California prior to 1997 both types were allowed the Costa Hawkins bill of that year phased out vacancy control provisions A 1990 study of Santa Monica CA showed that vacancy control in that city protected existing tenants lower increases in rent and longer stability However the policy potentially discouraged investors from building new rental units 77 A 2000 study that compared the border areas of four California cities having vacancy control provisions Santa Monica Berkeley West Hollywood East Palo Alto with the border areas of adjoining jurisdictions two of which allowed vacancy decontrol including Los Angeles and two of which had no rent control showed that existing tenants in the vacancy control cities had lower rents and longer tenure than in the comparison areas Thus the ordinances helped protect the existing tenants and therefore increased community stability However there were fewer new rental units created in the border areas of the vacancy controlled cities over the 10 year period 78 A study that compared the effects of local rent control measures both vacancy control and vacancy decontrol with other local growth management measures in 490 California cities and counties including all the largest ones showed that rent control was stronger than individual land use restrictions but not the aggregate effect of all growth restrictions in reducing the number of rental units constructed between 1980 and 1990 79 The measures both rent control and growth management helped displace new construction from the metropolitan areas to the interiors of the state with low income and minority populations being particularly impacted In 1994 San Francisco voters passed a ballot initiative which expanded the city s existing rent control laws to include small multi unit apartments with four or less units built prior to 1980 about 30 of the city s rental housing stock at the time 80 7 81 1 82 1 In 2017 Stanford economics researcher Rebecca Diamond and others published a study which examined the effects of this specific rent control law on the rental units newly controlled compared to similar style units multi unit apartments with four or less units not under rent control built after 1980 as well as this law s effect on the total city rental stock and on overall rent prices in the city covering the years from 1995 to 2012 81 82 83 84 1 85 1 86 They found that while San Francisco s rent control laws benefited tenants who had rent controlled units it also resulted in landlords removing 30 of the units in the study from the rental market by conversion to condos or TICs which led to a 15 citywide decrease in total rental units and a 7 increase in citywide rents 80 1 44 81 82 1 83 84 The authors stated that This substitution toward owner occupied and high end new construction rental housing likely fueled the gentrification of San Francisco as these types of properties cater to higher income individuals 80 3 81 82 1 83 84 85 1 The authors also noted that forcing landlords to provide insurance against rent increases leads to large losses to tenants If society desires to provide social insurance against rent increases it would be more desirable to offer this subsidy in the form of a government subsidy or tax credit This would remove landlords incentives to decrease the housing supply and could provide households with the insurance they desire 80 44 81 1 82 1 83 1 84 1 85 1 86 1 The rental accommodation market suffers from information asymmetries and high transaction costs Typically a landlord has more information about a home than a prospective tenant can reasonably detect Moreover once the tenant has moved in the costs of moving again are very high Unscrupulous landlords could conceal defects and if the tenant complains threaten to raise the rent at the end of the lease With rent control tenants can request that hidden defects if they exist be repaired to comply with building code requirements without fearing retaliatory rent increases Rent control could thus compensate somewhat for inefficiencies of the housing market 1 1 87 In older buildings rent control may broaden incentives to renovate individual units tenants may invest sweat equity and their own money to improve their homes if they are protected from landlords trying to capture the added value 88 89 citation needed while vacancy decontrol preserves landlords financial incentive to renovate vacant units because it allows them to re rent at market value According to a 2018 review of new research by Rebecca Diamond new research showed that rent control benefitted tenants in the short run but had adverse effects for tenants and neighborhood stability in the long run by reducing affordability increasing gentrification and creating negative spillovers for nearby neighborhoods 90 Landlords frequently responded to rent control policies by reconverting rentals into buildings exempt from rent control or by allowing rentals to decay 90 A 2019 NBER working paper which evaluated the efficacy of different housing affordability government policies found that better targeting of rent control towards the neediest households could be welfare improving 91 A 2021 study modelled rent control policies and found that they may raise housing prices and reduce housing quantities but that well designed rent control may help policymakers to stabilize housing market dynamics even without creating housing market distortions 92 Commentary EditIn 2000 New York Times columnist and Princeton University economist Paul Krugman published a frequently cited column on rent control 93 He wrote The analysis of rent control is among the best understood issues in all of economics and among economists anyway one of the least controversial In 1992 a poll of the American Economic Association found 93 percent of its members agreeing that a ceiling on rents reduces the quality and quantity of housing In light of recent legislative activity and ballot initiatives several editorial boards have weighed in on rent control In March 2019 the Chicago Tribune noted 94 The cost of rent control would be borne throughout the city in ways that over time would leave Chicago worse off Even for many renters In September 2019 the Washington Post argued 95 Rent controlled laws can be good for some privileged beneficiaries who are often not the people who really need help But they are bad for many others In September 2019 the Wall Street Journal wrote 96 Economists of all stripes agree rent control doesn t work A mere 2 think it has positive effects according to a 2012 survey by the IGM Forum Tenants rights activists argue that rent control is necessary in times of long term housing shortages See California housing shortage to reduce the human suffering caused by increasing rents and the homelessness which results when people who can no longer afford the rent increases get evicted 97 1 Milton Friedman argued that rent control restricts the property rights of property owners 76 as it limits what they may do with their property requiring petitioning and other processes by law prior to taking action against a renter See also EditAffordable housing Price ceiling Subsidized housing Rent control in New York Rent control in California Rent regulationPeople Don A Allen member of the California State Assembly and of the Los Angeles City Council in the 1940s and 1950s urged lifting of wartime rent controls in Los AngelesNotes Edit a b c Cruz Christian 2009 01 19 The pros and cons of rent control Global Property Guide Archived from the original on 2010 02 27 Retrieved 2018 08 05 Rent Control Laws by State www nmhc org Retrieved 2022 09 14 a b Rent Control Laws by State National Multifamily Housing Council 20 September 2019 Archived PDF from the original on 2018 08 03 Retrieved 2020 02 10 a b US Rent Control Laws by State rentprep com Archived from the original on 2019 09 18 Retrieved 2019 09 18 Waickman C R Jerome J B R Place R Sociodemographics of Rent Stabilized Tenants New York City Department of Housing Preservation and Development 2018 Roughly 36 percent of D C s rental housing units are rent stabilized D C Policy Center Retrieved 2022 09 14 Cutler Kim Mai 2014 04 14 How Burrowing Owls Lead To Vomiting Anarchists Or SF s Housing Crisis Explained TechCrunch Archived from the original on 2014 04 30 Retrieved 2018 12 04 Bergman Ben 2014 09 12 LA Rent Has rent control been successful in Los Angeles Southern California Public Radio Archived from the original on 2014 09 13 Retrieved 2018 12 04 Ingber Sasha February 27 2019 Oregon Set To Pass The First Statewide Rent Control Bill NPR org Archived from the original on 2019 03 06 Retrieved 2019 03 06 Njus Elliot February 28 2019 Oregon Gov Kate Brown signs nation s first statewide rent control law OregonLive Archived from the original on 2019 03 05 Retrieved 2019 03 06 a b Britschgi Christian 2022 03 22 America s Most Controversial Rent Control Law Is Getting a Hasty Makeover A collapse in new development activity followed St Paul voters approval of a strict vaguely written rent control ordinance City and state officials are scrambling over how best to fix the new law Reason Tomorrow the St Paul City Council will discuss the details of implementing Question 1 a brief voter passed ordinance that caps annual rent increases at 3 percent and which includes none of the typical exemptions or allowances for new construction vacant units or inflation California and Oregon policies also include a number of other exemptions to their state level rent control laws They allow property owners up to a point to add inflation to allowable rent increases They both allow landlords to raise rents as high as they want between tenants and have higher caps on rent increases 5 percent in California and 7 percent in Oregon Galioto Katie 2021 11 20 Fearing a spike tenant advocates keep a close eye on St Paul rents Star Tribune More than 30 000 St Paul residents about 53 of voters approved an ordinance by referendum earlier this month that will cap annual rent increases at 3 The city has yet to hammer out the finer points of its new policy which has been pegged as one of the most stringent rent control measures in the nation because it does not allow landlords to raise rents once a tenant moves out does not exempt new construction and is not tied to inflation Callaghan Peter 2022 03 16 Minnesota Senate committee moves bill to retroactively cancel rent control measures passed by voters in Minneapolis St Paul MinnPost Draheim also cited Census Bureau statistics that show requests for housing permits has fallen 80 percent in St Paul since the passage of the referendum In Minneapolis which hasn t drafted an ordinance yet and where new buildings could be exempt from caps permits are up 68 percent Baumol William J Blinder Alan S 1994 Economics Principles and Policy 6th ed Dryden Press pp 92 93 379 ISBN 0 03 098927 2 Cooter Robert Ulen Thomas 1997 Law and Economics 2nd Edition Addison Wesley pp 32 33 David A Besanko Ronald R Braeutigam 2008 10 5 Microeconomics 3rd ed Hoboken New Jersey John Wiley amp Sons pp 374 377 ISBN 978 0470 04924 2 B Douglas Bernheim Michael D Whinston 2008 Microeconomics 1st ed McGraw Hill Irwin p 565 ISBN 978 0 07 290027 9 Dougherty Conor 12 October 2018 Why Rent Control Is a Lightning Rod The New York Times Retrieved 26 March 2019 And yet economists from both the right and the left are in almost universal agreement that rent control makes housing problems worse in the long run Mankiw N Gregory 2015 Principles of Economics Boston MA Cengage Learning p 31 ISBN 978 1 305 58512 6 Brandts Jordi Busom Isabel Lopez Mayan Cristina Panades Judith 2022 Pictures are worth many words Effectiveness of visual communication in dispelling the rent control misconception SSRN Electronic Journal doi 10 2139 ssrn 4037381 hdl 2445 183641 ISSN 1556 5068 S2CID 247724304 url https www santacruzsentinel com 2018 04 15 stephen barton why rent control is a good thing title Stephen Barton Why rent control is a good thing date April 15 2018 last Barton first Stephen newspaper Santa Cruz Sentinel access date August 17 2022 url https www mercurynews com 2018 07 03 steady rise in rents fuels debate over november referendum title Steady rise in Bay Area rents fuels debate over November measure date July 3 2018 last Barton first Stephen newspaper San Jose Mercury News access date August 17 2022 Walker Richard March 2016 Why Is There a Housing Crisis East Bay Express Retrieved August 17 2022 a b History of the Rent Control Debate in California No Place Like Home Archived from the original on 2020 09 26 Retrieved 2020 11 28 California Department of Consumer Affairs State of Landlord Tenant Book California Department of Consumer Affairs www dca ca gov Archived from the original on 2017 10 10 Retrieved 2008 02 06 Massachusetts Election Statistics 1994 Ballot Question 9 Boston The Division 1994 Pollakowski Henry May 2003 Rent Control and Housing Investment Evidence from Deregulation in Cambridge Massachusetts PDF MIT Center for Real Estate Archived PDF from the original on October 21 2019 Retrieved October 21 2019 Municode Library library municode com Archived from the original on 2021 03 09 Retrieved 2020 12 09 Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID 19 Federal Register 2020 09 04 Archived from the original on 2020 12 09 Retrieved 2020 12 09 History of Rent Regulation www tenant net Archived from the original on 2004 05 06 Retrieved 2004 04 15 Rent Control Fact Sheet Archived from the original on 2005 05 09 a b Plakins Ava January 31 1983 The Landlord s Lament New York Archived from the original on March 9 2021 Retrieved February 25 2019 NY State Senate Bill S6458 NY State Senate 2019 06 11 Archived from the original on 2019 07 20 Retrieved 2019 10 21 Board The Editorial 19 July 2019 Opinion The Wages of Rent Control Wall Street Journal Archived from the original on 2019 10 21 Retrieved 2019 10 21 Louis Errol Rent laws are welfare for the rich Time for New York to have a smart conversation over a costly housing regulatory system nydailynews com Archived from the original on 2019 11 11 Retrieved 2019 10 21 REW 2019 08 28 Owners cut spending lay off workers as state rent regs begin to bite Real Estate Weekly Archived from the original on 2019 10 21 Retrieved 2019 10 21 a b Forbes Jim Sheridan Matthew 1999 06 01 The Birth of Rent Control in San Francisco San Francisco Apartment Association Archived from the original on 2008 07 20 Retrieved 2018 08 05 Nash v City of Santa Monica 1984 Justia 1984 10 25 Archived from the original on 2015 12 02 Retrieved 2018 08 05 AB1164 Bill Text Archived from the original on 2014 12 18 Retrieved 2007 12 01 California Civil Code Sections 1954 50 1954 535 Archived from the original on 2012 02 11 Retrieved 2007 12 01 Peter Dreier May 14 1997 Rent Deregulation in California and Massachusetts Politics Policy and Impacts Part II Archived from the original on October 22 2007 Retrieved October 18 2007 Murphy Katy 2018 11 06 California s rent control measure defeated San Jose Mercury News Archived from the original on 2018 11 17 Retrieved 2018 11 25 State Ballot Measures PDF Secretary of State of California Archived PDF from the original on 2019 01 08 Retrieved 2019 03 03 State Totals 4 949 543 7 251 443 Percent 40 6 59 4 California Proposition 10 Local Rent Control Initiative 2018 Archived from the original on 2019 02 25 Retrieved 2019 03 04 a b c d e f g h i Dillon Liam 2019 10 08 California will limit rent increases under bill signed by Gov Gavin Newsom Los Angeles Times California Proposition 10 Local Rent Control Initiative 2018 Ballotpedia Retrieved 2020 07 31 California Proposition 21 Local Rent Control Initiative 2020 Ballotpedia Retrieved 2020 07 31 Hirsch Werner Z 1988 09 01 An inquiry into effects of mobile home park rent control Journal of Urban Economics 24 2 212 226 doi 10 1016 0094 1190 88 90039 3 ISSN 0094 1190 Archived from the original on 2021 03 09 Retrieved 2021 02 26 San Francisco Rent Board Fact Sheet 1 General Information Fact Sheet 1 Rent Control and Rent Stabilization Archived from the original on 2008 02 15 Retrieved 2008 01 17 CITY AND COUNTY OF SAN FRANCISCO RESIDENTIAL RENT STABILIZATION AND ARBITRATION BOARD Section 1 12 Retrieved 2015 03 29 Gilderbloom John I Markham John P 2016 Moderate Rent Control Sixty Cities over 20 Years Journal of Urban Affairs 18 4 409 430 doi 10 1111 j 1467 9906 1996 tb00388 x 256 U S 135 1921 264 U S 543 1924 475 U S 260 1986 Elliot Njus How does Oregon s first in the nation rent control law work A quick guide Archived 2020 12 11 at the Wayback Machine The Oregonian OregonLive March 6 2019 a b c Prasanna Rajasekaran Mark Treskon and Solomon Greene Rent Control What Does the Research Tell Us about the Effectiveness of Local Action Archived 2021 01 22 at the Wayback Machine Urban Institute January 2019 Rent Control Laws by State www nmhc org Retrieved 2022 07 15 Peter A Tatian amp Ashley Williams A Rent Control Report for the District of Columbia Prepared by NeighborhoodInfo DC Archived 2021 01 01 at the Wayback Machine Urban Institute June 2011 Armando Trull Rents At Takoma Park Building Help Spur Debate Over Maryland Tenant Protections Archived 2021 03 09 at the Wayback Machine WAMU September 17 2015 Rent control www igmchicago org Archived from the original on 2020 08 08 Retrieved 2019 10 21 a b c Jenkins Blair 1 January 2009 Rent Control Do Economists Agree PDF American Institute for Economic Research Archived PDF from the original on 2017 09 29 Retrieved 2018 08 14 Alston Richard M Kearl J R Vaughan Michael B 1992 05 01 Is There a Consensus Among Economists in the 1990s PDF The American Economic Review 82 2 203 209 JSTOR 2117401 Archived PDF from the original on 2006 09 01 a b Krugman Paul 7 June 2000 Reckonings A Rent Affair The New York Times Archived from the original on 2009 04 06 Retrieved 2018 08 10 a b Tatian Peter 2013 01 02 Is Rent Control Good Policy Urban Institute Archived from the original on 2015 07 03 Retrieved 2018 08 19 Beyer Scott 2015 04 24 How Ironic America s Rent Controlled Cities Are Its Least Affordable Forbes Archived from the original on 2015 07 19 Retrieved 2018 09 11 Valdez Roger 2017 12 18 Rent Control Doesn t Help Renters Some In Washington State Want To Try It Anyway Forbes Archived from the original on 2017 12 23 Retrieved 2018 09 13 Rich Spencer 1988 06 12 Urban Institute Leading Liberal Think Tank Marks 20th Birthday Los Angeles Times Archived from the original on 2010 07 01 Retrieved 2018 08 20 Cohen Rick 2014 12 12 The Inner Workings of Think Tanks Transparify Gives Us a Good Look Nonprofit Quarterly Archived from the original on 2016 05 31 Retrieved 2018 08 20 the Urban Institute and others are typically considered nonpartisan or middle of the road McLean Jim 2014 11 20 Kansas hospitals continue campaign for Medicaid expansion Kansas Health Institute Archived from the original on 2014 12 16 Retrieved 2018 08 20 the nonpartisan Urban Institute Pender Kathleen 10 September 2016 Rent control spreading to Bay Area suburbs to economists dismay The San Francisco Chronicle Archived from the original on 2016 10 08 Retrieved 2018 08 18 Jaffe Eric 2013 04 09 Some People Will Do Crazy Things for a Rent Controlled Apartment in NYC CityLab The Atlantic Archived from the original on 2018 09 12 Retrieved 2018 09 11 Nobelpristagaren i ekonomi 2008 Paul Krugman Archived 2013 09 10 at the Wayback Machine speech by Paul Krugman Retrieved December 26 2008 a b Sawhill Ray 1999 11 10 Black and right Thomas Sowell talks about the arrogance of liberal elites and the loneliness of the black conservative Salon Archived from the original on 2011 12 07 Retrieved 2018 09 22 Sowell Thomas 2008 Economic Facts and Fallacies Basic Books ISBN 0 465 00349 4 a b Friedman Milton D 21 February 2011 Roofs or Ceilings The Current Housing Problem Milton D Friedman Archived from the original on 9 March 2021 Retrieved 27 September 2011 Levine Ned Grigsby J Eugene Heskin Allan D 1990 Who Benefits from Rent Control Effects on Tenants in Santa Monica California Journal of the American Planning Association 56 2 140 152 doi 10 1080 01944369008975755 Heskin Allan D Levine Ned Garrett Mark 2000 The Effects of Vacancy Control A Spatial Analysis of Four California Cities Journal of the American Planning Association 66 2 162 176 doi 10 1080 01944360008976096 S2CID 153160869 Levine Ned November 1 1999 The Effects of Local Growth Controls on Regional Housing Production and Population Redistribution in California Urban Studies 36 12 2047 2068 doi 10 1080 0042098992539 S2CID 153734844 a b c d Diamond Rebecca McQuade Tim Qian Franklin 2017 10 11 The Effects of Rent Control Expansion on Tenants Landlords and Inequality Evidence from San Francisco PDF National Bureau of Economic Research Archived PDF from the original on 2018 08 03 Retrieved 2018 08 07 a b c d e Murphy Katy 2017 11 02 Rent control policy likely fueled the gentrification of San Francisco study finds As California debates rent caps economists offer a cautionary note The San Jose Mercury News Archived from the original on 2018 01 04 Retrieved 2018 08 07 a b c d e Truong Kevin 2017 11 09 Rent control linked to gentrification in San Francisco Stanford study says American City Business Journals Archived from the original on 2018 12 02 Retrieved 2018 12 01 a b c d Robertson Michelle 2017 11 03 Rent control policies likely fueled SF gentrification Stanford economists say San Francisco Chronicle Archived from the original on 2017 12 03 Retrieved 2018 08 07 a b c d Delgadillo Natalie 2018 02 14 Does Rent Control Do More Harm Than Good A new study suggests that policies meant to keep rents down actually jack them up overall reduce the rental stock and fuel gentrification Governing Archived from the original on 2018 02 22 Retrieved 2018 08 07 a b c Misra Tanvi 2018 01 29 Rent Control a Reckoning CityLab Archived from the original on 2018 02 01 Retrieved 2018 11 30 a b Andrews Edmund 2018 02 02 Rent Control s Winners and Losers With rents going through the roof in hot cities the hunt is on for a better way to protect tenants from being priced out of their homes Stanford Graduate School of Business Archived from the original on 2018 03 09 Retrieved 2018 12 11 Raess Pascal von Ungern Sternberg Thomas 2002 A model of regulation in the rental housing market Regional Science and Urban Economics 32 4 475 500 doi 10 1016 S0166 0462 01 00093 X Capek Stella M 1992 Community versus Commodity Tenants and the American City ISBN 9780791498439 Archived from the original on 2021 03 09 Retrieved 2021 02 26 Background history Lower Manhattan Loft Tenants 2002 01 01 Archived from the original on 2012 06 29 As early as the mid 1960s artists began pioneering the economically depressed manufacturing zone of lower Manhattan known as SoHo where they found affordable raw or as is spaces large enough to both live and work ie lofts Delighted to receive rent for these often abandoned derelict spaces commercial property owners welcomed and encouraged the residential occupancy of their buildings Using sweat equity artists renovated their leased lofts converting them into habitable living working studios installing plumbing and electrical fixtures along with other improvements generally at their own expense The City which was equally delighted by the stabilization of the property tax base turned a blind eye to the fact that none of these buildings had a residential Certificate of Occupancy a b Diamond Rebecca 2018 10 18 What does economic evidence tell us about the effects of rent control Brookings Retrieved 2021 03 23 Research Shows Benefit of Decades Old Affordable Housing Approach NewsRoom 3 April 2019 Archived from the original on 2020 11 07 Retrieved 2021 02 25 Schmitt Noemi Westerhoff Frank 7 January 2021 Speculative housing markets and rent control insights from nonlinear economic dynamics N Schmitt F Westerhoff Journal of Economic Interaction and Coordination doi 10 1007 s11403 020 00312 3 S2CID 234298168 Krugman Paul 2000 06 07 Opinion Reckonings A Rent Affair The New York Times ISSN 0362 4331 Archived from the original on 2017 03 24 Retrieved 2019 10 21 Editorial Board Rent control would benefit some tenants but sap vitality from Chicago chicagotribune com Archived from the original on 2019 10 21 Retrieved 2019 10 21 Editorial Board Opinion The economists are right Rent control is bad Washington Post Archived from the original on 2019 10 21 Retrieved 2019 10 21 Board The Editorial 29 September 2019 Opinion Bernie s National Rent Control Wall Street Journal Archived from the original on 2019 10 21 Retrieved 2019 10 21 Bautista Rafael 2018 05 02 In California rent control is needed to protect working families The San Diego Union Tribune Archived from the original on 2018 05 03 Retrieved 2018 08 09 References EditBaar Kenneth K 1983 Guidelines for Drafting Rent Control Laws Lessons of a Decade Rutgers Law Review Vol 35 No 4 Summer 1983 Baar Kenneth K 1992 The Right to Sell the Im mobile Manufactured Home in Its Rent Controlled Space in the Im mobile Home Park Valid Regulation or Unconstitutional Taking The Urban Lawyer Vol 24 pp 157 221 Block Walter 2008 Rent Control In David R Henderson ed Concise Encyclopedia of Economics 2nd ed Library of Economics and Liberty ISBN 978 0 86597 665 8 OCLC 237794267 Downs Anthony 1996 A Reevaluation of Residential Rent Controls Washington D C Urban Land Institute ISBN 0 87420 801 7 Friedman Milton and George J Stigler 1946 Roofs or Ceilings The Current Housing Problem Irvington on Hudson N Y Foundation for Economic Education Gilderbloom John I editor 1981 Rent Control A Source Book Center for Policy Alternatives 3rd edition June 1 1981 ISBN 0 938806 01 7 Keating Dennis editor 1998 Rent Control Regulation and the Housing Market Center for Urban Policy Research ISBN 0 88285 159 4 McDonough Cristina 2007 Rent Control and Rent Stabilization as Forms of Regulatory and Physical Taking Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review Vol 34 pp 361 85 Niebanck Paul L editor 1986 The Rent Control Debate University of North Carolina Press ISBN 0 8078 1670 1 Tucker William 1991 Zoning Rent Control and Affordable Housing ISBN 0 932790 78 X Turner Margery Austin 1990 Housing Market Impacts of Rent Control Washington D C Urban Institute Press ISBN 0 87766 443 9 Gilderbloom John I Markham John P 1996 Moderate Rent Control Sixty Cities over 20 Years Journal of Urban Affairs 18 4 409 430 doi 10 1111 j 1467 9906 1996 tb00388 x External links EditRent Control Around the World Pros and Cons California cities with rent control additional California cities with rent regulation New York communities with rent control Pro rent control article from tenant net New York Magazine article on Rent Control including interviews with tenants Rent Control in the New Millennium by Dennis Keating Almanac of Policy Issues Rent Controls Rent Controls and Housing Investment Pro rent control article from Dollars amp Sense magazine Four Thousand Years of Price Control Mises Institute Rent Stabilized Apartments Go Up Again Best Rents NYC Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Rent control in the United States amp oldid 1130273479, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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