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Guðrøðr Óláfsson

April 14, 2024

Not to be confused with Gofraid mac Amlaíb meic Ragnaill.

Guðrøðr Óláfsson (died 10 November 1187) was a twelfth-century ruler of the kingdoms of Dublin and the Isles.[note 1] Guðrøðr was a son of Óláfr Guðrøðarson and Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. Throughout his career, Guðrøðr battled rival claimants to the throne, permanently losing about half of his realm to a rival dynasty in the process. Although dethroned for nearly a decade, Guðrøðr clawed his way back to regain control of a partitioned kingdom, and proceeded to project power into Ireland. Although originally opposed to the English invasion of Ireland, Guðrøðr adeptly recognised the English ascendancy in the Irish Sea region and aligned himself with the English. All later kings of the Crovan dynasty descended from Guðrøðr.

Guðrøðr Óláfsson
King of Dublin and the Isles
Guðrøðr's name as it appears on folio 46v of British Library Royal 13 B VIII (Expugnatio Hibernica): "Gottredum"[1]
Reign1150s–1160
Died10 November 1187
St Patrick's Isle
Burial1188
Iona
SpouseFindguala Nic Lochlainn
Issue
HouseCrovan dynasty
FatherÓláfr Guðrøðarson
MotherAffraic ingen Fergusa

In the last year of his father's reign, Guðrøðr was absent at the court of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway, forging closer ties with the Kingdom of Norway. When Óláfr was assassinated by rival members of the Crovan dynasty in 1153, Guðrøðr returned to the Isles, overthrew his usurping cousins, and seized the throne for himself. Guðrøðr evidently pursued a more aggressive policy than his father, and the following year appears to have lent military assistance to Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain in the latter's bid for the high-kingship of Ireland. Not long afterwards, Guðrøðr faced a dynastic challenge from his brother-in-law, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll, whose son, as a grandson of Óláfr, possessed a claim to the throne. Late in 1156, Guðrøðr and Somairle fought an inconclusive sea-battle and partitioned the kingdom of the Isles between them. Two years later Somairle struck again and forced Guðrøðr from the Isles altogether.

Guðrøðr appears to have spent his exile in the kingdoms of England and Scotland before journeying to Norway. In about 1161, Guðrøðr distinguished himself in the ongoing Norwegian civil wars at the final downfall of Ingi. Guðrøðr made his return to the Isles in 1164, in the aftermath of Somairle's defeat and death at the hands of the Scots. Although he regained the kingship itself, the territories ceded to Somairle in 1156 were retained by the latter's descendants. At some point in his career, Guðrøðr briefly held the kingship of Dublin. Although he was initially successful in fending off Muirchertach, the Dubliners eventually settled with the latter, and Guðrøðr returned to the Isles. This episode may have bearing on Guðrøðr's marriage to Findguala ingen Néill, Muirchertach's granddaughter. In 1170, Dublin fell to an Anglo-Irish alliance. The following year the ousted King of Dublin attempted to retake the town, and Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht attempted to dislodge the English from Dublin. In both cases, Guðrøðr appears to have provided military assistance against the English. In succeeding years, however, Guðrøðr aligned himself with one of the most powerful English conquerors, John de Courcy. Guðrøðr's assistance to John, who had married Guðrøðr's daughter, Affrica, may have played a critical role in John's successful conquest of the Kingdom of Ulaid. Guðrøðr died in 1187 and was succeeded by his eldest son, Rǫgnvaldr. Although Guðrøðr may have attempted to avert any succession disputes between his descendants, Rǫgnvaldr and his younger brother, Óláfr svarti, eventually fought each other over the throne, and the resulting conflict carried on into later generations.

Background edit

 
Locations relating to Guðrøðr's life and times.

Guðrøðr was a son of Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles[29] and his wife Affraic ingen Fergusa.[30] The men were members of the Crovan dynasty, a Norse-Gaelic kindred descended from Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles.[31] Following Guðrøðr Crovan's death in 1095, there is a period of uncertainty in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Although the latter's eldest son, Lǫgmaðr, appears to have succeeded to the kingship, he was soon forced to contend with factions supporting his younger brothers: Haraldr, and Óláfr. Although he successfully dealt with Haraldr, foreign powers from Ireland intruded into the Isles, and Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway seized control of the kingdom. At some point, Óláfr was entrusted to the protection of Henry I, King of England, and spent his youth in England before his eventual restoration as King of the Isles in the second decade of the twelfth century.

The thirteenth- to fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann reveals that Guðrøðr's mother, Affraic, was a daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway.[32] Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he was married to an illegitimate daughter of Henry I, and that this woman was the mother of at least some of his offspring, including Affraic herself.[33][note 2] Although the union between Guðrøðr's parents is not dated in contemporary sources,[36] it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s. The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English Crown, one of the most powerful monarchies in western Europe.[37] As for Fergus, the union bound Galloway more tightly to a neighbouring kingdom from which an invasion had been launched during the overlordsship of Magnús.[38] The alliance with Óláfr also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and further gave him a valuable ally outside the orbit of the Scottish Crown.[39]

 
Guðrøðr's name as it appears on folio 36r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII (the Chronicle of Mann): "Godredus filius Olavi"[40]

Another alliance involving Óláfr was that with Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll. Perhaps at about 1140, during a period when the latter was allied with David I, King of Scotland, Somairle married Ragnhildr, Óláfr's daughter. There is reason to suspect that the alliance was an after effect of the Scottish Crown's advancing overlordship.[41] The marriage itself had severe repercussions on the later history of the Isles, as it gave the Meic Somairle—the descendants of Somairle and Ragnhildr—a claim to the kingship through Ragnhildr's royal descent.[42] In the words of the chronicle, the union was "the cause of the collapse of the entire Kingdom of the Isles".[43]

Early career edit

 
A king gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[44] Comprising some four sets,[45] the pieces are thought to have been crafted in Norway in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries.[46] They were uncovered in Lewis in the early nineteenth century.[47] Some of the pieces may have arrived in the Isles as a result of Guðrøðr's return from Norway.[48]

Although the Chronicle of Mann portrays Óláfr's reign as one of tranquillity,[49] a more accurate evaluation of his reign may be that he adeptly managed to navigate an uncertain political climate.[50] By the mid-part of the twelfth century, however, the ageing king's realm may well have begun to buckle under the strain,[51] as perhaps evidenced by the depredations wrought on the Scottish mainland by Óláfr's leading ecclesiast, Wimund, Bishop of the Isles.[52] Confirmation of Óláfr's concern over the royal succession may well be preserved by the Chronicle of Mann,[53] which states that Guðrøðr journeyed to the court of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway in 1152, where Guðrøðr rendered homage to the Norwegian king, and seemingly secured recognition of the royal inheritance of the Isles.[54] According to Robert's Chronica, the kings of the Isles owed the kings of Norway a tribute of ten gold marks upon the accession of a new Norwegian king. This statement could indicate that Guðrøðr rendered Ingi such a payment upon his visit to the Norwegian court in 1152.[55]

The following year marked a watershed in the history for the Kingdom of the Isles. For not only did David die late in May,[56] but Óláfr himself was assassinated about a month later, on 29 June, whilst Guðrøðr was still absent in Norway.[57] According to the chronicle, Óláfr had been confronted by three Dublin-based nephews—the Haraldssonar—the sons of his exiled brother, Haraldr. After hearing the demands of these men—that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them—a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar slew Óláfr himself. In the resulting aftermath, the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves.[58] Whether the men attained any form of authority in the rest of the Isles is unknown.[59][note 3] Once in control, the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Guðrøðr, the kingdom's legitimate heir, by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather, Fergus. Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties, once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find.[62] This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother.[63] Within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, strengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other two, and successfully secured the kingship for himself.[64] Whether Guðrøðr succeeded to the throne in 1153[65] or 1154 is uncertain.[66] The chronicle itself states that he overcame the Haraldssonar in the autumn following their coup.[64]

 
Fourteenth-century depiction of Fergus, Lord of Galloway as he is depicted in Leiden University Library Letterkunde 191 (Roman van Ferguut)

Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit.[63] Additionally, the account of incessant inter-dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway, as recorded by the twelfth-century Vita Ailredi, suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s, and may also explain his failure to come to Guðrøðr's aid following Óláfr's death.[67] Óláfr and Guðrøðr's turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness,[68] and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s. In November 1153, following the death of David, Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm IV, King of Scotland. The dynastic-challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father.[69]

Contested kingship edit

 
Image a
 
Image b
Maughold IV (image a; detail, image b),[70] a Manx runestone displaying a contemporary sailing vessel.[71] The power of the kings of the Isles laid in their armed galley-fleets.[72][note 4]

Midway through the twelfth-century, Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain pressed forth to claim to the high-kingship of Ireland, an office then held by the elderly Toirrdelbach Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht.[79] In 1154, the forces of Toirrdelbach and Muirchertach met in a major conflict fought off the Inishowen coast, in what was perhaps one of the greatest naval battles of the twelfth century.[80] According to the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters, Muirchertach's maritime forces were mercenaries drawn from Galloway, Arran, Kintyre, Mann, and "the territories of Scotland".[81] This record appears to be evidence that Guðrøðr, Fergus, and perhaps Somairle, provided ships to Muirchertach's cause.[82][note 5] Although Toirrdelbach's forces obtained a narrow victory, his northern maritime power seems to have been virtually nullified by the severity of the contest,[84] and Muirchertach soon after marched on Dublin,[85] gained overlordship over the Dubliners, and effectively secured himself the high-kingship of Ireland for himself.[86]

 
Dubgall's name as it appears on folio 16v of British Library Cotton Domitian A VII (the Durham Liber vitae): "Dunegal filius Sumerledi"[87]

The defeat of forces drawn from the Isles, and Muirchertach's subsequent spread of power into Dublin, may have had severe repercussions concerning Guðrøðr's career.[88] In 1155 or 1156, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Somairle conducted a coup against Guðrøðr, specifying that Þorfinnr Óttarsson, one of the leading men of the Isles, produced Somairle's son, Dubgall, as a replacement to Guðrøðr's rule.[89] Somairle's stratagem does not appear to have received unanimous support, however, as the chronicle specifies that the leading Islesmen were made to render pledges and surrender hostages unto him, and that one such chieftain alerted Guðrøðr of Somairle's treachery.[90]

 
Guðrøðr's name and title as it appears on folio 63v of AM 47 fol (Eirspennill): "Guðroðr Suðr eyia konvngr s(on) Olafs bitlings"[91]

Late in 1156, on the night of 5/6 January, Somairle and Guðrøðr finally clashed in a bloody but inconclusive sea-battle. According to the chronicle, Somairle's fleet numbered eighty ships, and when the fighting concluded, the feuding brothers-in-law divided the Kingdom of the Isles between themselves.[92][note 6] Although the precise partitioning is unrecorded and uncertain, the allotment of lands seemingly held by Somairle's descendants in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries could be evidence that he and his son gained the southernmost islands of the Hebrides, whilst Guðrøðr retained the northernmost.[95] Two years later the chronicle reveals that Somairle, with a fleet of fifty-three ships, attacked Mann and drove Guðrøðr from the kingship into exile.[96] According to the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga, the contemporary Orcadian warlord Sveinn Ásleifarson had connections in the Isles, and overcame Somairle in battle at some point in the twelfth century. Although this source's account of Sveinn and Somairle is clearly somewhat garbled, it could be evidence that Sveinn aided Guðrøðr in his struggle against Somairle.[97] With Guðrøðr gone, it appears that either Dubgall or Somairle became King of the Isles.[98] Although the young Dubgall may well have been the nominal monarch, the chronicle makes it clear that it was Somairle who possessed the real power.[99] Certainly, Irish sources regarded Somairle as king by the end of his career.[98] The reason why the Islesmen specifically sought Dubgall as their ruler instead of Somairle is unknown. Evidently, Somairle was somehow an unacceptable candidate,[100] and it is possible that Ragnhildr's royal ancestry lent credibility to Dubgall that Somairle lacked himself.[101]

Exile from the Isles edit

 
Nineteenth-century facsimile of the charter of Kelso Abbey, witnessed by Guðrøðr whilst in exile in 1159. His name and title reads: "Godredo Rege Insularum"[102]

Contemporaneous sources reveal that, upon his expulsion, Guðrøðr attempted to garner royal support in England and Scotland. For example, the English Pipe rolls record that, in 1158, the sheriffs of Worcester and Gloucester received allowances for payments made to Guðrøðr for arms and equipment.[103] Guðrøðr may have arrived in England by way of Wales. The English Crown's recent use of naval forces off the Gwynedd coast, as well as Guðrøðr's own familial links with the king himself, may account for the Guðrøðr's attempts to secure English assistance.[104] In any case, Guðrøðr was unable to gain Henry II's help, and the latter proceeded to busy himself in Normandy.[105] Guðrøðr next appears on record in Scotland, the following year, when he witnessed a charter of Malcolm to Kelso Abbey.[106] The fact that the Scottish Crown had faced opposition from Somairle in 1153 could suggest that Malcolm was sympathetic to Guðrøðr's plight.[107] Although the latter was certainly honourably treated by the Scots, as revealed by his prominent place amongst the charter's other witnesses, he was evidently unable to secure military support against Somairle.[108]

 
The name of Fergus as it appears on folio 35v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Fergus de Galwedia"[109]

It is uncertain why Guðrøðr did not turn to his grandfather, Fergus, for aid. One possibility is that the defeat of the Gallovidian fleet in 1154 severely weakened the latter's position in Galloway. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that Galloway endured a bitter power struggle later that decade.[108][note 7] According to the twelfth- to thirteenth-century Chronicle of Holyrood, Malcolm overcame certain "confederate enemies" in Galloway in 1160.[111] Although the exact identities of these opponents are unknown, it is possible that this source documents a Scottish victory over an alliance between Somairle and Fergus.[112] Before the end of the year, Fergus retired to Holyrood Abbey,[113] and Somairle came into the king's peace.[114] Although the concordat between the Scottish Crown and Somairle may have taken place after the Malcolm's subjugation of Somairle and Fergus, an alternate possibility is that the agreement was concluded in the context of Somairle having aided the Scots in their overthrow of Fergus.[115] Somairle's deal with Scottish Crown may also have been undertaken not only in an effort to ensure that his own authority in the Isles was recognised by Malcolm, but to limit any chance of Guðrøðr receiving future royal support from the Scots.[116]

 
Nineteenth-century depiction of the forces of Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway, at the Battle of Oslo in 1161.[117]

Having failed to secure substantial support in England and Scotland, Guðrøðr appears to have turned to Ingi, his nominal Norwegian overlord.[118] In late 1160 or early 1161, Guðrøðr distinguished himself in the ongoing civil war in the Norwegian realm, as evidenced by Hákonar saga herðibreiðs within the thirteenth-century saga-compilation Heimskringla.[119] The fact that the Icelandic annals allege that Guðrøðr assumed the kingship of the Isles in 1160 could be evidence that, whilst in Norway, Ingi formally recognised Guðrøðr as king in a public ceremony.[120] There is reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's support of Ingi may have been undertaken in the context of fulfilling military obligations as a vassal.[121] Be that as it may, Hákonar saga herðibreiðs reveals that Guðrøðr played an important part in Ingi's final downfall in battle at Oslo in 1161.[119] Up until 1155, Ingi had shared the kingship with his brothers Sigurðr and Eysteinn. With both of these brothers dead by 1157, Ingi was forced to contend with Hákon Sigurðarson, who had been elected to the kingship within the year.[122] In regard to Guðrøðr himself, the saga relates that during this final battle against Hákon, Guðrøðr, at the head of one thousand, five hundred men, went over to Hákon's side. Guðrøðr's decision to abandon his embattled overlord tipped the scales in favour of Hákon, and directly contributed to Ingi's defeat and death.[119] The young Magnús Erlingsson was elected king after Ingi's death, and following the fall of Hákon,[123] was crowned king in 1163/1164.[124] It is likely that Guðrøðr was present at Magnús Erlingsson's coronation,[121] and possible that Guðrøðr rendered homage to him as well.[125]

Return to the Isles edit

 
St Oran's Chapel, the oldest intact building on Iona,[126] dates to the mid twelfth century,[127] and may have been built by either the Meic Somairle[128] or the Crovan dynasty.[129] Guðrøðr himself was laid to rest on the island.[130]

Somairle was slain in an unsuccessful invasion of mainland Scotland in 1164.[131] The declaration in the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster, of Somairle's forces being drawn from Argyll, Kintyre, Dublin, and the Isles, reveals the climax of Somairle's authority and further confirms his usurpation of power from Guðrøðr.[132] Despite the record preserved by the Icelandic annals—that Guðrøðr regained the kingship of the Isles in 1160—it appears that Guðrøðr made his actual return to the region after Somairle's fall.[133] Although it is possible that Dubgall was able to secure power following his father's demise,[134] it is evident from the Chronicle of Mann that the kingship was seized by Guðrøðr's brother, Rǫgnvaldr, before the end of the year.[135] Almost immediately afterwards, Guðrøðr is said by the same source to have arrived on Mann, ruthlessly overpowered his brother, having him mutilated and blinded.[136] Guðrøðr thereafter regained the kingship,[137] and the realm was divided between the Crovan dynasty and the Meic Somairle,[138] in a partitioning that stemmed from Somairle's strike against Guðrøðr in 1156.[139][note 8]

 
The remains of a cross-shaft uncovered on Iona,[143] once thought to be associated with Guðrøðr.[144][note 9]

In an entry dated 1172, the chronicle states that Mann was invaded by a certain Ragnall mac Echmarcacha, a man who slaughtered a force of Manx coast-watchers before being slain himself in a later engagement on the island. Although the chronicle claims that Ragnall was of "royal stock",[149] his identity is otherwise uncertain. One possibility is that this man's final adventure was somehow related to the dramatic fall of Norse-Gaelic Dublin in the preceding years.[150] He could have possessed a connection with the former rulers of the town, as a distant relative of Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles.[151] Alternately, Ragnall's name could indicate that he was a member of the Meic Torcaill, a family that possessed royal power in Dublin as late as the English conquest, and evidently possessed some lands afterwards.[152][note 10]

Another possibility is that Ragnall's attack was somehow related to events in northern Ireland, where the Meic Lochlainn lost hold of the Cenél nEógan kingship to Áed Méith Ua Néill. In fact, it is possible that the invader himself was a member of the Uí Catháin, a branch of the Uí Néill who were opponents of John de Courcy, Guðrøðr's English ally and son-in-law.[155] Although the chronicle specifically dates Ragnall's invasion to 1172, the chronological placement of the passage positions it between events dating to 1176 and 1183.[156] This could indicate that the incursion took place in the immediate aftermath of John's conquest of Ulaid in 1177. Therefore, it is conceivable that Ragnall embarked upon his invasion whilst Guðrøðr was absent from Mann assisting John in Ireland.[152]

King of Dublin edit

 
A knight gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.

For a brief duration of his career, Guðrøðr appears to have possessed the kingship of Dublin. The chronology of his rule is unclear, however, as surviving sources concerning this episode are somewhat contradictory.[157] According to the Chronicle of Mann, the Dubliners invited Guðrøðr to rule over them as king in the third year of his reign in the Isles.[158] If correct, such an arrangement would have almost certainly provoked Muirchertach, the Dubliners' Irish overlord.[159][note 11] In fact, the chronicle reveals that Muirchertach indeed took exception to such overtures, and marched on Dublin with a massive host before forming up at "Cortcelis". Whilst in control of Dublin, Guðrøðr and the defending Dubliners are stated to have repulsed a force of three thousand horsemen under the command of a certain Osiblen. After the latter's fall, Muirchertach and his remaining host retired from the region.[158]

The chronicle's version of events appears to be corroborated by the Annals of Ulster. Unlike the previous source, however, this one dates the episode to 1162. Specifically, Muirchertach's forces are recorded to have devastated the Ostman lands of "Magh Fitharta" before his host of horsemen were repulsed.[161] Despite the difference in their chronologies, both accounts refer to similar military campaigns, and the uncertain place names of "Cortcelis" and "Magh Fitharta" may well refer to nearby locations roughly in the Boyne Valley.[162] Another source documenting the conflict is the Annals of the Four Masters. According this account preserved by this source, after Muirchertach's setback at Dublin and subsequent withdrawal in 1162, he left the forces of Leinster and Mide to campaign against the Dubliners. In time, the source states that a peace was concluded between the Irish and the Dubliners in which the latter rendered a tribute of one hundred forty ounces of gold to Muirchertach.[163] According to the Annals of Ulster, this peace was reached after Diarmait Mac Murchada, King of Leinster plundered Dublin and gained dominance over the inhabitants.[164] The payment reveals that the Dubliners recognised Diarmait's overlord, Muirchertach, as their own overlord, which in turn suggests that the price for peace was Guðrøðr's removal from the kingship.[165]

 
A queen gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[166]

In the winter of 1176/1177, the chronicle reveals that Guðrøðr was formally married to Muirchertach's granddaughter, Findguala Nic Lochlainn, in a ceremony conducted under the auspices of the visiting papal legate, Vivian, Cardinal priest of St Stephen in Celio Monte.[167][note 12] The precise date when Guðrøðr and Findguala commenced their liaison is unknown,[170] and the two could have been a couple for some time before their formal marriage.[171] It is possible that the union was originally brokered as a compromise on Muirchertach's part, as a means to placate Guðrøðr for withdrawing from Dublin.[172] The demonstrable unreliability of the chronicle's chronology, and the apparent corroboration of events by the Annals of the Four Masters and the Annals of Ulster, suggests that the Guðrøðr's adventure in Dublin date to about 1162.[157] Such a date, however, appears to contradict the fact that Guðrøðr seems to have endured Norwegian exile in 1160/1161, and apparently only returned to the Isles in 1164.[173] If the chronicle's date is indeed correct, Guðrøðr's inability to incorporate Dublin into the Kingdom of the Isles could well have contributed to his loss of status to Somairle.[174]

There may be reason to suspect that Guðrøðr's defeat to Somairle was partly enabled by an alliance between Muirchertach and Somairle.[175] For example, Argyllmen formed part of the mercenary fleet utilised by Muirchertach in 1154,[176] and it is possible that the commander of the fleet, a certain Mac Scelling, was a relation of Somairle himself. If Muirchertach and Somairle were indeed allied at this point in time it may have meant that Guðrøðr faced a united front of opposition.[177] If correct, it could also be possible that Þorfinnr participated in Somairle's insurrection as an agent of Muirchertach.[178] On the other hand, the fact that Somairle and Muirchertach jostled over ecclesiastical affairs in the 1160s suggests that these two were in fact rivals.[179] Furthermore, the fact that Þorfinnr may have been related to a previous King of Dublin could reveal that Þorfinnr himself was opposed to Muirchertach's foreign overlordship.[104] If Guðrøðr's difficulties in Dublin indeed date to a period just before Somairle's coup, the cooperation of men like Þorfinnr could be evidence that Dubgall—on account of his mother's ancestry and his father's power—was advanced as a royal candidate in an effort to counter Muirchertach's overlordship of Dublin.[179][note 13]

Opposed to the English in Ireland edit

 
Nineteenth-century depiction of the seal of Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke.[184] The device depicts a contemporary mounted knight and footsoldier.

Later in his reign, Guðrøðr again involved himself in the affairs of Dublin.[185] In 1166, the slaying of Muirchertach meant that two men made bids for the high-kingship of Ireland: Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, King of Connacht and Diarmait.[186] The latter had possessed the overlordship of Dublin since Muirchertach's actions there in 1162.[187] Within the same year as Muirchertach's fall, however, Diarmait was overcome by Ruaidrí and his allies, and forced him from Ireland altogether. Although Ruaidrí thereupon gained the high-kingship for himself, Diarmait made his return the following year enstrengthened with English mercenaries, and reclaimed the core of his lands.[188] In 1170 even more English troops flocked to Diarmait's cause, including Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke, who successfully stormed the Norse-Gaelic enclave of Waterford.[189] Richard soon after married Diarmait's daughter, Aífe, and effectively became heir to kingship of Leinster and the overlordship of Dublin.[190] Later that year, the combined forces of Diarmait and Richard marched on Dublin, and drove out the reigning Ascall mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin.[191]

 
A rook gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[192]

According to the twelfth-century Expugnatio Hibernica, Ascall and many of the Dubliners managed to escape by fleeing to the "northern islands".[193] On one hand, this term could well refer to Orkney.[194][note 14] On the other hand, it is also possible that the term refers to the Hebrides or Mann.[196] If so, this source would appear to be evidence that the Dubliners had retained close links with the Isles.[197] Whatever the case, within weeks of Diarmait's death early in May 1171, Ascall made his return to Dublin.[198] The account of events recorded by Expugnatio Hibernica and the twelfth- to thirteenth-century La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande indicate that Ascall's forces consisted of heavily armoured Islesmen and Norwegians.[199] The invasion itself was an utter failure, however, and Ascall himself was captured and executed.[200] Amongst the slain appears to have been Sveinn himself.[201]

The successive deaths of Diarmait and Ascall left a power vacuum in Dublin that others sought to fill. Almost immediately after Ascall's fall, for example, Ruaidrí had the English-controlled town besieged.[202] Expugnatio Hibernica records that he and Lorcán Ua Tuathail, Archbishop of Dublin sent for Guðrøðr, and others in the Isles, asking them to blockade Dublin by sea.[203][note 15] Whilst it is possible that Guðrøðr may have been enticed to assist the Irish through the promise of financial compensation, and perhaps the possession of any vessel his fleet captured in the operation, there is reason to suspect that the Islesmen were disquieted by prospect of permanent English authority in the region.[205] Certainly, Expugnatio Hibernica states that "the threat of English domination, inspired by the successes of the English, made the men of the Isles act all the more quickly, and with the wind in the north-west they immediately sailed about thirty ships full of warriors into the harbour of the Liffey".[203] Although the operation was one of the greatest military mobilisations that the Irish mustered in the twelfth century,[205] the blockade was ultimately a failure, and Dublin remained firmly in the hands of the English.[206] Ascall was the last Norse-Gaelic King of Dublin;[207] and before the end of the year, Clare relinquished possession of Dublin to his own liege lord, Henry II, King of England, who converted it into an English royal town.[208]

Aligned with the English in Ireland edit

 
Mannequin of Guðrøðr's daughter, Affrica, at Carrickfergus Castle. The mannequin is looking through the window of the castle's great hall.

According to the Chronicle of Northampton, Guðrøðr attended the coronation of Henry II's teenage son, Henry, in 1170.[209] The participation of monarchs such as Guðrøðr and William I, King of Scotland in the ceremony partly illustrates the imperial aspect of the Plantagenet authority in the British Isles.[210] Guðrøðr's close relations with the English Crown may have revolved around ensuring royal protection from the English invaders of Ireland–especially considering his former control of Dublin.[211] With the defeat of the Dubliners at the hands of English adventurers, and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself, the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by a threatening, rising new power in the Irish Sea zone.[212] Despite his original opposition to the English in Dublin, Guðrøðr did not take long to realign himself with this new power,[213] as exemplified through the marital alliance between his daughter, Affrica, and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen, John de Courcy.[214]

In 1177, John led an invasion of Ulaid (an area roughly encompassing what is today County Antrim and County Down). He reached Down (modern day Downpatrick), drove off Ruaidrí Mac Duinn Sléibe, King of Ulaid, consolidated his conquest, and ruled with a certain amount of independence for about a quarter of a century.[215] Although the precise date of the marriage between John and Affrica is unknown,[216] the union itself may well have attributed to his stunning successes in Ireland.[217][note 16] Certainly, decades later in the reign of Guðrøðr's son and successor, Rǫgnvaldr, John received significant military support from the Crovan dynasty,[220] and it is not improbable that Guðrøðr himself supplied similar assistance.[221] In the 1190s, John also received military assistance from Guðrøðr's kinsman Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte, Earl of Carrick. Like Guðrøðr, Donnchad was a grandson of Fergus,[222] and it possible that John's marriage to Affrica accounts for Donnchad's cooperation with him.[223]

 
The name of Guðrøðr's wife, Findguala Nic Lochlainn, as it appears on folio 40r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Phingola".[224]

Although the promise of maritime military support could well have motivated John to align himself with Guðrøðr,[225] there may have been a more significant aspect to their alliance.[226] The rulers of Ulaid and those of Mann had a bitter past-history between them, and it is possible that the binding of John to the Crovan dynasty was actually the catalyst of his assault upon the Ulaid. In fact, Guðrøðr formalised his own marriage to Findguala in 1176/1177, and it was by this union that Guðrøðr bound his own dynasty with the Meic Lochlainn, another traditional foe of the Ulaid.[227] Another contributing factor to the alliance between Guðrøðr and John may have been the Meic Lochlainn's loss of the Cenél nEógain kingship to the rival Uí Néill dynast Áed Méith in 1177.[155] The latter certainly clashed with John before the end of the century, and the strife between the Uí Néill and Meic Lochlainn continued on for decades.[228] In any case, the unions meant that John was protected on his right flank by Guðrøðr, through whom John shared a common interest with the Meic Lochlainn, situated on his left flank.[229] John would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage,[227] whilst Guðrøðr may have used John's campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores.[230] The marriage alliance between Guðrøðr and John partly exemplifies the effect that the English conquest of Ireland had upon not only Irish politics but that of the Isles as well.[231]

Ecclesiastical activities edit

 
The title of the Bishop of the Isles as it appears on folio 46v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Sodorensis episcopus".[232]

There is reason to regard Óláfr, like his Scottish counterpart David, as a reforming monarch.[233] Guðrøðr continued Óláfr's modernising policies, as evidenced by surviving sources documenting the ecclesiastical history of the Isles.[234] For example, Guðrøðr confirmed his father's charter to the abbey of St Mary of Furness, in which the monks of this Cistercian house were granted the right to select the Bishop of the Isles.[235] Guðrøðr granted the English priory of St Bees the lands of "Escheddala" (Dhoon Glen) and "Asmundertoftes" (Ballellin) in exchange for the church of St Óláfr and the lands of "Euastad" (perhaps near Ballure).[236][note 17] In the reigns of Guðrøðr's succeeding sons, the Benedictine priory of St Bees continued to receive royal grants of Manx lands.[238] The Chronicle of Mann reveals that Guðrøðr gave lands at Myroscough to the Cistercian abbey of Rievaulx in England. The chronicle also notes that a monastery was constructed on these lands, and that the lands eventually passed into the possession of the abbey of St Mary of Rushen.[239] Guðrøðr also granted certain commercial rights and protections to the monks of the monastery of Holm Cultram, another Cistercian house in England.[240]

 
A bishop gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen[241][note 18]

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Guðrøðr's kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles. Little is known of its early history, although its origins may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium.[243][note 19] Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin, at about the beginning of Guðrøðr Crovan's reign in the Isles.[247] Before the midpoint of the twelfth century, Óláfr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom,[248] and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to Archdiocese of York. Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin, where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury.[249] In 1152, steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese. Dublin's political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin. For Óláfr, such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm.[250] As a result of Óláfr's inability to have an ecclesiast of his own choice formally consecrated as bishop, and his own refusal to accept one favoured by the Archbishop of York, the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin's ecclesiastical ascendancy. In consequence, without a consecrated bishop of its own, Óláfr's diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin's increasing authority.[251] Moreover, in 1152, David I attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews.[252]

 
Extent of the Diocese of the Isles, c.1300[253]

It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's overseas objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles.[254] Certainly, Guðrøðr's stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano,[255] a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy's authority into the northern European periphery.[256][note 20] Eventually the newly created Norwegian province—the Archdiocese of Niðaróss—encompassed eleven dioceses in and outside mainland Norway. One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles,[262] officially incorporated within the province in November 1154.[263][note 21] Although Óláfr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality, it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by Óláfr and Guðrøðr secured their kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin.[265] The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power.[266] In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far-off Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.[267]

 
The name of Gamaliel as it appears on folio 50v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Gamaliel"[268]

Despite the ecclesiastical reorientation, the next Bishop of the Isles known from Manx sources was consecrated by Roger de Pont l'Evêque, Archbishop of York. This bishop, an Englishman named Gamaliel, may have been consecrated between October 1154 and early 1155, possibly before news of the diocesesan realignment reached the Isles.[269] Although it is possible that Gamaliel was consecrated without Guðrøðr's approval, the bishop appears to have witnessed at least one of the latter's charters.[270] The fact that Gamaliel was buried in Peterborough could suggest that he was removed from his see at some point.[271]

 
The name of Reginald as it appears on folio 50v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Ragnaldus"[268]

The next known bishop was Reginald, a Norwegian who witnessed the bitter struggles between Guðrøðr and Somairle, and who seems to have died in about 1170.[272] It is possible that Reginald was consecrated in Norway in 1153/1154, and that the York-backed Gamaliel was compelled to resign the see to him.[273] Reginald is the first Bishop of the Isles to be attested by the Icelandic annals, which could indicate that he was the first such bishop to recognise the authority of Niðaróss.[274] Either Gamaliel or Reginald could have been the unnamed Bishop of the Isles who is stated by Robert's Chronica to have met with William and Henry II at Mont St Michel.[275] Robert's account of the meeting indicates that the kings of the Isles were obligated to render tribute to newly crowned kings of Norway.[276] It is possible that Reginald followed Guðrøðr into exile after the latter's defeat to Somairle.[277] Reginald's successor was Christian, an Argyllman who appears to have been appointed by Somairle or his sons.[278] The fact that Christian did not receive acknowledgement from the Archbishop of Niðaróss could be evidence that Reginald remained in Norway.[279] The apparent antipathy between Guðrøðr and Christian may be evidenced by the fact that it was Silvan, Abbot of Rievaulx—and not Christian—who conducted the marriage ceremony of Guðrøðr and Findguala during Vivian's visit in 1176/1177.[280]

Death and descendants edit

 
The ruins of Peel Castle and St German's Cathedral on St Patrick's Isle. The fact Guðrøðr and his son, Óláfr svarti, are recorded to have died on the islet could be evidence that it was the site of a royal residence.[281]

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr had four children: Affrica, Rǫgnvaldr, Ívarr, and Óláfr svarti.[282] Although the chronicle specifically states that Findguala was Óláfr svarti's mother, and that he had been born before his parents' formalised marriage,[283] the mothers of the other three children are unknown or uncertain.[31] According to the anonymous praise-poem Baile suthach síth Emhna, Rǫgnvaldr's mother was Sadb, an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been a wife or concubine of Guðrøðr.[284][note 22] As for Ívarr, nothing further is recorded of him,[285] although it is possible that his mother was also the product of an uncanonical liaison.[286] During the twelfth century, the Church sought to emphasise the sanctity of marriage, and took steps to combat concubinage.[287] As such, the record of Vivian's part in the marriage ceremony of Guðrøðr and Findguala may be evidence of an attempt by the papal representative to personally reinforce a stricter rule of marriage in the region.[288] In any case, there may be evidence to suggest that Guðrøðr had another son, Ruaidrí, who appears in a royal charter recorded as Rǫgnvaldr's brother ("Rotherico, fratre meo").[289] There is also reason to suspect that Guðrøðr had another daughter,[290] as the Chronicle of Mann describes a thirteenth century Bishop of the Isles, a man named Reginald, to have been of royal birth,[291] and to have been a sister-son of Óláfr svarti.[292]

Many anecdotes about him worthy of being remembered could be told, which for brevity's sake we have omitted.

— a less-than-illuminative excerpt from the Chronicle of Mann concerning Guðrøðr.[293]

Guðrøðr died on 10 November 1187 on St Patrick's Isle.[294] The fact that Guðrøðr and his son, Óláfr svarti, are recorded to have died on this islet could indicate that it was a royal residence.[295][note 23] In any case, the following year Guðrøðr was finally laid to rest on Iona,[130] an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran's Chapel.[298] Certain Irish influences in this building's architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century.[299] The chapel could well have been erected by Óláfr or Guðrøðr.[129][note 24] Certainly, their family's remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable.[300]

Upon Guðrøðr's death the chronicle claims that he left instructions for his younger son, Óláfr svarti, to succeed to the kingship since he had been born "in lawful wedlock".[301] On one hand, this record could be evidence that Guðrøðr continued to advance the institution of kingship in the Isles. For example, this episode appears to be the earliest record of a ruling member of the Crovan dynasty designating a royal successor. If so, such an arrangement may have been borne out of Guðrøðr's own bitter difficulties with rival claimants to the throne.[302] On the other hand, it is uncertain if the chronicle has preserved an accurate account of events,[303] as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr svarti, who was only a child at the time, Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.[304] One possibility is that Guðrøðr may have intended for Rǫgnvaldr to temporarily rule as a lieutenant of sorts until Óláfr svarti was able to hold sway himself.[305] Although Rǫgnvaldr appears to have later forged an alliance with the Meic Somairle, and may have temporarily reunited the entire Kingdom of the Isles under his own leadership,[306] he was later opposed by Óláfr svarti, and the ensuing violent conflict between Guðrøðr's descendants carried on to further generations.[307]

Ancestry edit

Notes edit

  1. ^ Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Guðrøðr various personal names in English secondary sources: Godfrey,[2] Godhfhraidh,[3] Godred,[4] Goðrøðr,[5] Gofhraidh,[6] Gofraid,[7] Gofraidh,[8] Gothred,[9] Gottred,[10] Guthred,[11] Guðrøð,[12] Guðrǫðr,[13] Guðröðr,[14] Gudrød,[15] Gudrødr,[16] Guðrøðr,[17] and Guthfrith.[18] Likewise, academics have accorded Guðrøðr various patronyms in English secondary sources: Godfrey mac Aulay,[19] Godhfhraidh mac Amhlaoibh,[3] Godred Olafsson,[20] Godred Óláfsson,[21] Gofhraidh mac Amhlaíbh,[6] Gofraid Mac Amlaíb,[22] Gofraid mac Amlaíb,[23] Gofraidh mac Amhlaoibh,[24] Guðrøð Óláfsson,[12] Guðrǫðr Óláfsson,[13] Guðröðr Óláfsson,[25] Guðrøðr Óláfsson,[26] and Guðrøðr Ólafsson.[27] Guðrøðr has also been accorded an epithet: Godred the Black.[28]
  2. ^ In specific regard to Guðrøðr, for example, the kinship between him and Henry I's maternal grandson, and eventual royal successor, Henry II, King of England, is noted by the twelfth-century Chronica of Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel.[34] Henry II's mother was Matilda, daughter of Henry I.[35] The Chronica notes that Guðrøðr and Henry II were related by blood through Matilda, stating in Latin: "Est enim prædictus rex consanguineus regis Anglorum ex parte Matildis imperatricis matris suæ" ("For the aforesaid king is the cousin of the English king on the side of Matilda the empress, his mother").[34]
  3. ^ According to the chronicle, Haraldr had been castrated by at some point in the late 1090s. If correct, it would seem that the Haraldssonar were at least in their fifties when they confronted their uncle,[60] a man who must have been at least in his late fifties.[61]
  4. ^ The inscription of the vessel may date to about the time of the Crovan dynasty, possibly from about the eleventh- to the thirteenth century.[71] The vessel appears to be similar to those that appear on seals borne by members of the dynasty.[73] Members of the dynasty known to have borne seals include: Guðrøðr himself,[74] (Guðrøðr's son) Rǫgnvaldr,[75] and (Óláfr svarti's son) Haraldr.[76] Evidence of Guðrøðr's seal stems from his 1154 charter of confirmation to Furness, which states: "in order that this licence... may be firmly observed in my kingdom, I have strengthened it by the authority of my seal affixed to the present charter".[77] No seal used by a member of the dynasty survives today.[78]
  5. ^ An alternate possibility is that the annal does not refer to Galloway at all, and that it actually refers to the Gall Gaidheil of Arran, Kintyre, Mann, and the territory of Scotland.[83]
  6. ^ The chronicle dates the battle to the year 1156. Since the start of a new year in the Julian calendar is 25 March, the year of the battle in the Gregorian calendar is 1157.[93] Whatever the year, the weather conditions must have been particularly good to permit a naval battle at this time of season.[94]
  7. ^ The next secular witness listed after Guðrøðr is Fergus' son, Uhtred. Whether the latter was there in defiance of his father—or as a representative of him—is unknown. It is possible that discussion regarding Guðrøðr's plight was one of the factors in Uhtred's attestation.[110]
  8. ^ At one point, after noting this 1156 segmentation, the chronicle laments the "downfall" of the Kingdom of the Isles from the time Somairle's sons "took possession of it".[140] One possibility is that this statement is evidence that members of the Meic Somairle held a share of the kingdom before their father's demise.[141] It could even be evidence that it was not Somairle who had possessed the partition, but his sons.[142]
  9. ^ The stone is carved in a Scandinavian style.[145] It is similar to other Manx[146] and Anglo-Scandinavian sculpted stones.[147] It may date to the tenth- or eleventh century.[148]
  10. ^ Ascall was a member of the Meic Torcaill.[153] If Ragnall was indeed a member of this family, his name could indicate that he was a son of Echmarcach Mac Torcaill,[152] a man who—along with his brother Aralt—witnessed a charter of Diarmait between 1162 and 1166.[154]
  11. ^ Following Muirchertach's defeat of Toirrdelbach in 1154, and the former's march on Dublin, the Annals of the Four Masters reports that the Dubliners rendered Muirchertach the kingship and gave him one thousand, two hundred cattle.[160]
  12. ^ Findguala appears to have been a daughter of Niall Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain.[168] The fact that the chronicle describes her as Muirchertach's granddaughter without mentioning her father could indicate that the union was envisioned as a bond with her grandfather and not her father.[169]
  13. ^ There may be reason to suggest that Þorfinnr was distantly related to the Meic Somairle through Ragnhildr's ancestry. Specifically, it is possible that Ragnhildr's mother was Ingibjǫrg, daughter of Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney. Ingibjǫrg was in turn a maternal granddaughter of Moddan, an eminent Caithnessman who had a son named Óttar. The fact that Moddan had a son so-named could be evidence that Moddan's wife was related to Þorfinnr's family (since Þorfinnr's father was a man named Óttar as well). If all these possibilities are correct, it is conceivable that a familial relationship such as this could have played a part in Þorfinnr's allegiance to Somairle.[180] There may have been another factor contributing to animosity between Þorfinnr and Guðrøðr.[181] For example, it is possible that Þorfinnr was related to Ottar mac meic Ottair, King of Dublin, an Islesmen who had attained the kingship of Dublin in 1142.[182] This act may well have represented a threat to the authority of Guðrøðr's father, and the prospects of Guðrøðr himself.[183] Certainly, the kin-slaying Haraldssonar who slew Óláfr a decade after Ottar's accession were raised in Dublin. Enmity between Þorfinnr and Guðrøðr, therefore, could have been a continuation of hostilities between their respective families.[181]
  14. ^ Orkney is located in a chain of islands known as the Northern Isles. In Old Norse, these islands were known as Norðreyjar, as opposed to the Isles (the Hebrides and Mann) which were known as Suðreyjar ("Southern Islands").[195]
  15. ^ According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr svarti was three years old at the time of his parents' marriage in 1176/1177. As such, one possibility is that the liaison between Guðrøðr and Findguala commenced at about the time of siege.[204]
  16. ^ The marriage is dated to 1180 by the unreliable eighteenth-century Dublin Annals of Inisfallen.[218] Much of the information presented by this source appears to be derived from Expugnatio Hibernica, and it is possible that this is the origin of the marriage-date as well.[219]
  17. ^ One of the witnesses recorded by this charter is a certain Gilla Críst described as Guðrøðr's "brother and foster-brother". This record appears to indicate that, although the two men were not related by blood, they had been nursed by the same mother.[237]
  18. ^ The pictured piece depicts a seated bishop, holding a crozier with two hands, and wearing a chasuble as an outer garment. The simple horned mitre worn by this particular piece may be evidence that it dates to the mid twelfth century, when horns began to be positioned on the front and back, as opposed to the sides of the headdress.[242]
  19. ^ The diocese is generally called Sodorensis in mediaeval sources.[244] This Latin term is derived from the Old Norse Suðreyjar,[245] and therefore means "of the Southern Isles", in reference to Mann and the Hebrides as opposed to the Northern Isles.[246]
  20. ^ Nicholas Breakspeare, an Englishman who became Pope Adrian IV in 1154,[257] was instrumental in the foundation of the new archdiocese.[258] He apparently favoured Ingi as king over the latter's sibling co-rulers, Sigurðr and Eysteinn.[259] Guðrøðr's 1152/1153 stay in Scandinavia appears to have coincided with Eysteinn's absence from the region, when the latter was occupied in predatory campaigns in Orkney, Scotland, and England.[260] Eysteinn may have had Hebridean connections since saga evidence reveals that he first appeared in Norway claiming to be a son of Haraldr gilli, King of Norway and Bjaðǫk, a woman who seems to have borne a Gaelic name. Eysteinn was eventually recognised as Haraldr gilli's son, and it is conceivable that Eysteinn and Bjaðǫk had powerful relatives who backed their claims. In regard to Guðrøðr, it is possible that his cooperation with Ingi was undertaken in the context of avoiding having to deal with Eysteinn and his seemingly Irish or Hebridean kin.[261]
  21. ^ Today Niðaróss is known as Trondheim.[264] Of the eleven dioceses, five were centred in Norway and six in colonies overseas (two in Iceland, one in Orkney, one in the Faroe Islands, one in Greenland, and one in the Isles).[262]
  22. ^ The fact the poem also describes Rǫgnvaldr as a descendant of "Lochlann of the ships", Conn, and Cormac,—all apparent members of the Uí Néill—could indicate that Guðrøðr's apparent marriage to Sadb represents an earlier alliance with Muirchertach.[169]
  23. ^ It is possible that seat of Manx royal power was located at Peel Castle before the seat moved to Castle Rushen in the thirteenth century.[296] The earliest evidence of ecclesiastical structures on the islet date to the tenth- and eleventh centuries.[297]
  24. ^ Other potential candidates include Somairle and his son, Ragnall.[128]

Citations edit

  1. ^ Dimock (1867) p. 265; Royal MS 13 B VIII (n.d.).
  2. ^ Coira (2012); Stephenson (2008); Barrow (2006); Boardman (2006); Brown (2004); Bartlett (1999); McDonald (1997); McDonald (1995).
  3. ^ a b Coira (2012).
  4. ^ McDonald (2019); Crawford, BE (2014); Sigurðsson; Bolton (2014); Wadden (2014); Downham (2013); Kostick (2013); MacDonald (2013); Flanagan (2010); Jamroziak (2008); Martin (2008); Abrams (2007); McDonald (2007a); Davey, PJ (2006a); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Hudson (2005); McNamee (2005); Pollock (2005); Duffy (2004a); Duffy (2004b); Duffy (2004d); Sellar (2004); Woolf (2003); Beuermann (2002); Davey, P (2002); Freke (2002); Jennings, AP (2001); Oram (2000); Watt (2000); Thornton (1996); Watt (1994); Oram (1993); McDonald; McLean (1992); Freke (1990); Oram (1988); Power (1986); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  5. ^ Rubin (2014).
  6. ^ a b McLeod (2002).
  7. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018); Veach (2014); McDonald (2007a); Woolf (2005); Woolf (2004); Duffy (2004b); Woolf (2001); Duffy (1999); Thornton (1996); Duffy (1995); Duffy (1993); Duffy (1992); Duffy (1991).
  8. ^ Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a).
  9. ^ McDonald (2007a); Purcell (2003–2004).
  10. ^ Flanagan (1977).
  11. ^ Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  12. ^ a b Williams, DGE (1997).
  13. ^ a b Sigurðsson; Bolton (2014).
  14. ^ Beuermann (2014); Williams, G (2007).
  15. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006).
  16. ^ Duffy (2005a).
  17. ^ Veach (2018); Caldwell (2016); McDonald (2016); Rubin (2014); Veach (2014); Downham (2013); MacDonald (2013); Oram (2013); McDonald (2012); Oram (2011); Beuermann (2010); Beuermann (2009); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2008); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); McDonald (2007b); Woolf (2007); Duffy (2006); Macniven (2006); Power (2005); Salvucci (2005); Duffy (2004b); Thornton (1996); Gade (1994).
  18. ^ Duffy (2004b); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  19. ^ Boardman (2006).
  20. ^ McDonald (2019); Crawford, BE (2014); Sigurðsson; Bolton (2014); Abrams (2007); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Hudson (2005); McNamee (2005); Woolf (2003); Beuermann (2002); Jennings, AP (2001); Oram (2000).
  21. ^ Oram (2000).
  22. ^ Duffy (1995).
  23. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018); Veach (2014); Woolf (2005); Duffy (1993); Duffy (1992).
  24. ^ Duffy (2007); Ó Mainnín (1999).
  25. ^ Beuermann (2014).
  26. ^ Caldwell (2016); McDonald (2016); Rubin (2014); Veach (2014); Downham (2013); Oram (2013); McDonald (2012); Beuermann (2010); McDonald (2008); Duffy (2007); McDonald (2007a); McDonald (2007b); Woolf (2007); Duffy (2004b); Gade (1994); Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.).
  27. ^ Oram (2011); Macniven (2006).
  28. ^ Kostick (2013).
  29. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Williams, G (2007) p. 141 ill. 14; Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Brown (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i; McDonald (1997) p. 259 tab.; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 200 tab. ii; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2 tab.
  30. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Williams, G (2007) p. 141 ill. 14; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i.
  31. ^ a b McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1.
  32. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 342; Wadden (2014) pp. 31–32; McDonald (2012) p. 157; McDonald (2007b) pp. 66, 75, 154; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  33. ^ Oram (1988) pp. 71–72, 79.
  34. ^ a b Oram (2000) p. 60; Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) pp. 72, 79; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Lawrie (1910) p. 115 § 6; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  35. ^ Oram (2011) p. xiii tab. 2.
  36. ^ Oram (1988) p. 79.
  37. ^ Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) p. 79.
  38. ^ Oram (1993) p. 116; Oram (1988) p. 80.
  39. ^ Oram (1988) p. 80.
  40. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) p. 62; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  41. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 86–89.
  42. ^ Beuermann (2012) p. 5; Beuermann (2010) p. 102; Williams, G (2007) p. 145; Woolf (2005); Brown (2004) p. 70; Rixson (2001) p. 85.
  43. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. viii, 59, 62–63, 93; Wadden (2014) p. 32; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67, 116; McDonald (1997) p. 60; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  44. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 156 fig. 1b, 163 fig. 8e.
  45. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 198.
  46. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 168–169, 182 n. 175; Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 165, 197.
  47. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 155, 168–173.
  48. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 182 n. 175; Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 178.
  49. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Oram (2011) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 73; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61.
  50. ^ Oram (2000) p. 73.
  51. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 73.
  52. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93 n. 43; Oram (2011) p. 113.
  53. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113; Beuermann (2002) pp. 421–422; Oram (2000) p. 73.
  54. ^ Rubin (2014) ch. 4 ¶ 18; Downham (2013) p. 172; McDonald (2012) p. 162; Oram (2011) p. 113; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107; Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 165; Hudson (2005) p. 198; Power (2005) p. 22; Beuermann (2002) p. 419, 419 n. 2; Jennings, AP (2001); Oram (2000) p. 73; Anderson (1922) p. 225; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 62–63.
  55. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 70–72; Hudson (2005) p. 198; Johnsen (1969) p. 20; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Lawrie (1910) p. 115 § 6; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  56. ^ Oram (2011) p. 108.
  57. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113; McDonald (2007b) p. 67; Duffy (2004b).
  58. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 65, 74; Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Downham (2013) p. 171, 171 n. 84; Duffy (2006) p. 65; Sellar (2000) p. 191; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 259; Duffy (1993) pp. 41–42, 42 n. 59; Duffy (1991) p. 60; Oram (1988) pp. 80–81; Anderson (1922) p. 225; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 62–65.
  59. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 74; McDonald (2007b) p. 92.
  60. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 423.
  61. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 423 n. 26.
  62. ^ Clancy (2008) p. 36; Davey, P (2002) p. 95; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Oram (1988) p. 81; Anderson (1922) pp. 225–226; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 64–65.
  63. ^ a b Oram (1988) p. 81.
  64. ^ a b McDonald (2019) p. 65; Crawford, BE (2014) p. 74; Downham (2013) p. 171; McDonald (2012) p. 162; Oram (2011) p. 113; Abrams (2007) p. 182; McDonald (2007a) p. 66; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67, 85; Duffy (2006) p. 65; Oram (2000) pp. 69–70; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 259; Gade (1994) p. 199; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Oram (1988) p. 81; Anderson (1922) p. 226; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 64–67.
  65. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 58, 67, 85.
  66. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 51; Duffy (2007) p. 3; Thornton (1996) p. 95; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Duffy (1992) p. 126.
  67. ^ Oram (1988) pp. 81, 85–86; Powicke (1978) pp. 45–46.
  68. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 81–82, 113.
  69. ^ Oram (2011) p. 113.
  70. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 59; McDonald (2007b) pp. 128–129 pl. 1; Rixson (1982) pp. 114–115 pl. 1; Cubbon (1952) p. 70 fig. 24; Kermode (1915–1916) p. 57 fig. 9.
  71. ^ a b McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007a) pp. 58–59; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54–55, 128–129 pl. 1; Wilson, DM (1973) p. 15.
  72. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 337; McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007b) pp. 120, 128–129 pl. 1.
  73. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 58–60; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54–55; Wilson, DM (1973) p. 15, 15 n. 43.
  74. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 343; McDonald (2007b) p. 204.
  75. ^ McDonald (2016) pp. 341, 343–344; McDonald (2007b) pp. 56, 79, 204–205, 216, 221; McDonald (1995) p. 131; Rixson (1982) p. 127.
  76. ^ McDonald (2016) pp. 341, 343; McDonald (2007a) pp. 59–60; McDonald (2007b) pp. 55–56, 128–129 pl. 2, 162, 204–205; McDonald (1995) p. 131; Rixson (1982) pp. 127–128, 146.
  77. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 204; Brownbill (1919) pp. 710–711 § 4; Oliver (1861) pp. 13–14; Document 1/14/1 (n.d.).
  78. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 344.
  79. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 2; O'Byrne (2005a); O'Byrne (2005c); Pollock (2005) p. 14; Duffy (2004c).
  80. ^ Wadden (2014) pp. 29–31; Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71; O'Byrne (2005a); O'Byrne (2005b); O'Byrne (2005c); Duffy (2004c); Griffin (2002) pp. 41–42; Oram (2000) p. 73; Duffy (1993) pp. 42–43; Duffy (1992) pp. 124–125.
  81. ^ Wadden (2014) pp. 18, 29–30, 30 n. 78; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1154.11; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1154.11; Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; Clancy (2008) p. 34; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Butter (2007) p. 141, 141 n. 121; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71; Pollock (2005) p. 14; Oram (2000) p. 73; Simms (2000) p. 12; Duffy (1992) pp. 124–125.
  82. ^ Wadden (2014) pp. 30–31; Oram (2011) pp. 113, 120; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 2; McDonald (2007a) p. 71; McDonald (2007b) p. 118.
  83. ^ Clancy (2008) p. 34.
  84. ^ Griffin (2002) p. 42.
  85. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 34; O'Byrne (2005a); Duffy (2004c); Griffin (2002) p. 42.
  86. ^ French (2015) p. 23; Duffy (2004c).
  87. ^ Stevenson (1841) p. 4; Cotton MS Domitian A VII (n.d.).
  88. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 113–114, 120.
  89. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 47; Wadden (2014) p. 32; Downham (2013) p. 172; Woolf (2013) pp. 3–4; Oram (2011) p. 120; Williams, G (2007) pp. 143, 145–146; Woolf (2007) p. 80; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 243–244; Woolf (2004) p. 104; Rixson (2001) p. 85; Oram (2000) pp. 74, 76; McDonald (1997) pp. 52, 54–58; Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 259–260, 260 n. 114; Duffy (1993) pp. 40–41; McDonald; McLean (1992) pp. 8–9, 12; Scott (1988) p. 40; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson (1922) p. 231; Lawrie (1910) p. 20 § 13; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  90. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 58; McDonald; McLean (1992) p. 9; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson (1922) p. 231; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  91. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 222 ch. 11; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  92. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 32, 74; Caldwell (2016) p. 354; McDonald (2012) pp. 153, 161; Oram (2011) p. 120; McDonald (2007a) pp. 57, 64; McDonald (2007b) p. 92; Barrow (2006) pp. 143–144; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 244; Woolf (2004) p. 104; Oram (2000) p. 76; McDonald (1997) pp. 52, 56; Duffy (1993) p. 43; McDonald; McLean (1992) p. 9; Scott (1988) p. 40; Rixson (1982) pp. 86–87; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson (1922) pp. 231–232; Lawrie (1910) p. 20 § 13; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  93. ^ Oram (2000) p. 85 n. 127.
  94. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 56 n. 48.
  95. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 56.
  96. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 153, 161; Oram (2011) p. 121; McDonald (2007a) pp. 57, 64; McDonald (2007b) pp. 92, 113, 121 n. 86; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 244; Woolf (2004) p. 104; Oram (2000) p. 76; McDonald (1997) p. 56; Duffy (1993) p. 43; McDonald; McLean (1992) p. 9; Rixson (1982) pp. 86–87, 151; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196; Anderson (1922) p. 239; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  97. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 159–161.
  98. ^ a b McDonald (1997) p. 57.
  99. ^ Oram (2011) p. 121.
  100. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 57; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196.
  101. ^ Oram (2000) p. 76; McDonald (1997) p. 57.
  102. ^ Liber S. Marie de Calchou (1846) pp. III–VII; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 38; Document 1/5/24 (n.d.).
  103. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 341; Oram (2011) p. 12; Stephenson (2008) p. 12; McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Oram (2000) p. 76; Johnsen (1969) p. 22; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson (1922) p. 246 n. 4; Bain (1881) p. 9 §§ 56, 60; Hunter (1844) pp. 155, 168; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 35.
  104. ^ a b Oram (2000) p. 76.
  105. ^ Oram (2011) p. 121; Oram (2000) pp. 76–77.
  106. ^ Taylor (2016) p. 250; Oram (2011) p. 121; Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007a) p. 57; McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Power (2005) p. 24; Oram (2000) p. 77; Barrow (1995) pp. 11–12; McDonald; McLean (1992) p. 12 n. 5; Johnsen (1969) p. 22; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Liber S. Marie de Calchou (1846) pp. III–VII; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 38; Document 1/5/24 (n.d.).
  107. ^ Beuermann (2009); Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007b) p. 113.
  108. ^ a b Oram (2011) pp. 121–122.
  109. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 60–61; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  110. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 79–80.
  111. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 118–122; Oram (2000) p. 80; Anderson; Anderson (1938) pp. 136–137, 136 n. 1, 189; Anderson (1922) p. 245.
  112. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 118–122.
  113. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 118–119; Oram (2000) p. 80.
  114. ^ MacInnes (2019) p. 135; MacDonald (2013) p. 30 n. 51; Woolf (2013) p. 5; Oram (2011) pp. 118–119; Beuermann (2008); McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 245; Oram (2000) p. 81; Barrow (1994).
  115. ^ Woolf (2013) p. 5.
  116. ^ Woolf (2013) pp. 5–6; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 245.
  117. ^ Storm (1899) p. 629.
  118. ^ Oram (2011) p. 121; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 244–245; Oram (2000) p. 77; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 111.
  119. ^ a b c Finlay; Faulkes (2015) pp. 228–229 ch. 17; McDonald (2012) p. 162; Hollander (2011) p. 784 ch. 17; Beuermann (2010) p. 112, 112 n. 43; McDonald (2007b) p. 113; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 245; Power (2005) p. 24; Salvucci (2005) p. 182; Beuermann (2002) pp. 420–421 n. 8; Oram (2000) p. 77; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson (1922) pp. 248–249; Jónsson (1911) pp. 609–610 ch. 17; Storm (1899) pp. 629–630 ch. 17; Unger (1868) pp. 772–773 ch. 17; Laing (1844) pp. 293–294 ch. 17.
  120. ^ Storm (1977) pp. 116 § iv, 322 § viii, 475 § x; Johnsen (1969) p. 22; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5; Anderson (1922) p. 246; Vigfusson (1878) p. 360; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 516.
  121. ^ a b Beuermann (2010) p. 112.
  122. ^ Antonsson; Crumplin; Conti (2007) p. 202.
  123. ^ Ghosh (2011) p. 206.
  124. ^ Ghosh (2011) p. 206; Beuermann (2010) p. 112.
  125. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 421 n. 10.
  126. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 156; Power (2005) p. 28; McDonald (1997) p. 246; Ritchie (1997) p. 101.
  127. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 156; Power (2005) p. 28; McDonald (1997) p. 246; Ritchie (1997) pp. 100–101; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) pp. 245 § 12, 249–250 § 12.
  128. ^ a b McDonald (2012) p. 156; Bridgland (2004) p. 89; McDonald (1997) pp. 62, 246; Ritchie (1997) pp. 100–101; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 250 § 12.
  129. ^ a b McDonald (2012) p. 156; Power (2013) p. 66; Power (2005) p. 28.
  130. ^ a b McDonald (2016) p. 343; Beuermann (2014) p. 91; Power (2013) p. 66; McDonald (2012) pp. 153, 155; McDonald (2007b) p. 70, 201; Power (2005) p. 28; Duffy (2004b).
  131. ^ Jennings, A (2017) p. 121; Oram (2011) p. 128; McDonald (2007a) p. 57; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54, 67–68, 85, 111–113; Sellar (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 189; Duffy (1999) p. 356; McDonald (1997) pp. 61–62; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Duffy (1993) p. 31; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197.
  132. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1164.4; Oram (2011) p. 128; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1164.4; Oram (2000) p. 76; Duffy (1999) p. 356; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197; Anderson (1922) pp. 253–254.
  133. ^ Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 196 n. 5.
  134. ^ Oram (2011) p. 128.
  135. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 46, 48; Oram (2011) pp. 128–129; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67–68, 85; Anderson (1922) pp. 258–259; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 74–75.
  136. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 128–129; McDonald (2007a) p. 57; McDonald (2007b) pp. 67–68, 85; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Anderson (1922) pp. 258–259; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 74–75.
  137. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 85; Duffy (2004b).
  138. ^ Sellar (2004); McDonald (1997) pp. 70–71; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150.
  139. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 70–71; Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 150, 260.
  140. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. viii, 32; Coira (2012) pp. 57–58 n. 18; McDonald (1997) p. 60; Duffy (1993) p. 43; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197; Anderson (1922) p. 232; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 68–69.
  141. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 60; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197.
  142. ^ Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 197.
  143. ^ Mac Lean (1985a) pp. 439–440; Mac Lean (1985b) pls. 88a–88b; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 212 § 95 figs. a–b; Reports of District Secretaries (1903) p. 305 fig.
  144. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 70; Mac Lean (1985a) p. 440; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) pp. 212–213 § 95; Kermode (1915–1916) p. 61; Reports of District Secretaries (1903) p. 306.
  145. ^ Mac Lean (1985a) pp. 439–440; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) pp. 212–213 § 95.
  146. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) p. 70; Mac Lean (1985a) p. 439.
  147. ^ Mac Lean (1985a) pp. 439–440; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 21.
  148. ^ Mac Lean (1985a) p. 440; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 21.
  149. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 46, 48; McDonald (2007b) pp. 85–86, 85 n. 88; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 150; Duffy (1993) p. 61, 61 n. 69; Anderson (1922) p. 305; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–79.
  150. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 85–86.
  151. ^ Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 150, 260–261, 260 n. 121.
  152. ^ a b c Duffy (1993) p. 61.
  153. ^ Downham (2013) p. 178 tab.
  154. ^ Duffy (1993) pp. 45, 61; Duffy (1992) pp. 128–129; Butler (1845) pp. 50–51 § 69.
  155. ^ a b Oram (2000) p. 105.
  156. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 85 n. 88; Duffy (1993) p. 61, 61 n. 69.
  157. ^ a b Duffy (2007) pp. 3–4; Oram (2000) pp. 74–75; Duffy (1993) p. 44; Duffy (1992) pp. 126–128.
  158. ^ a b Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146; Downham (2013) pp. 166, 171–172; McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 3; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; Oram (2000) pp. 74–75; Duffy (1993) pp. 43–45; Duffy (1992) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1991) p. 67; Anderson (1922) p. 230–231; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 66–69.
  159. ^ Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1992) p. 126.
  160. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) §§ 1154.12, 1154.13; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) §§ 1154.12, 1154.13; Duffy (1993) p. 42.
  161. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1162.4; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1162.4; Duffy (2007) pp. 3–4; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1993) p. 44; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  162. ^ Duffy (1993) p. 44; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  163. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1162.11; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1162.11; Duffy (2007) p. 4; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1993) p. 44; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  164. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1162.5; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1162.5; Duffy (1993) p. 45.
  165. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 4; Duffy (1993) pp. 44–45; Duffy (1992) p. 128.
  166. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 157 fig. 2a, 163 fig. 8d, 187 fig. 14.
  167. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 64; McDonald (2016) p. 342; Beuermann (2014) p. 93, 93 n. 45; Wadden (2014) pp. 32–33; Downham (2013) p. 172, 172 n. 86; Flanagan (2010) p. 195, 195 n. 123; Duffy (2007) p. 4; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 71, 171, 185; Oram (2000) p. 109 n. 24; Watt (2000) p. 24; McDonald (1997) pp. 215–216; Duffy (1993) p. 58; Duffy (1992) p. 127 n. 166; Flanagan (1989) p. 103; Power (1986) p. 130; Flanagan (1977) p. 59; Anderson (1922) pp. 296–297; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) p. 247.
  168. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 60; Flanagan (2010) p. 195; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) p. 71; Martin (2008) p. 135; Pollock (2005) p. 16 n. 76; Flanagan (1989) p. 103; Anderson (1922) p. 297 n. 1.
  169. ^ a b Wadden (2014) p. 33.
  170. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 146; Duffy (1992) p. 128 n. 166.
  171. ^ Pollock (2005) p. 16 n. 76.
  172. ^ Downham (2013) p. 172; Duffy (2007) p. 4.
  173. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 74–75.
  174. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 113–114, 120; Oram (2000) pp. 74–76.
  175. ^ Oram (2000) p. 75; McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56.
  176. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 2–3; Pollock (2005) p. 14, 14 n. 69; Oram (2000) p. 75; Duffy (1999) p. 356; Duffy (1993) pp. 31, 42–43.
  177. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 3; McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56; Duffy (1993) p. 43.
  178. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 55–56.
  179. ^ a b Oram (2011) p. 128; Oram (2000) p. 76.
  180. ^ Williams, G (2007).
  181. ^ a b Downham (2013) pp. 171–172.
  182. ^ Downham (2013) pp. 171–172; Oram (2000) pp. 67, 76; Duffy (1993) pp. 40–41; Duffy (1992) pp. 121–122.
  183. ^ Downham (2013) pp. 171–172; Oram (2000) p. 67.
  184. ^ French (2015) p. 27; Simms (1998) p. 56.
  185. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 134; Duffy (2007) p. 6; Duffy (2004b).
  186. ^ Flanagan (2004b); Flanagan (2004c).
  187. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 4–5.
  188. ^ Crooks (2005a); Flanagan (2004b).
  189. ^ Flanagan (2004a); Flanagan (2004b); Duffy (1998) pp. 78–79; Duffy (1992) p. 131.
  190. ^ Flanagan (2004a); Duffy (1998) pp. 78–79.
  191. ^ Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1992) pp. 131–132.
  192. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 161 fig. 6c, 184 fig. 11, 189 fig. 16.
  193. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157 n. 1; McDonald (2008) p. 135; Duffy (2007) p. 5; Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 285; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1993) pp. 46, 60; Duffy (1992) p. 132; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 213–215 (§ 17); Dimock (1867) pp. 256–258 (§ 17).
  194. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157 n. 1.
  195. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 152.
  196. ^ Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1992) p. 132, 132 n. 184.
  197. ^ Duffy (1992) p. 132, 132 n. 184.
  198. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 5; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  199. ^ Song of Dermot and the Earl (2011) pp. 165, 167 (§§ 2257–2272); McDonald (2008) pp. 135–136, 135–136 n. 24; Duffy (2007) p. 5; Song of Dermot and the Earl (2010) pp. 164, 166 (§§ 2257–2272); Duffy (1992) p. 132; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 219–221 (§ 21); Dimock (1867) pp. 263–265 (§ 21).
  200. ^ Duffy (2007) pp. 5–6; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 287; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  201. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 160; Barrett (2004).
  202. ^ O'Byrne (2005) p. 469; Duffy (1992) p. 132.
  203. ^ a b Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146, 146 n. 80; Wyatt (2018) p. 797; Wyatt (2009) p. 391; McDonald (2008) pp. 134, 136; Duffy (2007) p. 6; McDonald (2007a) pp. 52, 63, 70; Pollock (2005) p. 15; Power (2005) p. 37; Purcell (2003–2004) p. 288, 288 n. 59; Gillingham (2000) p. 94; Duffy (1993) pp. 46–47, 59–60; Duffy (1992) pp. 132–133; Duffy (1991) p. 60; Wright; Forester; Hoare (1905) pp. 221–222 (§ 22); Dimock (1867) pp. 265–266 (§ 22).
  204. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 146; Anderson (1922) pp. 296–297; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77.
  205. ^ a b Kostick (2013) ch. 6 ¶ 88.
  206. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 7; O'Byrne (2005) p. 469; Duffy (1993) p. 47; Duffy (1992) p. 133.
  207. ^ Downham (2013) p. 157.
  208. ^ Duffy (2005b) p. 96; Flanagan (2004a); Simms (1998) p. 57.
  209. ^ Strickland (2016) pp. 86, 357 n. 61.
  210. ^ Strickland (2016) p. 86.
  211. ^ Strickland (2016) p. 357 n. 61.
  212. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 135–136; McDonald (2007a) p. 52; McDonald (2007b) pp. 124–125; Duffy (1992) p. 133; Duffy (1991) p. 60.
  213. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 125.
  214. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146; Veach (2018) p. 167; McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 125; Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a); Oram (2000) p. 105; Power (1986) p. 130.
  215. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 136–137; Crooks (2005b); Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a).
  216. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 60; McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (1995) p. 25, n. 167; Duffy (1993) p. 58.
  217. ^ McDonald (2008) pp. 137–138; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1996) p. 7.
  218. ^ Veach (2014) pp. 56–57; McDonald (2008) p. 136; McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (2005a); Duffy (2004a); Duffy (1995) p. 25 n. 167; Duffy (1993) p. 58, 58 n. 53; Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.) p. 11 § 2.5.9.
  219. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 126; Duffy (1995) p. 25 n. 167.
  220. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 137; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127; Duffy (1995) p. 25; Duffy (1993) p. 58; Macdonald; McQuillan; Young (n.d.) pp. 10–12 §§ 2.5.8–2.5.10.
  221. ^ McDonald (2008) p. 137; McDonald (2007b) pp. 126–127.
  222. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 37, 37 n. 107; Duffy (2005a); Pollock (2005) p. 18; Oram (2000) p. 105; Duffy (1995) p. 24; Duffy (1993) p. 73; Stubbs (1871) p. 25; Riley (1853) p. 404.
  223. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 155–156; Pollock (2005) p. 18; Oram (2000) p. 105; Duffy (1993) pp. 72–73.
  224. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) p. 76; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  225. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 338; Oram (2000) p. 105; Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26; Duffy (1993) p. 58; Davies (1990) p. 52; Power (1986) p. 130.
  226. ^ Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26.
  227. ^ a b Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 145–146; McDonald (2008) pp. 137–138; McDonald (2007b) p. 127; Duffy (1995) pp. 25–26; Duffy (1993) pp. 58–59; Duffy (1991) pp. 67–68.
  228. ^ Pollock (2005) p. 16.
  229. ^ Martin (2008) p. 135.
  230. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 127; Duffy (1991) pp. 67–68.
  231. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 145.
  232. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 100–101; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  233. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 66, 192; Davey, PJ (2006a); Woolf (2001).
  234. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 68.
  235. ^ Crawford, DKE (2016) p. 107; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 204; McIntire (1943) p. 5; Brownbill (1919) pp. 710–711 § 4; Oliver (1861) pp. 13–14; Document 1/14/1 (n.d.).
  236. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 91; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 196; Duffy (1993) p. 57; McIntire (1943) p. 6; Wilson, J (1915) pp. 72–73 § 43; Document 1/14/2 (n.d.).
  237. ^ Barrow (1980) p. 158 n. 70; Wilson, J (1915) pp. 72–73 § 43, 73 n. 7; Document 1/14/2 (n.d.); Gilchrist (n.d.).
  238. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 196.
  239. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 343; Beuermann (2014) p. 93 n. 45; McDonald (2007b) p. 68; McDonald (1997) p. 218; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77.
  240. ^ Jamroziak (2011) p. 82; Jamroziak (2008) pp. 32–33; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68, 196, 219; Duffy (1993) p. 57; McIntire (1943) pp. 5–6; McIntire (1941) pp. 170–171; Grainger; Collingwood (1929) pp. 94–95 § 265a; Document 1/14/3 (n.d.).
  241. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 157 fig. 2i, 188 fig. 15, 192 tab. 5.
  242. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson 2009 pp. 157 fig. 2i, 188 fig. 15, 192 tab. 5, 192–193, 197 tab. 8; Power (2005) p. 37 n. 37.
  243. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 171, 180.
  244. ^ Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1 n. 3; Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b).
  245. ^ Lowe (1988) p. 33.
  246. ^ Beuermann (2012) pp. 4–5; Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1 n. 3; Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b).
  247. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 171–172.
  248. ^ Beuermann (2012) pp. 4–5; Beuermann (2002) pp. 425–426.
  249. ^ Beuermann (2002) pp. 425–428.
  250. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 428.
  251. ^ Beuermann (2002) pp. 428–429.
  252. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 37.
  253. ^ Watt (2003) p. 399 map 20.1; Woolf (2003) p. 177; Barrell (2002) p. xxiv map 3.
  254. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 182 n. 175; Power (2005) p. 23; Beuermann (2002).
  255. ^ Power (2005) p. 23.
  256. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 163; Helle (2003) p. 376.
  257. ^ Sayers (2004).
  258. ^ Power (2005) p. 25; Sayers (2004).
  259. ^ Antonsson; Crumplin; Conti (2007) p. 203; Power (2005) p. 23.
  260. ^ Power (2005) pp. 22–23, 22 n. 21.
  261. ^ Power (2005) pp. 21–22.
  262. ^ a b Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 167; Rekdal (2003–2004) p. 257; Helle (2003) p. 377; Orfield (2002) p. 135.
  263. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 167 n. 57; Power (2005) p. 25; Rekdal (2003–2004) p. 257; Woolf (2003) p. 174; Watt (2000) pp. 11–12; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) pp. 229–230; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 8 § 1.
  264. ^ Helle (2003) p. 377.
  265. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 432.
  266. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 163; Helle (2003) p. 377.
  267. ^ Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b); Bartlett (1999) p. 823.
  268. ^ a b Munch; Goss (1874) p. 114; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  269. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 174.
  270. ^ Watt (1994) p. 117.
  271. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 174–175; Watt (1994) p. 117.
  272. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 175; Watt (1994) pp. 117–118.
  273. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 431.
  274. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 207.
  275. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 70–71; Watt (1994) pp. 117–118.
  276. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 70–72; Beuermann (2010) pp. 102–103, 103 n. 10, 106, 106 n. 32; McDonald (2007b) p. 135; Power (2005) p. 22, 22 n. 22; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Lawrie (1910) pp. 114–115 § 6; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  277. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 32.
  278. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93; MacDonald (2013) pp. 31–32; Beuermann (2012) p. 5; Watt (1994) pp. 113, 118.
  279. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 32, 32 n. 56.
  280. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93.
  281. ^ Freke (2002) p. 442; Freke (1990) p. 113.
  282. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 77; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70, 123; Anderson (1922) pp. 313, 363–364; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–81.
  283. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 60; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 146; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1; 71; Anderson (1922) pp. 296–297, 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–79.
  284. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 78; McDonald (2008) p. 134; McDonald (2007b) pp. 72–73; Duffy (2004d); Clancy; Márkus (1998) pp. 237, 239; Skene (1890) pp. 410–427.
  285. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 77; McDonald (2007b) p. 70.
  286. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 77; McDonald (2007b) p. 71.
  287. ^ Oram (1988) p. 100.
  288. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 342; McDonald (1997) pp. 215–216.
  289. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 338; Valante (2010); McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1; 75; Brownbill (1919) p. 711 § 5; Oliver (1861) pp. 17–18; Document 1/15/1 (n.d.).
  290. ^ Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2 tab.
  291. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 189; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 116–117.
  292. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 190; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 84–85.
  293. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 68; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 66–67.
  294. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 70; Duffy (2004b); Freke (2002) p. 442.
  295. ^ Crawford, DKE (2016) p. 105; Freke (2002) p. 442; Freke (1990) p. 113.
  296. ^ Freke (1990) p. 118.
  297. ^ Freke (2002) p. 441.
  298. ^ Ritchie (1997) p. 101; Power (2013) p. 65; McDonald (2012) p. 156; Power (2005) p. 28.
  299. ^ Power (2013) p. 65; Power (2005) p. 28; Ritchie (1997) p. 101; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 249 § 12.
  300. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 343; McDonald (2012) pp. 155–156.
  301. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 66, 77; Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71, 94, 170; Duffy (2004d); Broderick (2003); Oram (2000) p. 105; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–79.
  302. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 66; McDonald (2007b) pp. 68–69.
  303. ^ Oram (2011) p. 156.
  304. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 46, 48, 66, 77; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71, 94, 170; Duffy (2004d); Oram (2000) pp. 105, 124; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 260; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–79.
  305. ^ Oram (2013).
  306. ^ Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  307. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2013); Woolf (2007) pp. 80–81; McNamee (2005); Brown (2004) pp. 76–78; Duffy (2004d).
  308. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 150
  309. ^ Oram (2000), p. 69
  310. ^ a b c Hollister (2004).

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External links edit

  • "Godred, King of the Isles (d.1187)". People of Medieval Scotland, 1093–1371.
  •   Media related to Guðrøðr Óláfsson at Wikimedia Commons
Guðrøðr Óláfsson
 Died: 10 November 1187
Regnal titles
Preceded by King of the Isles
1153/1154–1156 		Succeeded by
Preceded by King of the Isles
1164–1187 		Succeeded by
Notes and references
1. Either Somairle or Dubgall gained the kingship from Guðrøðr in 1156. Whilst it is possible that Dubgall was the nominal monarch, it is evident that the real power was possessed by Somairle, and Irish sources certainly regarded the latter as king later in his career.

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April 14, 2024
guðrøðr, Óláfsson, confused, with, gofraid, amlaíb, meic, ragnaill, died, november, 1187, twelfth, century, ruler, kingdoms, dublin, isles, note, guðrøðr, Óláfr, guðrøðarson, affraic, daughter, fergus, lord, galloway, throughout, career, guðrøðr, battled, riva. Not to be confused with Gofraid mac Amlaib meic Ragnaill Gudrodr olafsson died 10 November 1187 was a twelfth century ruler of the kingdoms of Dublin and the Isles note 1 Gudrodr was a son of olafr Gudrodarson and Affraic daughter of Fergus Lord of Galloway Throughout his career Gudrodr battled rival claimants to the throne permanently losing about half of his realm to a rival dynasty in the process Although dethroned for nearly a decade Gudrodr clawed his way back to regain control of a partitioned kingdom and proceeded to project power into Ireland Although originally opposed to the English invasion of Ireland Gudrodr adeptly recognised the English ascendancy in the Irish Sea region and aligned himself with the English All later kings of the Crovan dynasty descended from Gudrodr Gudrodr olafssonKing of Dublin and the IslesGudrodr s name as it appears on folio 46v of British Library Royal 13 B VIII Expugnatio Hibernica Gottredum 1 Reign1150s 1160Died10 November 1187St Patrick s IsleBurial1188IonaSpouseFindguala Nic LochlainnIssueAffrica Rǫgnvaldr Ivarr olafr svartiHouseCrovan dynastyFatherolafr GudrodarsonMotherAffraic ingen FergusaIn the last year of his father s reign Gudrodr was absent at the court of Ingi Haraldsson King of Norway forging closer ties with the Kingdom of Norway When olafr was assassinated by rival members of the Crovan dynasty in 1153 Gudrodr returned to the Isles overthrew his usurping cousins and seized the throne for himself Gudrodr evidently pursued a more aggressive policy than his father and the following year appears to have lent military assistance to Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn King of Cenel nEogain in the latter s bid for the high kingship of Ireland Not long afterwards Gudrodr faced a dynastic challenge from his brother in law Somairle mac Gilla Brigte Lord of Argyll whose son as a grandson of olafr possessed a claim to the throne Late in 1156 Gudrodr and Somairle fought an inconclusive sea battle and partitioned the kingdom of the Isles between them Two years later Somairle struck again and forced Gudrodr from the Isles altogether Gudrodr appears to have spent his exile in the kingdoms of England and Scotland before journeying to Norway In about 1161 Gudrodr distinguished himself in the ongoing Norwegian civil wars at the final downfall of Ingi Gudrodr made his return to the Isles in 1164 in the aftermath of Somairle s defeat and death at the hands of the Scots Although he regained the kingship itself the territories ceded to Somairle in 1156 were retained by the latter s descendants At some point in his career Gudrodr briefly held the kingship of Dublin Although he was initially successful in fending off Muirchertach the Dubliners eventually settled with the latter and Gudrodr returned to the Isles This episode may have bearing on Gudrodr s marriage to Findguala ingen Neill Muirchertach s granddaughter In 1170 Dublin fell to an Anglo Irish alliance The following year the ousted King of Dublin attempted to retake the town and Ruaidri Ua Conchobair King of Connacht attempted to dislodge the English from Dublin In both cases Gudrodr appears to have provided military assistance against the English In succeeding years however Gudrodr aligned himself with one of the most powerful English conquerors John de Courcy Gudrodr s assistance to John who had married Gudrodr s daughter Affrica may have played a critical role in John s successful conquest of the Kingdom of Ulaid Gudrodr died in 1187 and was succeeded by his eldest son Rǫgnvaldr Although Gudrodr may have attempted to avert any succession disputes between his descendants Rǫgnvaldr and his younger brother olafr svarti eventually fought each other over the throne and the resulting conflict carried on into later generations Contents 1 Background 2 Early career 3 Contested kingship 4 Exile from the Isles 5 Return to the Isles 6 King of Dublin 7 Opposed to the English in Ireland 8 Aligned with the English in Ireland 9 Ecclesiastical activities 10 Death and descendants 11 Ancestry 12 Notes 13 Citations 14 References 14 1 Primary sources 14 2 Secondary sources 15 External linksBackground edit nbsp Locations relating to Gudrodr s life and times Gudrodr was a son of olafr Gudrodarson King of the Isles 29 and his wife Affraic ingen Fergusa 30 The men were members of the Crovan dynasty a Norse Gaelic kindred descended from Gudrodr Crovan King of Dublin and the Isles 31 Following Gudrodr Crovan s death in 1095 there is a period of uncertainty in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles Although the latter s eldest son Lǫgmadr appears to have succeeded to the kingship he was soon forced to contend with factions supporting his younger brothers Haraldr and olafr Although he successfully dealt with Haraldr foreign powers from Ireland intruded into the Isles and Magnus olafsson King of Norway seized control of the kingdom At some point olafr was entrusted to the protection of Henry I King of England and spent his youth in England before his eventual restoration as King of the Isles in the second decade of the twelfth century The thirteenth to fourteenth century Chronicle of Mann reveals that Gudrodr s mother Affraic was a daughter of Fergus Lord of Galloway 32 Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus descendants suggest that he was married to an illegitimate daughter of Henry I and that this woman was the mother of at least some of his offspring including Affraic herself 33 note 2 Although the union between Gudrodr s parents is not dated in contemporary sources 36 it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s The marital alliance forged between olafr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial connections with the English Crown one of the most powerful monarchies in western Europe 37 As for Fergus the union bound Galloway more tightly to a neighbouring kingdom from which an invasion had been launched during the overlordsship of Magnus 38 The alliance with olafr also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain s most formidable fleets and further gave him a valuable ally outside the orbit of the Scottish Crown 39 nbsp Gudrodr s name as it appears on folio 36r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII the Chronicle of Mann Godredus filius Olavi 40 Another alliance involving olafr was that with Somairle mac Gilla Brigte Lord of Argyll Perhaps at about 1140 during a period when the latter was allied with David I King of Scotland Somairle married Ragnhildr olafr s daughter There is reason to suspect that the alliance was an after effect of the Scottish Crown s advancing overlordship 41 The marriage itself had severe repercussions on the later history of the Isles as it gave the Meic Somairle the descendants of Somairle and Ragnhildr a claim to the kingship through Ragnhildr s royal descent 42 In the words of the chronicle the union was the cause of the collapse of the entire Kingdom of the Isles 43 Early career edit nbsp A king gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 44 Comprising some four sets 45 the pieces are thought to have been crafted in Norway in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 46 They were uncovered in Lewis in the early nineteenth century 47 Some of the pieces may have arrived in the Isles as a result of Gudrodr s return from Norway 48 Although the Chronicle of Mann portrays olafr s reign as one of tranquillity 49 a more accurate evaluation of his reign may be that he adeptly managed to navigate an uncertain political climate 50 By the mid part of the twelfth century however the ageing king s realm may well have begun to buckle under the strain 51 as perhaps evidenced by the depredations wrought on the Scottish mainland by olafr s leading ecclesiast Wimund Bishop of the Isles 52 Confirmation of olafr s concern over the royal succession may well be preserved by the Chronicle of Mann 53 which states that Gudrodr journeyed to the court of Ingi Haraldsson King of Norway in 1152 where Gudrodr rendered homage to the Norwegian king and seemingly secured recognition of the royal inheritance of the Isles 54 According to Robert s Chronica the kings of the Isles owed the kings of Norway a tribute of ten gold marks upon the accession of a new Norwegian king This statement could indicate that Gudrodr rendered Ingi such a payment upon his visit to the Norwegian court in 1152 55 The following year marked a watershed in the history for the Kingdom of the Isles For not only did David die late in May 56 but olafr himself was assassinated about a month later on 29 June whilst Gudrodr was still absent in Norway 57 According to the chronicle olafr had been confronted by three Dublin based nephews the Haraldssonar the sons of his exiled brother Haraldr After hearing the demands of these men that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar slew olafr himself In the resulting aftermath the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves 58 Whether the men attained any form of authority in the rest of the Isles is unknown 59 note 3 Once in control the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Gudrodr the kingdom s legitimate heir by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather Fergus Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find 62 This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Gudrodr and his mother 63 Within months of his father s assassination Gudrodr executed his vengeance According to the chronicle he journeyed from Norway to Orkney strengthened by Norwegian military support and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin slaying cousins putting one to death whilst blinding the other two and successfully secured the kingship for himself 64 Whether Gudrodr succeeded to the throne in 1153 65 or 1154 is uncertain 66 The chronicle itself states that he overcame the Haraldssonar in the autumn following their coup 64 nbsp Fourteenth century depiction of Fergus Lord of Galloway as he is depicted in Leiden University Library Letterkunde 191 Roman van Ferguut Gudrodr s reliance upon Norwegian assistance instead of support from his maternal grandfather could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit 63 Additionally the account of incessant inter dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway as recorded by the twelfth century Vita Ailredi suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s and may also explain his failure to come to Gudrodr s aid following olafr s death 67 olafr and Gudrodr s turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness 68 and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s In November 1153 following the death of David Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm IV King of Scotland The dynastic challenges faced by Malcolm and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles may partly account for Gudrodr s success in consolidating control of the kingdom and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father 69 Contested kingship edit nbsp Image a nbsp Image bMaughold IV image a detail image b 70 a Manx runestone displaying a contemporary sailing vessel 71 The power of the kings of the Isles laid in their armed galley fleets 72 note 4 Midway through the twelfth century Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn King of Cenel nEogain pressed forth to claim to the high kingship of Ireland an office then held by the elderly Toirrdelbach Ua Conchobair King of Connacht 79 In 1154 the forces of Toirrdelbach and Muirchertach met in a major conflict fought off the Inishowen coast in what was perhaps one of the greatest naval battles of the twelfth century 80 According to the seventeenth century Annals of the Four Masters Muirchertach s maritime forces were mercenaries drawn from Galloway Arran Kintyre Mann and the territories of Scotland 81 This record appears to be evidence that Gudrodr Fergus and perhaps Somairle provided ships to Muirchertach s cause 82 note 5 Although Toirrdelbach s forces obtained a narrow victory his northern maritime power seems to have been virtually nullified by the severity of the contest 84 and Muirchertach soon after marched on Dublin 85 gained overlordship over the Dubliners and effectively secured himself the high kingship of Ireland for himself 86 nbsp Dubgall s name as it appears on folio 16v of British Library Cotton Domitian A VII the Durham Liber vitae Dunegal filius Sumerledi 87 The defeat of forces drawn from the Isles and Muirchertach s subsequent spread of power into Dublin may have had severe repercussions concerning Gudrodr s career 88 In 1155 or 1156 the Chronicle of Mann reveals that Somairle conducted a coup against Gudrodr specifying that THorfinnr ottarsson one of the leading men of the Isles produced Somairle s son Dubgall as a replacement to Gudrodr s rule 89 Somairle s stratagem does not appear to have received unanimous support however as the chronicle specifies that the leading Islesmen were made to render pledges and surrender hostages unto him and that one such chieftain alerted Gudrodr of Somairle s treachery 90 nbsp Gudrodr s name and title as it appears on folio 63v of AM 47 fol Eirspennill Gudrodr Sudr eyia konvngr s on Olafs bitlings 91 Late in 1156 on the night of 5 6 January Somairle and Gudrodr finally clashed in a bloody but inconclusive sea battle According to the chronicle Somairle s fleet numbered eighty ships and when the fighting concluded the feuding brothers in law divided the Kingdom of the Isles between themselves 92 note 6 Although the precise partitioning is unrecorded and uncertain the allotment of lands seemingly held by Somairle s descendants in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries could be evidence that he and his son gained the southernmost islands of the Hebrides whilst Gudrodr retained the northernmost 95 Two years later the chronicle reveals that Somairle with a fleet of fifty three ships attacked Mann and drove Gudrodr from the kingship into exile 96 According to the thirteenth century Orkneyinga saga the contemporary Orcadian warlord Sveinn Asleifarson had connections in the Isles and overcame Somairle in battle at some point in the twelfth century Although this source s account of Sveinn and Somairle is clearly somewhat garbled it could be evidence that Sveinn aided Gudrodr in his struggle against Somairle 97 With Gudrodr gone it appears that either Dubgall or Somairle became King of the Isles 98 Although the young Dubgall may well have been the nominal monarch the chronicle makes it clear that it was Somairle who possessed the real power 99 Certainly Irish sources regarded Somairle as king by the end of his career 98 The reason why the Islesmen specifically sought Dubgall as their ruler instead of Somairle is unknown Evidently Somairle was somehow an unacceptable candidate 100 and it is possible that Ragnhildr s royal ancestry lent credibility to Dubgall that Somairle lacked himself 101 Exile from the Isles edit nbsp Nineteenth century facsimile of the charter of Kelso Abbey witnessed by Gudrodr whilst in exile in 1159 His name and title reads Godredo Rege Insularum 102 Contemporaneous sources reveal that upon his expulsion Gudrodr attempted to garner royal support in England and Scotland For example the English Pipe rolls record that in 1158 the sheriffs of Worcester and Gloucester received allowances for payments made to Gudrodr for arms and equipment 103 Gudrodr may have arrived in England by way of Wales The English Crown s recent use of naval forces off the Gwynedd coast as well as Gudrodr s own familial links with the king himself may account for the Gudrodr s attempts to secure English assistance 104 In any case Gudrodr was unable to gain Henry II s help and the latter proceeded to busy himself in Normandy 105 Gudrodr next appears on record in Scotland the following year when he witnessed a charter of Malcolm to Kelso Abbey 106 The fact that the Scottish Crown had faced opposition from Somairle in 1153 could suggest that Malcolm was sympathetic to Gudrodr s plight 107 Although the latter was certainly honourably treated by the Scots as revealed by his prominent place amongst the charter s other witnesses he was evidently unable to secure military support against Somairle 108 nbsp The name of Fergus as it appears on folio 35v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Fergus de Galwedia 109 It is uncertain why Gudrodr did not turn to his grandfather Fergus for aid One possibility is that the defeat of the Gallovidian fleet in 1154 severely weakened the latter s position in Galloway In fact there is evidence to suggest that Galloway endured a bitter power struggle later that decade 108 note 7 According to the twelfth to thirteenth century Chronicle of Holyrood Malcolm overcame certain confederate enemies in Galloway in 1160 111 Although the exact identities of these opponents are unknown it is possible that this source documents a Scottish victory over an alliance between Somairle and Fergus 112 Before the end of the year Fergus retired to Holyrood Abbey 113 and Somairle came into the king s peace 114 Although the concordat between the Scottish Crown and Somairle may have taken place after the Malcolm s subjugation of Somairle and Fergus an alternate possibility is that the agreement was concluded in the context of Somairle having aided the Scots in their overthrow of Fergus 115 Somairle s deal with Scottish Crown may also have been undertaken not only in an effort to ensure that his own authority in the Isles was recognised by Malcolm but to limit any chance of Gudrodr receiving future royal support from the Scots 116 nbsp Nineteenth century depiction of the forces of Ingi Haraldsson King of Norway at the Battle of Oslo in 1161 117 Having failed to secure substantial support in England and Scotland Gudrodr appears to have turned to Ingi his nominal Norwegian overlord 118 In late 1160 or early 1161 Gudrodr distinguished himself in the ongoing civil war in the Norwegian realm as evidenced by Hakonar saga herdibreids within the thirteenth century saga compilation Heimskringla 119 The fact that the Icelandic annals allege that Gudrodr assumed the kingship of the Isles in 1160 could be evidence that whilst in Norway Ingi formally recognised Gudrodr as king in a public ceremony 120 There is reason to suspect that Gudrodr s support of Ingi may have been undertaken in the context of fulfilling military obligations as a vassal 121 Be that as it may Hakonar saga herdibreids reveals that Gudrodr played an important part in Ingi s final downfall in battle at Oslo in 1161 119 Up until 1155 Ingi had shared the kingship with his brothers Sigurdr and Eysteinn With both of these brothers dead by 1157 Ingi was forced to contend with Hakon Sigurdarson who had been elected to the kingship within the year 122 In regard to Gudrodr himself the saga relates that during this final battle against Hakon Gudrodr at the head of one thousand five hundred men went over to Hakon s side Gudrodr s decision to abandon his embattled overlord tipped the scales in favour of Hakon and directly contributed to Ingi s defeat and death 119 The young Magnus Erlingsson was elected king after Ingi s death and following the fall of Hakon 123 was crowned king in 1163 1164 124 It is likely that Gudrodr was present at Magnus Erlingsson s coronation 121 and possible that Gudrodr rendered homage to him as well 125 Return to the Isles edit nbsp St Oran s Chapel the oldest intact building on Iona 126 dates to the mid twelfth century 127 and may have been built by either the Meic Somairle 128 or the Crovan dynasty 129 Gudrodr himself was laid to rest on the island 130 Somairle was slain in an unsuccessful invasion of mainland Scotland in 1164 131 The declaration in the fifteenth to sixteenth century Annals of Ulster of Somairle s forces being drawn from Argyll Kintyre Dublin and the Isles reveals the climax of Somairle s authority and further confirms his usurpation of power from Gudrodr 132 Despite the record preserved by the Icelandic annals that Gudrodr regained the kingship of the Isles in 1160 it appears that Gudrodr made his actual return to the region after Somairle s fall 133 Although it is possible that Dubgall was able to secure power following his father s demise 134 it is evident from the Chronicle of Mann that the kingship was seized by Gudrodr s brother Rǫgnvaldr before the end of the year 135 Almost immediately afterwards Gudrodr is said by the same source to have arrived on Mann ruthlessly overpowered his brother having him mutilated and blinded 136 Gudrodr thereafter regained the kingship 137 and the realm was divided between the Crovan dynasty and the Meic Somairle 138 in a partitioning that stemmed from Somairle s strike against Gudrodr in 1156 139 note 8 nbsp The remains of a cross shaft uncovered on Iona 143 once thought to be associated with Gudrodr 144 note 9 In an entry dated 1172 the chronicle states that Mann was invaded by a certain Ragnall mac Echmarcacha a man who slaughtered a force of Manx coast watchers before being slain himself in a later engagement on the island Although the chronicle claims that Ragnall was of royal stock 149 his identity is otherwise uncertain One possibility is that this man s final adventure was somehow related to the dramatic fall of Norse Gaelic Dublin in the preceding years 150 He could have possessed a connection with the former rulers of the town as a distant relative of Echmarcach mac Ragnaill King of Dublin and the Isles 151 Alternately Ragnall s name could indicate that he was a member of the Meic Torcaill a family that possessed royal power in Dublin as late as the English conquest and evidently possessed some lands afterwards 152 note 10 Another possibility is that Ragnall s attack was somehow related to events in northern Ireland where the Meic Lochlainn lost hold of the Cenel nEogan kingship to Aed Meith Ua Neill In fact it is possible that the invader himself was a member of the Ui Cathain a branch of the Ui Neill who were opponents of John de Courcy Gudrodr s English ally and son in law 155 Although the chronicle specifically dates Ragnall s invasion to 1172 the chronological placement of the passage positions it between events dating to 1176 and 1183 156 This could indicate that the incursion took place in the immediate aftermath of John s conquest of Ulaid in 1177 Therefore it is conceivable that Ragnall embarked upon his invasion whilst Gudrodr was absent from Mann assisting John in Ireland 152 King of Dublin edit nbsp A knight gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen For a brief duration of his career Gudrodr appears to have possessed the kingship of Dublin The chronology of his rule is unclear however as surviving sources concerning this episode are somewhat contradictory 157 According to the Chronicle of Mann the Dubliners invited Gudrodr to rule over them as king in the third year of his reign in the Isles 158 If correct such an arrangement would have almost certainly provoked Muirchertach the Dubliners Irish overlord 159 note 11 In fact the chronicle reveals that Muirchertach indeed took exception to such overtures and marched on Dublin with a massive host before forming up at Cortcelis Whilst in control of Dublin Gudrodr and the defending Dubliners are stated to have repulsed a force of three thousand horsemen under the command of a certain Osiblen After the latter s fall Muirchertach and his remaining host retired from the region 158 The chronicle s version of events appears to be corroborated by the Annals of Ulster Unlike the previous source however this one dates the episode to 1162 Specifically Muirchertach s forces are recorded to have devastated the Ostman lands of Magh Fitharta before his host of horsemen were repulsed 161 Despite the difference in their chronologies both accounts refer to similar military campaigns and the uncertain place names of Cortcelis and Magh Fitharta may well refer to nearby locations roughly in the Boyne Valley 162 Another source documenting the conflict is the Annals of the Four Masters According this account preserved by this source after Muirchertach s setback at Dublin and subsequent withdrawal in 1162 he left the forces of Leinster and Mide to campaign against the Dubliners In time the source states that a peace was concluded between the Irish and the Dubliners in which the latter rendered a tribute of one hundred forty ounces of gold to Muirchertach 163 According to the Annals of Ulster this peace was reached after Diarmait Mac Murchada King of Leinster plundered Dublin and gained dominance over the inhabitants 164 The payment reveals that the Dubliners recognised Diarmait s overlord Muirchertach as their own overlord which in turn suggests that the price for peace was Gudrodr s removal from the kingship 165 nbsp A queen gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 166 In the winter of 1176 1177 the chronicle reveals that Gudrodr was formally married to Muirchertach s granddaughter Findguala Nic Lochlainn in a ceremony conducted under the auspices of the visiting papal legate Vivian Cardinal priest of St Stephen in Celio Monte 167 note 12 The precise date when Gudrodr and Findguala commenced their liaison is unknown 170 and the two could have been a couple for some time before their formal marriage 171 It is possible that the union was originally brokered as a compromise on Muirchertach s part as a means to placate Gudrodr for withdrawing from Dublin 172 The demonstrable unreliability of the chronicle s chronology and the apparent corroboration of events by the Annals of the Four Masters and the Annals of Ulster suggests that the Gudrodr s adventure in Dublin date to about 1162 157 Such a date however appears to contradict the fact that Gudrodr seems to have endured Norwegian exile in 1160 1161 and apparently only returned to the Isles in 1164 173 If the chronicle s date is indeed correct Gudrodr s inability to incorporate Dublin into the Kingdom of the Isles could well have contributed to his loss of status to Somairle 174 There may be reason to suspect that Gudrodr s defeat to Somairle was partly enabled by an alliance between Muirchertach and Somairle 175 For example Argyllmen formed part of the mercenary fleet utilised by Muirchertach in 1154 176 and it is possible that the commander of the fleet a certain Mac Scelling was a relation of Somairle himself If Muirchertach and Somairle were indeed allied at this point in time it may have meant that Gudrodr faced a united front of opposition 177 If correct it could also be possible that THorfinnr participated in Somairle s insurrection as an agent of Muirchertach 178 On the other hand the fact that Somairle and Muirchertach jostled over ecclesiastical affairs in the 1160s suggests that these two were in fact rivals 179 Furthermore the fact that THorfinnr may have been related to a previous King of Dublin could reveal that THorfinnr himself was opposed to Muirchertach s foreign overlordship 104 If Gudrodr s difficulties in Dublin indeed date to a period just before Somairle s coup the cooperation of men like THorfinnr could be evidence that Dubgall on account of his mother s ancestry and his father s power was advanced as a royal candidate in an effort to counter Muirchertach s overlordship of Dublin 179 note 13 Opposed to the English in Ireland edit nbsp Nineteenth century depiction of the seal of Richard de Clare Earl of Pembroke 184 The device depicts a contemporary mounted knight and footsoldier Later in his reign Gudrodr again involved himself in the affairs of Dublin 185 In 1166 the slaying of Muirchertach meant that two men made bids for the high kingship of Ireland Ruaidri Ua Conchobair King of Connacht and Diarmait 186 The latter had possessed the overlordship of Dublin since Muirchertach s actions there in 1162 187 Within the same year as Muirchertach s fall however Diarmait was overcome by Ruaidri and his allies and forced him from Ireland altogether Although Ruaidri thereupon gained the high kingship for himself Diarmait made his return the following year enstrengthened with English mercenaries and reclaimed the core of his lands 188 In 1170 even more English troops flocked to Diarmait s cause including Richard de Clare Earl of Pembroke who successfully stormed the Norse Gaelic enclave of Waterford 189 Richard soon after married Diarmait s daughter Aife and effectively became heir to kingship of Leinster and the overlordship of Dublin 190 Later that year the combined forces of Diarmait and Richard marched on Dublin and drove out the reigning Ascall mac Ragnaill King of Dublin 191 nbsp A rook gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 192 According to the twelfth century Expugnatio Hibernica Ascall and many of the Dubliners managed to escape by fleeing to the northern islands 193 On one hand this term could well refer to Orkney 194 note 14 On the other hand it is also possible that the term refers to the Hebrides or Mann 196 If so this source would appear to be evidence that the Dubliners had retained close links with the Isles 197 Whatever the case within weeks of Diarmait s death early in May 1171 Ascall made his return to Dublin 198 The account of events recorded by Expugnatio Hibernica and the twelfth to thirteenth century La Geste des Engleis en Yrlande indicate that Ascall s forces consisted of heavily armoured Islesmen and Norwegians 199 The invasion itself was an utter failure however and Ascall himself was captured and executed 200 Amongst the slain appears to have been Sveinn himself 201 The successive deaths of Diarmait and Ascall left a power vacuum in Dublin that others sought to fill Almost immediately after Ascall s fall for example Ruaidri had the English controlled town besieged 202 Expugnatio Hibernica records that he and Lorcan Ua Tuathail Archbishop of Dublin sent for Gudrodr and others in the Isles asking them to blockade Dublin by sea 203 note 15 Whilst it is possible that Gudrodr may have been enticed to assist the Irish through the promise of financial compensation and perhaps the possession of any vessel his fleet captured in the operation there is reason to suspect that the Islesmen were disquieted by prospect of permanent English authority in the region 205 Certainly Expugnatio Hibernica states that the threat of English domination inspired by the successes of the English made the men of the Isles act all the more quickly and with the wind in the north west they immediately sailed about thirty ships full of warriors into the harbour of the Liffey 203 Although the operation was one of the greatest military mobilisations that the Irish mustered in the twelfth century 205 the blockade was ultimately a failure and Dublin remained firmly in the hands of the English 206 Ascall was the last Norse Gaelic King of Dublin 207 and before the end of the year Clare relinquished possession of Dublin to his own liege lord Henry II King of England who converted it into an English royal town 208 Aligned with the English in Ireland edit nbsp Mannequin of Gudrodr s daughter Affrica at Carrickfergus Castle The mannequin is looking through the window of the castle s great hall According to the Chronicle of Northampton Gudrodr attended the coronation of Henry II s teenage son Henry in 1170 209 The participation of monarchs such as Gudrodr and William I King of Scotland in the ceremony partly illustrates the imperial aspect of the Plantagenet authority in the British Isles 210 Gudrodr s close relations with the English Crown may have revolved around ensuring royal protection from the English invaders of Ireland especially considering his former control of Dublin 211 With the defeat of the Dubliners at the hands of English adventurers and the ongoing entrenchment of the English throughout Ireland itself the Crovan dynasty found itself surrounded by a threatening rising new power in the Irish Sea zone 212 Despite his original opposition to the English in Dublin Gudrodr did not take long to realign himself with this new power 213 as exemplified through the marital alliance between his daughter Affrica and one of the most powerful incoming Englishmen John de Courcy 214 In 1177 John led an invasion of Ulaid an area roughly encompassing what is today County Antrim and County Down He reached Down modern day Downpatrick drove off Ruaidri Mac Duinn Sleibe King of Ulaid consolidated his conquest and ruled with a certain amount of independence for about a quarter of a century 215 Although the precise date of the marriage between John and Affrica is unknown 216 the union itself may well have attributed to his stunning successes in Ireland 217 note 16 Certainly decades later in the reign of Gudrodr s son and successor Rǫgnvaldr John received significant military support from the Crovan dynasty 220 and it is not improbable that Gudrodr himself supplied similar assistance 221 In the 1190s John also received military assistance from Gudrodr s kinsman Donnchad mac Gilla Brigte Earl of Carrick Like Gudrodr Donnchad was a grandson of Fergus 222 and it possible that John s marriage to Affrica accounts for Donnchad s cooperation with him 223 nbsp The name of Gudrodr s wife Findguala Nic Lochlainn as it appears on folio 40r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Phingola 224 Although the promise of maritime military support could well have motivated John to align himself with Gudrodr 225 there may have been a more significant aspect to their alliance 226 The rulers of Ulaid and those of Mann had a bitter past history between them and it is possible that the binding of John to the Crovan dynasty was actually the catalyst of his assault upon the Ulaid In fact Gudrodr formalised his own marriage to Findguala in 1176 1177 and it was by this union that Gudrodr bound his own dynasty with the Meic Lochlainn another traditional foe of the Ulaid 227 Another contributing factor to the alliance between Gudrodr and John may have been the Meic Lochlainn s loss of the Cenel nEogain kingship to the rival Ui Neill dynast Aed Meith in 1177 155 The latter certainly clashed with John before the end of the century and the strife between the Ui Neill and Meic Lochlainn continued on for decades 228 In any case the unions meant that John was protected on his right flank by Gudrodr through whom John shared a common interest with the Meic Lochlainn situated on his left flank 229 John would have almost certainly attempted to use such alignments to his advantage 227 whilst Gudrodr may have used John s campaigning against the Ulaid as a means of settling old scores 230 The marriage alliance between Gudrodr and John partly exemplifies the effect that the English conquest of Ireland had upon not only Irish politics but that of the Isles as well 231 Ecclesiastical activities edit nbsp The title of the Bishop of the Isles as it appears on folio 46v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Sodorensis episcopus 232 There is reason to regard olafr like his Scottish counterpart David as a reforming monarch 233 Gudrodr continued olafr s modernising policies as evidenced by surviving sources documenting the ecclesiastical history of the Isles 234 For example Gudrodr confirmed his father s charter to the abbey of St Mary of Furness in which the monks of this Cistercian house were granted the right to select the Bishop of the Isles 235 Gudrodr granted the English priory of St Bees the lands of Escheddala Dhoon Glen and Asmundertoftes Ballellin in exchange for the church of St olafr and the lands of Euastad perhaps near Ballure 236 note 17 In the reigns of Gudrodr s succeeding sons the Benedictine priory of St Bees continued to receive royal grants of Manx lands 238 The Chronicle of Mann reveals that Gudrodr gave lands at Myroscough to the Cistercian abbey of Rievaulx in England The chronicle also notes that a monastery was constructed on these lands and that the lands eventually passed into the possession of the abbey of St Mary of Rushen 239 Gudrodr also granted certain commercial rights and protections to the monks of the monastery of Holm Cultram another Cistercian house in England 240 nbsp A bishop gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 241 note 18 The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Gudrodr s kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles Little is known of its early history although its origins may well lie with the Ui Imair imperium 243 note 19 Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin at about the beginning of Gudrodr Crovan s reign in the Isles 247 Before the midpoint of the twelfth century olafr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom 248 and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to Archdiocese of York Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury 249 In 1152 steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese Dublin s political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin For olafr such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm 250 As a result of olafr s inability to have an ecclesiast of his own choice formally consecrated as bishop and his own refusal to accept one favoured by the Archbishop of York the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin s ecclesiastical ascendancy In consequence without a consecrated bishop of its own olafr s diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin s increasing authority 251 Moreover in 1152 David I attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews 252 nbsp Extent of the Diocese of the Isles c 1300 253 It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Gudrodr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152 Gudrodr s overseas objective therefore may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles 254 Certainly Gudrodr s stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare Cardinal Bishop of Albano 255 a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy s authority into the northern European periphery 256 note 20 Eventually the newly created Norwegian province the Archdiocese of Nidaross encompassed eleven dioceses in and outside mainland Norway One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles 262 officially incorporated within the province in November 1154 263 note 21 Although olafr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by olafr and Gudrodr secured their kingdom s ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin 265 The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power 266 In effect the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far off Norway appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles 267 nbsp The name of Gamaliel as it appears on folio 50v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Gamaliel 268 Despite the ecclesiastical reorientation the next Bishop of the Isles known from Manx sources was consecrated by Roger de Pont l Eveque Archbishop of York This bishop an Englishman named Gamaliel may have been consecrated between October 1154 and early 1155 possibly before news of the diocesesan realignment reached the Isles 269 Although it is possible that Gamaliel was consecrated without Gudrodr s approval the bishop appears to have witnessed at least one of the latter s charters 270 The fact that Gamaliel was buried in Peterborough could suggest that he was removed from his see at some point 271 nbsp The name of Reginald as it appears on folio 50v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Ragnaldus 268 The next known bishop was Reginald a Norwegian who witnessed the bitter struggles between Gudrodr and Somairle and who seems to have died in about 1170 272 It is possible that Reginald was consecrated in Norway in 1153 1154 and that the York backed Gamaliel was compelled to resign the see to him 273 Reginald is the first Bishop of the Isles to be attested by the Icelandic annals which could indicate that he was the first such bishop to recognise the authority of Nidaross 274 Either Gamaliel or Reginald could have been the unnamed Bishop of the Isles who is stated by Robert s Chronica to have met with William and Henry II at Mont St Michel 275 Robert s account of the meeting indicates that the kings of the Isles were obligated to render tribute to newly crowned kings of Norway 276 It is possible that Reginald followed Gudrodr into exile after the latter s defeat to Somairle 277 Reginald s successor was Christian an Argyllman who appears to have been appointed by Somairle or his sons 278 The fact that Christian did not receive acknowledgement from the Archbishop of Nidaross could be evidence that Reginald remained in Norway 279 The apparent antipathy between Gudrodr and Christian may be evidenced by the fact that it was Silvan Abbot of Rievaulx and not Christian who conducted the marriage ceremony of Gudrodr and Findguala during Vivian s visit in 1176 1177 280 Death and descendants edit nbsp The ruins of Peel Castle and St German s Cathedral on St Patrick s Isle The fact Gudrodr and his son olafr svarti are recorded to have died on the islet could be evidence that it was the site of a royal residence 281 According to the Chronicle of Mann Gudrodr had four children Affrica Rǫgnvaldr Ivarr and olafr svarti 282 Although the chronicle specifically states that Findguala was olafr svarti s mother and that he had been born before his parents formalised marriage 283 the mothers of the other three children are unknown or uncertain 31 According to the anonymous praise poem Baile suthach sith Emhna Rǫgnvaldr s mother was Sadb an otherwise unknown Irishwoman who may have been a wife or concubine of Gudrodr 284 note 22 As for Ivarr nothing further is recorded of him 285 although it is possible that his mother was also the product of an uncanonical liaison 286 During the twelfth century the Church sought to emphasise the sanctity of marriage and took steps to combat concubinage 287 As such the record of Vivian s part in the marriage ceremony of Gudrodr and Findguala may be evidence of an attempt by the papal representative to personally reinforce a stricter rule of marriage in the region 288 In any case there may be evidence to suggest that Gudrodr had another son Ruaidri who appears in a royal charter recorded as Rǫgnvaldr s brother Rotherico fratre meo 289 There is also reason to suspect that Gudrodr had another daughter 290 as the Chronicle of Mann describes a thirteenth century Bishop of the Isles a man named Reginald to have been of royal birth 291 and to have been a sister son of olafr svarti 292 Many anecdotes about him worthy of being remembered could be told which for brevity s sake we have omitted a less than illuminative excerpt from the Chronicle of Mann concerning Gudrodr 293 Gudrodr died on 10 November 1187 on St Patrick s Isle 294 The fact that Gudrodr and his son olafr svarti are recorded to have died on this islet could indicate that it was a royal residence 295 note 23 In any case the following year Gudrodr was finally laid to rest on Iona 130 an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran s Chapel 298 Certain Irish influences in this building s architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century 299 The chapel could well have been erected by olafr or Gudrodr 129 note 24 Certainly their family s remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable 300 Upon Gudrodr s death the chronicle claims that he left instructions for his younger son olafr svarti to succeed to the kingship since he had been born in lawful wedlock 301 On one hand this record could be evidence that Gudrodr continued to advance the institution of kingship in the Isles For example this episode appears to be the earliest record of a ruling member of the Crovan dynasty designating a royal successor If so such an arrangement may have been borne out of Gudrodr s own bitter difficulties with rival claimants to the throne 302 On the other hand it is uncertain if the chronicle has preserved an accurate account of events 303 as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead because unlike olafr svarti who was only a child at the time Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king 304 One possibility is that Gudrodr may have intended for Rǫgnvaldr to temporarily rule as a lieutenant of sorts until olafr svarti was able to hold sway himself 305 Although Rǫgnvaldr appears to have later forged an alliance with the Meic Somairle and may have temporarily reunited the entire Kingdom of the Isles under his own leadership 306 he was later opposed by olafr svarti and the ensuing violent conflict between Gudrodr s descendants carried on to further generations 307 Ancestry editAncestors of Gudrodr olafsson4 Gudrodr Crovan King of Dublin and the Isles died 1095 308 2 olafr Gudrodarson King of the Isles died 1153 1 Gudrodr olafsson King of Dublin and the Isles died 1187 6 Fergus of Galloway died 1161 309 3 Affraic ingen Fergusa28 William I King of England died 1087 310 14 Henry I King of England died 1135 310 29 Matilda of Flanders died 1083 310 7 name unknownNotes edit Since the 1990s academics have accorded Gudrodr various personal names in English secondary sources Godfrey 2 Godhfhraidh 3 Godred 4 Godrodr 5 Gofhraidh 6 Gofraid 7 Gofraidh 8 Gothred 9 Gottred 10 Guthred 11 Gudrod 12 Gudrǫdr 13 Gudrodr 14 Gudrod 15 Gudrodr 16 Gudrodr 17 and Guthfrith 18 Likewise academics have accorded Gudrodr various patronyms in English secondary sources Godfrey mac Aulay 19 Godhfhraidh mac Amhlaoibh 3 Godred Olafsson 20 Godred olafsson 21 Gofhraidh mac Amhlaibh 6 Gofraid Mac Amlaib 22 Gofraid mac Amlaib 23 Gofraidh mac Amhlaoibh 24 Gudrod olafsson 12 Gudrǫdr olafsson 13 Gudrodr olafsson 25 Gudrodr olafsson 26 and Gudrodr olafsson 27 Gudrodr has also been accorded an epithet Godred the Black 28 In specific regard to Gudrodr for example the kinship between him and Henry I s maternal grandson and eventual royal successor Henry II King of England is noted by the twelfth century Chronica of Robert de Torigni Abbot of Mont Saint Michel 34 Henry II s mother was Matilda daughter of Henry I 35 The Chronica notes that Gudrodr and Henry II were related by blood through Matilda stating in Latin Est enim praedictus rex consanguineus regis Anglorum ex parte Matildis imperatricis matris suae For the aforesaid king is the cousin of the English king on the side of Matilda the empress his mother 34 According to the chronicle Haraldr had been castrated by at some point in the late 1090s If correct it would seem that the Haraldssonar were at least in their fifties when they confronted their uncle 60 a man who must have been at least in his late fifties 61 The inscription of the vessel may date to about the time of the Crovan dynasty possibly from about the eleventh to the thirteenth century 71 The vessel appears to be similar to those that appear on seals borne by members of the dynasty 73 Members of the dynasty known to have borne seals include Gudrodr himself 74 Gudrodr s son Rǫgnvaldr 75 and olafr svarti s son Haraldr 76 Evidence of Gudrodr s seal stems from his 1154 charter of confirmation to Furness which states in order that this licence may be firmly observed in my kingdom I have strengthened it by the authority of my seal affixed to the present charter 77 No seal used by a member of the dynasty survives today 78 An alternate possibility is that the annal does not refer to Galloway at all and that it actually refers to the Gall Gaidheil of Arran Kintyre Mann and the territory of Scotland 83 The chronicle dates the battle to the year 1156 Since the start of a new year in the Julian calendar is 25 March the year of the battle in the Gregorian calendar is 1157 93 Whatever the year the weather conditions must have been particularly good to permit a naval battle at this time of season 94 The next secular witness listed after Gudrodr is Fergus son Uhtred Whether the latter was there in defiance of his father or as a representative of him is unknown It is possible that discussion regarding Gudrodr s plight was one of the factors in Uhtred s attestation 110 At one point after noting this 1156 segmentation the chronicle laments the downfall of the Kingdom of the Isles from the time Somairle s sons took possession of it 140 One possibility is that this statement is evidence that members of the Meic Somairle held a share of the kingdom before their father s demise 141 It could even be evidence that it was not Somairle who had possessed the partition but his sons 142 The stone is carved in a Scandinavian style 145 It is similar to other Manx 146 and Anglo Scandinavian sculpted stones 147 It may date to the tenth or eleventh century 148 Ascall was a member of the Meic Torcaill 153 If Ragnall was indeed a member of this family his name could indicate that he was a son of Echmarcach Mac Torcaill 152 a man who along with his brother Aralt witnessed a charter of Diarmait between 1162 and 1166 154 Following Muirchertach s defeat of Toirrdelbach in 1154 and the former s march on Dublin the Annals of the Four Masters reports that the Dubliners rendered Muirchertach the kingship and gave him one thousand two hundred cattle 160 Findguala appears to have been a daughter of Niall Mac Lochlainn King of Cenel nEogain 168 The fact that the chronicle describes her as Muirchertach s granddaughter without mentioning her father could indicate that the union was envisioned as a bond with her grandfather and not her father 169 There may be reason to suggest that THorfinnr was distantly related to the Meic Somairle through Ragnhildr s ancestry Specifically it is possible that Ragnhildr s mother was Ingibjǫrg daughter of Pall Hakonarson Earl of Orkney Ingibjǫrg was in turn a maternal granddaughter of Moddan an eminent Caithnessman who had a son named ottar The fact that Moddan had a son so named could be evidence that Moddan s wife was related to THorfinnr s family since THorfinnr s father was a man named ottar as well If all these possibilities are correct it is conceivable that a familial relationship such as this could have played a part in THorfinnr s allegiance to Somairle 180 There may have been another factor contributing to animosity between THorfinnr and Gudrodr 181 For example it is possible that THorfinnr was related to Ottar mac meic Ottair King of Dublin an Islesmen who had attained the kingship of Dublin in 1142 182 This act may well have represented a threat to the authority of Gudrodr s father and the prospects of Gudrodr himself 183 Certainly the kin slaying Haraldssonar who slew olafr a decade after Ottar s accession were raised in Dublin Enmity between THorfinnr and Gudrodr therefore could have been a continuation of hostilities between their respective families 181 Orkney is located in a chain of islands known as the Northern Isles In Old Norse these islands were known as Nordreyjar as opposed to the Isles the Hebrides and Mann which were known as Sudreyjar Southern Islands 195 According to the Chronicle of Mann olafr svarti was three years old at the time of his parents marriage in 1176 1177 As such one possibility is that the liaison between Gudrodr and Findguala commenced at about the time of siege 204 The marriage is dated to 1180 by the unreliable eighteenth century Dublin Annals of Inisfallen 218 Much of the information presented by this source appears to be derived from Expugnatio Hibernica and it is possible that this is the origin of the marriage date as well 219 One of the witnesses recorded by this charter is a certain Gilla Crist described as Gudrodr s brother and foster brother This record appears to indicate that although the two men were not related by blood they had been nursed by the same mother 237 The pictured piece depicts a seated bishop holding a crozier with two hands and wearing a chasuble as an outer garment The simple horned mitre worn by this particular piece may be evidence that it dates to the mid twelfth century when horns began to be positioned on the front and back as opposed to the sides of the headdress 242 The diocese is generally called Sodorensis in mediaeval sources 244 This Latin term is derived from the Old Norse Sudreyjar 245 and therefore means of the Southern Isles in reference to Mann and the Hebrides as opposed to the Northern Isles 246 Nicholas Breakspeare an Englishman who became Pope Adrian IV in 1154 257 was instrumental in the foundation of the new archdiocese 258 He apparently favoured Ingi as king over the latter s sibling co rulers Sigurdr and Eysteinn 259 Gudrodr s 1152 1153 stay in Scandinavia appears to have coincided with Eysteinn s absence from the region when the latter was occupied in predatory campaigns in Orkney Scotland and England 260 Eysteinn may have had Hebridean connections since saga evidence reveals that he first appeared in Norway claiming to be a son of Haraldr gilli King of Norway and Bjadǫk a woman who seems to have borne a Gaelic name Eysteinn was eventually recognised as Haraldr gilli s son and it is conceivable that Eysteinn and Bjadǫk had powerful relatives who backed their claims In regard to Gudrodr it is possible that his cooperation with Ingi was undertaken in the context of avoiding having to deal with Eysteinn and his seemingly Irish or Hebridean kin 261 Today Nidaross is known as Trondheim 264 Of the eleven dioceses five were centred in Norway and six in colonies overseas two in Iceland one in Orkney one in the Faroe Islands one in Greenland and one in the Isles 262 The fact the poem also describes Rǫgnvaldr as a descendant of Lochlann of the ships Conn and Cormac all apparent members of the Ui Neill could indicate that Gudrodr s apparent marriage to Sadb represents an earlier alliance with Muirchertach 169 It is possible that seat of Manx royal power was located at Peel Castle before the seat moved to Castle Rushen in the thirteenth century 296 The earliest evidence of ecclesiastical structures on the islet date to the tenth and eleventh centuries 297 Other potential candidates include Somairle and his son Ragnall 128 Citations edit Dimock 1867 p 265 Royal MS 13 B VIII n d Coira 2012 Stephenson 2008 Barrow 2006 Boardman 2006 Brown 2004 Bartlett 1999 McDonald 1997 McDonald 1995 a b Coira 2012 McDonald 2019 Crawford BE 2014 Sigurdsson Bolton 2014 Wadden 2014 Downham 2013 Kostick 2013 MacDonald 2013 Flanagan 2010 Jamroziak 2008 Martin 2008 Abrams 2007 McDonald 2007a Davey PJ 2006a Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 Hudson 2005 McNamee 2005 Pollock 2005 Duffy 2004a Duffy 2004b Duffy 2004d Sellar 2004 Woolf 2003 Beuermann 2002 Davey P 2002 Freke 2002 Jennings AP 2001 Oram 2000 Watt 2000 Thornton 1996 Watt 1994 Oram 1993 McDonald McLean 1992 Freke 1990 Oram 1988 Power 1986 Macdonald McQuillan Young n d Rubin 2014 a b McLeod 2002 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 Veach 2014 McDonald 2007a Woolf 2005 Woolf 2004 Duffy 2004b Woolf 2001 Duffy 1999 Thornton 1996 Duffy 1995 Duffy 1993 Duffy 1992 Duffy 1991 Duffy 2007 McDonald 2007a McDonald 2007a Purcell 2003 2004 Flanagan 1977 Macdonald McQuillan Young n d a b Williams DGE 1997 a b Sigurdsson Bolton 2014 Beuermann 2014 Williams G 2007 Ekrem Mortensen Fisher 2006 Duffy 2005a Veach 2018 Caldwell 2016 McDonald 2016 Rubin 2014 Veach 2014 Downham 2013 MacDonald 2013 Oram 2013 McDonald 2012 Oram 2011 Beuermann 2010 Beuermann 2009 Beuermann 2008 McDonald 2008 Duffy 2007 McDonald 2007a McDonald 2007b Woolf 2007 Duffy 2006 Macniven 2006 Power 2005 Salvucci 2005 Duffy 2004b Thornton 1996 Gade 1994 Duffy 2004b Macdonald McQuillan Young n d Boardman 2006 McDonald 2019 Crawford BE 2014 Sigurdsson Bolton 2014 Abrams 2007 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 Hudson 2005 McNamee 2005 Woolf 2003 Beuermann 2002 Jennings AP 2001 Oram 2000 Oram 2000 Duffy 1995 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 Veach 2014 Woolf 2005 Duffy 1993 Duffy 1992 Duffy 2007 o Mainnin 1999 Beuermann 2014 Caldwell 2016 McDonald 2016 Rubin 2014 Veach 2014 Downham 2013 Oram 2013 McDonald 2012 Beuermann 2010 McDonald 2008 Duffy 2007 McDonald 2007a McDonald 2007b Woolf 2007 Duffy 2004b Gade 1994 Macdonald McQuillan Young n d Oram 2011 Macniven 2006 Kostick 2013 McDonald 2019 p ix tab 1 Oram 2011 pp xv tab 4 xvi tab 5 McDonald 2007b p 27 tab 1 Williams G 2007 p 141 ill 14 Power 2005 p 34 tab Brown 2004 p 77 tab 4 1 Sellar 2000 p 192 tab i McDonald 1997 p 259 tab Duncan Brown 1956 1957 p 200 tab ii Anderson 1922 p 467 n 2 tab McDonald 2019 p ix tab 1 Oram 2011 pp xv tab 4 xvi tab 5 McDonald 2007b p 27 tab 1 Williams G 2007 p 141 ill 14 Sellar 2000 p 192 tab i a b McDonald 2007b p 27 tab 1 McDonald 2016 p 342 Wadden 2014 pp 31 32 McDonald 2012 p 157 McDonald 2007b pp 66 75 154 Anderson 1922 p 137 Munch Goss 1874 pp 60 61 Oram 1988 pp 71 72 79 a b Oram 2000 p 60 Oram 1993 p 116 Oram 1988 pp 72 79 Anderson 1908 p 245 Lawrie 1910 p 115 6 Howlett 1889 pp 228 229 Oram 2011 p xiii tab 2 Oram 1988 p 79 Oram 1993 p 116 Oram 1988 p 79 Oram 1993 p 116 Oram 1988 p 80 Oram 1988 p 80 Munch Goss 1874 p 62 Cotton MS Julius A VII n d Oram 2011 pp 86 89 Beuermann 2012 p 5 Beuermann 2010 p 102 Williams G 2007 p 145 Woolf 2005 Brown 2004 p 70 Rixson 2001 p 85 McDonald 2019 pp viii 59 62 63 93 Wadden 2014 p 32 McDonald 2007b pp 67 116 McDonald 1997 p 60 Duncan Brown 1956 1957 p 197 Anderson 1922 p 137 Munch Goss 1874 pp 60 61 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 pp 156 fig 1b 163 fig 8e Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 p 198 McDonald 2012 pp 168 169 182 n 175 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 pp 165 197 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 pp 155 168 173 McDonald 2012 p 182 n 175 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 p 178 Beuermann 2014 p 85 Oram 2011 p 113 Oram 2000 p 73 Anderson 1922 p 137 Munch Goss 1874 pp 60 61 Oram 2000 p 73 Oram 2011 p 113 Oram 2000 p 73 Beuermann 2014 p 93 n 43 Oram 2011 p 113 Oram 2011 p 113 Beuermann 2002 pp 421 422 Oram 2000 p 73 Rubin 2014 ch 4 18 Downham 2013 p 172 McDonald 2012 p 162 Oram 2011 p 113 Beuermann 2010 pp 106 107 Ekrem Mortensen Fisher 2006 p 165 Hudson 2005 p 198 Power 2005 p 22 Beuermann 2002 p 419 419 n 2 Jennings AP 2001 Oram 2000 p 73 Anderson 1922 p 225 Munch Goss 1874 pp 62 63 Crawford BE 2014 pp 70 72 Hudson 2005 p 198 Johnsen 1969 p 20 Anderson 1908 p 245 Lawrie 1910 p 115 6 Howlett 1889 pp 228 229 Oram 2011 p 108 Oram 2011 p 113 McDonald 2007b p 67 Duffy 2004b McDonald 2019 pp 65 74 Beuermann 2014 p 85 Downham 2013 p 171 171 n 84 Duffy 2006 p 65 Sellar 2000 p 191 Williams DGE 1997 p 259 Duffy 1993 pp 41 42 42 n 59 Duffy 1991 p 60 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1200 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 65 80 ISBN 978 90 04 25512 8 ISSN 1569 1462 Crawford DKE 2016 St Patrick and St Maughold Saints Dedications in the Isle of Man E Keltoi 8 97 158 ISSN 1540 4889 Crooks P 2005a Mac Murchada Diarmait In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 299 302 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Crooks P 2005b Ulster Earldom of In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 496 497 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Cubbon W 1952 Island Heritage Dealing With Some Phases of Manx History Manchester George Falkner amp Sons OL 24831804M Davey P 2002 At the Crossroads of Power and Cultural Influence Manx Archaeology in the High Middle Ages PDF In Davey P Finlayson D Thomlinson P eds Mannin Revisited Twelve Essays on Manx Culture and Environment Edinburgh The Scottish Society for Northern Studies pp 81 102 ISBN 0 9535226 2 8 Davey PJ 2006a Christianity in the Celtic Countries 3 Isle of Man In Koch JT ed Celtic Culture A Historical Encyclopedia Vol 2 Santa Barbara CA ABC CLIO pp 418 420 ISBN 1 85109 445 8 Davey PJ 2006b Sodor and Man The Diocese of In Koch JT ed Celtic Culture A Historical Encyclopedia Vol 4 Santa Barbara CA ABC CLIO pp 1618 1619 ISBN 1 85109 445 8 Davey PJ 2008 Eleven Years of Archaeological Research at Rushen Abbey 1998 to 2008 PDF Monastic Research Bulletin 14 Davies RR 1990 Domination and Conquest The Experience of Ireland Scotland and Wales 1100 1300 Cambridge University of Cambridge Press ISBN 0 521 38069 3 Downham C 2013 Living on the Edge Scandinavian Dublin in the Twelfth Century No Horns on Their Helmets Essays on the Insular Viking age Celtic Anglo Saxon and Scandinavian Studies Aberdeen Centre for Anglo Saxon Studies and The Centre for Celtic Studies University of Aberdeen pp 157 178 ISBN 978 0 9557720 1 6 ISSN 2051 6509 Duffy S 1991 The Bruce Brothers and the Irish Sea World 1306 29 Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 21 55 86 Duffy S 1992 Irishmen and Islesmen in the Kingdoms of Dublin and Man 1052 1171 Eriu 43 93 133 eISSN 2009 0056 ISSN 0332 0758 JSTOR 30007421 Duffy S 1993 Ireland and the Irish Sea Region 1014 1318 PhD thesis Trinity College Dublin hdl 2262 77137 Duffy S 1995 The First Ulster Plantation John de Courcy and the Men of Cumbria In Berry T Frame R Simms K eds Colony and Frontier in Medieval Ireland Essays Presented to J F Lydon London The Hambledon Press pp 1 29 ISBN 1 85285 122 8 Duffy S 1996 Ulster and the Irish Sea Region in the Twelfth Century PDF Group for the Study of Irish Historic Settlement 6 5 7 ISSN 1393 0966 Duffy S 1998 Ireland s Hastings The Anglo Norman Conquest of Dublin In Harper Bill C ed Anglo Norman Studies Vol 20 Woodbridge The Boydell Press pp 69 85 ISBN 0 85115 573 1 ISSN 0954 9927 Duffy S 1999 Ireland and Scotland 1014 1169 Contacts and Caveats In Smyth AP ed Seanchas Studies in Early and Medieval Irish Archaeology History and Literature in Honour of Francis J Byrne Dublin Four Courts Press pp 348 356 ISBN 1 85182 489 8 Duffy S 2004a Courcy John de d 1219 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 50616 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Duffy S 2004b Godred Crovan d 1095 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 50613 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Duffy S 2004c Mac Lochlainn Muirchertach d 1166 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 20745 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Duffy S 2004d Ragnvald d 1229 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 50617 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Duffy S 2005a Courcy John de In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 108 1109 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Duffy S 2005b Town and Crown The Kings of England and Their City of Dublin In Prestwich M Britnell R Frame R eds Proceedings of the Durham Conference 2003 Thirteenth Century England Woodbridge The Boydell Press pp 95 117 ISBN 1 84383 122 8 ISSN 0269 6967 Duffy S 2006 The Royal Dynasties of Dublin and the Isles in the Eleventh Century In Duffy S ed Medieval Dublin Vol 7 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 51 65 ISBN 1 85182 974 1 Duffy S 2007 The Prehistory of the Galloglass In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 1 23 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 Duncan AAM Brown AL 1956 1957 Argyll and the Isles in the Earlier Middle Ages PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 90 192 220 doi 10 9750 PSAS 090 192 220 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 189977430 Ekrem I Mortensen LB Fisher P eds 2006 Historia Norwegie Copenhagen Museum Tusculanum Press doi 10 26530 OAPEN 342356 ISBN 87 635 0612 2 Flanagan MT 1977 Hiberno Papal Relations in the Late Twelfth Century Archivium Hibernicum 34 55 70 doi 10 2307 25487421 ISSN 0044 8745 JSTOR 25487421 Flanagan MT 1989 Irish Society Anglo Norman Settlers Angevin Kingship Interactions in Ireland in the Late Twelfth Century Oxford Clarendon Press ISBN 0 19 822154 1 Flanagan MT 2004a Clare Richard fitz Gilbert de Second Earl of Pembroke c 1130 1176 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 5447 Retrieved 27 November 2013 Subscription or UK public library membership required Flanagan MT 2004b Mac Murchada Diarmait c 1110 1171 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 17697 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Flanagan MT 2004c Ua Conchobair Ruaidri Rory O Connor c 1116 1198 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 20522 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Flanagan MT 2010 The Transformation of the Irish Church in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries Studies in Celtic History Woodbridge The Boydell Press ISBN 978 1 84383 597 4 ISSN 0261 9865 Forte A Oram RD Pedersen F 2005 Viking Empires Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 82992 2 Freke D 1990 History In Robinson V McCarroll D eds The Isle of Man Celebrating a Sense of Place Liverpool Liverpool University Press pp 103 122 ISBN 0 85323 036 6 Freke D 2002 Conclusions In Freke D ed Excavations on St Patrick s Isle Peel Isle of Man 1982 88 Prehistoric Viking Medieval and Later Centre for Manx Studies Monographs series vol 2 Liverpool Liverpool University Press pp 437 448 French NE 2015 Dublin 1160 1200 Part One Dublin Historical Record 68 1 21 35 ISSN 0012 6861 JSTOR 24616064 Gade KE 1994 1236 oraekja Meiddr ok Heill Gerr PDF In Tomasson S ed Samtidarsogur The Contemporary Sagas Forprent Reykjavik Stofnun Arna Magnussona pp 194 207 Ghosh S 2011 Kings Sagas and Norwegian History Problems and Perspectives The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill ISBN 978 90 04 20989 3 ISSN 1569 1462 Gilchrist Foster Brother of King Godred People of Medieval Scotland 1093 1371 n d Retrieved 1 November 2018 Gillingham J 2000 The English in the Twelfth Century Imperialism National Identity and Political Values The Boydell Press ISBN 0 85115 732 7 Griffin PC 2002 The Mac Lochlainn High Kingship in Late Pre Norman Ireland PDF PhD thesis Trinity College Dublin Helle K 2003 The Norwegian Kingdom Succession Disputes and Consolidation In Helle K ed The Cambridge History of Scandinavia Vol 1 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 369 391 ISBN 0 521 47299 7 Hollister CW 2004 Henry I 1068 9 1135 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 12948 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Hudson BT 2005 Viking Pirates and Christian Princes Dynasty Religion and Empire in the North Atlantic Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 516237 0 Jamroziak E 2008 Holm Cultram Abbey A Story of Success Northern History 45 1 27 36 doi 10 1179 174587008X256593 eISSN 1745 8706 ISSN 0078 172X S2CID 159643490 Jamroziak E 2011 Survival and Success on Medieval Borders Cistercian Houses in Medieval Scotland and Pomerania From the Twelfth to the Late Fourteenth Century Medieval Texts and Cultures of Northern Europe Turnhout Brepols Publishers ISBN 978 2 503 53307 0 Jennings A 2017 Three Scottish Coastal Names of Note Earra Ghaidheal Satiriseid and Skotlandsfirdir In Worthington D ed The New Coastal History Cultural and Environmental Perspectives From Scotland and Beyond Cham Palgrave Macmillan pp 119 129 doi 10 1007 978 3 319 64090 7 7 ISBN 978 3 319 64090 7 Jennings AP 2001 Man Kingdom of In Lynch M ed The Oxford Companion to Scottish History Oxford 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Macdonald P McQuillan L Young T n d Data Structure Report Geophysical Survey and Excavation at Dundrum Castle County Down 2012 and 2013 PDF Vol 1 MacInnes IA 2019 A Somewhat too Cruel Vengeance was Taken for the Blood of the Slain Royal Punishment of Rebels Traitors and Political Enemies in Medieval Scotland c 1100 c 1250 In Tracy L ed Treason Medieval and Early Modern Adultery Betrayal and Shame Explorations in Medieval Culture Leiden Brill pp 119 146 ISBN 978 90 04 40069 6 ISSN 2352 0299 LCCN 2019017096 Mac Lean DG 1985a Early Medieval Sculpture in the West Highlands and Islands of Scotland PhD thesis Vol 1 University of Edinburgh hdl 1842 7273 Mac Lean DG 1985b Early Medieval Sculpture in the West Highlands and Islands of Scotland PhD thesis Vol 2 University of Edinburgh hdl 1842 7273 Macniven A 2006 The Norse in Islay A Settlement Historical Case Study for Medieval Scandinavian Activity in Western Maritime Scotland PhD thesis University of Edinburgh hdl 1842 8973 Martin FX 2008 1987 John Lord of Ireland 1185 1216 In Cosgrove A ed Medieval Ireland 1169 1534 New History of Ireland Oxford Oxford University Press pp 127 154 ISBN 978 0 19 821755 8 McDonald RA 1995 Images of Hebridean Lordship in the Late Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries The Seal of Raonall Mac Sorley Scottish Historical Review 74 2 129 143 doi 10 3366 shr 1995 74 2 129 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25530679 McDonald RA 1997 The Kingdom of the Isles Scotland s Western Seaboard c 1100 c 1336 Scottish Historical Monographs East Linton Tuckwell Press ISBN 978 1 898410 85 0 McDonald RA 2007a Dealing Death From Man Manx Sea Power in and around the Irish Sea 1079 1265 In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 45 76 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 McDonald RA 2007b Manx Kingship in its Irish Sea Setting 1187 1229 King Rǫgnvaldr and the Crovan Dynasty Dublin Four Courts Press ISBN 978 1 84682 047 2 McDonald RA 2008 Man Ireland and England The English Conquest of Ireland and Dublin Manx Relations In Duffy S ed Medieval Dublin Vol 8 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 131 149 ISBN 978 1 84682 042 7 McDonald RA 2012 The Manx Sea Kings and the Western Oceans The Late Norse Isle of Man in its North Atlantic Context 1079 1265 In Hudson B ed Studies in the Medieval Atlantic The New Middle Ages New York Palgrave Macmillan pp 143 184 doi 10 1057 9781137062390 6 ISBN 978 1 137 06239 0 McDonald RA 2016 Sea Kings Maritime Kingdoms and the Tides of Change Man and the Isles and Medieval European Change AD c1100 1265 In Barrett JH Gibbon SJ eds Maritime Societies of the Viking and Medieval World The Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph Milton Park Abingdon Routledge pp 333 349 doi 10 4324 9781315630755 ISBN 978 1 315 63075 5 ISSN 0583 9106 McDonald RA 2019 Kings Usurpers and Concubines in the Chronicles of the Kings of Man and the Isles Cham Palgrave Macmillan doi 10 1007 978 3 030 22026 6 ISBN 978 3 030 22026 6 S2CID 204624404 McDonald RA McLean SA 1992 Somerled of Argyll A New Look at Old Problems Scottish Historical Review 71 1 2 3 22 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25530531 McIntire WT 1941 A Note on Grey Abbey and Other Religious Foundations on Strangford Lough Affiliated to the Abbeys of Cumberland PDF Transactions of the Cumberland amp Westmorland Antiquarian amp Archaeological Society 41 161 173 doi 10 5284 1032950 McIntire WT 1943 A Note Upon the Connections of Furness Abbey With the Isle of Man Transactions of the Cumberland amp Westmorland Antiquarian amp Archaeological Society 43 1 19 doi 10 5284 1032950 McLeod W 2002 Ri Innsi Gall Ri Fionnghall Ceannas nan Gaidheal Sovereignty and Rhetoric in the Late Medieval Hebrides Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 43 25 48 ISSN 1353 0089 McNamee C 2005 Olaf 1173 4 1237 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography May 2005 ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 20672 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Ni Mhaonaigh M 2018 Perception and Reality Ireland c 980 1229 In Smith B ed The Cambridge History of Ireland Vol 1 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 131 156 doi 10 1017 9781316275399 009 ISBN 978 1 107 11067 0 O Byrne E 2005a Mac Lochlainn Muirchertach c 1110 1166 In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 295 298 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 O Byrne E 2005b Ua Conchobair Ruaidri c 1116 1198 In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 466 471 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 O Byrne E 2005c Ua Conchobair Tairrdelbach 1088 1156 In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 471 474 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Oram RD 1988 The Lordship of Galloway c 1000 to c 1250 PhD thesis University of St Andrews hdl 10023 2638 Oram RD 1993 A Family Business Colonisation and Settlement in Twelfth and Thirteenth Century Galloway Scottish Historical Review 72 2 111 145 doi 10 3366 shr 1993 72 2 111 eISSN 1750 0222 hdl 1893 6623 ISSN 0036 9241 Oram RD 2000 The Lordship of Galloway Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 0 85976 541 5 Oram RD 2011 Domination and Lordship Scotland 1070 1230 The New Edinburgh History of Scotland Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press ISBN 978 0 7486 1496 7 Archived from the original on 18 June 2019 Retrieved 15 June 2019 Oram RD 2013 2012 Alexander II King of Scots 1214 1249 Edinburgh Birlinn ISBN 978 1 907909 05 4 Orfield LB 2002 1953 The Growth of Scandinavian Law Union NJ The Lawbook Exchange o Mainnin MB 1999 The Same in Origin and in Blood Bardic Windows on the Relationship between Irish and Scottish Gaels in the Period c 1200 1650 Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 38 1 52 ISSN 1353 0089 Pollock M 2005 Rebels of the West 1209 1216 Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 50 1 30 ISSN 1353 0089 Power R 1986 Magnus Barelegs Expeditions to the West Scottish Historical Review 65 2 107 132 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25530199 Power R 2005 Meeting in Norway Norse Gaelic Relations in the Kingdom of Man and the Isles 1090 1270 PDF Saga Book 29 5 66 ISSN 0305 9219 Power R 2013 The Story of Iona An Illustrated History and Guide London Canterbury Press Norwich ISBN 978 1 84825 556 2 Prescott J 2009 Earl Rognvaldr Kali Crisis and Development in Twelfth Century Orkney MA thesis University of St Andrews hdl 10023 741 Purcell E 2003 2004 The Expulsion of the Ostmen 1169 71 The Documentary Evidence Peritia 17 18 276 294 doi 10 1484 J Peri 3 537 eISSN 2034 6506 ISSN 0332 1592 Ritchie A 1997 Iona London B T Batsford ISBN 0 7134 7855 1 Rixson D 1982 The West Highland Galley Edinburgh Birlinn ISBN 1 874744 86 6 Rixson D 2001 The Small Isles Canna Rum Eigg and Muck Edinburgh Birlinn ISBN 1 84158 154 2 OL 3544460M Rekdal JE 2003 2004 Vikings and Saints Encounters Vestan um Haf Peritia 17 18 256 275 doi 10 1484 J Peri 3 536 eISSN 2034 6506 ISSN 0332 1592 Reports of District Secretaries PDF Saga Book of the Viking Club Society for Northern Research 3 300 325 1903 Rubin M 2014 The Middle Ages A Very Short Introduction EPUB Very Short Introductions Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 101955 5 Salvucci G 2005 The King is Dead The Thanatology of Kings in the Old Norse Synoptic Histories of Norway 1035 1161 PhD thesis Durham University Sayers JE 2004 Adrian IV d 1159 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 173 Retrieved 11 September 2013 Subscription or UK public library membership required Scott JG 1988 The Origins of Dundrennan and Soulseat Abbeys PDF Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society 63 35 44 ISSN 0141 1292 Sellar WDH 2000 Hebridean Sea Kings The Successors of Somerled 1164 1316 In Cowan EJ McDonald RA eds Alba Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages East Linton Tuckwell Press pp 187 218 ISBN 1 86232 151 5 Sellar WDH 2004 Somerled d 1164 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 26782 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Sigurdsson JV Bolton T eds 2014 Index Celtic Norse Relationships in the Irish Sea in the Middle Ages 800 1200 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 215 223 ISBN 978 90 04 25512 8 ISSN 1569 1462 Simms K 1998 1989 The Norman Invasion and the Gaelic Recovery In Foster RF ed The Oxford Illustrated History of Ireland Oxford Oxford University Press pp 53 103 ISBN 0 19 285245 0 OL 22502124M Simms K 2000 1987 From Kings to Warlords Woodbridge The Boydell Press ISBN 978 0 85115 784 9 Stephenson D 2008 Madog ap Maredudd Rex Powissensium The Welsh History Review 24 1 1 28 doi 10 16922 whr 24 1 1 eISSN 0083 792X ISSN 0043 2431 Strickland M 2016 Henry the Young King 1155 1183 New Haven CT Yale University Press ISBN 9780300215519 LCCN 2016009450 Taylor A 2016 The Shape of the State in Medieval Scotland 1124 1290 Oxford Studies in Medieval European History Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 874920 2 Thornton DE 1996 The Genealogy of Gruffudd ap Cynan In Maund KL ed Gruffudd ap Cynan A Collaborative Biography Studies in Celtic History Woodbridge The Boydell Press pp 79 108 ISBN 0 85115 389 5 ISSN 0261 9865 Valante MA 2010 Review of RA McDonald Manx Kingship in Its Irish Sea Setting 1187 1229 King Rǫgnvaldr and the Crovan Dynasty Speculum 85 1 171 172 doi 10 1017 S0038713409990418 eISSN 2040 8072 ISSN 0038 7134 JSTOR 27866810 Veach C 2014 Lordship in Four Realms The Lacy Family 1166 1241 Manchester Medieval Studies Manchester Manchester University Press ISBN 978 0 7190 8937 4 Veach C 2018 Conquest and Conquerors In Smith B ed The Cambridge History of Ireland Vol 1 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 157 181 doi 10 1017 9781316275399 010 ISBN 978 1 107 11067 0 Wadden P 2014 Cath Ruis na Rig for Boinn History and Literature in Twelfth Century Ireland Aiste 4 11 44 Watt DER 1994 Bishops in the Isles Before 1203 Bibliography and Biographical Lists The Innes Review 45 2 99 119 doi 10 3366 inr 1994 45 2 99 eISSN 1745 5219 ISSN 0020 157X Watt DER 2000 Medieval Church Councils in Scotland Edinburgh T amp T Clark ISBN 0 56708731 X Watt DER 2003 Scotland Religion and Piety In Rigby SH ed A Companion to Britain in the Later Middle Ages Blackwell Companions to British History Malden MA Blackwell Publishing pp 396 410 ISBN 0 631 21785 1 Williams DGE 1997 Land Assessment and Military Organisation in the Norse Settlements in Scotland c 900 1266 AD PhD thesis University of St Andrews hdl 10023 7088 Williams G 2007 These People were High Born and Thought Well of Themselves The Family of Moddan of Dale In Smith BB Taylor S Williams G eds West Over Sea Studies in Scandinavian Sea Borne Expansion and Settlement Before 1300 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 129 152 ISBN 978 90 04 15893 1 ISSN 1569 1462 Wilson DM 1973 Manx Memorial Stones of the Viking Period PDF Saga Book 18 1 18 Woolf A 2001 Isles Kingdom of the In Lynch M ed The Oxford Companion to Scottish History Oxford Companions Oxford Oxford University Press pp 346 347 ISBN 0 19 211696 7 Woolf A 2003 The Diocese of the Sudreyar In Imsen S ed Ecclesia Nidrosiensis 1153 1537 Sokelys pa Nidaroskirkens og Nidarosprovinsens Historie Tapir Akademisk Forlag pp 171 181 ISBN 9788251918732 Woolf A 2004 The Age of Sea Kings 900 1300 In Omand D ed The Argyll Book Edinburgh Birlinn pp 94 109 ISBN 1 84158 253 0 Woolf A 2005 The Origins and Ancestry of Somerled Gofraid mac Fergusa and The Annals of the Four Masters Mediaeval Scandinavia 15 199 213 Woolf A 2007 A Dead Man at Ballyshannon In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 77 85 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 Woolf A 2013 The Song of the Death of Somerled and the Destruction of Glasgow in 1153 Journal of the Sydney Society for Scottish History 14 1 11 Wyatt D 2009 Slaves and Warriors in Medieval Britain and Ireland 800 1200 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill ISBN 978 90 04 17533 4 ISSN 1569 1462 Wyatt D 2018 Slavery and Cultural Antipathy In Pargas DA Rosu F eds Critical Readings on Global Slavery Vol 2 Leiden Brill pp 742 799 doi 10 1163 9789004346611 025 ISBN 978 90 04 34661 1 External links edit Godred King of the Isles d 1187 People of Medieval Scotland 1093 1371 nbsp Media related to Gudrodr olafsson at Wikimedia CommonsGudrodr olafssonCrovan dynasty Died 10 November 1187Regnal titlesPreceded byolafr Gudrodarson King of the Isles1153 1154 1156 Succeeded bySomairle mac Gilla Brigte1Dubgall mac SomairlePreceded byRǫgnvaldr olafsson King of the Isles1164 1187 Succeeded byRǫgnvaldr GudrodarsonNotes and references1 Either Somairle or Dubgall gained the kingship from Gudrodr in 1156 Whilst it is possible that Dubgall was the nominal monarch it is evident that the real power was possessed by Somairle and Irish sources certainly regarded the latter as king later in his career Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Gudrodr olafsson amp oldid 1173230689, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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