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Gender-critical feminism

December 18, 2023

This article is about the movement originating within radical feminism. For the related conservative movement, see anti-gender movement.
"TERF" redirects here. For the acronym, see TERF (acronym).

Gender-critical feminism, known to its opponents as trans-exclusionary radical feminism, TERF ideology or TERFism,[1][2][3][4] is an ideology or movement that opposes what it refers to as "gender ideology":[5] the concept of gender identity and transgender rights, especially gender self-identification. Gender critical feminists believe that sex is biological and immutable,[6] while believing gender, including both gender identity and gender roles, to be inherently oppressive.[7] They reject the concept of transgender identities. These views have been described as transphobic by feminist and scholarly critics,[1][4] and are opposed by many feminist and LGBT rights organizations.[8][9]

A sticker promoting gender-critical feminism

Originating as a fringe movement within feminism in the United States,[10][4] gender-critical views have achieved a degree of prominence in the United Kingdom, where they have been at the centre of a number of high-profile controversies.[11] The Council of Europe has condemned gender-critical ideology, among other ideologies, and linked it to "virulent attacks on the rights of LGBTI people" in Hungary, Poland, Russia, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and other countries.[12] and to the anti-gender movement,[13] and in some countries, gender-critical groups have formed alliances with right-wing, far-right, and anti-feminist organisations.[14][15][16][17]

Terminology

Sex and gender

Gender-critical feminists equate "women" with what they consider to be a "female sex class", and view historical and contemporary oppression of women as being rooted in their being female, while "gender" is a system of social norms which functions to oppress women on the basis of their sex.[7][18][19] They believe sex is biological and cannot be changed,[20] and that biological sex should be a protected characteristic under equality legislation.[21] Furthermore, gender critics emphasise the view that sex is binary,[22] as opposed to a continuous spectrum, and that the two sexes have an objective, material basis as opposed to being socially constructed.[23]

Gender-critical feminists promote the idea that sex is important.[24][25][26] In Material Girls, Kathleen Stock discusses four areas in which she claims sex-associated differences are important, regardless of gender: medicine, sport, sexual orientation, and the social effects of heterosexuality (such as wage disparity and sexual assault).[27] Holly Lawford-Smith states: "Gender critical feminism is not 'about' trans. It is about sex."[28]

In gender-critical discourse, the terms man and woman are used as sex-terms, assigned no more meaning than adult human male and adult human female respectively, in contrast to feminist theorists who argue these terms embody a social category distinct from matters of biology (usually referred to as gender), with masculinity and femininity representing normative characteristics thereof.[29][30] The phrase adult human female has become a slogan in gender-critical politics, and has been described as transphobic.[31]

Trans-exclusionary radical feminism

For more information on the word itself, see TERF (acronym).

Trans-inclusive cisgender radical feminist blogger Viv Smythe has been credited with popularizing the term "trans-exclusionary radical feminism" in 2008 as an online shorthand.[32] It was used to describe a minority of feminists[33] who espouse sentiments that other feminists consider transphobic,[34][35] including the rejection of the predominant view in feminist organizations that trans women are women,[36] opposition to transgender rights,[36] and the exclusion of trans women in women's spaces and organizations.[37] Smythe has also been credited with having coined the acronym "TERF", due to a blog post she wrote reacting to the Michigan Womyn's Music Festival's policy of denying admittance to trans women. Though it was created as a deliberately neutral descriptor, "TERF" is now typically considered derogatory.[38]

Views

Sex-based rights

Gender critical feminists advocate for what they call "sex-based rights," arguing that "women's human rights are based upon sex" and that "these rights are being eroded by the promotion of 'gender identity.'"[11] The term is used, primarily in the UK, to refer to a variety of legal positions and political objectives, including:

  • Existing exceptions defined in the UK Equality Act 2010. These exceptions do not grant any right for individuals to be offered single-sex services, but do allow service providers to offer such services, if they are “a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim”.[39][40]
  • Proposed changes to the Equality Act to define sex as biological sex[41]
  • The belief that sex is central to the definition of women and women's rights, as opposed to basing law on gender identity.[42]

The gender-critical movement argues that recognition of transgender women as women conflicts with these rights.[43]

Human rights scholar Sandra Duffy described the concept of "sex-based rights" as "a fiction with the pretense of legality," noting that "international human rights law is not static or originalist."[44] Catharine A. MacKinnon noted that "the recognition [that discrimination against trans people is discrimination on the basis of sex, that is gender, the social meaning of sex] does not, contrary to allegations of anti-trans self-identified feminists, endanger women or feminism, including what some in this group call 'women's sex-based rights.' To begin with, women—in the United States anyway—do not have 'sex-based rights' in the affirmative sense some in this group seem to think."[45]

The gender-critical movement has also been critical of attempts to ban non-affirming transgender therapy, commonly referred to by its opponents as “conversion therapy”.[46]

Gender-segregated spaces

In 1996, Germaine Greer (at the time a fellow at Newnham College, Cambridge) unsuccessfully opposed the appointment to a fellowship of her transgender colleague Rachael Padman.[47][48][49] Greer argued that because Padman had been assigned male at birth, she should not be admitted to Newnham, a women's college. Greer later resigned from Newnham.[50][51][52][53]

A 2004 opinion piece by British radical feminist Julie Bindel titled "Gender Benders, beware" printed in The Guardian caused the paper to receive two hundred letters of complaint from transgender people, doctors, therapists, academics and others. The editorial expressed her anger at Kimberly Nixon and her views on transgender people.[54][55] Transgender activist group Press for Change cite this article as an example of 'discriminatory writing' about transgender people in the press.[56] Complaints focused on the title, "Gender benders, beware", the cartoon accompanying the piece,[57] and the disparaging tone, such as "Think about a world inhabited just by transsexuals. It would look like the set of Grease" and "I don't have a problem with men disposing of their genitals, but it does not make them women, in the same way that shoving a bit of vacuum hose down your 501s [jeans] does not make you a man."[54][58]

Socialisation and gender nonconformity

Radical feminists generally see gender as a system in which women are oppressed for reasons intrinsically related to their sex, and emphasize male violence against women, particularly involving institutions such as the sex industry, as central to women's oppression.[59][60]

Intersex women

Radical feminist Germaine Greer called women with XY AIS "men" and "incomplete males" in her 1999 book The Whole Woman. Iain Morland responded that "in trying to criticize the social construction of femaleness and intersex, Greer disenfranchised precisely those people who live at the intersection of the two categories."[61][62]

Most intersex organizations subscribe to a mixed sociological perspective of sex and gender, and as trans legislation and subjects overlaps heavily with intersex legislation, intersex people are often involved in trans activism.[63][64] Intersex women who display a mixed sexual phenotype often face attacks similar to trans people.[65][66]


History

Early history (before 1990)

Although trans people were active in feminist movements in the 1960s and earlier,[67] the 1970s saw conflict among some early radical feminists over the inclusion of trans women in feminism.[68][69]

Janice Raymond's The Transsexual Empire, published in 1979, purported to examine the role of transgender identity in reinforcing traditional gender stereotypes, in particular the ways in which the "medical-psychiatric complex" was medicalizing gender identity, and the social and political context that contributed to the image of gender-affirming treatment and surgery as therapeutic medicine.[70] Raymond maintained that this was based in the "patriarchal myths" of "male mothering", and "making of woman according to man's image", and that transgender identity aimed "to colonize feminist identification, culture, politics and sexuality."[70] The book goes on to say that “All transsexuals rape women's bodies by reducing the real female form to an artifact” and that “the problem of transsexualism would best be served by morally mandating it out of existence“. [71] Several authors have since characterized this work as transphobic and constituting hate speech, as well as lacking any serious intellectual basis.[72][73][74][75]

In her own 1987 book Gyn/Ecology, Mary Daly, who had served as Raymond's thesis supervisor,[76] argued that as sex reassignment surgery cannot reproduce female chromosomes or a female life history, it could "not produce women".[77] Sheila Jeffreys and Germaine Greer have made similar remarks.[78] In a response to related remarks by Elizabeth Grosz, philosopher Eva Hayward characterized this type of view as telling trans people who have had sex reassignment surgery: "Don't exist."[79]


Around the world

United Kingdom

In 2016, the House of Commons' Women and Equalities Committee issued a report recommending that the Gender Recognition Act 2004 be updated "in line with the principles of gender self-declaration".[80] Later in 2016, in England and Wales, a proposal was developed under Theresa May's government to revise the Act to introduce self-identification, with a public consultation opening in 2018. This proposed reform became a key locus of conflict for the emerging gender-critical movement, seeking to block reform of the Act, with a number of groups such as Fair Play For Women, For Women Scotland, and Woman's Place UK being formed. 2018 found a significant majority of respondents in favour of the GRA reforms,[81] however, in 2020, Boris Johnson's government dropped the reforms, instead reducing the cost of a gender recognition certificate and moving the application process online.

Another key locus of conflict for the emerging movement was the stance of LGBT rights charity Stonewall on trans issues. In 2015, Stonewall had begun campaigning for trans equality, with Stonewall head Ruth Hunt apologising for the organisation's previous failure to do so.[82] In 2019, the LGB Alliance was founded in opposition to Stonewall, accusing the organization of having "undermined women's sex-based rights and protections" and attempting "to introduce confusion between biological sex and the notion of gender."[83]

2019 saw the formation of the Women's Human Rights Campaign (now Women's Declaration International) by noted gender-critical feminist Sheila Jeffreys and co-founder Heather Brunskell-Evans. The group published a manifesto titled the Declaration on Women's Sex-Based Rights, which argued that recognising trans women as women "constitutes discrimination against women" and called for the "elimination of that act."[84][85]

2019 also saw the preliminary hearings of Maya Forstater v Centre for Global Development, in which tax expert and researcher Maya Forstater made a claim that she had been discriminated against by her employer for her gender-critical beliefs. In June 2021 Maya Forstater, who lost her job with the Centre for Global Development, won an appeal against the original employment tribunal decision.[86] The Employment Appeal Tribunal (EAT) found that gender-critical beliefs, such as the view that sex is fixed and should not be conflated with gender identity, did qualify for protection under the Equality Act 2010 (Equality Act). This means that "gender critical" beliefs are protected "philosophical beliefs" for equality law purposes. In June 2023 Forstater was awarded more than £100,000 in compensation by an employment tribunal.[87]

A 2020 paper in SAGE Open said that "the case against trans inclusion in the United Kingdom has been presented primarily through social media and blog-type or journalistic online platforms lacking the traditional prepublication checks of academic peer review".[88] Some public figures such as Graham Linehan[89][90][91] and J.K. Rowling[92][93][94] have often been featured in social media gender-critical rhetoric.[clarification needed] The internet forum Mumsnet has also been a prominent hub of online gender-critical discourse.[95][96]

Gender-critical views are common in the British media.[36][97] The British press frequently publishes articles critical of trans people and trans issues.[97] In 2018, the US version of The Guardian published an editorial condemning an editorial in the UK version of The Guardian for transphobia, because it portrayed trans rights as opposed to the rights of cis women.[98] Drawing on theory of radicalization, Craig McLean argues that discourse on transgender-related issues in the UK has been radicalized in response to the activities of what he terms the anti-transgender movement that pushes "a radical agenda to deny the basic rights of trans people (...) under the cover of 'free speech.'"[99]

In Resolution 2417 (2022), the Council of Europe condemned "the highly prejudicial anti-gender, gender-critical and anti-trans narratives which reduce the fight for the equality of LGBTI people to what these movements deliberately mischaracterise as 'gender ideology' or 'LGBTI ideology'. Such narratives deny the very existence of LGBTI people, dehumanise them, and often falsely portray their rights as being in conflict with women's and children's rights, or societal and family values in general. All of these are deeply damaging to LGBTI people, while also harming women's and children's rights and social cohesion." The resolution further deplored "the extensive and often virulent attacks on the rights of LGBTI people that have been occurring for several years in, among other countries, Hungary, Poland, the Russian Federation, Turkey and the United Kingdom."[12][100][101]

United States

Although gender-critical feminism originated in the United States in the 1970s, it has largely fallen out of favor among American feminists.[36] Some gender-critical organizations do remain, however, such as WoLF, a gender-critical feminist organization that operates mainly within the United States.[36]

South Korea

In 2016, the radical feminist online community Womad split from the larger radical feminist online community Megalia after Megalia issued a ban on the use of certain explicit slurs against gay men and transgender people. This change in policy led to the migration of anti-LGBT members.[102][103]

Scholarly analysis

Lesbian studies scholars Carly Thomsen and Laurie Essig note that "transness has been and is the object of deep hostility within some marginalized forms of feminism. Skepticism among earlier anti-trans feminists, such as Janice Raymond, about trans women being "real" women has morphed into J.K. Rowling's Twitter feed where she has insisted that trans women are not women. These ideas are, of course, deplorable, but they are also quite fringe within feminist studies and activism in the US."[10]

Claire Thurlow notes that "the initial failure of TERF-related tropes to garner public support quickly influenced the terms of 'debate', with the rhetoric employed noticeably changed. Leaving aside that the term 'gender critical feminism' is tautology, its adoption represented the beginnings of a pivot by trans-exclusionary feminists towards language which obscures their trans-exclusionary focus. Alongside a shift from TERF to gender critical, 'anti-trans' became 'pro-women' and 'trans-exclusion' became the protection of 'sex-based rights'. These rather innocuous-sounding terms have been transformed into the language of division; exemplifying dog-whistle politics whereby the phrases act as a coded message of anti-transness to those initiated, while appearing 'reasonable' to the wider population."[1] Gender studies scholars Serena Bassi and Greta LaFleur have noted that "TERFism is typically described as an originally fringe group of Anglophone—largely American, British, and Australian—1970s cultural feminism that has grown exponentially over the past decade partially due to heightened media exposure. In the past decade or so, the shorthand "TERF" has traveled globally through online spaces."[4] Cristan Williams notes that radical feminism has historically been predominantly trans-inclusive and considers trans-exclusionary views a minority or fringe view within radical feminism.[2] Carrera-Fernández and DePalma argued that "the increasingly belligerent popular discourses promoted by TERF groups since the 1970s [are] appropriating feminist discourses to produce arguments that contradict basic premises of feminism."[104] Henry F. Fradella noted that "while much of contemporary feminist thought has moved past biological essentialism’s outdated embrace of a sex binary to embrace trans-equality, a relatively small but vocal group of self-proclaimed 'gender-critical feminists' (who are sometimes called trans-exclusionary radical feminists or 'TERFs,' for short) eschew transgender legal rights that they perceive as potentially threatening to the rights of cisgender women. Most gender-critical arguments in that regard are fallacious; they are based on myths and false narratives that misconstrue or ignore empirical data from both the natural and social sciences. Worse yet, the gender-critical position not only threatens to undermine equality under law, but also fosters narratives that contribute to the criminal victimization of transgender persons."[105]

Relationship with the anti-gender movement

Main article: Anti-gender movement

Bassi and LaFleur write that "the trans-exclusionary feminist (TERF) movement and the so-called anti-gender movement are only rarely distinguished as movements with distinct constitutions and aims."[4] Pearce et al. note that the concept of "gender ideology" "saw increasing circulation in trans-exclusionary radical feminist discourse" from around 2016.[5] Claire Thurlow writes that "despite efforts to obscure the point, gender critical feminism continues to rely on transphobic tropes, moral panics and essentialist understandings of men and women. These factors also continue to link trans-exclusionary feminism to anti-feminist reactionary politics and other 'anti-gender' movements."[1]

Legal cases

In 2019, the Maya Forstater v Centre for Global Development tribunal case was launched by Maya Forstater, crowdfunding over £120,000. Earlier that year, Forstater's consulting contract for the Centre for Global Development was not renewed after she made a number of social media posts saying that men cannot change into women.[106] Forstater subsequently sued the centre, alleging that she had been discriminated against because of her views.[107] Forstater lost her initial case, with the judge ruling that her beliefs were not protected under the Equality Act due to their absolutism. However, in April 2021, the initial judgement was reversed, with the Employment Appeal Tribunal ruling that gender-critical beliefs were protected under the Equality Act.[108] A full merits hearing on Forstater's claim that she lost her employment as a result of these beliefs was heard in March 2022, and the decision, delivered in July 2022, was that Forstater had been subjected to direct discrimination and victimisation because of her gender-critical beliefs.[109]

In October 2020, Ann Sinnott, at the time a director of the LGB Alliance, initiated a legal case calling for a judicial review of the Equality and Human Rights Commission's guidance on the Equality Act 2010, crowdfunding almost £100,000 for legal fees. The Alliance believes that the specifics of the Equality Act 2010 have been "misrepresented" by some organisations.[110] In May 2021 the case was found by the court to be unarguable, Justice Henshaw stating that "the claimant has shown no arguable reason to believe the Code has misled or will mislead service providers about their responsibilities under the Act."[111]

Controversies

Political alliances with conservatives and the far right

See also: Anti-gender movement

Some trans-exclusionary radical feminists have allied with conservative or far-right groups and politicians who oppose legislation that would expand transgender rights in the United States.[112][113] According to der Freitag, "TERF positions are now mostly heard from conservatives and right-wing extremists."[17]

Feminist Judith Butler has described the anti-gender movements as fascist trends and cautioned self-declared feminists from allying with such movements in targeting trans, non-binary, and genderqueer people.[14] Butler said that "it is painful to see that Trump's position that gender should be defined by biological sex, and that the evangelical and right-wing Catholic effort to purge 'gender' from education and public policy accords with the trans-exclusionary radical feminists' return to biological essentialism."[114] Sophia Siddiqui, the deputy editor of Race & Class, has argued that "'gender critical' feminists play into the hands of far-right street forces and extreme-right electoral parties which would like to abolish anti-discrimination protections altogether" and that it "could have a damaging effect on global feminist and LGBT movements by reinforcing conservative ideas about gender and sexuality."[115] The Canadian Anti-Hate Network said that despite labelling themselves as feminists, TERF groups often collaborate with conservative and far-right groups.[15] Serena Bassi and Greta LaFleur note that "gender-critical movements often reemploy the well-known right-wing populist opposition between 'the corrupt global elites' and 'the people'", noting the similarity of gender-critical beliefs to "far-right conspiracy theorizing."[4]

Gender studies scholar C. Libby has pointed to "burgeoning connections between trans-exclusionary radical feminism, "gender critical" writing, and transphobic evangelical Christian rhetoric."[116] In coverage of the Family Research Council for the Southern Poverty Law Center, Hélène Barthélemy wrote in 2017 that American Christian right groups were trying to "separate the T from LGB", including by casting transgender rights as antagonistic to feminism or to lesbian or gay people. She noted this trend seemed to be "part of a larger strategy, meant to weaken transgender rights advocates by attempting to separate them from their allies, feminists and LGBT rights advocates".[117][112][118]

In January 2019, The Heritage Foundation, an American conservative think tank, hosted a panel of self-described radical feminists opposed to the US Equality Act.[112] Heron Greenesmith of Political Research Associates, an American liberal think tank, has said that the latest iteration of collaboration between conservatives and anti-transgender feminists is in part a reaction to the trans community's "incredible gains" in civil rights and visibility, and that anti-trans feminists and conservatives capitalize on a "scarcity mindset rhetoric" whereby civil rights are portrayed as a limited commodity and must be prioritized to cisgender women over other groups. Greenesmith compared this rhetoric to the right-wing tactic of prioritizing the rights of citizens over non-citizens and white people over people of colour.[112] Bev Jackson, one of the founders of the LGB Alliance, has argued in contrast that "working with The Heritage Foundation is sometimes the only possible course of action" since "the leftwing silence on gender in the US is even worse than in the UK."[119]

In a 2020 article in Lambda Nordica, Erika Alm of the University of Gothenburg and Elisabeth L. Engebretsen of the University of Stavanger, said that there was "growing convergence, and sometimes conscious alliances, between "gender-critical" feminists (sometimes known as TERFs – Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminists), religious and social conservatives, as well as right-wing politics and even neo-Nazi and fascist movements" and that the convergence was linked to "their reliance on an essentialised and binary understanding of sex and/or gender, often termed 'bio-essentialism.'"[16] Engebretsen has described the movement as a "complex threat to democracy."[120] Another 2020 article, in The Sociological Review, said that "the language of 'gender ideology' originates in anti-feminist and anti-trans discourses among right-wing Christians, with the Catholic Church acting as a major nucleating agent", and said that the term "saw increasing circulation in trans-exclusionary radical feminist discourse" from around 2016. It further said that "a growing number of anti-trans campaigners associated with radical feminist movements have openly aligned themselves with anti-feminist organisations."[5]

In a 2021 paper in Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, Hil Malatino of Pennsylvania State University said that "'gender-critical' feminism" in the US has "begun to build coalition with the evangelical Right around the legal codification of sex as a biological binary" and that "popular news media frames transphobia as part of a rational, enlightened, pragmatic response to what is variously called the 'trans lobby' and the 'cult of trans.'"[121] Another 2021 paper, in Law and Social Inquiry, said that "a coalition of Christian conservative legal organizations, conservative foundations, Trump administration officials, Republican party lawmakers, and trans-exclusionary radical feminists has assembled to redefine the right to privacy in service of anti-transgender politics" and that "social conservatives have cast the issue as one of balancing two competing rights claims rather than one of outright animus against a gender minority population."[122]

Academic freedom

Conflict between gender-critical feminists and other feminists and transgender rights activists has resulted in controversies in which the principles of academic freedom have been invoked. In Canada, conflicts have erupted over these issues in public libraries in Halifax, Toronto and Vancouver.[citation needed] Similar conflicts have erupted at university campuses.[citation needed]

Kathleen Lowrey, who had allegedly been fired from her additional position as associate chair of undergraduate programs for the department of anthropology at the University of Alberta after displaying gender-critical posters on her office door, teaching gender-critical material in class, and showing up halfway through a student-run queer anthology event to start arguments about "the existence and validity of trans people with a trans man in the room,"[123][124] published a paper in Archives of Sexual Behavior saying that she found it particularly distressing that "almost all of my most enthusiastic public attackers were feminist academic women" and that gender-critical feminists "root their analysis in the materiality of biological sex and take the oppression of women to be linked to the control of reproduction. In the present scholarly ecumene, this aligns them in some respects with scholars who are traditional and conservative, and explains why they, like conservatives, are so often in trouble with their institutions under present conditions."[125]

Carolyn Sale of the Center for Free Expression at Ryerson University condemned the university's decision, saying that "the idea that in a hush behind closed doors students can bring complaints that don't have to be proven true and can do so in order to protect their "safety" should alarm us all."[126]

In September 2022, Laura Favaro published an article in Times Higher Education discussing her research into the climate of the debate among academics. Noting that she had interviewed 50 feminist academics in gender studies with a range of views on the subject, Favaro stated "my discussions left me in no doubt that a culture of discrimination, silencing and fear has taken hold across universities in England, and many countries beyond."[127] Favaro later began discrimination proceedings against City, University of London, stating she had been "ostracised at her workplace and denied access to her research data" after the publication of her article.[128][129]

City, University of London responded with a statement that it had a “legal obligation to protect freedom of expression that we take very seriously.” It also took its “obligations with respect to ethics and integrity very seriously” and made clear that “any personal data processed in the course of any research [should be] processed in compliance with data protection legislation.”[129]

Conflicts with other feminist and pro-equality groups

In February 2020, 28 feminist and LGBT groups in France co-signed a declaration titled Toutes des femmes denouncing trans-exclusionary feminism, saying that "questions disguised as 'legitimate concerns' quickly give way to more violent attacks" and that "it is a confusionist and conspiratorial ideological movement using the cover of feminism to disrupt real feminist fights.[130] The declaration has since also been signed by over 100 additional feminist, LGBT, and progressive groups.[9] In May 2021, over 110 women's and human rights organisations in Canada signed a statement stating that they "vehemently reject the dangerous and bigoted rhetoric and ideology espoused by Trans Exclusionary Radical 'Feminists' (TERFs)", and saying that "trans people are a driving force in our feminist movements and make incredible contributions across all facets of our society."[8]

Judith Butler said in 2020 that trans-exclusionary radical feminism is "a fringe movement that is seeking to speak in the name of the mainstream, and that our responsibility is to refuse to let that happen."[131]

In 2021, the Council of Europe Committee on Equality and Non-Discrimination published a report titled Combating rising hate against LGBTI people in Europe, which condemned "the highly prejudicial anti-gender, gender-critical and anti-trans narratives which reduce the fight for the equality of LGBTI people to what these movements deliberately mischaracterise as 'gender ideology' or 'LGBTI ideology'" and which said there was "a direct link between heteronormativity and heterosexism, on the one hand, and the growing anti-gender and gender-critical movements."[13] The report formed the basis of Resolution 2417, adopted in January 2022.[12]

In late-January 2018, over 1000 Irish feminists, including several groups such as the University College Dublin Centre of Gender, Feminisms & Sexualities, signed an open letter condemning a planned meeting in Ireland on UK Gender Recognition Act reforms organised by a British group opposing the reforms.[132] The letter stated that "Trans people and particularly trans women are an inextricable part of our feminist community" and accused the British group of colonialism.[133]

Social media

The controversial Reddit community r/GenderCritical gathered a reputation as an anti-trans space. In June 2020, it was banned abruptly for violating new rules against "promoting hate". Members set up a similar community called Ovarit.[134]

Allegations of misinformation tactics

T.J. Billard in article on "TERF strategies" has stated that "misinformation—or, more specifically, disinformation—about trans topics has become the defining feature of public discourse on transgender rights."[135] Cilia Williams et al. noted in an article on gender critical feminist discourse in Spain that "anti-trans narratives online [...] use attacks, misinformation, and self-defence as a communication strategy, rather than debate or dialogue."[136] Alyosxa Tudor has written that "strategic disinformation as [an] accelerator" has been used to push forward "hateful and anti-democratic agendas."[137] These accusations have been made in an environment where disinformation on social media has become a significant area of concern for many scholars in political science, according to a literature review.[138]

See also

References

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Further reading

December 18, 2023
gender, critical, feminism, this, article, about, movement, originating, within, radical, feminism, related, conservative, movement, anti, gender, movement, terf, redirects, here, acronym, terf, acronym, known, opponents, trans, exclusionary, radical, feminism. This article is about the movement originating within radical feminism For the related conservative movement see anti gender movement TERF redirects here For the acronym see TERF acronym Gender critical feminism known to its opponents as trans exclusionary radical feminism TERF ideology or TERFism 1 2 3 4 is an ideology or movement that opposes what it refers to as gender ideology 5 the concept of gender identity and transgender rights especially gender self identification Gender critical feminists believe that sex is biological and immutable 6 while believing gender including both gender identity and gender roles to be inherently oppressive 7 They reject the concept of transgender identities These views have been described as transphobic by feminist and scholarly critics 1 4 and are opposed by many feminist and LGBT rights organizations 8 9 A sticker promoting gender critical feminismOriginating as a fringe movement within feminism in the United States 10 4 gender critical views have achieved a degree of prominence in the United Kingdom where they have been at the centre of a number of high profile controversies 11 The Council of Europe has condemned gender critical ideology among other ideologies and linked it to virulent attacks on the rights of LGBTI people in Hungary Poland Russia Turkey the United Kingdom and other countries 12 and to the anti gender movement 13 and in some countries gender critical groups have formed alliances with right wing far right and anti feminist organisations 14 15 16 17 Contents 1 Terminology 1 1 Sex and gender 1 2 Trans exclusionary radical feminism 2 Views 2 1 Sex based rights 2 2 Gender segregated spaces 2 3 Socialisation and gender nonconformity 2 4 Intersex women 3 History 3 1 Early history before 1990 4 Around the world 4 1 United Kingdom 4 2 United States 4 3 South Korea 5 Scholarly analysis 5 1 Relationship with the anti gender movement 6 Legal cases 7 Controversies 7 1 Political alliances with conservatives and the far right 7 2 Academic freedom 7 3 Conflicts with other feminist and pro equality groups 7 4 Social media 7 5 Allegations of misinformation tactics 8 See also 9 References 10 Further readingTerminologySex and gender Gender critical feminists equate women with what they consider to be a female sex class and view historical and contemporary oppression of women as being rooted in their being female while gender is a system of social norms which functions to oppress women on the basis of their sex 7 18 19 They believe sex is biological and cannot be changed 20 and that biological sex should be a protected characteristic under equality legislation 21 Furthermore gender critics emphasise the view that sex is binary 22 as opposed to a continuous spectrum and that the two sexes have an objective material basis as opposed to being socially constructed 23 Gender critical feminists promote the idea that sex is important 24 25 26 In Material Girls Kathleen Stock discusses four areas in which she claims sex associated differences are important regardless of gender medicine sport sexual orientation and the social effects of heterosexuality such as wage disparity and sexual assault 27 Holly Lawford Smith states Gender critical feminism is not about trans It is about sex 28 In gender critical discourse the terms man and woman are used as sex terms assigned no more meaning than adult human male and adult human female respectively in contrast to feminist theorists who argue these terms embody a social category distinct from matters of biology usually referred to as gender with masculinity and femininity representing normative characteristics thereof 29 30 The phrase adult human female has become a slogan in gender critical politics and has been described as transphobic 31 Trans exclusionary radical feminism For more information on the word itself see TERF acronym Trans inclusive cisgender radical feminist blogger Viv Smythe has been credited with popularizing the term trans exclusionary radical feminism in 2008 as an online shorthand 32 It was used to describe a minority of feminists 33 who espouse sentiments that other feminists consider transphobic 34 35 including the rejection of the predominant view in feminist organizations that trans women are women 36 opposition to transgender rights 36 and the exclusion of trans women in women s spaces and organizations 37 Smythe has also been credited with having coined the acronym TERF due to a blog post she wrote reacting to the Michigan Womyn s Music Festival s policy of denying admittance to trans women Though it was created as a deliberately neutral descriptor TERF is now typically considered derogatory 38 ViewsSex based rights Gender critical feminists advocate for what they call sex based rights arguing that women s human rights are based upon sex and that these rights are being eroded by the promotion of gender identity 11 The term is used primarily in the UK to refer to a variety of legal positions and political objectives including Existing exceptions defined in the UK Equality Act 2010 These exceptions do not grant any right for individuals to be offered single sex services but do allow service providers to offer such services if they are a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim 39 40 Proposed changes to the Equality Act to define sex as biological sex 41 The belief that sex is central to the definition of women and women s rights as opposed to basing law on gender identity 42 The gender critical movement argues that recognition of transgender women as women conflicts with these rights 43 Human rights scholar Sandra Duffy described the concept of sex based rights as a fiction with the pretense of legality noting that international human rights law is not static or originalist 44 Catharine A MacKinnon noted that the recognition that discrimination against trans people is discrimination on the basis of sex that is gender the social meaning of sex does not contrary to allegations of anti trans self identified feminists endanger women or feminism including what some in this group call women s sex based rights To begin with women in the United States anyway do not have sex based rights in the affirmative sense some in this group seem to think 45 The gender critical movement has also been critical of attempts to ban non affirming transgender therapy commonly referred to by its opponents as conversion therapy 46 Gender segregated spaces In 1996 Germaine Greer at the time a fellow at Newnham College Cambridge unsuccessfully opposed the appointment to a fellowship of her transgender colleague Rachael Padman 47 48 49 Greer argued that because Padman had been assigned male at birth she should not be admitted to Newnham a women s college Greer later resigned from Newnham 50 51 52 53 A 2004 opinion piece by British radical feminist Julie Bindel titled Gender Benders beware printed in The Guardian caused the paper to receive two hundred letters of complaint from transgender people doctors therapists academics and others The editorial expressed her anger at Kimberly Nixon and her views on transgender people 54 55 Transgender activist group Press for Change cite this article as an example of discriminatory writing about transgender people in the press 56 Complaints focused on the title Gender benders beware the cartoon accompanying the piece 57 and the disparaging tone such as Think about a world inhabited just by transsexuals It would look like the set of Grease and I don t have a problem with men disposing of their genitals but it does not make them women in the same way that shoving a bit of vacuum hose down your 501s jeans does not make you a man 54 58 Socialisation and gender nonconformity Radical feminists generally see gender as a system in which women are oppressed for reasons intrinsically related to their sex and emphasize male violence against women particularly involving institutions such as the sex industry as central to women s oppression 59 60 Intersex women Radical feminist Germaine Greer called women with XY AIS men and incomplete males in her 1999 book The Whole Woman Iain Morland responded that in trying to criticize the social construction of femaleness and intersex Greer disenfranchised precisely those people who live at the intersection of the two categories 61 62 Most intersex organizations subscribe to a mixed sociological perspective of sex and gender and as trans legislation and subjects overlaps heavily with intersex legislation intersex people are often involved in trans activism 63 64 Intersex women who display a mixed sexual phenotype often face attacks similar to trans people 65 66 HistoryEarly history before 1990 Although trans people were active in feminist movements in the 1960s and earlier 67 the 1970s saw conflict among some early radical feminists over the inclusion of trans women in feminism 68 69 Janice Raymond s The Transsexual Empire published in 1979 purported to examine the role of transgender identity in reinforcing traditional gender stereotypes in particular the ways in which the medical psychiatric complex was medicalizing gender identity and the social and political context that contributed to the image of gender affirming treatment and surgery as therapeutic medicine 70 Raymond maintained that this was based in the patriarchal myths of male mothering and making of woman according to man s image and that transgender identity aimed to colonize feminist identification culture politics and sexuality 70 The book goes on to say that All transsexuals rape women s bodies by reducing the real female form to an artifact and that the problem of transsexualism would best be served by morally mandating it out of existence 71 Several authors have since characterized this work as transphobic and constituting hate speech as well as lacking any serious intellectual basis 72 73 74 75 In her own 1987 book Gyn Ecology Mary Daly who had served as Raymond s thesis supervisor 76 argued that as sex reassignment surgery cannot reproduce female chromosomes or a female life history it could not produce women 77 Sheila Jeffreys and Germaine Greer have made similar remarks 78 In a response to related remarks by Elizabeth Grosz philosopher Eva Hayward characterized this type of view as telling trans people who have had sex reassignment surgery Don t exist 79 Around the worldUnited Kingdom In 2016 the House of Commons Women and Equalities Committee issued a report recommending that the Gender Recognition Act 2004 be updated in line with the principles of gender self declaration 80 Later in 2016 in England and Wales a proposal was developed under Theresa May s government to revise the Act to introduce self identification with a public consultation opening in 2018 This proposed reform became a key locus of conflict for the emerging gender critical movement seeking to block reform of the Act with a number of groups such as Fair Play For Women For Women Scotland and Woman s Place UK being formed 2018 found a significant majority of respondents in favour of the GRA reforms 81 however in 2020 Boris Johnson s government dropped the reforms instead reducing the cost of a gender recognition certificate and moving the application process online Another key locus of conflict for the emerging movement was the stance of LGBT rights charity Stonewall on trans issues In 2015 Stonewall had begun campaigning for trans equality with Stonewall head Ruth Hunt apologising for the organisation s previous failure to do so 82 In 2019 the LGB Alliance was founded in opposition to Stonewall accusing the organization of having undermined women s sex based rights and protections and attempting to introduce confusion between biological sex and the notion of gender 83 2019 saw the formation of the Women s Human Rights Campaign now Women s Declaration International by noted gender critical feminist Sheila Jeffreys and co founder Heather Brunskell Evans The group published a manifesto titled the Declaration on Women s Sex Based Rights which argued that recognising trans women as women constitutes discrimination against women and called for the elimination of that act 84 85 2019 also saw the preliminary hearings of Maya Forstater v Centre for Global Development in which tax expert and researcher Maya Forstater made a claim that she had been discriminated against by her employer for her gender critical beliefs In June 2021 Maya Forstater who lost her job with the Centre for Global Development won an appeal against the original employment tribunal decision 86 The Employment Appeal Tribunal EAT found that gender critical beliefs such as the view that sex is fixed and should not be conflated with gender identity did qualify for protection under the Equality Act 2010 Equality Act This means that gender critical beliefs are protected philosophical beliefs for equality law purposes In June 2023 Forstater was awarded more than 100 000 in compensation by an employment tribunal 87 A 2020 paper in SAGE Open said that the case against trans inclusion in the United Kingdom has been presented primarily through social media and blog type or journalistic online platforms lacking the traditional prepublication checks of academic peer review 88 Some public figures such as Graham Linehan 89 90 91 and J K Rowling 92 93 94 have often been featured in social media gender critical rhetoric clarification needed The internet forum Mumsnet has also been a prominent hub of online gender critical discourse 95 96 Gender critical views are common in the British media 36 97 The British press frequently publishes articles critical of trans people and trans issues 97 In 2018 the US version of The Guardian published an editorial condemning an editorial in the UK version of The Guardian for transphobia because it portrayed trans rights as opposed to the rights of cis women 98 Drawing on theory of radicalization Craig McLean argues that discourse on transgender related issues in the UK has been radicalized in response to the activities of what he terms the anti transgender movement that pushes a radical agenda to deny the basic rights of trans people under the cover of free speech 99 In Resolution 2417 2022 the Council of Europe condemned the highly prejudicial anti gender gender critical and anti trans narratives which reduce the fight for the equality of LGBTI people to what these movements deliberately mischaracterise as gender ideology or LGBTI ideology Such narratives deny the very existence of LGBTI people dehumanise them and often falsely portray their rights as being in conflict with women s and children s rights or societal and family values in general All of these are deeply damaging to LGBTI people while also harming women s and children s rights and social cohesion The resolution further deplored the extensive and often virulent attacks on the rights of LGBTI people that have been occurring for several years in among other countries Hungary Poland the Russian Federation Turkey and the United Kingdom 12 100 101 United States Although gender critical feminism originated in the United States in the 1970s it has largely fallen out of favor among American feminists 36 Some gender critical organizations do remain however such as WoLF a gender critical feminist organization that operates mainly within the United States 36 South Korea In 2016 the radical feminist online community Womad split from the larger radical feminist online community Megalia after Megalia issued a ban on the use of certain explicit slurs against gay men and transgender people This change in policy led to the migration of anti LGBT members 102 103 Scholarly analysisLesbian studies scholars Carly Thomsen and Laurie Essig note that transness has been and is the object of deep hostility within some marginalized forms of feminism Skepticism among earlier anti trans feminists such as Janice Raymond about trans women being real women has morphed into J K Rowling s Twitter feed where she has insisted that trans women are not women These ideas are of course deplorable but they are also quite fringe within feminist studies and activism in the US 10 Claire Thurlow notes that the initial failure of TERF related tropes to garner public support quickly influenced the terms of debate with the rhetoric employed noticeably changed Leaving aside that the term gender critical feminism is tautology its adoption represented the beginnings of a pivot by trans exclusionary feminists towards language which obscures their trans exclusionary focus Alongside a shift from TERF to gender critical anti trans became pro women and trans exclusion became the protection of sex based rights These rather innocuous sounding terms have been transformed into the language of division exemplifying dog whistle politics whereby the phrases act as a coded message of anti transness to those initiated while appearing reasonable to the wider population 1 Gender studies scholars Serena Bassi and Greta LaFleur have noted that TERFism is typically described as an originally fringe group of Anglophone largely American British and Australian 1970s cultural feminism that has grown exponentially over the past decade partially due to heightened media exposure In the past decade or so the shorthand TERF has traveled globally through online spaces 4 Cristan Williams notes that radical feminism has historically been predominantly trans inclusive and considers trans exclusionary views a minority or fringe view within radical feminism 2 Carrera Fernandez and DePalma argued that the increasingly belligerent popular discourses promoted by TERF groups since the 1970s are appropriating feminist discourses to produce arguments that contradict basic premises of feminism 104 Henry F Fradella noted that while much of contemporary feminist thought has moved past biological essentialism s outdated embrace of a sex binary to embrace trans equality a relatively small but vocal group of self proclaimed gender critical feminists who are sometimes called trans exclusionary radical feminists or TERFs for short eschew transgender legal rights that they perceive as potentially threatening to the rights of cisgender women Most gender critical arguments in that regard are fallacious they are based on myths and false narratives that misconstrue or ignore empirical data from both the natural and social sciences Worse yet the gender critical position not only threatens to undermine equality under law but also fosters narratives that contribute to the criminal victimization of transgender persons 105 Relationship with the anti gender movement Main article Anti gender movement Bassi and LaFleur write that the trans exclusionary feminist TERF movement and the so called anti gender movement are only rarely distinguished as movements with distinct constitutions and aims 4 Pearce et al note that the concept of gender ideology saw increasing circulation in trans exclusionary radical feminist discourse from around 2016 5 Claire Thurlow writes that despite efforts to obscure the point gender critical feminism continues to rely on transphobic tropes moral panics and essentialist understandings of men and women These factors also continue to link trans exclusionary feminism to anti feminist reactionary politics and other anti gender movements 1 Legal casesIn 2019 the Maya Forstater v Centre for Global Development tribunal case was launched by Maya Forstater crowdfunding over 120 000 Earlier that year Forstater s consulting contract for the Centre for Global Development was not renewed after she made a number of social media posts saying that men cannot change into women 106 Forstater subsequently sued the centre alleging that she had been discriminated against because of her views 107 Forstater lost her initial case with the judge ruling that her beliefs were not protected under the Equality Act due to their absolutism However in April 2021 the initial judgement was reversed with the Employment Appeal Tribunal ruling that gender critical beliefs were protected under the Equality Act 108 A full merits hearing on Forstater s claim that she lost her employment as a result of these beliefs was heard in March 2022 and the decision delivered in July 2022 was that Forstater had been subjected to direct discrimination and victimisation because of her gender critical beliefs 109 In October 2020 Ann Sinnott at the time a director of the LGB Alliance initiated a legal case calling for a judicial review of the Equality and Human Rights Commission s guidance on the Equality Act 2010 crowdfunding almost 100 000 for legal fees The Alliance believes that the specifics of the Equality Act 2010 have been misrepresented by some organisations 110 In May 2021 the case was found by the court to be unarguable Justice Henshaw stating that the claimant has shown no arguable reason to believe the Code has misled or will mislead service providers about their responsibilities under the Act 111 ControversiesPolitical alliances with conservatives and the far right See also Anti gender movement Some trans exclusionary radical feminists have allied with conservative or far right groups and politicians who oppose legislation that would expand transgender rights in the United States 112 113 According to der Freitag TERF positions are now mostly heard from conservatives and right wing extremists 17 Feminist Judith Butler has described the anti gender movements as fascist trends and cautioned self declared feminists from allying with such movements in targeting trans non binary and genderqueer people 14 Butler said that it is painful to see that Trump s position that gender should be defined by biological sex and that the evangelical and right wing Catholic effort to purge gender from education and public policy accords with the trans exclusionary radical feminists return to biological essentialism 114 Sophia Siddiqui the deputy editor of Race amp Class has argued that gender critical feminists play into the hands of far right street forces and extreme right electoral parties which would like to abolish anti discrimination protections altogether and that it could have a damaging effect on global feminist and LGBT movements by reinforcing conservative ideas about gender and sexuality 115 The Canadian Anti Hate Network said that despite labelling themselves as feminists TERF groups often collaborate with conservative and far right groups 15 Serena Bassi and Greta LaFleur note that gender critical movements often reemploy the well known right wing populist opposition between the corrupt global elites and the people noting the similarity of gender critical beliefs to far right conspiracy theorizing 4 Gender studies scholar C Libby has pointed to burgeoning connections between trans exclusionary radical feminism gender critical writing and transphobic evangelical Christian rhetoric 116 In coverage of the Family Research Council for the Southern Poverty Law Center Helene Barthelemy wrote in 2017 that American Christian right groups were trying to separate the T from LGB including by casting transgender rights as antagonistic to feminism or to lesbian or gay people She noted this trend seemed to be part of a larger strategy meant to weaken transgender rights advocates by attempting to separate them from their allies feminists and LGBT rights advocates 117 112 118 In January 2019 The Heritage Foundation an American conservative think tank hosted a panel of self described radical feminists opposed to the US Equality Act 112 Heron Greenesmith of Political Research Associates an American liberal think tank has said that the latest iteration of collaboration between conservatives and anti transgender feminists is in part a reaction to the trans community s incredible gains in civil rights and visibility and that anti trans feminists and conservatives capitalize on a scarcity mindset rhetoric whereby civil rights are portrayed as a limited commodity and must be prioritized to cisgender women over other groups Greenesmith compared this rhetoric to the right wing tactic of prioritizing the rights of citizens over non citizens and white people over people of colour 112 Bev Jackson one of the founders of the LGB Alliance has argued in contrast that working with The Heritage Foundation is sometimes the only possible course of action since the leftwing silence on gender in the US is even worse than in the UK 119 In a 2020 article in Lambda Nordica Erika Alm of the University of Gothenburg and Elisabeth L Engebretsen of the University of Stavanger said that there was growing convergence and sometimes conscious alliances between gender critical feminists sometimes known as TERFs Trans Exclusionary Radical Feminists religious and social conservatives as well as right wing politics and even neo Nazi and fascist movements and that the convergence was linked to their reliance on an essentialised and binary understanding of sex and or gender often termed bio essentialism 16 Engebretsen has described the movement as a complex threat to democracy 120 Another 2020 article in The Sociological Review said that the language of gender ideology originates in anti feminist and anti trans discourses among right wing Christians with the Catholic Church acting as a major nucleating agent and said that the term saw increasing circulation in trans exclusionary radical feminist discourse from around 2016 It further said that a growing number of anti trans campaigners associated with radical feminist movements have openly aligned themselves with anti feminist organisations 5 In a 2021 paper in Signs Journal of Women in Culture and Society Hil Malatino of Pennsylvania State University said that gender critical feminism in the US has begun to build coalition with the evangelical Right around the legal codification of sex as a biological binary and that popular news media frames transphobia as part of a rational enlightened pragmatic response to what is variously called the trans lobby and the cult of trans 121 Another 2021 paper in Law and Social Inquiry said that a coalition of Christian conservative legal organizations conservative foundations Trump administration officials Republican party lawmakers and trans exclusionary radical feminists has assembled to redefine the right to privacy in service of anti transgender politics and that social conservatives have cast the issue as one of balancing two competing rights claims rather than one of outright animus against a gender minority population 122 Academic freedom Conflict between gender critical feminists and other feminists and transgender rights activists has resulted in controversies in which the principles of academic freedom have been invoked In Canada conflicts have erupted over these issues in public libraries in Halifax Toronto and Vancouver citation needed Similar conflicts have erupted at university campuses citation needed Kathleen Lowrey who had allegedly been fired from her additional position as associate chair of undergraduate programs for the department of anthropology at the University of Alberta after displaying gender critical posters on her office door teaching gender critical material in class and showing up halfway through a student run queer anthology event to start arguments about the existence and validity of trans people with a trans man in the room 123 124 published a paper in Archives of Sexual Behavior saying that she found it particularly distressing that almost all of my most enthusiastic public attackers were feminist academic women and that gender critical feminists root their analysis in the materiality of biological sex and take the oppression of women to be linked to the control of reproduction In the present scholarly ecumene this aligns them in some respects with scholars who are traditional and conservative and explains why they like conservatives are so often in trouble with their institutions under present conditions 125 Carolyn Sale of the Center for Free Expression at Ryerson University condemned the university s decision saying that the idea that in a hush behind closed doors students can bring complaints that don t have to be proven true and can do so in order to protect their safety should alarm us all 126 In September 2022 Laura Favaro published an article in Times Higher Education discussing her research into the climate of the debate among academics Noting that she had interviewed 50 feminist academics in gender studies with a range of views on the subject Favaro stated my discussions left me in no doubt that a culture of discrimination silencing and fear has taken hold across universities in England and many countries beyond 127 Favaro later began discrimination proceedings against City University of London stating she had been ostracised at her workplace and denied access to her research data after the publication of her article 128 129 City University of London responded with a statement that it had a legal obligation to protect freedom of expression that we take very seriously It also took its obligations with respect to ethics and integrity very seriously and made clear that any personal data processed in the course of any research should be processed in compliance with data protection legislation 129 Conflicts with other feminist and pro equality groups In February 2020 28 feminist and LGBT groups in France co signed a declaration titled Toutes des femmes denouncing trans exclusionary feminism saying that questions disguised as legitimate concerns quickly give way to more violent attacks and that it is a confusionist and conspiratorial ideological movement using the cover of feminism to disrupt real feminist fights 130 The declaration has since also been signed by over 100 additional feminist LGBT and progressive groups 9 In May 2021 over 110 women s and human rights organisations in Canada signed a statement stating that they vehemently reject the dangerous and bigoted rhetoric and ideology espoused by Trans Exclusionary Radical Feminists TERFs and saying that trans people are a driving force in our feminist movements and make incredible contributions across all facets of our society 8 Judith Butler said in 2020 that trans exclusionary radical feminism is a fringe movement that is seeking to speak in the name of the mainstream and that our responsibility is to refuse to let that happen 131 In 2021 the Council of Europe Committee on Equality and Non Discrimination published a report titled Combating rising hate against LGBTI people in Europe which condemned the highly prejudicial anti gender gender critical and anti trans narratives which reduce the fight for the equality of LGBTI people to what these movements deliberately mischaracterise as gender ideology or LGBTI ideology and which said there was a direct link between heteronormativity and heterosexism on the one hand and the growing anti gender and gender critical movements 13 The report formed the basis of Resolution 2417 adopted in January 2022 12 In late January 2018 over 1000 Irish feminists including several groups such as the University College Dublin Centre of Gender Feminisms amp Sexualities signed an open letter condemning a planned meeting in Ireland on UK Gender Recognition Act reforms organised by a British group opposing the reforms 132 The letter stated that Trans people and particularly trans women are an inextricable part of our feminist community and accused the British group of colonialism 133 Social media The controversial Reddit community r GenderCritical gathered a reputation as an anti trans space In June 2020 it was banned abruptly for violating new rules against promoting hate Members set up a similar community called Ovarit 134 Allegations of misinformation tactics T J Billard in article on TERF strategies has stated that misinformation or more specifically disinformation about trans topics has become the defining feature of public discourse on transgender rights 135 Cilia Williams et al noted in an article on gender critical feminist discourse in Spain that anti trans narratives online use attacks misinformation and self defence as a communication strategy rather than debate or dialogue 136 Alyosxa Tudor has written that strategic disinformation as an accelerator has been used to push forward hateful and anti democratic agendas 137 These accusations have been made in an environment where disinformation on social media has become a significant area of concern for many scholars in political science according to a literature review 138 See also nbsp Feminism portal nbsp Language portal nbsp LGBT portal nbsp Transgender portalAnita Bryant and Save Our Children Inc Anti gender movement Anti LGBT rhetoric Divide and conquer Feminist theory Feminist views on transgender topics Gender essentialism Lesbian erasure in relation to transgender women Radical feminist views on 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978 1 003 25098 2 a href Template Citation html title Template Citation citation a CS1 maint multiple names authors list link Tudor Alyosxa May 2023 The anti feminism of anti trans feminism European Journal of Women s Studies 30 2 290 302 doi 10 1177 13505068231164217 ISSN 1350 5068 Perez Escolar Marta Lilleker Darren Tapia Frade Alejandro 28 April 2023 A Systematic Literature Review of the Phenomenon of Disinformation and Misinformation Media and Communication 11 2 76 87 doi 10 17645 mac v11i2 6453 ISSN 2183 2439 Further readingTERF Wars Feminism and the fight for transgender futures special issue of The Sociological Review Trans Exclusionary Feminisms and the Global New Right special issue of Transgender Studies Quarterly Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Gender critical feminism amp oldid 1189978122, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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