fbpx
Wikipedia

Antonio Gramsci

Antonio Francesco Gramsci (UK: /ˈɡræmʃi/ GRAM-shee,[6] US: /ˈɡrɑːmʃi/ GRAHM-shee,[7] Italian: [anˈtɔːnjo franˈtʃesko ˈɡramʃi] ; 22 January 1891 – 27 April 1937) was an Italian Marxist philosopher, journalist, linguist, writer, and politician. He wrote on philosophy, political theory, sociology, history, and linguistics. He was a founding member and one-time leader of the Italian Communist Party. A vocal critic of Benito Mussolini and fascism, he was imprisoned in 1926 where he remained until his death in 1937.

Antonio Gramsci
Gramsci in 1916
Born
Antonio Francesco Gramsci

(1891-01-22)22 January 1891
Ales, Kingdom of Italy
Died27 April 1937 (aged 46)
Rome, Italy
Alma materUniversity of Turin
Notable workPrison Notebooks
Era20th-century philosophy
RegionWestern philosophy
School
Main interests
Notable ideas
Secretary of the Communist Party of Italy
In office
14 August 1924 – 8 November 1926
Preceded byAmadeo Bordiga
Succeeded byPalmiro Togliatti
Member of the Chamber of Deputies
In office
6 April 1924 – 9 November 1926
Personal details
Political partyPSI (1913–1921)
PCd'I (1921–1937)
Signature

During his imprisonment, Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th-century political theory.[8] Gramsci drew insights from varying sources — not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel, and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including the history of Italy and Italian nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Taylorism and Fordism, civil society, the state, historical materialism, folklore, religion, and high and popular culture.

Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class — the bourgeoisie — use cultural institutions to maintain power in capitalist societies. In Gramsci's view, the bourgeoisie develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. He also attempted to break from the economic determinism of orthodox Marxist thought, and so is sometimes described as a neo-Marxist.[9] He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism, seeing it as a philosophy of praxis and an absolute historicism that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism.

Life Edit

Early life Edit

Gramsci was born in Ales, in the province of Oristano, on the island of Sardinia, the fourth of seven sons of Francesco Gramsci (1860–1937) and Giuseppina Marcias (1861–1932).[10] The senior Gramsci was a low-level official born in the small town of Gaeta, in the province of Latina, Lazio (today in the central Italian region of Lazio but at the time Gaeta was still part of Terra di Lavoro of Southern Italy), to a well-off family from the southern Italian regions of Campania and Calabria and of Arbëreshë (Italo-Albanian) descent.[11][12] Gramsci himself believed that his father's family had left Albania as recently as 1821.[13][14][15] The Albanian origin of his father's family is attested in the surname Gramsci, an Italianised form of Gramshi, that stems from the definite noun of the placename Gramsh, a small town in central-eastern Albania.[16] Gramsci's mother belonged to a Sardinian landowning family from Sorgono, in the province of Nuoro.[17] The senior Gramsci's financial difficulties and troubles with the police forced the family to move about through several villages in Sardinia until they finally settled in Ghilarza.[18]

 
Former Gymnasium Carta-Meloni in Santu Lussurgiu where Gramsci went 1905–1907

In 1898, Gramsci's father was convicted of embezzlement and imprisoned, reducing his family to destitution. The young Gramsci had to abandon schooling and work at various casual jobs until his father's release in 1904.[19] As a boy, Gramsci suffered from health problems, particularly a malformation of the spine that stunted his growth, as his adult height was less than 5 feet,[20] and left him seriously hunchbacked. For decades, it was reported that his condition had been due to a childhood accident — specifically, having been dropped by a nanny — but more recently it has been suggested that it was due to Pott disease,[21] a form of tuberculosis that can cause deformity of the spine. Gramsci was also plagued by various internal disorders throughout his life.

Gramsci started secondary school in Santu Lussurgiu and completed it in Cagliari,[22] where he lodged with his elder brother Gennaro, a former soldier whose time on the mainland had made him a militant socialist. At the time, Gramsci's sympathies then did not yet lie with socialism but rather with Sardinian autonomism,[23] as well as the grievances of impoverished Sardinian peasants and miners, whose mistreatment by the mainlanders would later deeply contribute to his intellectual growth.[24][25][26] They perceived their neglect as a result of privileges enjoyed by the rapidly industrialising Northern Italy, and they tended to turn to a growing Sardinian nationalism, brutally repressed by troops from the Italian mainland,[27] as a response.[28]

Turin Edit

In 1911, Gramsci won a scholarship to study at the University of Turin, sitting the exam at the same time as Palmiro Togliatti.[29] At Turin, he read literature and took a keen interest in linguistics, which he studied under Matteo Bartoli. Gramsci was in Turin as it was going through industrialization, with the Fiat and Lancia factories recruiting workers from poorer regions. Trade unions became established, and the first industrial social conflicts started to emerge.[30] Gramsci frequented socialist circles as well as associating with Sardinian emigrants on the Italian mainland. Both his earlier experiences in Sardinia and his environment on the mainland shaped his worldview. Gramsci joined the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) in late 1913, where he would later occupy a key position and observe from Turin the Russian Revolution.[31]

 
The Rectorate at the University of Turin, where Gramsci studied

Although showing a talent for his studies, Gramsci had financial problems and poor health. Together with his growing political commitment, these led to him abandoning his education in early 1915, at age 24. By this time he had acquired an extensive knowledge of history and philosophy. At university, he had come into contact with the thought of Antonio Labriola, Rodolfo Mondolfo, Giovanni Gentile, and most importantly, Benedetto Croce, possibly the most widely respected Italian intellectual of his day. Labriola especially propounded a brand of Hegelian Marxism that he labelled "philosophy of praxis".[32] Although Gramsci later used this phrase to escape the prison censors, his relationship with this current of thought was ambiguous throughout his life.

From 1914 onward, Gramsci's writings for socialist newspapers such as Il Grido del Popolo (The Cry of the People [it]) earned him a reputation as a notable journalist. In 1916 he became co-editor of the Piedmont edition of Avanti!, the Socialist Party official organ. An articulate and prolific writer of political theory, Gramsci proved a formidable commentator, writing on all aspects of Turin's social and political events.[33] Gramsci was at this time also involved in the education and organisation of Turin workers; he spoke in public for the first time in 1916 and gave talks on topics such as Romain Rolland, the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, and the emancipation of women. In the wake of the arrest of Socialist Party leaders that followed revolutionary riots in August 1917, Gramsci became one of Turin's leading socialists; he was elected to the party's provisional committee and also made editor of Il Grido del Popolo.[34]

In April 1919, with Togliatti, Angelo Tasca and Umberto Terracini, Gramsci set up the weekly newspaper L'Ordine Nuovo (The New Order). In October the same year, despite being divided into various hostile factions, the PSI moved by a large majority to join the Third International. Vladimir Lenin saw the L'Ordine Nuovo group as closest in orientation to the Bolsheviks, and it received his backing against the anti-parliamentary programme of a left communist, Amadeo Bordiga.[35]

In the course of tactical debates within the party, Gramsci's group mainly stood out due to its advocacy of workers' councils, which had come into existence in Turin spontaneously during the large strikes of 1919 and 1920. For Gramsci, these councils were the proper means of enabling workers to take control of the task of organising production, and saw them as preparing "the whole class for the aims of conquest and government".[36] Although he believed his position at this time to be in keeping with Lenin's policy of "All Power to the Soviets",[37] his stance that these Italian councils were communist rather than just one organ of political struggle against the bourgeoisie, was attacked by Bordiga for betraying a syndicalist tendency influenced by the thought of Georges Sorel and Daniel De Leon. By the time of the defeat of the Turin workers in spring 1920, Gramsci was almost alone in his defence of the councils.

Communist Party of Italy Edit

 
Julia Schucht with sons

The failure of the workers' councils to develop into a national movement convinced Gramsci that a Communist party in the Leninist sense was needed. The group around L'Ordine Nuovo declaimed incessantly against the PSI's centrist leadership and ultimately allied with Bordiga's far larger abstentionist faction. On 21 January 1921, in the town of Livorno (Leghorn), the Communist Party of Italy (Partito Comunista d'Italia, PCd'I) was founded. In opposition to Bordiga, Gramsci supported the Arditi del Popolo, a militant anti-fascist group which struggled against the Blackshirts. Gramsci would be a leader of the party from its inception but was subordinate to Bordiga, whose emphasis on discipline, centralism and purity of principles dominated the party's programme until the latter lost the leadership in 1924.[38] In 1922, Gramsci travelled to Russia as a representative of the new party. Here, he met Julia Schucht (Yulia Apollonovna Schucht, 1896–1980), a young violinist whom he married in 1923 and with whom he had two sons, Delio (1924–1982) and Giuliano (1926–2007).[39] Gramsci never saw his second son.[40]

 
A commemorative plaque for Gramsci in Mokhovaya Street 16, Moscow. Translated, the inscription reads: "In this building in 1922–1923 worked the eminent figure of international communism and the labour movement and founder of the Italian Communist Party, Antonio Gramsci."

The Russian mission coincided with the advent of fascism in Italy, and Gramsci returned with instructions to foster, against the wishes of the PCd'I leadership, a united front of leftist parties against fascism. Such a front would ideally have had the PCd'I at its centre, through which Moscow would have controlled all the leftist forces, but others disputed this potential supremacy, as socialists had a significant, while communists seemed relatively young and too radical. Many believed that an eventual coalition led by communists would have functioned too remotely from political debate, and thus would have run the risk of isolation.

In late 1922 and early 1923, Benito Mussolini's government embarked on a campaign of repression against the opposition parties, arresting most of the PCd'I leadership, including Bordiga. At the end of 1923, Gramsci travelled from Moscow to Vienna, where he tried to revive a party torn by factional strife. In 1924, Gramsci, now recognised as head of the PCd'I, gained election as a deputy for the Veneto. He started organizing the launch of the official newspaper of the party, called L'Unità (Unity), living in Rome while his family stayed in Moscow. At its Lyon Congress in January 1926, Gramsci's theses calling for a united front to restore democracy to Italy were adopted by the party.

In 1926, Joseph Stalin's manoeuvres inside the Bolshevik party moved Gramsci to write a letter to the Comintern in which he deplored the opposition led by Leon Trotsky but also underlined some presumed faults of the leader. Togliatti, in Moscow as a representative of the party, received the letter, opened it, read it, and decided not to deliver it. This caused a difficult conflict between Gramsci and Togliatti which they never completely resolved.[41]

Imprisonment and death Edit

 
Gramsci's grave at the Cimitero Acattolico in Rome

On 9 November 1926, the Fascist government enacted a new wave of emergency laws, taking as a pretext an alleged attempt on Mussolini's life that had occurred several days earlier. The Fascist police arrested Gramsci, despite his parliamentary immunity, and brought him to the Roman prison Regina Coeli. At his trial, Gramsci's prosecutor stated: "For twenty years we must stop this brain from functioning."[42] He received an immediate sentence of five years in confinement on the island of Ustica, and the following year he received a sentence of 20 years' imprisonment in Turi, Apulia, near Bari.

Over 11 years in prison, his health deteriorated. Over this period, "his teeth fell out, his digestive system collapsed so that he could not eat solid food ... he had convulsions when he vomited blood and suffered headaches so violent that he beat his head against the walls of his cell."[43][44] An international campaign, organised by Piero Sraffa at Cambridge University and Gramsci's sister-in-law Tatiana, was mounted to demand Gramsci's release.[45] In 1933, he was moved from the prison at Turi to a clinic at Formia;[46] he was still being denied adequate medical attention.[47] Two years later, he was moved to the Quisisana clinic in Rome. He was due for release on 21 April 1937 and planned to retire to Sardinia for convalescence, but a combination of arteriosclerosis, pulmonary tuberculosis, high blood pressure, angina, gout, and acute gastric disorders meant that he was too ill to move.[47]

Gramsci died on 27 April 1937, at the age of 46. His ashes are buried in the Cimitero Acattolico in Rome. By moving Gramsci from prison to hospital when he became very ill, the Mussolini regime was attempting to avoid the accusation that it was his incarceration that caused his death. Nevertheless, his death was linked directly to prison conditions.[48] Gramsci's grandson, Antonio Jr., speculated that Gramsci had been working with the Soviet government to facilitate a move to Moscow, but changed course as the political climate in Russia intensified in 1936.[49]

Philosophical work Edit

 
Gramsci's many prison notebooks

Gramsci was one of the most influential Marxist thinkers of the 20th century, and a particularly key thinker in the development of Western Marxism. He wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis during his imprisonment. These writings, known as the Prison Notebooks, contain Gramsci's tracing of Italian history and nationalism, as well as some ideas in Marxist theory, critical theory, and educational theory associated with his name, such as:

Hegemony Edit

Hegemony was a term previously used by Marxists such as Vladimir Lenin to denote the political leadership of the working-class in a democratic revolution.[50]: 15–17  Gramsci greatly expanded this concept, developing an acute analysis of how the ruling capitalist class — the bourgeoisie — establishes and maintains its control.[50]: 20 

Classical Marxism had predicted that socialist revolution was inevitable in capitalist societies. By the early 20th century, no such revolution had occurred in the most advanced nations, and those revolutions of 1917–1923, such as in Germany or the Biennio Rosso in Italy, had failed. As capitalism seemed more entrenched than ever, Gramsci suggested that it maintained control not just through violence and political and economic coercion but also through ideology. The bourgeoisie developed a hegemonic culture, which propagated its own values and norms so that they became the common sense values of all. People in the working-class and other classes identified their own good with the good of the bourgeoisie and helped to maintain the status quo rather than revolting.

To counter the notion that bourgeois values represented natural or normal values for society, the working-class needed to develop a culture of its own. While Lenin held that culture was ancillary to political objectives, Gramsci saw it as fundamental to the attainment of power that cultural hegemony be achieved first. In Gramsci's view, a class cannot dominate in modern conditions by merely advancing its own narrow economic interests, and neither can it dominate purely through force and coercion.[51] Rather, it must exert intellectual and moral leadership, and make alliances and compromises with a variety of forces.[51] Gramsci calls this union of social forces a historic bloc, taking a term from Georges Sorel. This bloc forms the basis of consent to a certain social order, which produces and re-produces the hegemony of the dominant class through a nexus of institutions, social relations, and ideas.[51] In this way, Gramsci's theory emphasized the importance of the political and ideological superstructure in both maintaining and fracturing relations of the economic base.

Gramsci stated that bourgeois cultural values were tied to folklore, popular culture and religion, and therefore much of his analysis of hegemonic culture is aimed at these. He was also impressed by the influence that the Catholic Church had and the care it had taken to prevent an excessive gap developing between the religion of the learned and that of the less educated. Gramsci saw Marxism as a marriage of the purely intellectual critique of religion found in Renaissance humanism and the elements of the Reformation that had appealed to the masses. For Gramsci, Marxism could supersede religion only if it met people's spiritual needs, and to do so people would have to think of it as an expression of their own experience.

Intellectuals and education Edit

Gramsci gave much thought to the role of intellectuals in society.[52] He stated that all men are intellectuals, in that all have intellectual and rational faculties, but not all men have the social function of intellectuals.[53] He saw modern intellectuals not as talkers but as practical-minded directors and organisers who produced hegemony through ideological apparatuses such as education and the media. Furthermore, he distinguished between a traditional intelligentsia, which sees itself (in his view, wrongly) as a class apart from society, and the thinking groups that every class produces from its own ranks organically.[52] Such organic intellectuals do not simply describe social life in accordance with scientific rules but instead articulate, through the language of culture, the feelings and experiences which the masses could not express for themselves. To Gramsci, it was the duty of organic intellectuals to speak to the obscured precepts of folk wisdom, or common sense (senso comune), of their respective political spheres. These intellectuals would represent excluded social groups of a society, or what Gramsci referred to as the subaltern.[54]

In line with Gramsci's theories of cultural hegemony, he argued that capitalist power needed to be challenged by building a counter-hegemony. By this, he meant that, as part of the war of position, the organic intellectuals and others within the working-class, need to develop alternative values and an alternative ideology in contrast to bourgeois ideology. He argued that the reason this had not needed to happen in Russia was because the Russian ruling class did not have genuine cultural hegemony. So the Bolsheviks were able to carry out a war of manoeuvre (the Russian Revolution of 1917) relatively easily because ruling-class hegemony had never been fully achieved. He believed that a final war of manoeuvre was only possible, in the developed and advanced capitalist societies, when the war of position had been won by the organic intellectuals and the working-class building a counter-hegemony.

The need to create a working-class culture and a counter-hegemony relates to Gramsci's call for a kind of education that could develop working-class intellectuals, whose task was not to introduce Marxist ideology into the consciousness of the proletariat as a set of foreign notions but to renovate the existing intellectual activity of the masses and make it natively critical of the status quo. His ideas about an education system for this purpose correspond with the notion of critical pedagogy and popular education as theorized and practised in later decades by Paulo Freire in Brazil, and have much in common with the thought of Frantz Fanon. For this reason, partisans of adult and popular education consider Gramsci's writings and ideas important to this day.[55]

State and civil society Edit

Gramsci's theory of hegemony is tied to his conception of the capitalist state. Gramsci does not understand the state in the narrow sense of the government. Instead, he divides it between political society (the police, the army, legal system, etc.) — the arena of political institutions and legal constitutional control — and civil society (the family, the education system, trade unions, etc.) — commonly seen as the private or non-state sphere, which mediates between the state and the economy.[56] He stresses that the division is purely conceptual and that the two often overlap in reality.[57]

Gramsci posits that the capitalist state rules through force plus consent: political society is the realm of force and civil society is the realm of consent. He argues that under modern capitalism the bourgeoisie can maintain its economic control by allowing certain demands made by trade unions and mass political parties within civil society to be met by the political sphere. Thus, the bourgeoisie engages in passive revolution by going beyond its immediate economic interests and allowing the forms of its hegemony to change. Gramsci posits that movements such as reformism and fascism, as well as the scientific management and assembly line methods of Frederick Winslow Taylor and Henry Ford respectively, are examples of this.

Drawing from Niccolò Machiavelli, Gramsci argues that the modern Prince — the revolutionary party — is the force that will allow the working-class to develop organic intellectuals and an alternative hegemony within civil society. For Gramsci, the complex nature of modern civil society means that a war of position, carried out by revolutionaries through political agitation, the trade unions, advancement of proletarian culture, and other ways to create an opposing civil society was necessary alongside a war of manoeuvre — a direct revolution — in order to have a successful revolution without danger of a counter-revolution or degeneration.

Despite his claim that the lines between the two may be blurred, Gramsci rejects the state-worship that results from equating political society with civil society, as was done by the Jacobins and fascists. He believes the proletariat's historical task is to create a regulated society, where political society is diminished and civil society is expanded. He defines the withering away of the state as the full development of civil society's ability to regulate itself.[56]

Historicism Edit

Like the young Marx, Gramsci was an emphatic proponent of historicism.[58] In Gramsci's view, all meaning derives from the relation between human practical activity (or praxis) and the objective historical and social processes of which it is a part. Ideas cannot be understood outside their social and historical context, apart from their function and origin. The concepts by which we organise our knowledge of the world do not derive primarily from our relation to objects, but rather from the social relations between the users of those concepts. As a result, there is no such thing as an unchanging human nature but only historically variable social relationships. Furthermore, philosophy and science do not reflect a reality independent of man. Rather, a theory can be said to be true when, in any given historical situation, it expresses the real developmental trend of that situation.

For the majority of Marxists, truth was truth no matter when and where it was known, and scientific knowledge, which included Marxism, accumulated historically as the advance of truth in this everyday sense. In this view, Marxism (or the Marxist theory of history and economics) did not belong to the illusory realm of the superstructure because it is a science. In contrast, Gramsci believed Marxism was true in a socially pragmatic sense: by articulating the class consciousness of the proletariat, Marxism expressed the truth of its times better than any other theory. This anti-scientistic and anti-positivist stance was indebted to the influence of Benedetto Croce. At the same time, it should be underlined that Gramsci's absolute historicism broke with Croce's tendency to secure a metaphysical synthesis in historical destiny. Although Gramsci repudiates the charge, his historical account of truth has been criticised as a form of relativism.[59]

Critique of economism Edit

In a pre-prison article titled "The Revolution against Das Kapital", Gramsci wrote that the October Revolution in Russia had invalidated the idea that socialist revolution had to await the full development of capitalist forces of production.[60] This reflected his view that Marxism was not a determinist philosophy. The principle of the causal primacy of the forces of production was a misconception of Marxism. Both economic changes and cultural changes are expressions of a basic historical process, and it is difficult to say which sphere has primacy over the other.

The belief from the earliest years of the workers' movement that it would inevitably triumph due to historical laws was a product of the historical circumstances of an oppressed class restricted mainly to defensive action. This fatalistic doctrine must be abandoned as a hindrance once the working-class becomes able to take the initiative. Because Marxism is a philosophy of praxis, it cannot rely on unseen historical laws as the agents of social change. History is defined by human praxis and therefore includes human will. Nonetheless, will-power cannot achieve anything it likes in any given situation: when the consciousness of the working-class reaches the stage of development necessary for action, it will encounter historical circumstances that cannot be arbitrarily altered. It is not predetermined by historical inevitability as to which of several possible developments will take place as a result.

His critique of economic determinism extended to that practised by the syndicalists of the Italian trade unions. He believed that many trade unionists had settled for a reformist, gradualist approach in that they had refused to struggle on the political front in addition to the economic front. For Gramsci, much as the ruling class can look beyond its own immediate economic interests to reorganise the forms of its own hegemony, so must the working-class present its own interests as congruous with the universal advancement of society. While Gramsci envisioned the trade unions as one organ of a counter-hegemonic force in a capitalist society, the trade union leaders simply saw these organizations as a means to improve conditions within the existing structure. Gramsci referred to the views of these trade unionists as vulgar economism, which he equated to covert reformism and liberalism.

Critique of materialism Edit

By virtue of his belief that human history and collective praxis determine whether any philosophical question is meaningful or not, Gramsci's views run contrary to the metaphysical materialism and copy theory of perception advanced by Friedrich Engels,[61][62] and Lenin,[63] although he does not explicitly state this. For Gramsci, Marxism does not deal with a reality that exists in and for itself, independent of humanity.[64] The concept of an objective universe outside of human history and human praxis was analogous to belief in God.[65] Gramsci defined objectivity in terms of a universal intersubjectivity to be established in a future communist society.[65] Natural history was thus only meaningful in relation to human history. In his view philosophical materialism resulted from a lack of critical thought,[66] and could not be said to oppose religious dogma and superstition.[67] Despite this, Gramsci resigned himself to the existence of this arguably cruder form of Marxism. Marxism was a philosophy for the proletariat, a subaltern class, and thus could often only be expressed in the form of popular superstition and common sense.[68] Nonetheless, it was necessary to effectively challenge the ideologies of the educated classes, and to do so Marxists must present their philosophy in a more sophisticated guise and attempt to genuinely understand their opponents' views.

Legacy Edit

According to American socialist magazine Jacobin, Gramsci "is one of the most cited Italian authors — certainly the most cited Italian Marxist ever — and one of the most celebrated Marxist philosophers of the twentieth century.", adding that the Prison Notebooks "allowed his unorthodox Marxism to spread worldwide."[69]

Gramsci's thought emanates from the organised political left but has also become an important figure in current academic discussions within cultural studies and critical theory. Political theorists from the political centre and the political right have also found insight in his concepts; for instance, his idea of hegemony has become widely cited. His influence is particularly strong in contemporary political science, such as neo-Gramscianism. His critics charge him with fostering a notion of power struggle through ideas. They find the Gramscian approach to philosophical analysis, reflected in current academic controversies, to be in conflict with open-ended, liberal inquiry grounded in apolitical readings of the classics of Western culture.

As a socialist, Gramsci's legacy has been met with a mixed reception.[50]: 6–7  Togliatti, who led the party (renamed in 1943 as the Italian Communist Party, PCI) after World War II and whose gradualist approach was a forerunner to Eurocommunism, stated that the PCI's practices during this period were congruent with Gramscian thought.[70][71] It is speculated that he would likely have been expelled from his party if his true views had been known, particularly his growing hostility towards Joseph Stalin.[45]

One issue for Gramsci related to his speaking on topics of violence and when it might be justified or not. When the socialist Giacomo Matteotti was murdered, Gramsci did not condemn the murder. Matteotti had already called for the rule of law and been murdered by the fascists for that stance. The murder produced a crisis for the Italian fascist regime that Gramsci could have exploited.[72] The historian Jean-Yves Frétigné argues that Gramsci and the socialists more generally were naïve in their assessment of the fascists and as a result underestimated the brutality of which the regime was capable.[73]

Association football Edit

Like fellow Turinese and communist Palmiro Togliatti, Gramsci took an interest in association football, which was becoming a sport with massive following and was elected by the fascist regime in Italy as a national sport, and was said to have been a supporter of Juventus, as were other notable communist and left-wing leaders.[74][75][76] On 16 December 1988, the PCI's newspaper l'Unità published an article on the front page titled "Gramsci Was Rooting for Juve". Signed by Giorgio Fabre, it contained some letters in which Gramsci asked Piero Sraffa for "news from our Juventus". Even though those letters later turned out to be false, the article remains part of the Gramscian bibliography and triggered numerous reactions, including from Giampiero Boniperti, who on behalf of the club the following day told at La Stampa: "We are pleased to know that among our fans there have been personalities who have marked an era from the political, economic, and intellectual point of view. This shows that Juventus truly have something special, a charm that has never lost strength over the years." Gramsci's interest in football dates back to a 16 August 1918 article for the PSI's newspaper Avanti!, titled "Football and Scopone". Fifteen years later, he pointed at the degeneration of stadium cheering, which emerged with the advent of fascism and the consequent nationalisation of the sport that he said extinguished political and trade union commitment.[77]

Bibliography Edit

Collections Edit

  • Pre-Prison Writings (Cambridge University Press)
  • The Prison Notebooks (three volumes) (Columbia University Press)
  • Selections from the Prison Notebooks (International Publishers)

Essays Edit

  • Newspapers and the Workers (1916)
  • Men or machines? (1916)
  • One Year of History (1918)

See also Edit

References Edit

  1. ^ "Gramsci's Humanist Marxism". 23 June 2016.
  2. ^ Anderson, Perry (1976). Considerations on Western Marxism. Bristol: New Left Books. p. 57.
  3. ^ D'Orsi, Angelo (2018). Gramsci. Una nuova biografia (in Italian). Milan: Universale Economica Feltrinelli. p. 132. ISBN 978-88-07-89134-2.
  4. ^ Althusser 1971, p. 142 n7.
  5. ^ Dunn, Hopeton S. (2014). "A Tribute to Stuart Hall". Critical Arts. 28 (4): 758. doi:10.1080/02560046.2014.929228. ISSN 1992-6049. S2CID 144415843.
  6. ^ . Lexico UK English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 14 May 2021. Retrieved 6 July 2023.
  7. ^ "Gramsci". The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (5th ed.). HarperCollins. Retrieved 3 May 2019.
  8. ^ Sassoon 1991d, p. 446.
  9. ^ Haralambos & Holborn 2013, pp. 597–598.
  10. ^ . FamilySearch. Archived from the original on 9 November 2016.
  11. ^ "IGSN 9 – Nuove notizie sulla famiglia paterna di Gramsci". International Gramsci Society. Retrieved 15 March 2017.
  12. ^ "Italiani di origine albanese che si sono distinti nei secoli". Il Torinese (in Italian). 8 January 2016. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
  13. ^ Pipa, Arshi (1989). The politics of language in socialist Albania. Boulder, Colorado: East European Monographs. p. 234. ISBN 978-0-88033-168-5. "I myself have no race. My father is of recent Albanian origin. The family escaped from Epirus after or during the 1821 wars <of Greek Independence> and Italianized itself rapidly." Lettere dal carcere (Letters from Prison), ed. S. Capriogloi & E Fubini (Einaudi, Turin, 1965), pp. 507–508."
  14. ^ "IGSN 9 – Nuove notizie sulla famiglia paterna di Gramsci". www.internationalgramscisociety.org.
  15. ^ "Genealogia dei Gramsci".
  16. ^ Manzelli, Gianguido (2004). "Italiano e albanese: affinità e contrasti". In Ghezzi, Chiara; Guerini, Federica; Molinelli, Piera (eds.). Italiano e lingue immigrate a confronto: riflessioni per la pratica didattica, Atti del Convegno-Seminario, Bergamo, 23–25 giugno 2003. Guerra Edizioni. p. 161. ISBN 978-8877157072. "Antonio Gramsci, nato ad Ales (Oristano) nel 1891, fondatore del Partito Comunista d'ltalia nel 1921, arrestato nel 1926, morto a Roma nel 1937, portava nel proprio cognome la manifesta origine albanese della famiglia (Gramsh o Gramshi, con l'articolo determinativo finale in -i, è il nome di una cittadina dell'Albania centrale)."
  17. ^ Germino, Dante L. (1990). Antonio Gramsci: Architect of a New Politics. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. p. 157. ISBN 978-0-8071-1553-4.
  18. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xviii.
  19. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, pp. xviii–xix.
  20. ^ Crehan, Kate (2002). Gramsci, Culture, and Anthropology. University of California Press. p. 14. ISBN 0520236025.
  21. ^ Markowicz, Daniel M. (2011) "Gramsci, Antonio," in The Encyclopedia of Literary and Cultural Theory, ed. Michael Ryan, ISBN 9781-405183123
  22. ^ Santangelo 2021, p. 216.
  23. ^ Antonio Gramsci, Dizionario di Storia Treccani. Treccani.it (8 November 1926). Retrieved on 24 April 2017.
  24. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xix.
  25. ^ Antonio Gramsci e la questione sarda, a cura di Guido Melis, Cagliari, Della Torre, 1975
  26. ^ "Why Antonio Gramsci Matters to Sociologists". ThoughtCo.
  27. ^ Hall, Stuart (June 1986). Gramsci's relevance for the study of race and ethnicity. Journal of Communication Inquiry 10 (2), 5–27, Sage Journals
  28. ^ (in Italian) Gramsci e l'isola laboratorio, La Nuova Sardegna. Ricerca.gelocal.it (3 May 2004). Retrieved on 24 April 2017.
  29. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xx.
  30. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxv.
  31. ^ Deiana, Gian Luigi (23 June 2017). "The Legacy of Antonio Gramsci".
  32. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxi.
  33. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xxx.
  34. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, pp. xxx–xxxi.
  35. ^ Leszek Kolakowski – Main Currents of Marxism – Its Rise, Growth and, Dissolution – Volume III – The Breakdown. Oxford University Press. 1978. pp. 223. ISBN 978-0-19-824570-4.
  36. ^ Steven, Mark (9 May 2023). Class War: A Literary History. Verso Books. pp. 197. ISBN 978-1-83976-069-3.
  37. ^ Femia, J. (1998). The Machiavellian Legacy: Essays in Italian Political Thought. London: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 107. ISBN 978-0-230-37992-3. Retrieved 2 March 2023.
  38. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xlvi.
  39. ^ Picture of Gramsci's wife and their two sons at the Italian-language Antonio Gramsci Website.
  40. ^ Crehan, Kate (2002). Gramsci, Culture, and Anthropology. University of California Press. p. 17. ISBN 0520236025.
  41. ^ Vacca, Giuseppe (2012). Vita e pensieri di Antonio Gramsci. Turin: Einaudi.
  42. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. lxxxix.
  43. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xcii.
  44. ^ Garrett, Paul Michael (4 July 2018). "Thinking with Antonio Gramsci". Social Work and Social Theory. Policy Press. pp. 103–122. doi:10.51952/9781447341925.ch006. ISBN 978-1-4473-4192-5.
  45. ^ a b Jones 2006, p. 25.
  46. ^ Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xciii.
  47. ^ a b Hoare & Smith 1971, p. xciv.
  48. ^ Ebner 2011, pp. 76, 105, 144, 150Ebner says that Mussolini "stage-managed the cases of prominent anti-Fascists like Gramsci" (p. 150) but that, in fact, the regime "rarely granted freedom to leading Communist Party militants" (p. 144). Liberal critics of Mussolini's imprisonment policies likened such policies to "dying a slow death" (p. 105). On Mussolini's pretense of having a benign regime see in particular Chapter 5, "The Politics of Pardons".
  49. ^ Gramsci Jr., Antonio (1 December 2016). "Antonio Gramsci, Jnr, My Grandfather". New Left Review. No. 102. Retrieved 8 July 2023.
  50. ^ a b c Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci". New Left Review. New Left Review. I (100): 5–78.
  51. ^ a b c Sassoon 1991c, p. 230.
  52. ^ a b Kiernan 1991, p. 259.
  53. ^ Gramsci 1971, p. 9.
  54. ^ Crehan, Kate (2016). Gramsci's Common Sense: Inequality and Its Narratives. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-6219-7.
  55. ^ Mayo, Peter (June 2008). "Antonio Gramsci and his Relevance for the Education of Adults" (PDF). Educational Philosophy & Theory. 40 (3): 418–435. doi:10.1111/j.1469-5812.2007.00357.x. S2CID 143570823.
  56. ^ a b Sassoon 1991b, p. 83.
  57. ^ Gramsci 1971, p. 160.
  58. ^ Gramsci 1971, pp. 404–407.
  59. ^ Leszek Kolakowski – Main Currents of Marxism – Its Rise, Growth and, Dissolution – Volume III – The Breakdown. Oxford University Press. 1978. pp. 228–231. ISBN 978-0-19-824570-4.
  60. ^ Sassoon 1991a, p. 221.
  61. ^ Friedrich Engels: Anti-Duehring
  62. ^ Friedrich Engels: Dialectics of Nature
  63. ^ Lenin: Materialism and Empirio-Criticism.
  64. ^ Gramsci 1971, pp. 440–448.
  65. ^ a b Gramsci 1971, p. 445.
  66. ^ Gramsci 1971, pp. 444–445.
  67. ^ Gramsci 1971, p. 420.
  68. ^ Gramsci 1971, pp. 419–425.
  69. ^ Maccaferri, Marzia (1 November 2021). "How Antonio Gramsci's Ideas Went Global". Jacobin. Retrieved 26 July 2023.
  70. ^ Femia, Joseph P. (April 1987). "A Peaceful Road to Socialism?". Gramsci's Political Thought: Hegemony, Consciousness, and the Revolutionary Process (paperback ed.). University of Oxford Press. pp. 190–216. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198275435.003.0006. ISBN 978-9-0045-0334-2.
  71. ^ Liguori, Guido (21 December 2021). "Gramsci and the Italian Road to Socialism (1956–59)". Gramsci Contested: Interpretations, Debates, and Polemics, 1922–2012. Historical Materialism. Translated by Braude, Richard (E-book ed.). Brill. pp. 94–123. doi:10.1163/9789004503342_005. ISBN 978-0-1982-7543-5. S2CID 245586587.
  72. ^ Frétigné 2021, pp. 156–159.
  73. ^ Frétigné 2021, pp. 182–183.
  74. ^ Romeo, Ilaria (7 February 2018). "Tra la rivoluzione e la Juve. La passione dei leader Pci per il calcio". Striscia Rossa (in Italian). Retrieved 4 July 2023. Affermava in proposito l'avvocato Agnelli su 'La Stampa': 'Ho mandato al giornale una foto di una partita della Juventus del 1948, dove mi trovavo accanto a Togliatti. Lui, come tutti i leader comunisti di una certa generazione e di una certa classe, era juventino. Non ho mai avuto modo di verificare se Berlinguer amasse la Juventus; ma da alcune sue reazioni, che ho avuto occasione di vedere allo stadio, mi pare che anche il suo cuore fosse bianconero' (dalla lettera aperta a Luciano Lama Agnelli risponde a Lama sulla Juve, 'La Stampa', 6 marzo 1991, p. 33). [In this regard, [Gianni] Agnelli stated in "La Stampa": "I sent the newspaper a photo of a Juventus match in 1948, where I was next to Togliatti. He, like all communist leaders of a certain generation and a certain class, was a Juventus fan. I've never had the opportunity to verify if Berlinguer loved Juventus, but from some of his reactions, which I had the opportunity to see at the stadium, it seems to me that his heart was Black and White too" (from the open letter to Luciano Lama, Agnelli replies to Lama on Juve, "La Stampa", 6 March 1991, p. 33).]
  75. ^ Coccia, Pasquale (25 September 2021). "I comunisti scendono in campo". Il manifesto (in Italian). Retrieved 4 July 2023.
  76. ^ Mainente, Andrea (3 August 2022). "La Juventus comunista". Rivista Contrasti (in Italian). Retrieved 4 July 2023.
  77. ^ Magno, Michele (25 September 2021). "Gramsci e Togliatti, la rivoluzione e la Juventus". Start Magazine (in Italian). Retrieved 4 July 2023. 'E tu pretendi di fare la rivoluzione senza conoscere i risultati della Juve?.' Come a dire, senza conoscere gli umori del popolo a cui chiedi di insorgere? Il capo del Partito comunista, tifoso della 'Vecchia Signora', rimproverava così al suo vice di misconoscere l'importanza di un fenomeno di massa come il calcio, eletto dal fascismo a sport nazionale, in grado di influenzare mentalità e costumi dei ceti popolari. Un punto, questo, che aveva catturato l'attenzione di Antonio Gramsci già all'alba Novecento. Lo testimonia 'Il foot-ball e lo scopone', un celebre articolo pubblicato il 16 agosto 1918 sull'Avanti!. ["And you expect us to make the revolution without knowing the results of Juve?" As to say, without knowing the moods of the people, how do you ask [the people] to rise up? The head of the Communist Party, a fan of the "Old Lady", thus reproached his deputy for disregarding the importance of a mass phenomenon such as football, elected by fascism as a national sport, capable of influencing the mentality and customs of the working class. A point which had already captured the attention of Antonio Gramsci at the dawn of the twentieth century. Witness "Football and Scopone", a famous article published on 16 August 1918 on Avanti!]

Cited sources Edit

  • Althusser, Louis (1971), Lenin and Philosophy, London: Monthly Review Press, ISBN 978-1583670392.
  • Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci". New Left Review. New Left Review. I (100): 5–78.
  • Ebner, Michael (2011). Ordinary Violence in Mussolini's Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 76, 105, 144, 150.
  • Frétigné, Jean-Yves (2021). To Live is To Resist: The Life of Antonio Gramsci. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 156–159, 182–183.
  • Gramsci, Antonio (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks. International Publishers. ISBN 0-7178-0397-X.
  • Haralambos, Michael; Holborn, Martin (2013), Sociology Themes and Perspectives (8th ed.), New York: HarperCollins, ISBN 978-0-00-749882-6
  • Hoare, Quintin; Smith, Geoffrey Nowell (1971), Introduction, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, by Gramsci, Antonio, Hoare, Quentin; Smith, Geoffrey Nowell (eds.), New York: International Publishers, pp. xvii–xcvi, ISBN 0-7178-0397-X
  • Jones, Steven (2006), Antonio Gramsci, Routledge Critical Thinkers, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-31947-1.
  • Kiernan, V. G. (1991). "Intellectuals". In Bottomore, Tom; Harris, Laurence; Kiernan, V.G; Miliband, Ralph (eds.). The Dictionary of Marxist Thought (2nd ed.). Blackwell Publishers Ltd. p. 259. ISBN 0-631-16481-2.
  • Kołakowski, Leszek (2005). Main Currents of Marxism. London: W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-32943-8.
  • Sassoon, Anne Showstack (1991a). "Antonio Gramsci". In Bottomore, Tom; Harris, Laurence; Kiernan, V.G; Miliband, Ralph (eds.). The Dictionary of Marxist Thought (2nd ed.). Blackwell Publishers Ltd. pp. 221–223. ISBN 0-631-16481-2.
  • Sassoon, Anne Showstack (1991b). "Civil Society". In Bottomore, Tom; Harris, Laurence; Kiernan, V.G; Miliband, Ralph (eds.). The Dictionary of Marxist Thought (2nd ed.). Blackwell Publishers Ltd. pp. 83–85. ISBN 0-631-16481-2.
  • Sassoon, Anne Showstack (1991c). "Hegemony". In Bottomore, Tom; Harris, Laurence; Kiernan, V.G.; Miliband, Ralph (eds.). The Dictionary of Marxist Thought (2nd ed.). Blackwell Publishers Ltd. pp. 229–231. ISBN 0-631-16481-2.
  • Santangelo, Federico (2021). "Between Ceasarism and Cosmopolitanism: Julius Ceasar as an Historical Problem in Gramsci". In Zucchetti, Emilio; Cimino, Anna Maria (eds.). Antonio Gramsci and the Ancient World. Taylor & Francis. pp. 201–221. ISBN 978-0429510359.
  • Sassoon, Anne Showstack (1991d), "Prison Notebooks", in Bottomore, Tom; Harris, Laurence; Kiernan, V.G.; Miliband, Ralph (eds.), The Dictionary of Marxist Thought (2nd ed.), Blackwell Publishers Ltd., pp. 446–447, ISBN 0-631-16481-2

Further reading Edit

  • Anderson, Perry (November–December 1976). "The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci". New Left Review. New Left Review. I (100): 5–78.
  • Francesco Aqueci, Il Gramsci di un nuovo inizio, Quaderno 12, Supplemento al n. 19 (settembre-dicembre 2018) di «AGON», Rivista Internazionale di Studi Culturali, Linguistici e Letterari, p. 223.
  • Boggs, Carl (1984). The Two Revolutions: Gramsci and the Dilemmas of Western Marxism. London: South End Press. ISBN 978-0-89608-226-7.
  • Bottomore, Tom (1992). The Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 978-0-631-18082-1.
  • Dainotto, Roberto M. and Fredric Jameson, eds. Gramsci in the World (Duke University Press, 2020) online review
  • Davidson, Alastair (2018). Antonio Gramsci: Towards an Intellectual Biography [2016]. Chicago: Haymarket Books.
  • Femia, Joseph (1981) Gramsci's Political Thought – Hegemony, Consciousness and the Revolutionary Process. Oxford. ISBN 0-19-827251-0.
  • Fonseca, Marco (2016). Gramsci's Critique of Civil Society. Towards a New Concept of Hegemony. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-13-848649-2
  • Gramsci, Antonio (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks. International Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7178-0397-2.
  • Greaves, Nigel (2009) Gramsci's Marxism: Reclaiming a Philosophy of History and Politics. Leicester. ISBN 978-1-84876-127-8.
  • Harman Chris Gramsci, the Prison Notebooks and Philosophy
  • Henderson, Hamish (1987), "Antonio Gramsci", in Ross, Raymond J. (ed.), Cencrastus No. 28, Winter 87/88, pp. 22–26, ISSN 0264-0856
  • Jay, Martin (1986). Marxism and Totality: The Adventures of a Concept from Lukacs to Habermas. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-05742-5.
  • Joll, James (1977). Antonio Gramsci. New York: Viking Press. ISBN 978-0-670-12942-3.
  • Kolakowski, Leszek (1981). Main Currents of Marxism, Vol. III: The Breakdown. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-285109-3.
  • Hall, Stuart (June 1986). "Gramsci's relevance for the study of race and ethnicity". Journal of Communication Inquiry. 10 (2): 5–27. doi:10.1177/019685998601000202. S2CID 53782.
  • Maitan, Livio (1978). Il marxismo rivoluzionario di Antonio Gramsci. Milano: Nuove edizioni internazionali.
  • McNally, Mark (ed.) (2015) Antonio Gramsci. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN 978-1-137-33418-3.
  • Onnis, Omar; Mureddu, Manuelle (2019). Illustres. Vita, morte e miracoli di quaranta personalità sarde (in Italian). Sestu: Domus de Janas. ISBN 978-88-97084-90-7. OCLC 1124656644.
  • Pastore, Gerardo (2011), Antonio Gramsci. Questione sociale e questione sociologica. Livorno: Belforte. ISBN 978-88-7467-059-8.
  • Santucci, Antonio A. (2010). Antonio Gramsci. Monthly Review Press. ISBN 978-1-58367-210-5.
  • Thomas, Peter (2009) The Gramscian Moment, Philosophy, Hegemony and Marxism. Leiden/Boston. ISBN 978-90-04-16771-1.

External links Edit

  • Monumento casa natale di Antonio Gramsci, Ales, Sardinia (in Italian)
  • Il dibattito recente su Gramsci. Tra "ortodossia" e revisionismo at Nitalenium Edizioni (in Italian)

Institutes Edit

  • The International Gramsci Society
  • Fondazione Instituto Gramsci
  • Associazione Casa Natale Antonio Gramsci
  • Antonio Gramsci, 1891–1937 (in Italian)

Texts by Gramsci Edit

  • Gramsci's writings at the Marxists Internet Archive Library
  • journal.telospress.com Gramsci: "Notes on Language" – Telos

Articles on Gramsci Edit

  • Articles on Gramsci at journal.telospress.com
  • Trudell, Megan; et al.: , International Socialism 2007, issue 117
  • Martin, James: Antonio Gramsci, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 13 January 2023.
  • Robaina, Roberto: "Gramsci and revolution: a necessary clarification", International Socialism
  • Jakopovich, Dan: "Revolution and the Party in Gramsci's Thought: A Modern Application"
  • Gramsci's contribution to the field of adult and popular education – www.infed.org
  • – www.theory.org.uk (Archived)
  • Hedges, Chris: "Antonio Gramsci and the Battle Against Fascism" – Truthdig. 4 June 2017
  • Jessop, Bob: (Four sessions with audio).

antonio, gramsci, antonio, francesco, gramsci, gram, shee, ɑː, grahm, shee, italian, anˈtɔːnjo, franˈtʃesko, ˈɡramʃi, january, 1891, april, 1937, italian, marxist, philosopher, journalist, linguist, writer, politician, wrote, philosophy, political, theory, soc. Antonio Francesco Gramsci UK ˈ ɡ r ae m ʃ i GRAM shee 6 US ˈ ɡ r ɑː m ʃ i GRAHM shee 7 Italian anˈtɔːnjo franˈtʃesko ˈɡramʃi 22 January 1891 27 April 1937 was an Italian Marxist philosopher journalist linguist writer and politician He wrote on philosophy political theory sociology history and linguistics He was a founding member and one time leader of the Italian Communist Party A vocal critic of Benito Mussolini and fascism he was imprisoned in 1926 where he remained until his death in 1937 Antonio GramsciGramsci in 1916BornAntonio Francesco Gramsci 1891 01 22 22 January 1891Ales Kingdom of ItalyDied27 April 1937 aged 46 Rome ItalyAlma materUniversity of TurinNotable workPrison NotebooksEra20th century philosophyRegionWestern philosophySchoolContinental philosophyWestern Marxismneo MarxismMarxist humanism 1 Main interestsPoliticsideologycultureNotable ideasCultural hegemonyAmericanism as Fordistbourgeoisie as the hegemonic groupbuilding a counter hegemony to challenge capitalist powerwar of positionthe distinction between traditional and organic intellectualsSecretary of the Communist Party of ItalyIn office 14 August 1924 8 November 1926Preceded byAmadeo BordigaSucceeded byPalmiro TogliattiMember of the Chamber of DeputiesIn office 6 April 1924 9 November 1926Personal detailsPolitical partyPSI 1913 1921 PCd I 1921 1937 SignatureDuring his imprisonment Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3 000 pages of history and analysis His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th century political theory 8 Gramsci drew insights from varying sources not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccolo Machiavelli Vilfredo Pareto Georges Sorel and Benedetto Croce The notebooks cover a wide range of topics including the history of Italy and Italian nationalism the French Revolution fascism Taylorism and Fordism civil society the state historical materialism folklore religion and high and popular culture Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class the bourgeoisie use cultural institutions to maintain power in capitalist societies In Gramsci s view the bourgeoisie develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence economic force or coercion He also attempted to break from the economic determinism of orthodox Marxist thought and so is sometimes described as a neo Marxist 9 He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism seeing it as a philosophy of praxis and an absolute historicism that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism Contents 1 Life 1 1 Early life 1 2 Turin 1 3 Communist Party of Italy 1 4 Imprisonment and death 2 Philosophical work 2 1 Hegemony 2 2 Intellectuals and education 2 3 State and civil society 2 4 Historicism 2 5 Critique of economism 2 6 Critique of materialism 3 Legacy 4 Association football 5 Bibliography 5 1 Collections 5 2 Essays 6 See also 7 References 8 Cited sources 9 Further reading 10 External links 10 1 Institutes 10 2 Texts by Gramsci 10 3 Articles on GramsciLife EditEarly life Edit Gramsci was born in Ales in the province of Oristano on the island of Sardinia the fourth of seven sons of Francesco Gramsci 1860 1937 and Giuseppina Marcias 1861 1932 10 The senior Gramsci was a low level official born in the small town of Gaeta in the province of Latina Lazio today in the central Italian region of Lazio but at the time Gaeta was still part of Terra di Lavoro of Southern Italy to a well off family from the southern Italian regions of Campania and Calabria and of Arbereshe Italo Albanian descent 11 12 Gramsci himself believed that his father s family had left Albania as recently as 1821 13 14 15 The Albanian origin of his father s family is attested in the surname Gramsci an Italianised form of Gramshi that stems from the definite noun of the placename Gramsh a small town in central eastern Albania 16 Gramsci s mother belonged to a Sardinian landowning family from Sorgono in the province of Nuoro 17 The senior Gramsci s financial difficulties and troubles with the police forced the family to move about through several villages in Sardinia until they finally settled in Ghilarza 18 nbsp Former Gymnasium Carta Meloni in Santu Lussurgiu where Gramsci went 1905 1907In 1898 Gramsci s father was convicted of embezzlement and imprisoned reducing his family to destitution The young Gramsci had to abandon schooling and work at various casual jobs until his father s release in 1904 19 As a boy Gramsci suffered from health problems particularly a malformation of the spine that stunted his growth as his adult height was less than 5 feet 20 and left him seriously hunchbacked For decades it was reported that his condition had been due to a childhood accident specifically having been dropped by a nanny but more recently it has been suggested that it was due to Pott disease 21 a form of tuberculosis that can cause deformity of the spine Gramsci was also plagued by various internal disorders throughout his life Gramsci started secondary school in Santu Lussurgiu and completed it in Cagliari 22 where he lodged with his elder brother Gennaro a former soldier whose time on the mainland had made him a militant socialist At the time Gramsci s sympathies then did not yet lie with socialism but rather with Sardinian autonomism 23 as well as the grievances of impoverished Sardinian peasants and miners whose mistreatment by the mainlanders would later deeply contribute to his intellectual growth 24 25 26 They perceived their neglect as a result of privileges enjoyed by the rapidly industrialising Northern Italy and they tended to turn to a growing Sardinian nationalism brutally repressed by troops from the Italian mainland 27 as a response 28 Turin Edit In 1911 Gramsci won a scholarship to study at the University of Turin sitting the exam at the same time as Palmiro Togliatti 29 At Turin he read literature and took a keen interest in linguistics which he studied under Matteo Bartoli Gramsci was in Turin as it was going through industrialization with the Fiat and Lancia factories recruiting workers from poorer regions Trade unions became established and the first industrial social conflicts started to emerge 30 Gramsci frequented socialist circles as well as associating with Sardinian emigrants on the Italian mainland Both his earlier experiences in Sardinia and his environment on the mainland shaped his worldview Gramsci joined the Italian Socialist Party PSI in late 1913 where he would later occupy a key position and observe from Turin the Russian Revolution 31 nbsp The Rectorate at the University of Turin where Gramsci studiedAlthough showing a talent for his studies Gramsci had financial problems and poor health Together with his growing political commitment these led to him abandoning his education in early 1915 at age 24 By this time he had acquired an extensive knowledge of history and philosophy At university he had come into contact with the thought of Antonio Labriola Rodolfo Mondolfo Giovanni Gentile and most importantly Benedetto Croce possibly the most widely respected Italian intellectual of his day Labriola especially propounded a brand of Hegelian Marxism that he labelled philosophy of praxis 32 Although Gramsci later used this phrase to escape the prison censors his relationship with this current of thought was ambiguous throughout his life From 1914 onward Gramsci s writings for socialist newspapers such as Il Grido del Popolo The Cry of the People it earned him a reputation as a notable journalist In 1916 he became co editor of the Piedmont edition of Avanti the Socialist Party official organ An articulate and prolific writer of political theory Gramsci proved a formidable commentator writing on all aspects of Turin s social and political events 33 Gramsci was at this time also involved in the education and organisation of Turin workers he spoke in public for the first time in 1916 and gave talks on topics such as Romain Rolland the French Revolution the Paris Commune and the emancipation of women In the wake of the arrest of Socialist Party leaders that followed revolutionary riots in August 1917 Gramsci became one of Turin s leading socialists he was elected to the party s provisional committee and also made editor of Il Grido del Popolo 34 In April 1919 with Togliatti Angelo Tasca and Umberto Terracini Gramsci set up the weekly newspaper L Ordine Nuovo The New Order In October the same year despite being divided into various hostile factions the PSI moved by a large majority to join the Third International Vladimir Lenin saw the L Ordine Nuovo group as closest in orientation to the Bolsheviks and it received his backing against the anti parliamentary programme of a left communist Amadeo Bordiga 35 In the course of tactical debates within the party Gramsci s group mainly stood out due to its advocacy of workers councils which had come into existence in Turin spontaneously during the large strikes of 1919 and 1920 For Gramsci these councils were the proper means of enabling workers to take control of the task of organising production and saw them as preparing the whole class for the aims of conquest and government 36 Although he believed his position at this time to be in keeping with Lenin s policy of All Power to the Soviets 37 his stance that these Italian councils were communist rather than just one organ of political struggle against the bourgeoisie was attacked by Bordiga for betraying a syndicalist tendency influenced by the thought of Georges Sorel and Daniel De Leon By the time of the defeat of the Turin workers in spring 1920 Gramsci was almost alone in his defence of the councils Communist Party of Italy Edit nbsp Julia Schucht with sonsThe failure of the workers councils to develop into a national movement convinced Gramsci that a Communist party in the Leninist sense was needed The group around L Ordine Nuovo declaimed incessantly against the PSI s centrist leadership and ultimately allied with Bordiga s far larger abstentionist faction On 21 January 1921 in the town of Livorno Leghorn the Communist Party of Italy Partito Comunista d Italia PCd I was founded In opposition to Bordiga Gramsci supported the Arditi del Popolo a militant anti fascist group which struggled against the Blackshirts Gramsci would be a leader of the party from its inception but was subordinate to Bordiga whose emphasis on discipline centralism and purity of principles dominated the party s programme until the latter lost the leadership in 1924 38 In 1922 Gramsci travelled to Russia as a representative of the new party Here he met Julia Schucht Yulia Apollonovna Schucht 1896 1980 a young violinist whom he married in 1923 and with whom he had two sons Delio 1924 1982 and Giuliano 1926 2007 39 Gramsci never saw his second son 40 nbsp A commemorative plaque for Gramsci in Mokhovaya Street 16 Moscow Translated the inscription reads In this building in 1922 1923 worked the eminent figure of international communism and the labour movement and founder of the Italian Communist Party Antonio Gramsci The Russian mission coincided with the advent of fascism in Italy and Gramsci returned with instructions to foster against the wishes of the PCd I leadership a united front of leftist parties against fascism Such a front would ideally have had the PCd I at its centre through which Moscow would have controlled all the leftist forces but others disputed this potential supremacy as socialists had a significant while communists seemed relatively young and too radical Many believed that an eventual coalition led by communists would have functioned too remotely from political debate and thus would have run the risk of isolation In late 1922 and early 1923 Benito Mussolini s government embarked on a campaign of repression against the opposition parties arresting most of the PCd I leadership including Bordiga At the end of 1923 Gramsci travelled from Moscow to Vienna where he tried to revive a party torn by factional strife In 1924 Gramsci now recognised as head of the PCd I gained election as a deputy for the Veneto He started organizing the launch of the official newspaper of the party called L Unita Unity living in Rome while his family stayed in Moscow At its Lyon Congress in January 1926 Gramsci s theses calling for a united front to restore democracy to Italy were adopted by the party In 1926 Joseph Stalin s manoeuvres inside the Bolshevik party moved Gramsci to write a letter to the Comintern in which he deplored the opposition led by Leon Trotsky but also underlined some presumed faults of the leader Togliatti in Moscow as a representative of the party received the letter opened it read it and decided not to deliver it This caused a difficult conflict between Gramsci and Togliatti which they never completely resolved 41 Imprisonment and death Edit nbsp Gramsci s grave at the Cimitero Acattolico in RomeOn 9 November 1926 the Fascist government enacted a new wave of emergency laws taking as a pretext an alleged attempt on Mussolini s life that had occurred several days earlier The Fascist police arrested Gramsci despite his parliamentary immunity and brought him to the Roman prison Regina Coeli At his trial Gramsci s prosecutor stated For twenty years we must stop this brain from functioning 42 He received an immediate sentence of five years in confinement on the island of Ustica and the following year he received a sentence of 20 years imprisonment in Turi Apulia near Bari Over 11 years in prison his health deteriorated Over this period his teeth fell out his digestive system collapsed so that he could not eat solid food he had convulsions when he vomited blood and suffered headaches so violent that he beat his head against the walls of his cell 43 44 An international campaign organised by Piero Sraffa at Cambridge University and Gramsci s sister in law Tatiana was mounted to demand Gramsci s release 45 In 1933 he was moved from the prison at Turi to a clinic at Formia 46 he was still being denied adequate medical attention 47 Two years later he was moved to the Quisisana clinic in Rome He was due for release on 21 April 1937 and planned to retire to Sardinia for convalescence but a combination of arteriosclerosis pulmonary tuberculosis high blood pressure angina gout and acute gastric disorders meant that he was too ill to move 47 Gramsci died on 27 April 1937 at the age of 46 His ashes are buried in the Cimitero Acattolico in Rome By moving Gramsci from prison to hospital when he became very ill the Mussolini regime was attempting to avoid the accusation that it was his incarceration that caused his death Nevertheless his death was linked directly to prison conditions 48 Gramsci s grandson Antonio Jr speculated that Gramsci had been working with the Soviet government to facilitate a move to Moscow but changed course as the political climate in Russia intensified in 1936 49 Philosophical work Edit nbsp Gramsci s many prison notebooksGramsci was one of the most influential Marxist thinkers of the 20th century and a particularly key thinker in the development of Western Marxism He wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3 000 pages of history and analysis during his imprisonment These writings known as the Prison Notebooks contain Gramsci s tracing of Italian history and nationalism as well as some ideas in Marxist theory critical theory and educational theory associated with his name such as Cultural hegemony as a means of maintaining and legitimising the capitalist state The need for popular workers education to encourage development of intellectuals from the working class An analysis of the modern capitalist state that distinguishes between political society which dominates directly and coercively and civil society where leadership is constituted through consent Absolute historicism A critique of economic determinism that opposes fatalistic interpretations of Marxism A critique of philosophical materialismHegemony Edit Further information Cultural hegemony Hegemony was a term previously used by Marxists such as Vladimir Lenin to denote the political leadership of the working class in a democratic revolution 50 15 17 Gramsci greatly expanded this concept developing an acute analysis of how the ruling capitalist class the bourgeoisie establishes and maintains its control 50 20 Classical Marxism had predicted that socialist revolution was inevitable in capitalist societies By the early 20th century no such revolution had occurred in the most advanced nations and those revolutions of 1917 1923 such as in Germany or the Biennio Rosso in Italy had failed As capitalism seemed more entrenched than ever Gramsci suggested that it maintained control not just through violence and political and economic coercion but also through ideology The bourgeoisie developed a hegemonic culture which propagated its own values and norms so that they became the common sense values of all People in the working class and other classes identified their own good with the good of the bourgeoisie and helped to maintain the status quo rather than revolting To counter the notion that bourgeois values represented natural or normal values for society the working class needed to develop a culture of its own While Lenin held that culture was ancillary to political objectives Gramsci saw it as fundamental to the attainment of power that cultural hegemony be achieved first In Gramsci s view a class cannot dominate in modern conditions by merely advancing its own narrow economic interests and neither can it dominate purely through force and coercion 51 Rather it must exert intellectual and moral leadership and make alliances and compromises with a variety of forces 51 Gramsci calls this union of social forces a historic bloc taking a term from Georges Sorel This bloc forms the basis of consent to a certain social order which produces and re produces the hegemony of the dominant class through a nexus of institutions social relations and ideas 51 In this way Gramsci s theory emphasized the importance of the political and ideological superstructure in both maintaining and fracturing relations of the economic base Gramsci stated that bourgeois cultural values were tied to folklore popular culture and religion and therefore much of his analysis of hegemonic culture is aimed at these He was also impressed by the influence that the Catholic Church had and the care it had taken to prevent an excessive gap developing between the religion of the learned and that of the less educated Gramsci saw Marxism as a marriage of the purely intellectual critique of religion found in Renaissance humanism and the elements of the Reformation that had appealed to the masses For Gramsci Marxism could supersede religion only if it met people s spiritual needs and to do so people would have to think of it as an expression of their own experience Intellectuals and education Edit Gramsci gave much thought to the role of intellectuals in society 52 He stated that all men are intellectuals in that all have intellectual and rational faculties but not all men have the social function of intellectuals 53 He saw modern intellectuals not as talkers but as practical minded directors and organisers who produced hegemony through ideological apparatuses such as education and the media Furthermore he distinguished between a traditional intelligentsia which sees itself in his view wrongly as a class apart from society and the thinking groups that every class produces from its own ranks organically 52 Such organic intellectuals do not simply describe social life in accordance with scientific rules but instead articulate through the language of culture the feelings and experiences which the masses could not express for themselves To Gramsci it was the duty of organic intellectuals to speak to the obscured precepts of folk wisdom or common sense senso comune of their respective political spheres These intellectuals would represent excluded social groups of a society or what Gramsci referred to as the subaltern 54 In line with Gramsci s theories of cultural hegemony he argued that capitalist power needed to be challenged by building a counter hegemony By this he meant that as part of the war of position the organic intellectuals and others within the working class need to develop alternative values and an alternative ideology in contrast to bourgeois ideology He argued that the reason this had not needed to happen in Russia was because the Russian ruling class did not have genuine cultural hegemony So the Bolsheviks were able to carry out a war of manoeuvre the Russian Revolution of 1917 relatively easily because ruling class hegemony had never been fully achieved He believed that a final war of manoeuvre was only possible in the developed and advanced capitalist societies when the war of position had been won by the organic intellectuals and the working class building a counter hegemony The need to create a working class culture and a counter hegemony relates to Gramsci s call for a kind of education that could develop working class intellectuals whose task was not to introduce Marxist ideology into the consciousness of the proletariat as a set of foreign notions but to renovate the existing intellectual activity of the masses and make it natively critical of the status quo His ideas about an education system for this purpose correspond with the notion of critical pedagogy and popular education as theorized and practised in later decades by Paulo Freire in Brazil and have much in common with the thought of Frantz Fanon For this reason partisans of adult and popular education consider Gramsci s writings and ideas important to this day 55 State and civil society Edit Gramsci s theory of hegemony is tied to his conception of the capitalist state Gramsci does not understand the state in the narrow sense of the government Instead he divides it between political society the police the army legal system etc the arena of political institutions and legal constitutional control and civil society the family the education system trade unions etc commonly seen as the private or non state sphere which mediates between the state and the economy 56 He stresses that the division is purely conceptual and that the two often overlap in reality 57 Gramsci posits that the capitalist state rules through force plus consent political society is the realm of force and civil society is the realm of consent He argues that under modern capitalism the bourgeoisie can maintain its economic control by allowing certain demands made by trade unions and mass political parties within civil society to be met by the political sphere Thus the bourgeoisie engages in passive revolution by going beyond its immediate economic interests and allowing the forms of its hegemony to change Gramsci posits that movements such as reformism and fascism as well as the scientific management and assembly line methods of Frederick Winslow Taylor and Henry Ford respectively are examples of this Drawing from Niccolo Machiavelli Gramsci argues that the modern Prince the revolutionary party is the force that will allow the working class to develop organic intellectuals and an alternative hegemony within civil society For Gramsci the complex nature of modern civil society means that a war of position carried out by revolutionaries through political agitation the trade unions advancement of proletarian culture and other ways to create an opposing civil society was necessary alongside a war of manoeuvre a direct revolution in order to have a successful revolution without danger of a counter revolution or degeneration Despite his claim that the lines between the two may be blurred Gramsci rejects the state worship that results from equating political society with civil society as was done by the Jacobins and fascists He believes the proletariat s historical task is to create a regulated society where political society is diminished and civil society is expanded He defines the withering away of the state as the full development of civil society s ability to regulate itself 56 Historicism Edit Like the young Marx Gramsci was an emphatic proponent of historicism 58 In Gramsci s view all meaning derives from the relation between human practical activity or praxis and the objective historical and social processes of which it is a part Ideas cannot be understood outside their social and historical context apart from their function and origin The concepts by which we organise our knowledge of the world do not derive primarily from our relation to objects but rather from the social relations between the users of those concepts As a result there is no such thing as an unchanging human nature but only historically variable social relationships Furthermore philosophy and science do not reflect a reality independent of man Rather a theory can be said to be true when in any given historical situation it expresses the real developmental trend of that situation For the majority of Marxists truth was truth no matter when and where it was known and scientific knowledge which included Marxism accumulated historically as the advance of truth in this everyday sense In this view Marxism or the Marxist theory of history and economics did not belong to the illusory realm of the superstructure because it is a science In contrast Gramsci believed Marxism was true in a socially pragmatic sense by articulating the class consciousness of the proletariat Marxism expressed the truth of its times better than any other theory This anti scientistic and anti positivist stance was indebted to the influence of Benedetto Croce At the same time it should be underlined that Gramsci s absolute historicism broke with Croce s tendency to secure a metaphysical synthesis in historical destiny Although Gramsci repudiates the charge his historical account of truth has been criticised as a form of relativism 59 Critique of economism Edit In a pre prison article titled The Revolution against Das Kapital Gramsci wrote that the October Revolution in Russia had invalidated the idea that socialist revolution had to await the full development of capitalist forces of production 60 This reflected his view that Marxism was not a determinist philosophy The principle of the causal primacy of the forces of production was a misconception of Marxism Both economic changes and cultural changes are expressions of a basic historical process and it is difficult to say which sphere has primacy over the other The belief from the earliest years of the workers movement that it would inevitably triumph due to historical laws was a product of the historical circumstances of an oppressed class restricted mainly to defensive action This fatalistic doctrine must be abandoned as a hindrance once the working class becomes able to take the initiative Because Marxism is a philosophy of praxis it cannot rely on unseen historical laws as the agents of social change History is defined by human praxis and therefore includes human will Nonetheless will power cannot achieve anything it likes in any given situation when the consciousness of the working class reaches the stage of development necessary for action it will encounter historical circumstances that cannot be arbitrarily altered It is not predetermined by historical inevitability as to which of several possible developments will take place as a result His critique of economic determinism extended to that practised by the syndicalists of the Italian trade unions He believed that many trade unionists had settled for a reformist gradualist approach in that they had refused to struggle on the political front in addition to the economic front For Gramsci much as the ruling class can look beyond its own immediate economic interests to reorganise the forms of its own hegemony so must the working class present its own interests as congruous with the universal advancement of society While Gramsci envisioned the trade unions as one organ of a counter hegemonic force in a capitalist society the trade union leaders simply saw these organizations as a means to improve conditions within the existing structure Gramsci referred to the views of these trade unionists as vulgar economism which he equated to covert reformism and liberalism Critique of materialism Edit By virtue of his belief that human history and collective praxis determine whether any philosophical question is meaningful or not Gramsci s views run contrary to the metaphysical materialism and copy theory of perception advanced by Friedrich Engels 61 62 and Lenin 63 although he does not explicitly state this For Gramsci Marxism does not deal with a reality that exists in and for itself independent of humanity 64 The concept of an objective universe outside of human history and human praxis was analogous to belief in God 65 Gramsci defined objectivity in terms of a universal intersubjectivity to be established in a future communist society 65 Natural history was thus only meaningful in relation to human history In his view philosophical materialism resulted from a lack of critical thought 66 and could not be said to oppose religious dogma and superstition 67 Despite this Gramsci resigned himself to the existence of this arguably cruder form of Marxism Marxism was a philosophy for the proletariat a subaltern class and thus could often only be expressed in the form of popular superstition and common sense 68 Nonetheless it was necessary to effectively challenge the ideologies of the educated classes and to do so Marxists must present their philosophy in a more sophisticated guise and attempt to genuinely understand their opponents views Legacy EditAccording to American socialist magazine Jacobin Gramsci is one of the most cited Italian authors certainly the most cited Italian Marxist ever and one of the most celebrated Marxist philosophers of the twentieth century adding that the Prison Notebooks allowed his unorthodox Marxism to spread worldwide 69 Gramsci s thought emanates from the organised political left but has also become an important figure in current academic discussions within cultural studies and critical theory Political theorists from the political centre and the political right have also found insight in his concepts for instance his idea of hegemony has become widely cited His influence is particularly strong in contemporary political science such as neo Gramscianism His critics charge him with fostering a notion of power struggle through ideas They find the Gramscian approach to philosophical analysis reflected in current academic controversies to be in conflict with open ended liberal inquiry grounded in apolitical readings of the classics of Western culture As a socialist Gramsci s legacy has been met with a mixed reception 50 6 7 Togliatti who led the party renamed in 1943 as the Italian Communist Party PCI after World War II and whose gradualist approach was a forerunner to Eurocommunism stated that the PCI s practices during this period were congruent with Gramscian thought 70 71 It is speculated that he would likely have been expelled from his party if his true views had been known particularly his growing hostility towards Joseph Stalin 45 One issue for Gramsci related to his speaking on topics of violence and when it might be justified or not When the socialist Giacomo Matteotti was murdered Gramsci did not condemn the murder Matteotti had already called for the rule of law and been murdered by the fascists for that stance The murder produced a crisis for the Italian fascist regime that Gramsci could have exploited 72 The historian Jean Yves Fretigne argues that Gramsci and the socialists more generally were naive in their assessment of the fascists and as a result underestimated the brutality of which the regime was capable 73 Association football EditLike fellow Turinese and communist Palmiro Togliatti Gramsci took an interest in association football which was becoming a sport with massive following and was elected by the fascist regime in Italy as a national sport and was said to have been a supporter of Juventus as were other notable communist and left wing leaders 74 75 76 On 16 December 1988 the PCI s newspaper l Unita published an article on the front page titled Gramsci Was Rooting for Juve Signed by Giorgio Fabre it contained some letters in which Gramsci asked Piero Sraffa for news from our Juventus Even though those letters later turned out to be false the article remains part of the Gramscian bibliography and triggered numerous reactions including from Giampiero Boniperti who on behalf of the club the following day told at La Stampa We are pleased to know that among our fans there have been personalities who have marked an era from the political economic and intellectual point of view This shows that Juventus truly have something special a charm that has never lost strength over the years Gramsci s interest in football dates back to a 16 August 1918 article for the PSI s newspaper Avanti titled Football and Scopone Fifteen years later he pointed at the degeneration of stadium cheering which emerged with the advent of fascism and the consequent nationalisation of the sport that he said extinguished political and trade union commitment 77 Bibliography EditCollections Edit Pre Prison Writings Cambridge University Press The Prison Notebooks three volumes Columbia University Press Selections from the Prison Notebooks International Publishers Essays Edit Newspapers and the Workers 1916 Men or machines 1916 One Year of History 1918 See also EditArticulation sociology Liberation theology Praxis School Subaltern postcolonialism Subaltern Studies Unification of ItalyReferences Edit Gramsci s Humanist Marxism 23 June 2016 Anderson Perry 1976 Considerations on Western Marxism Bristol New Left Books p 57 D Orsi Angelo 2018 Gramsci Una nuova biografia in Italian Milan Universale Economica Feltrinelli p 132 ISBN 978 88 07 89134 2 Althusser 1971 p 142 n7 Dunn Hopeton S 2014 A Tribute to Stuart Hall Critical Arts 28 4 758 doi 10 1080 02560046 2014 929228 ISSN 1992 6049 S2CID 144415843 Gramsci Antonio Lexico UK English Dictionary Oxford University Press Archived from the original on 14 May 2021 Retrieved 6 July 2023 Gramsci The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language 5th ed HarperCollins Retrieved 3 May 2019 Sassoon 1991d p 446 Haralambos amp Holborn 2013 pp 597 598 Italy Oristano Oristano Civil Status Tribunale 1866 1940 FamilySearch Archived from the original on 9 November 2016 IGSN 9 Nuove notizie sulla famiglia paterna di Gramsci International Gramsci Society Retrieved 15 March 2017 Italiani di origine albanese che si sono distinti nei secoli Il Torinese in Italian 8 January 2016 Retrieved 5 May 2018 Pipa Arshi 1989 The politics of language in socialist Albania Boulder Colorado East European Monographs p 234 ISBN 978 0 88033 168 5 I myself have no race My father is of recent Albanian origin The family escaped from Epirus after or during the 1821 wars lt of Greek Independence gt and Italianized itself rapidly Lettere dal carcere Letters from Prison ed S Capriogloi amp E Fubini Einaudi Turin 1965 pp 507 508 IGSN 9 Nuove notizie sulla famiglia paterna di Gramsci www internationalgramscisociety org Genealogia dei Gramsci Manzelli Gianguido 2004 Italiano e albanese affinita e contrasti In Ghezzi Chiara Guerini Federica Molinelli Piera eds Italiano e lingue immigrate a confronto riflessioni per la pratica didattica Atti del Convegno Seminario Bergamo 23 25 giugno 2003 Guerra Edizioni p 161 ISBN 978 8877157072 Antonio Gramsci nato ad Ales Oristano nel 1891 fondatore del Partito Comunista d ltalia nel 1921 arrestato nel 1926 morto a Roma nel 1937 portava nel proprio cognome la manifesta origine albanese della famiglia Gramsh o Gramshi con l articolo determinativo finale in i e il nome di una cittadina dell Albania centrale Germino Dante L 1990 Antonio Gramsci Architect of a New Politics Baton Rouge Louisiana State University Press p 157 ISBN 978 0 8071 1553 4 Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xviii Hoare amp Smith 1971 pp xviii xix Crehan Kate 2002 Gramsci Culture and Anthropology University of California Press p 14 ISBN 0520236025 Markowicz Daniel M 2011 Gramsci Antonio in The Encyclopedia of Literary and Cultural Theory ed Michael Ryan ISBN 9781 405183123 Santangelo 2021 p 216 Antonio Gramsci Dizionario di Storia Treccani Treccani it 8 November 1926 Retrieved on 24 April 2017 Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xix Antonio Gramsci e la questione sarda a cura di Guido Melis Cagliari Della Torre 1975 Why Antonio Gramsci Matters to Sociologists ThoughtCo Hall Stuart June 1986 Gramsci s relevance for the study of race and ethnicity Journal of Communication Inquiry 10 2 5 27 Sage Journals in Italian Gramsci e l isola laboratorio La Nuova Sardegna Ricerca gelocal it 3 May 2004 Retrieved on 24 April 2017 Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xx Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xxv Deiana Gian Luigi 23 June 2017 The Legacy of Antonio Gramsci Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xxi Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xxx Hoare amp Smith 1971 pp xxx xxxi Leszek Kolakowski Main Currents of Marxism Its Rise Growth and Dissolution Volume III The Breakdown Oxford University Press 1978 pp 223 ISBN 978 0 19 824570 4 Steven Mark 9 May 2023 Class War A Literary History Verso Books pp 197 ISBN 978 1 83976 069 3 Femia J 1998 The Machiavellian Legacy Essays in Italian Political Thought London Palgrave Macmillan p 107 ISBN 978 0 230 37992 3 Retrieved 2 March 2023 Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xlvi Picture of Gramsci s wife and their two sons at the Italian language Antonio Gramsci Website Crehan Kate 2002 Gramsci Culture and Anthropology University of California Press p 17 ISBN 0520236025 Vacca Giuseppe 2012 Vita e pensieri di Antonio Gramsci Turin Einaudi Hoare amp Smith 1971 p lxxxix Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xcii Garrett Paul Michael 4 July 2018 Thinking with Antonio Gramsci Social Work and Social Theory Policy Press pp 103 122 doi 10 51952 9781447341925 ch006 ISBN 978 1 4473 4192 5 a b Jones 2006 p 25 Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xciii a b Hoare amp Smith 1971 p xciv Ebner 2011 pp 76 105 144 150Ebner says that Mussolini stage managed the cases of prominent anti Fascists like Gramsci p 150 but that in fact the regime rarely granted freedom to leading Communist Party militants p 144 Liberal critics of Mussolini s imprisonment policies likened such policies to dying a slow death p 105 On Mussolini s pretense of having a benign regime see in particular Chapter 5 The Politics of Pardons Gramsci Jr Antonio 1 December 2016 Antonio Gramsci Jnr My Grandfather New Left Review No 102 Retrieved 8 July 2023 a b c Anderson Perry November December 1976 The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci New Left Review New Left Review I 100 5 78 a b c Sassoon 1991c p 230 a b Kiernan 1991 p 259 Gramsci 1971 p 9 Crehan Kate 2016 Gramsci s Common Sense Inequality and Its Narratives Duke University Press ISBN 978 0 8223 6219 7 Mayo Peter June 2008 Antonio Gramsci and his Relevance for the Education of Adults PDF Educational Philosophy amp Theory 40 3 418 435 doi 10 1111 j 1469 5812 2007 00357 x S2CID 143570823 a b Sassoon 1991b p 83 Gramsci 1971 p 160 Gramsci 1971 pp 404 407 Leszek Kolakowski Main Currents of Marxism Its Rise Growth and Dissolution Volume III The Breakdown Oxford University Press 1978 pp 228 231 ISBN 978 0 19 824570 4 Sassoon 1991a p 221 Friedrich Engels Anti Duehring Friedrich Engels Dialectics of Nature Lenin Materialism and Empirio Criticism Gramsci 1971 pp 440 448 a b Gramsci 1971 p 445 Gramsci 1971 pp 444 445 Gramsci 1971 p 420 Gramsci 1971 pp 419 425 Maccaferri Marzia 1 November 2021 How Antonio Gramsci s Ideas Went Global Jacobin Retrieved 26 July 2023 Femia Joseph P April 1987 A Peaceful Road to Socialism Gramsci s Political Thought Hegemony Consciousness and the Revolutionary Process paperback ed University of Oxford Press pp 190 216 doi 10 1093 acprof oso 9780198275435 003 0006 ISBN 978 9 0045 0334 2 Liguori Guido 21 December 2021 Gramsci and the Italian Road to Socialism 1956 59 Gramsci Contested Interpretations Debates and Polemics 1922 2012 Historical Materialism Translated by Braude Richard E book ed Brill pp 94 123 doi 10 1163 9789004503342 005 ISBN 978 0 1982 7543 5 S2CID 245586587 Fretigne 2021 pp 156 159 Fretigne 2021 pp 182 183 Romeo Ilaria 7 February 2018 Tra la rivoluzione e la Juve La passione dei leader Pci per il calcio Striscia Rossa in Italian Retrieved 4 July 2023 Affermava in proposito l avvocato Agnelli su La Stampa Ho mandato al giornale una foto di una partita della Juventus del 1948 dove mi trovavo accanto a Togliatti Lui come tutti i leader comunisti di una certa generazione e di una certa classe era juventino Non ho mai avuto modo di verificare se Berlinguer amasse la Juventus ma da alcune sue reazioni che ho avuto occasione di vedere allo stadio mi pare che anche il suo cuore fosse bianconero dalla lettera aperta a Luciano Lama Agnelli risponde a Lama sulla Juve La Stampa 6 marzo 1991 p 33 In this regard Gianni Agnelli stated in La Stampa I sent the newspaper a photo of a Juventus match in 1948 where I was next to Togliatti He like all communist leaders of a certain generation and a certain class was a Juventus fan I ve never had the opportunity to verify if Berlinguer loved Juventus but from some of his reactions which I had the opportunity to see at the stadium it seems to me that his heart was Black and White too from the open letter to Luciano Lama Agnelli replies to Lama on Juve La Stampa 6 March 1991 p 33 Coccia Pasquale 25 September 2021 I comunisti scendono in campo Il manifesto in Italian Retrieved 4 July 2023 Mainente Andrea 3 August 2022 La Juventus comunista Rivista Contrasti in Italian Retrieved 4 July 2023 Magno Michele 25 September 2021 Gramsci e Togliatti la rivoluzione e la Juventus Start Magazine in Italian Retrieved 4 July 2023 E tu pretendi di fare la rivoluzione senza conoscere i risultati della Juve Come a dire senza conoscere gli umori del popolo a cui chiedi di insorgere Il capo del Partito comunista tifoso della Vecchia Signora rimproverava cosi al suo vice di misconoscere l importanza di un fenomeno di massa come il calcio eletto dal fascismo a sport nazionale in grado di influenzare mentalita e costumi dei ceti popolari Un punto questo che aveva catturato l attenzione di Antonio Gramsci gia all alba Novecento Lo testimonia Il foot ball e lo scopone un celebre articolo pubblicato il 16 agosto 1918 sull Avanti And you expect us to make the revolution without knowing the results of Juve As to say without knowing the moods of the people how do you ask the people to rise up The head of the Communist Party a fan of the Old Lady thus reproached his deputy for disregarding the importance of a mass phenomenon such as football elected by fascism as a national sport capable of influencing the mentality and customs of the working class A point which had already captured the attention of Antonio Gramsci at the dawn of the twentieth century Witness Football and Scopone a famous article published on 16 August 1918 on Avanti Cited sources EditAlthusser Louis 1971 Lenin and Philosophy London Monthly Review Press ISBN 978 1583670392 Anderson Perry November December 1976 The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci New Left Review New Left Review I 100 5 78 Ebner Michael 2011 Ordinary Violence in Mussolini s Italy Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 76 105 144 150 Fretigne Jean Yves 2021 To Live is To Resist The Life of Antonio Gramsci Chicago University of Chicago Press pp 156 159 182 183 Gramsci Antonio 1971 Selections from the Prison Notebooks International Publishers ISBN 0 7178 0397 X Haralambos Michael Holborn Martin 2013 Sociology Themes and Perspectives 8th ed New York HarperCollins ISBN 978 0 00 749882 6 Hoare Quintin Smith Geoffrey Nowell 1971 Introduction Selections from the Prison Notebooks by Gramsci Antonio Hoare Quentin Smith Geoffrey Nowell eds New York International Publishers pp xvii xcvi ISBN 0 7178 0397 X Jones Steven 2006 Antonio Gramsci Routledge Critical Thinkers Routledge ISBN 0 415 31947 1 Kiernan V G 1991 Intellectuals In Bottomore Tom Harris Laurence Kiernan V G Miliband Ralph eds The Dictionary of Marxist Thought 2nd ed Blackwell Publishers Ltd p 259 ISBN 0 631 16481 2 Kolakowski Leszek 2005 Main Currents of Marxism London W W Norton amp Company ISBN 978 0 393 32943 8 Sassoon Anne Showstack 1991a Antonio Gramsci In Bottomore Tom Harris Laurence Kiernan V G Miliband Ralph eds The Dictionary of Marxist Thought 2nd ed Blackwell Publishers Ltd pp 221 223 ISBN 0 631 16481 2 Sassoon Anne Showstack 1991b Civil Society In Bottomore Tom Harris Laurence Kiernan V G Miliband Ralph eds The Dictionary of Marxist Thought 2nd ed Blackwell Publishers Ltd pp 83 85 ISBN 0 631 16481 2 Sassoon Anne Showstack 1991c Hegemony In Bottomore Tom Harris Laurence Kiernan V G Miliband Ralph eds The Dictionary of Marxist Thought 2nd ed Blackwell Publishers Ltd pp 229 231 ISBN 0 631 16481 2 Santangelo Federico 2021 Between Ceasarism and Cosmopolitanism Julius Ceasar as an Historical Problem in Gramsci In Zucchetti Emilio Cimino Anna Maria eds Antonio Gramsci and the Ancient World Taylor amp Francis pp 201 221 ISBN 978 0429510359 Sassoon Anne Showstack 1991d Prison Notebooks in Bottomore Tom Harris Laurence Kiernan V G Miliband Ralph eds The Dictionary of Marxist Thought 2nd ed Blackwell Publishers Ltd pp 446 447 ISBN 0 631 16481 2Further reading EditAnderson Perry November December 1976 The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci New Left Review New Left Review I 100 5 78 Francesco Aqueci Il Gramsci di un nuovo inizio Quaderno 12 Supplemento al n 19 settembre dicembre 2018 di AGON Rivista Internazionale di Studi Culturali Linguistici e Letterari p 223 Boggs Carl 1984 The Two Revolutions Gramsci and the Dilemmas of Western Marxism London South End Press ISBN 978 0 89608 226 7 Bottomore Tom 1992 The Dictionary of Marxist Thought Blackwell Publishers ISBN 978 0 631 18082 1 Dainotto Roberto M and Fredric Jameson eds Gramsci in the World Duke University Press 2020 online review Davidson Alastair 2018 Antonio Gramsci Towards an Intellectual Biography 2016 Chicago Haymarket Books Femia Joseph 1981 Gramsci s Political Thought Hegemony Consciousness and the Revolutionary Process Oxford ISBN 0 19 827251 0 Fonseca Marco 2016 Gramsci s Critique of Civil Society Towards a New Concept of Hegemony Routledge ISBN 978 1 13 848649 2 Gramsci Antonio 1971 Selections from the Prison Notebooks International Publishers ISBN 978 0 7178 0397 2 Greaves Nigel 2009 Gramsci s Marxism Reclaiming a Philosophy of History and Politics Leicester ISBN 978 1 84876 127 8 Harman Chris Gramsci the Prison Notebooks and Philosophy Henderson Hamish 1987 Antonio Gramsci in Ross Raymond J ed Cencrastus No 28 Winter 87 88 pp 22 26 ISSN 0264 0856 Jay Martin 1986 Marxism and Totality The Adventures of a Concept from Lukacs to Habermas University of California Press ISBN 978 0 520 05742 5 Joll James 1977 Antonio Gramsci New York Viking Press ISBN 978 0 670 12942 3 Kolakowski Leszek 1981 Main Currents of Marxism Vol III The Breakdown New York Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 285109 3 Hall Stuart June 1986 Gramsci s relevance for the study of race and ethnicity Journal of Communication Inquiry 10 2 5 27 doi 10 1177 019685998601000202 S2CID 53782 Maitan Livio 1978 Il marxismo rivoluzionario di Antonio Gramsci Milano Nuove edizioni internazionali McNally Mark ed 2015 Antonio Gramsci Basingstoke Palgrave MacMillan ISBN 978 1 137 33418 3 Onnis Omar Mureddu Manuelle 2019 Illustres Vita morte e miracoli di quaranta personalita sarde in Italian Sestu Domus de Janas ISBN 978 88 97084 90 7 OCLC 1124656644 Pastore Gerardo 2011 Antonio Gramsci Questione sociale e questione sociologica Livorno Belforte ISBN 978 88 7467 059 8 Santucci Antonio A 2010 Antonio Gramsci Monthly Review Press ISBN 978 1 58367 210 5 Thomas Peter 2009 The Gramscian Moment Philosophy Hegemony and Marxism Leiden Boston ISBN 978 90 04 16771 1 External links Edit nbsp Wikimedia Commons has media related to Antonio Gramsci nbsp Wikiquote has quotations related to Antonio Gramsci Monumento casa natale di Antonio Gramsci Ales Sardinia in Italian Il dibattito recente su Gramsci Tra ortodossia e revisionismo at Nitalenium Edizioni in Italian Institutes Edit The International Gramsci Society Fondazione Instituto Gramsci Associazione Casa Natale Antonio Gramsci Antonio Gramsci 1891 1937 in Italian Texts by Gramsci Edit Gramsci s writings at the Marxists Internet Archive Library journal telospress com Gramsci Notes on Language TelosArticles on Gramsci Edit Articles on Gramsci at journal telospress com Trudell Megan et al Gramsci s revolutionary legacy International Socialism 2007 issue 117 Martin James Antonio Gramsci Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy 13 January 2023 Robaina Roberto Gramsci and revolution a necessary clarification International Socialism Jakopovich Dan Revolution and the Party in Gramsci s Thought A Modern Application Gramsci s contribution to the field of adult and popular education www infed org The life and work of Antonio Gramsci www theory org uk Archived Hedges Chris Antonio Gramsci and the Battle Against Fascism Truthdig 4 June 2017 Jessop Bob Lectures on Gramsci Four sessions with audio Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Antonio Gramsci amp oldid 1181141830, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

article

, read, download, free, free download, mp3, video, mp4, 3gp, jpg, jpeg, gif, png, picture, music, song, movie, book, game, games.