Souliotes

The Souliotes were an Orthodox Christian Albanian tribal community in the area of Souli in Epirus from the 16th century to the beginning of the 19th century, who via their participation in the Greek War of Independence came to identify with the Greek nation.

Souliots

Souliot warriors in a watercolour by Charles Robert Cockerell entitled Albanian palikars in pursuit of an enemy (1813-4)^[1]^[2]^[3]^[4]
Total population
c. 4,500^[5]^[6] (1803, est.)
Regions with significant populations
Souli
"tetrachori"	c. 3,250^[5]^[6]
"eptachori"	up to 1,250^[5]^[6]
Languages
Albanian Greek (from the 18th century onwards)
Religion
Orthodox Christianity

They originated from Albanian clans that settled in the highlands of Thesprotia in the Late Middle Ages and established an autonomous confederation dominating a large number of neighboring villages in the mountainous areas of Epirus, where they successfully resisted Ottoman rule for many years. At the height of its power, in the second half of the 18th century, the Souliote confederacy is estimated to have consisted of up to 4,500 inhabitants. After the revolution, they migrated to and settled in newly independent Greece, and assimilated into the Greek people. The Souliotes were followers of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. They spoke the Souliotic dialect of Albanian and learnt Greek through their interaction with Greek-speakers. They are known for their military prowess, their resistance to the local ruler Ali Pasha, and later for their contribution to the Greek cause in the revolutionary war against the Ottoman Empire under leaders such as Markos Botsaris and Kitsos Tzavelas.^[7][8][9]

The first historical account of rebellious activity in Souli dates from 1685. During the 18th century, the Souliotes expanded their territory of influence. As soon as Ali Pasha became the local Ottoman ruler in 1789 he immediately launched successive expeditions against Souli. However, the numerical superiority of his troops was not enough. The siege against Souli was intensified from 1800 and in December 1803 the Souliotes concluded an armistice and agreed to abandon their homeland. Most of them were exiled in the Ionian Islands and with the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence they were among the first communities to take arms against the Ottomans. Following the successful struggle for independence, they settled in parts of the newly established Greek state and assimilated into the Greek nation, with many attaining high posts in the Greek government, including that of Prime Minister. Members of the Souliote diaspora participated in the national struggles for the incorporation of Souli to Greece, such as in the revolt of 1854 and the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) with Ottoman rule ending in 1913.

Geography

Name

 

A painting of Souli.

The Souliotes (Greek: Σουλιώτες; Albanian: Suljotë^[10]) were named after the village of Souli (Albanian: Suli), a hilltop settlement in modern Thesprotia, Greece. Souli gradually became the name of the entire region where the four main Souliot settlements are located (Souli, Avariko, Kiafa, Samoniva). Souli as a region is not attested in any sources before the 18th century. François Pouqueville, the French traveler, historian and consul in Ioannina, and others in his era theorized that the area was the ancient Greek Selaida and its modern inhabitants descendants of the Selloi, an ancient Greek tribe that inhabited the region in antiquity.^[11][12] This hypothesis was fueled and proposed in the context of the rise of romanticism in Europe and the ideological return to the ancient past. Such views had little acceptance in historiography and were already rejected as early as the publication of the History of Souli (1815) by Christoforos Perraivos.^[13]

The origin of the toponym Souli is uncertain.^[11] Perraivos attributed the name to an Ottoman official in the region who was killed in a battle against the Souliotes, who gave his name to their village. In contemporary historiography, this theory is considered to be a constitutive myth designed to link the name of Souli with the narrative of struggles of its inhabitants against Ottoman officials. Historically, this view has been rejected as it would imply that the Souliotes had no name for their main village and region before the killing of a single Ottoman official.^[13] Fourikis (1934) goes as far as proposing that Perraivos invented this explanation himself. At the end of the 19th century Labridis proposed that Souli may derive from one of the earliest Cham Albanian clan leaders who settled in the area and gave his name to it as was the habit in tribal settlements.^[13] Fourikis (1934) rejected an origin of the toponym from a personal name and proposed that it simply derived from the Albanian word sul (mountain peak) which is found as a geographical toponym in other areas where medieval Albanian clans settled. It may also be interpreted as 'watchpost', 'lookout', or 'mountain summit'. The view of Fourikis is the most commonly accepted theory in contemporary historiography.^[13] Psimouli (2006) considers the etymological aspects in the theory of Fourikis acceptable, but rejects the view the toponym Souli emerged from the region's geomorphology, because of the fact that none of the four settlements of the tetrachori is placed on a mountaintop or an outlook but at an altitude of no more than 600 m.^[14] The author notes that while the mountain peaks which surround Souli have Albanian toponyms, none of them was actually named sul by the clans which settled there. Hence, Psimouli (2006) proposes that "Souli" or "Siouli" refers to a personal name -the first name or cognomen of the progenitor of the Albanian immigrant group that settled there - as happened in other settlements like Spata or the neighbouring Mazaraki or Mazarakia. The name itself metaphorically may have referred to his height as a tall person.^[15]

Settlements

 

Map of Souli by William Martin Leake (1835)

The core of Souli consisted of four villages (Greek: Τετραχώρι), namely: Souli (also known as Kakosouli), Avariko (also known as Navariko), Kiafa and Samoniva.^[16] In time the confederation expanded and included additional seven villages (Greek: Επταχώρι). The latter became the outer defensive ring in case of an attack.^[17] Both groups of villages were also collectively called Souli.^[17] At the peak of their power, in 1800, Souliot leaders estimated that their community numbered c. 20,000 inhabitants.^[18] Vasso Psimouli estimates a total population of c. 4,500 for the Souliot villages. Of these, she estimates that up to 1,250 were living in the "eptachori", among whom 500 were armed, according to Perraivos, organized in 18 clans, while the other 3,250, in 31 clans, were living in the "tetrachori" and provided c. 1200 armed men.^[6]

Several surrounding villages, c. 50–66, which became part of the Souliote confederation were known as Parasouli.^[19][20] Parasouliotes could join the Souliotes to armed operations but they had no representation in the Souliote government. In case they displayed distinction in warfare they received permission to settle in Souliote villages and enjoyed the same rights and duties as the Souliotes.^[21]

Early history

Most scholars agree that the first inhabitants of Souli settled there in the middle of the 16th century as groups of shepherds. The earliest inhabitants came from southern Albania and the plains of Thesprotia.^[22] Vasso Psimouli holds that Souli was chosen as a place of permanent settlement by a subgroup of one of the two Albanian immigrant pastoralist populations that arrived in the area organized in large kinship groups (Albanian: fis) in the mid-14th century, a time of power vacuum after the death of Stefan Dušan and demographic decline of the Greek agrarian population due to the plague. One Albanian immigrant group, that of the Mazarakaioi, could reach the area from the north through Vagenetia, while the other from the south via Rogoi.^[23] Authors who traveled in the region in the late 18th and early 19th centuries argue that the initial core of clans which formed the Souliotes gradually grew and expanded in other settlements. George Finlay recorded that "the Chams reserve the name Suliote for 100 families who, by virtue of birth, belonged to the military caste of Suli". According to Finlay, this population increased from other immigrant clans which joined them.^[24] Modern sources argue that the gradual settlement of families and tribes of different origins in Souli unlikely, because of the lack of sources testifying the abandonment of villages in the 17th century and also due to the limited abiity of the pastures of Souli to maintain superfluous population and to the closed character of tribal organization, which is not open to accepting outsiders in mass.^[25]

The Souliote population was located in inland Thesprotia and for much of the 16th century remained away from the plagues and military events which affected coastal Epirus. This was an era of demographic increase for the area.^[26] The Souliote clans were pastoralist communities. Demographic pressure, environmental conditions and lack of grazing grounds gradually created social conditions, which led many Souliote clans to engage in pillaging and raiding other Souliote clans and primarily the neighbouring, lowland peasant communities as a means to combat lack of means of subsistence. In the 18th century, the occasional use of raiding as a means of subsistence became an institutionalized activity of Souliote clans which systematically raided the lowland peasants. The price of weapons in the 17th century had decreased which made their acquirement much easier and the naturally defensive position of Souliote clans in their hilltop settlements made immediate intervention by the Ottoman authorities difficult.^[27]

Society

Patrilineal clans

 

Vasilis Goudas, deputy to Markos Botsaris, by Louis Dupré

The Souliotes were organized in patrilineal clans which they called in Albanian farë (def. fara, pl. farat "tribe"). Membership in the fara was exclusively decided via patrilineality. Indicative of this condition is the translation of M. Botsaris of the Greek term genos which is the exact equivalent to fara as gjish which in Albanian means grandfather.^[28] Each fara was formed by the descendants of a common patrilineal progenitor whose personal name became the clan name of the entire fara. It was led by a single clan leader who was its representative, although this practice was under constant negotiation as a leader may not have been acceptable by all members of the fara. Each clan was further divided in brotherhoods. As such, in time, it had the tendency to branch out in new clans which were formed as the original one grew in size and could no longer hold its cohesion as one unit under one leader. Members of the fara enjoyed privileges of settlement in specific villages and had the right to use in common specific natural resources (water springs, grazing grounds) which had been assigned to it.

All heads of clans gathered in the general assembly which Lambros Koutsonikas (himself a Souliot) recorded in Greek as Πλεκεσία, a term that can be linked to the Albanian pleqësia (council of elders). This acted as the highest political structure of Souliot society which was responsible for solving disputes, formulating tribal laws, arbitrage between clans in dispute and the enforcement of decisions of the council against members of the community. It was a space where the different fara of Souliot society negotiated with each other their position in Souliotic society.^[29] The assembly was held in the open courtyard next to the church of St. George in Souli. The decisions of the pleqësia were not written down but agreed upon via the oral pledge of besë (def. besa) to which all heads of clans were bound. The concept of besa was the foundation for agreements not only within Souliot society but functioned as the basis for any agreements which Souliotes made with outsiders, including hostile forces in times of war. The significance of this concept is highlighted by the fact that M. Botsaris translates besë in Greek as threskeia (religion) and i pabesë ("without besë) as apistos (unbeliever). As each clan acted autonomously of the general assembly of their leaders, they could sign agreements with outsiders which contradicted the agreements which the Souliot community signed as a whole and this was a common cause of friction among the Souliot clans.^[30]

 

Captain of Suliote Albanians by Joseph Cartwright, published in March 1822.

A detailed recording of the Souliot clans appears for the first time by Perraivos. According to his notes, at the end of the 18th century, 450 families which belonged to 26 clans lived in the village of Souli. In Kiafa, there were 90 families which belonged to four clans. In Avariko, five families which belonged to three clans and in Samoniva 50 families which belonged to three clans.^[31] As the Souliot population, new clans were established from existing ones and formed the population of the seven villages around core Souli. There was an informal hierarchy among Souliot clans in the second half of the 18th century which was determined by the fighting power (men) of each fara and its size. The Botsaris clan was one of the oldest and most powerful in all four villages of core Souli. Georgios Botsaris in 1789 claimed that his clan could field 1,000 men against Ali Pasha followed by the Tzavellas and Zervas clans each of which could field 300 men and other smaller clans with 100 men each.^[32] George Botsaris presented himself as "the most respected individual among the Souliots" and his son Dimitris presented his father as the captain of the Souliots and himself as the commissioner of the Albanians(in Greek, ton Arvaniton epitropikos).^[33][34] It is evident that in this period of Souliot history, social stratification among the clans had created an environment which led weaker clans to coalesce around stronger ones and be represented by them. The role, however, of the pleqësia was to stop such differentiation and maintain relations of equality in the community. Until the fall of Souli in 1803, the Souliot community never accepted to have a single leader from one clan and even in times of war each clan chose its leader from its own ranks. Thus, the Souliot tribal organization remained one which preserved the collective autonomy of each clan until its end. Social stratification was expressed since the second half of the 18th century in social practices of the Souliots, but was never institutionalized.^[35]

Main Souliot clans at the end of the 18th century^[31]

Name in Albanian	Name in Greek	Settlement
Boçari	Botsaris	Souli (Sul)
Xhavella	Tzavellas	Souli
Kuçonika	Koutsonikas	Souli
Dhrako	Drakos	Souli
Danglli	Danglis	Souli, Samoniva
Buca	Boutzias	Souli
Sheho	Seos	Souli
Zharba	Zarbas	Souli
Vello	Velios	Souli
Kallojeri	Kalogeros	Souli
Thanasi	Thanasis	Souli
Kashkari	Kaskaris	Souli
Dora	Toras	Souli
Vaso	Vasos	Souli
Papajani	Papagiannis	Souli
Todi	Todis	Souli
Shahini	Sachinis	Souli
Manxho	Mantzos	Souli
Pallama	Palamas	Souli
Buzbu	Bousbos	Souli
Mati	Matis	Souli
Zerva	Zervas	Kiafa (Qafa)
Nika	Nikas	Kiafa
Foto	Fotos	Kiafa
Pandaziu	Pandazis	Kiafa
Sallatari	Salataris	Avariko (Navarik)
Bufi	Boufis	Avariko
Xhori	Tzoris	Avariko
Beka	Bekas	Samoniva
Hërra	Iras	Samoniva

The Souliotes wore red skull caps, fleecy capotes over their shoulders, embroidered jackets, scarlet buskins, slippers with pointed toes and white kilts.^[36]

Economy

In the mid-sixteenth century Souli is listed in a Ottoman tax register as a village inhabited by 244 taxpayers, located in the Christian nahiye of Ai-Donat, part of the homonymous kaza of the sanjak of Delvina.^[37] In a 1613 tax list, however, Souli is one of the settlements in which some taxpayers paid resm-i çift and resm-i bennak, taxes paid by Muslim subjects, newcomers or converts to Islam.^[38]

 

Portraits of Lambro the Suliote and the old Balouk-Bashee of Dervitzina (Thomas Smart Hughes, 1820).

The Souliots were subject to a sipahi, who had a degree of jurisdiction in Souli, represented them, as testified in a 1794 document, and collected a small amount of tax. The incorporation of the Souliots in the timariot system through the payment of taxes certified their legal standing, guaranteed them representation through the sipahi and allowed the continuation of their control and enrichment through activities such as brigandage and the provision of protection to subjugated populations.^[39] Perraivos records that the "sipahi of Soli", Beqir Bey, was settled in Yannina and went to Souli once every year to collect taxes.^[40][41]

Taxation archives show that the economy of the Souliotes was based on small-scale subsistence pastoralism which due to few available grazing grounds never increased enough to become a source of commercial activity. The spahis of Souli generated little profit from their position. It seems that no Ottoman official or timariot holder of Souli lived there. This likely happened not because of Souliot hostility but because of the extended practice of Ottoman officials since the 17th century to not live on the territories they were assigned to, but in the closest large urban settlement. All archival sources show that throughout its existence the Souliotic community paid its taxes regularly and complied with Ottoman economic laws in their transactions and as such was represented in the Ottoman system, but it was not integrally included in it as its remote position and lack of natural resources didn't lead to any Ottoman presence within Souli. As a result, Psimouli (2016) describes the status of Souli as a "community without Turkish presence, but not necessarily autonomous".^[42]

Blood vengeance

Blood vengeance was one of the core social practices in Souliot society. It regulated relations between clans, the social hierarchy of Souli and the attribution of customary justice in cases of violations of clan property. Blood vengeance was ideologically linked with the concepts of honour-dishonour which was a collective trait of the entire clan.^[43] The pervasiveness of blood vengeance in Souliot society is highlighted in Souli's architecture: all houses were essentially fortified towers which were placed in strategic positions which could be defended from attacks which started from other fortified towers of Souli and even the churches had embrasures.^[44] M. Botsaris uses the terms hasm (enemy) and hak which literally means vengeance in Albanian as the equivalent of Greek dikaiosyne (justice). The term linked to the actual practice of blood vengeance which he uses is gjak (Gjakmarrja).^[44]

Language

 

A page of the diary of Fotos Tzavellas. Header: ΦΕ[Β]ΡΟΥΑΡΙΟΥ (February) 1792

The Souliots spoke Albanian, being the descendants of an Albanian pastoral group that had settled in the area, while, due to their communication and exchanges with the mostly Greek-speaking population of surrounding areas and the importance of their economic and military presence during the eighteenth century, learnt to use also Greek.^[45] For the social use of each language, William Martin Leake writes that "Souliot men spoke Albanian at home and all men could speak Greek as they were their neighbours, while many women could speak Greek too". For the movements of Souliots to the villages of Lakka Souliou in the 18th century, the Greek Orthodox Bishop Serafeim Byzantios notes that "as the Souliotes speak Albanian, most villages of Lakka speak Albanian, but Greek is not unknown to them". The closest existing variant of Souliotic Albanian is that of the village Anthousa (Rapëza) and also Kanallaki. This dialect is spoken only by few people in modern times.^[46]

Further evidence on the language of the Souliotes is drawn from the Rhomaic (Greek)-Albanian dictionary composed in 1809 mainly by Markos Botsaris and his family members.^[47] The Albanian variant in the text shows lexical influence from Greek, Turkish and other languages. Of 1494 Albanian words of the vocabulary, 361 are loanwords from Greek, 187 from Turkish, 21 from Italian and two from other languages. The Albanian entries correspond to 1701 Greek entries. Many entries are related to religion and church organization. For Jochalas who edited and published the dictionary, despite the influence of Greek on Souliotic Albanian in the entries, it is evident that Botsaris and his family members who helped him lacked structural knowledge of Greek and were very inexperienced in writing. He also observes that the Albanian phrases are syntaxed as if were Greek (Yochalas, p.53). Similar lack of knowledge of Greek grammar, syntax and spelling is observed for all of the very few written documents by Souliotes.^[46] Robert Elsie noted that the 1,484 Albanian lexemes "are important for our knowledge of the now extinct Suliot dialect of Albanian".^[48] In the early twentieth century among the descendants of Souliotes in the Kingdom of Greece, there was an example of Souliote still being fluent in Albanian, namely lieutenant Dimitrios (Takis) Botsaris, a direct descendant of the Botsaris' family.^[49]

The correspondence of the Souliotes to both Christian and Muslim leaders was either written in Greek or translated from Greek.^[50] Greek was commonly used in Ottoman Epirus for writing not just between Christians (including Souliotes) but even between Muslim Albanian-speakers who employed Greek secretaries as is, e.g., the case with the correspondence between the Cham beys and Ali pasha.^[51] A written account on the language Souliotes used is the diary of Fotos Tzavellas, composed during his captivity by Ali Pasha (1792–1793). This diary is written by F. Tzavellas himself in simple Greek with several spelling and punctuation mistakes. Emmanouel Protopsaltes, former professor of Modern Greek History at the University of Athens, who published and studied the dialect of this diary, concluded that Souliotes were Greek speakers originating from the area of Argyrkokastro or Chimara.^[52][53] Εmmanuel Protopsaltis asserted based on his reading of the texts that the national sentiment and the basic ethnic and linguistic component of Souli was Greek rather than Albanian.^[54] Psimouli criticizes the publication by Protopsaltis for its lack of critical analysis.^{[55][need quotation to verify]}

Toponyms

In a study by scholar Petros Fourikis examining the onomastics of Souli, most of the toponyms and micro-toponyms such as: Kiafa, Koungi, Bira, Goura, Mourga, Feriza, Stret(h)eza, Dembes, Vreku i Vetetimese, Sen i Prempte and so on were found to be derived from Albanian.^[56] A study by scholar Alexandros Mammopoulos (1982 concludes that not all the toponyms of Souli were Albanian and that many derive from various other Balkan languages, including quite a few in Greek.^[57] In a 2002 study, Shkëlzen Raça states that Souliote toponyms listed by Fourikis can only be explained through Albanian.^[56] Vasso Psimouli states that many of the placenames of the wider area of Souli are Slavic or Aromanian (Zavruho, Murga, Sqapeta, Koristiani, Glavitsa, Samoniva, Avarico), while those of the core of the four Souliotic settlements are mostly Albanian.^[58]

Clashes with Ottoman officials

1685–1772

 

A Suliote in his shaggy Capote (Joseph Cartwright, 1822).

The first historical account of anti-Ottoman activity in Souli dates from the Ottoman-Venetian War of 1684–89. In particular in 1685, the Souliotes together with the inhabitants of Himara revolted and overthrew the local Ottoman authorities. This uprising was short-lived due to the reaction of the local Ottoman beys, agas and pashas.^[59]

Perraivos (1815) based on oral stories he collected proposed that the first attack against Souli by the Ottoman authorities occurred in 1721. Archival sources show that the campaign occurred more likely in 1731-33 and didn't have Souliotes as its specific target. In the early 18th century, the Muslim Cham beys of Margariti and the Souliotes promoted Venetian interests in certain areas of Epirus. In this context, an armatolos of Preveza known by the name Triboukis who supported French commercial interests was murdered. At the same time, the beys of Margariti launched a raid campaign as far as south as Acarnania. The Souliotes who also promoted Venetian goals, either jointly or independently of the Cham beys, launched their own pillaging raids. The local Ottoman authorities gathered 10,000 troops under Aslanzade Hadji Mehmet Pasha who attacked the Cham beys and the armatoloi who engaged in pillaging and destroyed Margariti. Souli itself wasn't attacked in this campaign.^[60]

The second recorded attack against Souli in oral history occurred in 1754 by Mustafa Pasha of Yanina.^[61] This oral story is confirmed in archival sources and has been recorded in a text in the Church of St. Nicholas of Ioannina.^[62] During the transfer of some brigands from Margariti to Yanina the Souliotes attacked the guards and freed them. The text preserved in the Church of St. Nicholas notes that the person who had captured them was a Muslim from Margariti who was collaborating with them as he was the buyer of the stolen goods. This network of brigandage which the Muslim agas and beys of Margariti and the Souliotes had created in the region was the cause of the attack by Mustafa Pasha.^[62]

Other attacks in the same era include that Dost Bey, commander of Delvinë (1759) and Mahmoud Aga, governor of Arta (1762).^[61] During 1721–1772 the Souliotes managed to repulse a total of six military expeditions. As a result, they expanded their territory at the expense of the various Ottoman lords.^[63]

In 1772, Suleyman Tsapari attacked the Souliotes with his army of 9000 men and was defeated. In 1775, Kurt Pasha sent a military expedition to Souli that ultimately failed. During the Russo-Turkish War (1768–74), the inhabitants of Souli, as well as of other communities in Epirus were mobilized for another Greek uprising which became known as Orlov Revolt.^[59] In 1785 it was the time of Bekir pasha to lead another unsuccessful attack against them.^[64] In March 1789, during the Russo-Turkish War (1787–1792) the chieftains of Souli: Georgios and Dimitrios Botsaris, Lambros Tzavellas, Nikolaos and Christos Zervas, Lambros Koutsonikas, Christos Photomaras and Demos Drakos, agreed with Louitzis Sotiris, a Greek representative of the Russian side, that they were ready to fight with 2,200 men against the Muslims of Rumelia. This was the time when Ali Pasha became the local Ottoman lord of Ioannina.^[59]

Perraivos (1815) notes that by the end of the 18th century the central settlement of Souli had increased to 26 clans with a total of 450 families.^[31] The Greek peasants who were farmers in the lands which the Souliots had acquired were distinguished by the name of the village in which they dwelt. Clan, class and territorial labels had significance in addition to religion.^[24]

Resistance against Ali Pasha

 

Ali Pasha of Yannina in a portrait by Spyridon Ventouras.

As soon as Ali Pasha became the local Ottoman ruler, he immediately launched an expedition against Souli. However, the numerical superiority of his troops was not enough and he met a humiliating defeat.^[65] Ali was forced to sign a treaty, and under its terms he had to pay wages to the Souliote leaders. On the other hand, as part of the same agreement he held five children of prominent Souliote families as hostages.^[66] Ali Pasha launched successive spring-summer campaigns in 1789 and 1790. Although some Parasouliote settlements were captured, the defenders of Souli managed to repulse the attacks.^[67] Despite the end of the Russo-Turkish War, Ali Pasha was obsessed to capture this centre of resistance.^[67] Thus, he looked forward to implement indirect and long-term strategies since the numerical superiority of his troops proved inadequate.^[67]

In July 1792 Ali dispatched an army of c. 8,000–10,000 troops against the Souliotes. It initially managed to push the 1,300 Souliote defenders to the inner defiles of Souli and temporarily occupied the main settlement of the region. However, after a successful counterattack, the Ottoman Albanian units were routed with 2,500 of them killed. On the other hand, the Souliotes suffered minimal losses, but Lambros Tzavelas, one of their main leaders, was mortally wounded.^[68] The 1792 attack ended in Souliote victory and in the negotiations, the Botsaris clan managed to be recognized by Ali Pasha as the lawful representative of Souli and George Botsaris as the one who would enforce the terms of peace among the Souliotes.^[69]

During the following seven years Ali Pasha undertook preparations to take revenge for the defeat. Meanwhile, he besieged the French-controlled towns of the Ionian coast. Especially two of them, Preveza and Parga, were vital to Souli for the supply of livestock and ammunition.^[70] Perraivos records that, in his pursuit to gather all incomes of all large estate holders of the area in order to augment his political power, Ali tried to buy from Bekir bey, the sipahi of Souli, the timariot rights in Souli and, facing his obstinate refusal, killed him.^[40]

At the fall of Preveza in late 1798, Ali Pasha managed to secure the neutrality of Souliotes through bribery.^[70] The biggest of the Souliot clans which negotiated and eventually collaborated with Ali Pasha and integrated itself in the local Ottoman hierarchy were the Botsaris clan. Perraivos (1815) is one of the contemporary historians who recorded the collaboration of Botsaris with Ali Pasha since the spring of 1800. Perraivos attributes this shift to the "madness of greed" of George Botsaris (grandfather of Markos Botsaris) whom he calls a "paid traitor". Other historians of the 19th century follow the same assessment. In modern historiography, the explanation of his political stance through "greed" is considered an oversimplification. Like all other Souliot clans, the Botsaris first and foremost worked for the interests of their own clan, and sought to improve the wealth and political position of their clan, hence the stance of George Botsaris and all Souliot leaders is interpreted in this framework. For the Botsaris clan, since 1799 when Ali Pasha took control of the villages of Lakka Souli which were previously under the sphere of influence of the Botsaris clan, integration in the Ottoman system was the only viable political option.^[71] In 1800, George Botsaris received a large sum and the position of the armatolos of Tzoumerka, and the Botsaris clan left Souli and settled in Vourgareli of Arta. This was the first time that a Souliot clan became part of the Ottoman political system. The departure of the Botsaris clan weakened Souli as they were a significant part of its force.^[71]

In June–July 1800 a new campaign was mounted by Ali involving 11,500 troops. When this direct assault failed, Ali resorted to long-term measures to subdue the warrior community. In order to isolate the seven main villages of Souli from the Parasouliote villages as well as Parga and Preveza, Ali ordered the construction of tower fortifications around Souli. For two years the Souliotes were able to survive this encirclement by the smuggling of supplies from Parga and from nearby Paramythia and Margariti. Nevertheless, a lack of food and supplies was taking its toll.^[72] In April 1802 the Souliotes received a supply of food, weapons and ammunition by a French corvette stationed in Parga. This intervention by the French offered Ali the pretext for a new expedition against them with the support of the agas and beys of Epirus and southern Albania.^[73]

Fall of Souli (1803)

Main article: Souliote War (1803)

 

The Souliote women. Romantic painting by Ary Scheffer (1795–1858), depicting the folklore suicide of Souliote women known as the Dance of Zalongo during the Souliote wars (1827, Oil on canvas, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France).

In 1803 the position of the Souliotes became desperate with the artillery and famine depleting their ranks.^[73] On the other hand, the defenders in Souli sent delegations to the Russian Empire, the Septinsular Republic and France for urgent action but without success.^[73][66] As the situation became more desperate in the summer of the same year, Ali's troops began assaults against the seven core villages of Souli. Meanwhile, the British turned to the Ottoman Empire in order to strengthen their forces against Napoleon, and the weapons and ammunition supplies were interrupted. Without support from outside and wearied by years of siege, the unity of the Souliote clans started to split. As such two chieftains, Athanasios Koutsonikas and Pilios Gousis, withdrew from the defense.^[73]

However, the rest in Souli gathered together in Saint George's Orthodox Church and decided either to fight or die. The remaining Souliotes numbered at no more than 2,000 armed men. The main leaders were Fotos Tzavellas, Dimos Drakos, Tousas Zervas, Koutsonikas, Gogkas Daglis, Giannakis Sehos, Fotomaras, Tzavaras, Veikos, Panou, Zigouris Diamadis, and Georgios Bousbos. They won all the decisive battles.^{[citation needed]} Without food and ammunition, they were forced to withdraw to the fortresses of Kiafa and Kougi, where they lost the last battle on December 7, 1803.^[64] Following that, the Souliotes concluded an armistice with Veli Pasha, Ali's son and commander of the expedition. Finding their defense untenable in the long run, they agreed upon a treaty on 12 December which obliged them to abandon their homeland. They were allowed to leave with arms, the necessities of war, foodstuffs and whatever else they wished to take.^[74]

When the last Souliot tribes left, monk Samuel stayed with 5 Souliots in the fortified monastery of Saint Paraskevi in Kugi, in order to surrender war supplies to deputies of Veli, son of Ali, but the gunpowder exploded during the surrender. According to Perraivos, Samuel, enraged at the insult of one of Veli's deputies, set himself ablaze opting for death instead of surrender, while according to the Alipasiad and to a "remembrance" written on a fresco in a church of Seliani, the blow-up was an action of Fotos Tzavelas, in compliance with Ali's orders.^[75] The Ottoman Albanian troops violated this treaty and attacked groups of Souliotes. In one instance a group of Souliote women was attacked when heading to Zalongo and c. 22 of them being trapped decided to turn towards the cliff's edge together with their infants and children rather than surrender. According to tradition (see Dance of Zalongo) they did this one after the other while dancing and singing.^[64] Other Souliotes reached Parga, which was under Russian control at the time. They either settled down there or set off for the Ionian Islands.

Exile (1803–1820)

After the surrender of Souli, Souliote clans chose divergent paths but many were ultimately led to move to the Ionian Islands and in south Greece. Kitsos Botsaris who had succeeded his father as armatolos of Tzoumerka became a target. Botsaris gathered his clan and 1,200 Souliotes who retreated to Agrafa. In January 1804, they were attacked by Ali Pasha's army under Beqir Bey with support from the local armatoloi Zikos Michos, Tzimas Alexis and Poulis. As the Botsaris clan was given the important armatolik of Tzoumerka, other armatoloi had targeted them. The Souliotes were besieged for 3 months on the grounds of the monastery of the Assumption of Mary. In the final battle, on April 7, most Souliotes were killed and of those who survived many were taken hostage. About 80 escaped from this battle. Ali Pasha at the same time published a firman which targeted the Botsaris clan which was hunted down. Kitsos Botsaris and his family with a few others managed to escape to Parga and later settled in the Ionian Islands. He returned to the Pashalik of Yanina in 1813 when Ali Pasha gave him again the armatolik of Tzoumerka but as soon as he returned he was murdered by a Gogos Bakolas.^[76]

 

A Souliote in Corfu by Louis Dupré (1825)

Many Souliotes entered service with the Russians on Corfu, where they became an important component of the "Greek Legion". This was a regiment of irregulars organized by the Russians among mainland refugees; it not only included Souliotes, but also Himariotes, Maniots, and other Greek klephts and armatoloi. The formation of this unit was undertaken by the Greek-born Russian colonel Emmanouil Papadopoulos. Its organization was laid down by Papadopoulos in a leaflet in Greek titled "Explanations on the establishment of a legion of Epiro-Souliotes and Himaro-Peloponnesians in the service of His Imperial Majesty Alexander I ...". He recognized that Souliotes and the others were already naturally trained in irregular tactics and did not have to conform to the Western regular tactics. This unit was eventually named "Legion of Light Riflemen".^[77][78] The Souliotes participated in campaigns in Naples in 1805, Tenedos in 1806, Dalmatia in 1806, and during the defense of Lefkada in 1807.^[79]

With the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807 and the détente between Russia and France, the Russian forces withdrew from the Ionian Islands and the French occupied them. The Souliotes and other components of Russian units entered service with the French in various units, such as the Battaglione dei Cacciatori Macedoni^[80] and the Régiment Albanais (Albanian Regiment), terms which did not have their later ethnic connotation, but were instead stylized terms that described the soldiers' general origins or mode of fighting.^[80][81]
Colonel Minot, the commander of the regiment, appointed as battalion captains mostly the leaders of Souliote clans who enjoyed the respect among the soldiers. Among them were: Tussa Zervas, George Dracos, Giotis Danglis, Panos Succos, Nastullis Panomaras, Kitsos Palaskas, Kitsos Paschos. Fotos Tzavellas, Veicos Zervas.^[82]

During the Anglo-French struggle over the Ionian Islands between 1810 and 1814, the Souliotes in French service faced off against other refugees organized by the British into the Greek Light Infantry Regiment. Since the Souliotes were mostly garrisoned on Corfu, which remained under French control until 1814, very few entered British service.^[79] The British disbanded the remnants of the Souliot Regiment in 1815 and subsequently decommissioned their own two Greek Light Regiments. This left many of the Souliotes and other military refugees without livelihoods. In 1817, a group of veterans of Russian service on the Ionian Islands traveled to Russia to see if they could get patents of commission and employment in the Russian army. While unsuccessful in this endeavor, they joined the Filiki Etaireia ("Company of Friends"), the secret society founded in Odessa in 1814 for the purpose of liberating Greek lands from Ottoman rule. They returned to the Ionian Islands and elsewhere and began to recruit fellow veterans into the Philike Etaireia, including a number of Souliot leaders.^{[79][page needed]}

Participation in the Greek War of Independence

See also: Greek War of Independence

Return to Souli (1820-1822)

 

Flag raised by the leader of the Souliotes, Markos Botsaris, in Souli, October 1820, after the exile in the Ionian islands. The flag depicts St. George and reads in Greek: "Freedom", "Fatherland", "Religion".^[83]

 

Markos Botsaris

In July 1820 the Sultan issued a hatt-ı Şerif against Ali Pasha of Yannina proclaiming him an outlaw and subsequently called Christians and Muslims persecuted by Ali to aid the Sultan's troops promising the return of their properties and villages.^[84][85] As in summer 1820 both the Sultan and Ali sought the military assistance of the Souliots, Ioannis Kapodistrias, the Greek serving as foreign minister of Russia, who had visited his native Corfu in 1819 and was concerned about the predicament of the Souliots, communicated to the Souliot leaders via his two brothers in Corfu his encouragement to take advantage of this opportunity in order to return to their homeland.^[86] The Souliots of Corfu promtply submitted a request to Ismail Pasha, the leader of the Sultan's army, and joined his force along with Markos Botsaris and other Souliots dispersed through Epirus.^[84] As Ismail Pasha, also known as Pashobey, temporized, fearful of the Souliots's return to their stronghold, they decided, four months later, in November 1820, to change camps and began secret negotiations with their old enemy, Ali.^{[84][87][88][89]} In part thanks to Ali's appeal to their shared Albanian origin, but mainly after he offered to allow them to return to their land, the Souliots agreed in December to support him to lift the Sultan's siege of Yannina in return for their resettlement in Souli.^[90][91] Οn December 12, the Souliotes liberated the region of Souli, both from Muslim Lab Albanians, who were previously installed by Ali Pasha as settlers, and Muslim Cham Albanians, allies of Pashobey. They also captured the Kiafa fort.^[92]

The uprising of the Souliotes, among the first to revolt against the Sultan, like the rest of the other Greek exiles in the Ionian islands, inspired the revolutionary spirit among the other Greek communities. Soon they were joined by additional Greek communities (armatoles and klephts).^[93][94] Later, in January 1821, even the Muslim Albanians faithful to Ali Pasha signed an alliance with them and 3,000 Christian soldiers were fighting against the Sultan in Epirus.^[95][96] The Souliot struggle had initially a local character,^[97] but an understanding of the Souliotes and Muslim Albanians with Ali Pasha was in accordance with the plans of Alexandros Ypsilantis, leader of the Philike Etaireia, for the preparation for the Greek revolution.^[98] The Greek revolutionaries wished to lengthen Ali's siege in order to withhold the Sultan's army in Epirus, but the Souliots considered lifting the siege as a precondition for securing their control of Souli and under the military leadership of Markos Botsaris tried to control the road leading from Arta to Ioannina to interrupt the supplies for the Sultan's army.^[99] Christophoros Perraivos, sent by Ypsilantis to Epirus and aiming to connect Ali's and the Souliots's struggle with the objectives of the Greek revolution, proposed to attack the seaside forts of Preveza and Parga, but Markos Botsaris and the Muslim Albanians rejected his plans, operated eastwards of Souli and after occupying a number of positions they managed to interrupt the sending of supplies from Arta^[100][101] and control most of Epirus,^[94] greatly advancing the objectives of the Filiki Eteria.^[102]

In continuation of their cooperation during the summer, the Souliots, Muslim Albanian beys and the Greek armatoles of Acarnania signed in September a tripartite alliance to aid Ali and each other even against Ali, should he become powerful enough to turn against one of them.^[103][104] In October an envoy acting on the instructions of Alexandros Mavrokordatos, the Phanariot Greek who had been in Messolonghi from July, sought and managed to persuade all three parties to recognize the central administration of the Greek revolutionaries taking shape in Messologhi in return for help against Arta.^[105] In November they sent representatives to the assembly that established a constitutional charter for Western Continental Greece and they made a common attack on the city of Arta, which they captured and plundered, provoking the counterattack of Hurshid Pasha, the Sultan's new commander in chief in Yannina.^[106][107] Upon information of massacres of local Muslims in the Peloponnese after the beginning of the Greek revolts and after witnessing anti-Muslim actions in Messolonghi the Muslim Albanian agas perceived the religious character and divergent aims of the Greek Revolution and apprised of Ali's slim chances of success, they abandoned the Souliots and Ali and joined the Ottomans, accepting the proposals of the Albanian Omer Vrioni, a delegate of Hurshid Pasha, which the Christian Souliots, confident in their connection with the revolutionaries, rejected.^[94][108] Distanced from their thitherto Albanian allies, the Souliots turned to the government of revolted Greece, to which they had sent a plenipotentiary,^[109] Fotos Bomporis, a man born in Preveza from a family originating from Himara,^[110][111] to represent them in the First National Assembly at Epidaurus, the first legislative body of the provisional Greek Government that convened in December 1821 and January 1822, issuing the declaration of independence of the Greek nation.^[112][113] Trying to bind the Souliots in the Revolution, Mavrokordatos, now elected president of the Executive, appointed Notis Botsaris Minister of War, a position he declined, opting to carry on as chieftain in endangered Souli, but his nephew Markos stayed in revolted Greece with a view to a joint operation of Souliots and the revolutionaries against Hurshid.^[114]

After Hurshid captured Ali and had him decapitated in January 1822, he decided to turn his attention to the rebels at Souli and laid siege to it.^[115] In May 1822 the desperate resistance of c. 2,000 defenders of Souli managed to repel a 15,000-strong army, led by Hurshid Pasha, consisting mostly of Albanians, the agas of Chameria along with Ghegs, Labs and Tosks, who secretly aided the Souliots.^[116] To secure western Central Greece, his political base, from the Sultan's forces, Mavrocordatos approved the proposal of Markos Botsaris and the Souliots for a military campaign against Arta as a diversion to help Souli and personally assumed its leadership, but the Greek forces met with crushing defeat in the battle of Peta in July.^[117][118] With annual revenue from the tithes of Karleli and Vonitsa, that Botsaris had rented, insufficient to procure food and ammunition and without external assistance, the Souliots, famishing isolated in their mountains, were forced to seek British mediation, signed the surrender of Souli to the Sultan's forces in July and abandoned their lands for a second and final time in September, armed and carrying their movable property, heading to the Ionian islands.^[119]

In the revolutionary armies

Markos Botsaris opted to remain in Acarnania and developed a friendship with Mavrokordatos, who was similarly tainted with failure and in need of a local footing,^[120] becoming the head of his political faction (later known as the English Party^{[citation needed]}) in western Greece,^[121] and commonly toured the area trying to dissuade the locals from submitting to the marching Ottoman army under Kütahı.^[122] On Mavrokordatos's orders, after the submission of most armed chiefs from Western Roumeli to the Ottomans, Botsaris was promoted to general and successfully assumed command of the defense of Messolonghi during its first siege in late 1822.^[123] Meanwhile, the Souliots, unable to secure a living by offering armed service in the Ionian islands, sought to migrate to the Greek mainland and Botsaris, who wanted to form a military unit loyal to himself in order to assert his position, coordinated their gathering at Messolonghi, not far from their homeland, under the aegis of Mavrokordatos, who needed a mercenary army to gain political and military power in western Greece against the local armatoloi.^[124][125]

 

The death of Markos Botsaris at the Battle of Karpenisi (1823). Painting by Ludovico Lipparini

In early 1823 western Central Greece was beset by infighting among notables, armed chiefs and Mavrokordatos, who sought to promote those loyal to him.^[126] When the Tzavellas clan, who, according to primary sources "couldn't stand the fame of Markos Botsaris", moved to western Greece from the Ionian Islands, they tried to group with his adversaries. As they were poor and with no salary, they were eventually contracted by Mavrokordatos, who ordered them, in manner similar to the practices of the Ottomans and other Greek armed groups, to wage war against and plunder the provice of Agrafa which was under the control of Georgios Karaiskakis.^[125] After they plundered Agrafa, the Tzavellas clan joined Karaiskakis and abandoned Mavrokordatos as he had designated Markos Botsaris "General of Western Greece". The two clans had a very deep hostility to each other that throughout the war they supported opposed factions and refused to fight under the same command.^[127] In an effort to release the tension and daily infighting between leaders of armed bands, all of them, including newly arrived from the Ionians Zygouris Tzavellas, were elevated to the generalship, leading Markos to tear apart the certificate of his rank in protest.^[128] In August the Roumeliot and Souliot forces of 1,200 men met with the 5,000-strong vanguard of the Ottoman army of Mustafa Pasha of Skodra in Karpenisi and Botsaris, leading 350 Souliots, attempted a nightly surprise attack into the camp of the Muslim Albanians, who bore identical arms and spoke the same language, but, operating alone and, contrary to plan, left to fight unsupported by other armed chiefs, except for the Souliot Kitsos Tzavellas, was killed with a bullet in his head.^[129] Botsaris's death immediately provoked universal praise in Greece for his military skill and his prudence, he was acclaimed as "worthy of illustrious Greek forefathers", his feat was popularized by philhellenic committees across Europe and he became a legendary figure, enlisted among Greek national heroes.^[130]

In December 1823, the philhellene Lord Byron arrived at Messolonghi and, having heard of Markos's and the Souliots's bravery, formed an armed band of 500 Souliots,^[131] who were attracted by the money Byron, the administrator of the loans the Greeks had recently contracted with City bankers, was reputed to carry.^[132] Bands of Souliot chieftains did not only comprise Souliots, as, to increase their clout, they had allowed their bands to include fighters from Roumeli, who were after higher wages, but, charged by the government, Byron favoured enlisting true Souliots.^[133] In contrast with fighters in the bands of Roumeliot armed chiefs, for whom the various provinces of Roumeli undertook their subsistence, the livelihood of the Souliots as well as that of their families in the Ionian islands, depended solely on the wages they received for their armed services from the revolutionary administration, as was generally the case with fighters from northern Greece, thus steering the Souliots towards a constant, unaccommodable demand for their salaries.^[134] The concentration of many Souliot families in Mesologgi was a source of deep concern for the locals. The armed clashes between them were frequent as Souliotes engaged in robberies and even took possession of parts of the houses of locals for their own families,^[135] while claiming Greekness as a privilege enjoyed exclusively by themselves and berating other Christians in the city as rayah.^[136] The locals refused to supply the Souliotes with food, housing and other necessary materials because of the bad relations between them and the ties they had to local forces.^[135] Enraged at the troubles they provoked, Byron threatened to leave the city, if the Souliots stayed there, payed them part of the salaries due, accepting a request of the notables, and disbanded them, hiring fighters from various regions in their stead.^[137] The Souliots moved to Anatoliko and, after Byron's death, days later, in April 1824, they were enlisted by other captains, leaving western Central Greece.^[138]

During this period, the Souliots integrated in a new reality, defined by their incorporation in the national, political and military goals of the Greek Revolution and their Hellenization, while maintaining their organization in autonomous, competing clans, remnants of the old clans.^[139] Despite their inability to unify under the same command, due to the clan antagonism that determined their accession to opposing armed bands or political factions, the Souliots remained experienced and formidable warriors to be employed by the Greek Administration on a high pay scale.^[140] They took part in all the battles fought against Ibrahim pasha and were sent into besieged Messolonghi.^[141] After the failure of the Greek navy to break the siege and bring supplies, the city's defenders, increasingly unified by the experience of a protracted siege, rejected the shameful terms offered by their hatred enemy, the Ottomans, who, unconscious of the revolutionary character of the war, asked them to surrender their arms, their only means of subsistence, and many Souliots died during the sortie in April 1826.^[142] Many Souliots, including distinguished officers of important clans, were also killed in the battle of Analatos in 1827.^[143] Addressing the Third National Council of the provisional Greek government in 1827 Kitsos Tzavelas stressed the sacrifice of the Souliotes for a common fatherland.^[144] The gradual integration of the Souliots in the Greek national cause was noticed by and perhaps amused their contemporaries, such as the embittered Ahmet Nepravistha, the dervenaga of Kravara, who in a letter replying to Kitsos Tzavellas's request to surrender, took note of their mutation and, pointing out their shared Albanian origin, sarcastically called into question Tzavellas's Greekness.^{[145][146][147][148]} After defeating him next month, in October 1828, Tzavellas had Ahmet's and his men's foreheads stigmatized with the Phoenix,^[149] the emblem of the First Hellenic Republic.

Settlement in Greece and legacy

 

Kostas Botsaris, brother of Markos Botsaris, lived on to serve in the Greek army like many exiled Souliotes.^[150]

Souliote groups had already moved during the war to areas which would form part of the Greek Kingdom. After the Greek War of Independence, the Souliotes could not return to their homeland as it remained outside the borders of the newly formed Greek state. Different groups of refugees who settled in Greece after the war despite their common status as refugees had their own peculiarities, interests and customs. The Souliotes, alongside people from the area of Arta and the rest of Epirus, in many cases insisted on being represented as a separate group in their affairs with the Greek state and maintain their own representatives. In other cases are grouped together with the other Epirote refugees as "Epirosouliotes" or just "Epirotes".^[151] The Souliots were considered to have "a sense of superiority" and were seen by some as being arrogant because they considered themselves to be superior in military affairs in their participation in the war. This feeling of superiority of Souliotes was not only directed towards other groups of refugees but also towards the central authorities. In such conditions, it was difficult for the Souliotes to follow the central government and they were constantly a source of "reaction and mutinies". A local relation from Agrinio (1836) to the central government reports that as the Souliotes were jobless and without land they had resorted to looting and robbing the local population.^[152]

Since at least 1823 when many of them moved from the Ionian islands to western Greece, the Souliotes had been aiming to settle in Mesologgi, Agrinio, Nafpaktos. In the area of Agrinio (then Vrachori), the Souliotes asked from the government of Petrobey Mavromichalis to be given land in Zapadi. The locals were against this decision and the situation deteriorated to the point of threat of civil war. Thus the ultimate decision by the government was postponed and later abandoned as the position was considered vulnerable to Ottoman attacks from the frontier.^[153] In other areas of Agrinio, the Souliotes settled simply by occupying without a legal permit public land and even landed property whose owners weren't there. This move angered the locals, who considered these lands to belong to them. The land distribution affair fueled for many years the dispute between those dubbed as the "autochthonous" (natives) Agriniotes and the "heterochthonous" (foreigners) Souliotes.^[154]

At the Third National Assembly at Troezen, the Souliotes requested to be given land in the Peloponnese near Epidaurus but this proposal remained postponed as well.^[155] On July 24, 1829, the Souliotes submitted a new report which asked from the government of Ioannis Kapodistrias 1)to find land of their settlement 2)to pay them back wages for the participation in the war 3)to enact measures for widows and orphans. These proposals were met with support by Kapodistrias ^[156] Since March 1829, many Souliotes had fought for the capture of Nafpaktos and their contribution was major in this victory. The Souliotes who fought in this battle believed that the best landed property and housing of Nafpaktos belonged to them since they capture the area so they occupied and took them as their own. There were some negative reactions to their activity from locals, but only to a small degree possibly because the population of the town had dwindled during the war and it had to be repopulated. In Nafpaktos, the locals were rather friendly towards them and supported their request to build their own settlement nearby; as such, according to Kostavasilis (2002) per Raikos (1957) "Nafpaktos became their second homeland".^[157]

Despite the settlement of groups of Souliotes via the occupation of landed property, a permanent solution to their resettlement didn't exist in 1829 and even during the early years of the reign of Othon I. Friedrich Thiersch, a contemporary of Kapodistrias, writes that he was concerned with resettling Souliotes, Cretans and Thessalians from the area of Mt. Olympus in the same area as members of their own community as he thought that their settlements would become dangerous areas. Such a consideration might be plausible, but modern historiography considers that the issue remained unsolved for a long time due to systemic factors and not because of the individual predisposition of Kapodistrias.^[158] At the Fifth National Assembly at Nafplion (late 1831- early 1832) the Souliotes were represented by Kitsos Tzavelas and Ioannis Bairaktaris. After many debates and requests by Souliotes to be given land, the delegates of the assembly agreed to give land only to Souliotes who fought in the war and to allow them to build their settlements in limited properties in Nafpaktos and Agrinio.^[159] In April/May 1834, the new government of Othon as a measure which sought to placate the Souliotes and the locals of the areas which would see Souliot settlement prepared a legal act which was never officially published. The government accepted the Souliot requests for the implementation of the decisions of 1831-32 "to the extent that no unknown obstacles exist". This formulation allowed for local interest groups in these areas to postpone the creation of the settlements which eventually were halted. As a reaction against the new decision, on September 26, 1834, the Souliotes from all three areas (Nafpaktos, Agrinio, Mesologgi) signed a petition and elected Kostas Botsaris as a representative to take all necessary measures for their requests to be accepted. This new initiative had no success and reports of Souliotes from this era attest to their claims of great poverty of Souliot families. A Souliot petition to Othon reports that they were forced to" sell their weapons, furniture and even their clothes to get food". The Souliotes informed Othon that "the only science they know is that of weapons" which they offered to him. The petition ends with the statement that if no solution is found for their settlements, they will be "forced to leave their desired [...] Greece, in which they fervently fought, and go to a foreign land in search for means to survive".^[160]

In Nafpaktos, where the population had dwindled during the war, Souliot resettlement moved ahead. Extensive landed properties had been given to Souliotes outside the boundaries of the castle and most of them engaged in agriculture. The locals and the Souliotes had good relations and the municipal authorities petitioned the government to speed up the procedure for the building of the new settlement.^[161] In Agrinio, local reactions against the Souliotes caused many delays. The part of the local population which reacted against them accused them that they didn't plan to settle there peacefully but that they would engage in robberies and pillaging against them. In 1836, Souliotes were among the groups who took part in the anti-Bavarian movements in Greece and this caused further distrust towards them from the central authorities. In time, the dispute between Souliotes and locals led to the partial construction of the settlement.^[162]

In 1854, during the Crimean War, a number of Greek military officers of Souliote descent, under Kitsos Tzavelas, participated in a failed revolt in Epirus, demanding union with Greece.^[163] Until 1909, the Ottomans kept a military base on the fortress of Kiafa. Finally in 1913, during the Balkan Wars, the Ottomans lost Epirus and the southern part of the region became part of the Greek state.

Members of the Souliote diaspora that lived in Greece played a major role in 19th- and 20th-century politics and military affairs, like Dimitrios Botsaris, the son of Markos Botsaris,^[164] and the World War II resistance leader Napoleon Zervas.^[165]

Identity and ethnicity

In Ottoman-ruled Epirus, national identity did not play a role to the social classification of the local society; religion was the key factor of classification of the local communities. The Orthodox congregation was included in a specific ethno-religious community under Graeco-Byzantine domination called Rum millet. Its name was derived from the Byzantine (Roman) subjects of the Ottoman Empire, but all Orthodox Christians were considered part of the same millet in spite of their differences in ethnicity and language. According to this, the Muslim communities in Epirus were classified as Turks, while the Orthodox (Rum), were classified as Greeks.^{[166][167][168]} Moreover, national consciousness and affiliations were absent in Ottoman Epirus during this era.^[166] The Souliots's Christian faith became in due time a key element differentiating them from nearby Chams and leading them to connect with and rally around the neighbouring Greek population.^[169]

Self-identification

In the eighteenth century common traits in their appearance, such as displaying shaved forehead and temples, their social structure, common mores, and activities such as brigandage and war reinforced the sense of belonging in the same place-based community and gradually caused clan identities to transform into the consciousness of a particular moral and cultural community related to its abode, while distinguishing the Souliots from the surrounding Greek-speaking and Albanian-speaking populations.^[170] At the beginning of the Greek War of Independence the Christian Albanian Souliotes were still unfamiliar with ideas of nationalism and they did not see themselves as leading "Greek armies", even declaring in a letter to the Russian Tsar that they do not have anything in common with the other Greeks, feeling closer to fellow Albanian Muslims instead.^[171] During the Greek War of Independence the Souliotes identified entirely with the Greek national cause^[172]

Descriptions in contemporary and 19th-century accounts

Greek authors

The Souliotes had a strong local identity. Athanasios Psalidas (1767–1829), Greek scholar and secretary to Ali Pasha in early 19th century stated that the Souliotes were Greeks fighting the Albanians^[8] and distinguishes Souliotes from "Arvanites".^[173] He also stated that they are part of the Cham population and their correspondent region, known as Chameria, was inhabited by both Albanians and Greeks with the later being more numerous, while the villages of Souli were inhabited by "Greek warriors".^[174] Adamantios Korais, major figure of the modern Greek Enlightenment states in 1803 that the Souliotes are the "pride of the Greeks".^[144]

Western authors

Amongst Western European travelers and authors traveling in the region during the nineteenth century, they described the Souliotes in different terms, while most of them were based on claims they have heard or read rather than on research-based evidence,^[175] dependent on their guides, without any knowledge of Greek and Albanian and having probably misunderstood the cultural and political reality of the region:^[176]

 

View of Albanian Palikars in Pursuit of an Enemy by Charles Robert Cockerell, published in a book by Thomas Smart Hughes (1820).^[177]

In 1813 Hobhouse stated the Souliotes "are all Greek Christians and speak Greek" and resembled more "the Albanian warrior than the Greek merchant".^[178] French historian Claude Fauriel described the Souliotes in 1814 as "a mixture of Greeks and Albanian Christians" who were originally refugees that settled in the Souli mountains.^[179] In the nineteenth century, the ethnic and geographical terms Albanian and Albania were used often to incorporate the people of the area and southern Epirus, now part of Greece.^[179]

British traveller Henry Holland wrote in 1815 that they were of "Albanian origin" and "belonging to the division of that people called the Tzamides" (Chams).^[179] R. A. Davenport stated in 1837 that were some people who believed that the "nucleus of the Suliote population consisted of Albanians" who had sought refuge in the mountains after the death of Skanderbeg, while other people claimed shepherds settled Souli from Gardhiki which in both cases was to escape Ottoman rule.^[175] In 1851 British traveler Edward Lear wrote the "mountains of Suli" were "occupied by Albanians" in the early medieval period and stayed Christian after the surrounding area converted to Islam.^[175] Traveler Henry Baerlin referred to the Souliotes as shouting their defiance in Albanian to "threatening Greek letters sent by Ali Pasha" during their wars.^[179][180] Traveler Brian de Jongh stated that the Souliots were of Albanian descent and "refugees from Albania [...] a branch of the Tosks", that kept "their Albanian mother tongue and Christian faith.^[175] A NY Times^{[importance?]} article from 1880 calls the Souliotes a "branch of the Albanian people" and referred to Souliote women like Moscho Tzavella as exemplary of "the extraordinary courage of the Albanian women... in the history of the country.^[179]

Identification by historiography

 

Souliotes in traditional costume. Sketch by Eugène Delacroix 1824 – 1825; Louvre Museum, France.

During the early nineteenth century exile in Corfu, the Souliote population was usually registered in official Corfiot documents as Albanesi or Suliotti,^[178] as Arvanites in onomastic catalogs for foreigners and as Alvanites (Αλβανήτες) in a divorce document by the wife of Markos Botsaris.^[181] According to Greek Corfiot historian Spyros Katsaros, he states that the Corfiot Orthodox Greek speaking population during the period of 1804–14 viewed the Souliotes as "Albanian refugees ... needing to be taught Greek".^[182] While K.D. Karamoutsos, a Corfiot historian of Souliote origin disputes this stating that the Souliotes were a mixed Graeco-Albanian population or ellinoarvanites.^[183] The Hellenic Navy Academy says that the Souliotic war banner used by Tousias Botsaris and Kitsos Tzavellas before and during the Greek War of Independence bore the inscription "descendants of Pyrrhus", the ancient Greek ruler of Epirus.^[184] Greek historian Vasso Psimouli states that the Souliotes were of Albanian origin, having first settled in Epirus in the 14th century and speaking Albanian at home despite not being isolated from their Greek neighbours.^[183]

Scottish historian George Finlay called them a branch of Chams, which American ethnologist Laurie Kain Hart interpreted as them having initially spoken Albanian.^[185] British academic Miranda Vickers calls them "Christian Albanians".^[186] The Canadian professor of Greek studies Andre Gerolymatos has described them as "branch of the southern Albanian Tosks" and "Christian Albanians of Suli".^[187] Classicist David Brewer^[188] has described them as a tribe of Albanian origin that like other Albanian tribes lived by plunder and extortion on their neighbours.^[189] American professor Nicholas Pappas stated that in modern times the Souliotes have been looked upon as Orthodox Christian Albanians who identified themselves with the Greeks.^[190] According to Pappas the overwhelming majority of the Souliotic cycle of folksongs is in Greek, which is interpreted by him as a testimony to the Greek orientation of the Souliotes.^[191] Arthur Foss says that the Souliotes were an Albanian tribe, that like other Albanian tribes, were great dandies.^[36] British historian Christopher Woodhouse describes them as an independent Greek community in the late 18th century during the resistance against Ali Pasha.^[192] Richard Clogg describes them as a warlike Albanian Christian community.^[193] Koliopoulos and Veremis have described the Souliotes as being "partly hellenized Albanian".^[194] According to Koliopoulos and Veremis, when the Albanian-speaking Souliots and other non-Greek speakers had fought in the Greek revolution, no-one thought that they were less Greek than the Greek-speakers.^[195] Trencsényi and Kopecek have inferred that they were Orthodox by faith and Albanian by origin.^[196] Fleming considers the Souliotes an Orthodox Albanian people, but also Greek-speaking.^[197] She also states that the Souliote people, who practiced a form of Orthodox Christianity and spoke Greek, were seen not as Greeks but as Albanians.^[198] Peter Bartl says that the Souliotes were an Albanian tribal community of Greek Orthodox religion.^[199] Yanni Kotsonis states that the Souliots appear a puzzling case only when contemporary notions of national belonging are projected to them and that their identity was complex, as they were "Albanians, Romioi and Christians and later Greeks as well", adopting Greekness since the Greek Revolution prevailed and endured.^[200]

Thus, for Greek authors the issue of ethnicity and origins regarding the Souliotes is contested and various views exist regarding whether they were Albanian, Albanian-speaking Greeks, or a combination of Hellenised Christian Albanians and Greeks who had settled in northern Greece. The issue of the origin and ethnicity of the Souliots is very much a live and controversial issue in Greece today. Foreign writers have been equally divided.^[183]

The Souliotes were called Arvanites by Greek monolinguals,^[201][181] which amongst the Greek-speaking population until the interwar period, the term Arvanitis (plural: Arvanites) was used to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of their religious affiliations.^[202] According to Nikolopoulou, due to their identification with Greece, they were seen as Greeks by their Muslim Albanian adversaries as well.^[8] Ali Pasha, on the other hand, established an alliance with the Souliotes in 1820 by appealing to the shared ethnic Albanian origin of the Souliotes and his Muslim Albanian forces.^[90] Religiously, the Souliotes were always members of the Christian flock of the bishopric of Paramythia^[203] and belonged to the Church of Constantinople, part of the larger Greek Orthodox Church. Latter Greek official policy from the middle of the nineteenth century until the middle twentieth century, adopted a similar view: that speech was not a decisive factor for the establishment of a Greek national identity.^[204] As such, the dominant ideology in Greece considered as Greek leading figures of the Greek state and obscured the links of some Orthodox people such as Souliotes had to Albanian.^[204] 19th and 20th-century traditional historiography dealing with Souli and the Souliots selectively focused on their late eigteenth century conflicts with Ottoman officials, ignoring the past of the Souliot society, providing a distorted image of the relation of Souliots with their surroundings and presenting their military skills as a racial characteristic.^[205] Greek historian Constantine Paparrigopoulos (1815–1891) stated that the Souliotes were "a mixture of Greeks and Hellenized Albanians" while "the Albanian tribe fortified the most noble the combatitive spirit of the Greek, and the Greek inspired in the Albanian the most noble sentiments of love of one's country, love of learning and the rule of law".^[206]

Souliotes in literature and art

The image of Souliotes in art and literature is capacious. They were at times depicted as remote from European culture, exotic and simple mountaineers as proposed in orientalized prototypes by Lord Byron and later by various British poets who remained under the influence of the former. In the works of the philhellenes, Souliotes and their place were often presented according to the most common 19th-century literary cliché: romanticized and sentimentalized.^[207] The scope of the works about the Souliotes was focused on the Greek Revolution, but was not limited to it. As such the philhellenic discourse conceived in this way includes any kind of cultural activity: literature belle-lettres and writings of any kind, visual arts, design (decorations and household articles), music, theater, spectacles and organized events.^[208]

The romantic image of the wild, exotic Souliotes that Byron proposed in the second canto of his narrative poem Childe Harold's Pilgrimage (1812) influenced especially the Western image of Souli, while the Greek tradition was to some extent resistant to Byronic trends. Byronism also created a separate thread in the English tradition of imaging Souli, while another one was the outbreak of the Greek Revolution.^[209] As a result of Byron's poetic refashioning of Albania as a "wild" landscape in Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, travelogues from the early 19th century record a series of representations of the Souliots, already known as invincible warriors. One of the most impressive of these images was a watercolour, a creation of British architect Charles Robert Cockerell, which was incorporated in 1820 in a book by Thomas Smart Hughes. This depiction of armed mountaineers in a fierce landscape, supposedly encapsulating their warrior qualities, was massively reproduced in the 19th century, symbolizing Romanticism's Orientalist take of the heroic yet savage Other.^[4]

Rigas Feraios in his patriotic poem, Thourios (1797), mentioned the gallantry of the Souliotes and the Maniotes when he called on the Greeks to take up arms against the Ottomans.^[210]

In 1818 at the Greek quarter of Odessa a ballet performance was organized under the name "The Soulios at Jannina".^[211]

Theater plays and poems were produced during and soon after the Greek Revolution of 1821 for the Souliotes in general, and for certain heroes or events, such as Markos Botsaris or the Dance of Zalongo.

The Souliotic cycle of folksongs comprises traditional songs in Greek and Albanian.^[212] At 1824 the first collection of folk material from Souli was published by Claude Charles Fauriel as part of his first collective work about Greek folk songs. In this work Fauriel presents various songs from the region together with descriptions about the correspondent historic events.^[213] In 1852 Spyridon Zambelios published the collection Folk Songs of Greece. The Greek folk songs are mostly compiled from the Ionian Islands, and many of them are about Souli and the struggles of the Souliotes against the Ottoman Turks.^[214] In 1878 Thimi Mitko published a collection of Albanian folk material in his Alvanikē melissa — Bleta Shqiptare (Greek: Αλβανική Μέλισσα - The Albanian Bee), which included lyric poems of heroic songs in southern Albanian dialect, including of the heroes of Souli;^[215] the Song of Marko Boçari being among them.^[216]

The Souliotes became the main topic in the works of several Greek poets: Andreas Kalvos, Iakovos Polylas, Christos Christovasilis, Aristotelis Valaoritis.^[217]

Legacy

At the revolt of 1866–1869 in Crete and the holocaust of Arkadi the Greek military leader Panos Koronaios stated the determination of the Cretan rebels by saying that "Souli lives again in the Arkadi".^[218]

During the Axis occupation of Greece (1941-1944) female resistance leader, Lela Karagianni, named her organization "women of Zalongo" and her members "present-day Souliotisses". Also, imprisoned female resistance fighters before their execution by Axis troops used to sing the Song of Zalonggo.^[219]

See also

 

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Souliotes.

• Dance of Zalongo
• Epirus Revolt of 1854
• Mandritsa
• Souliotic songs

References

1. Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου (1997). "Η Ήπειρος στον Αγώνα της Ανεξαρτησίας". In Μιχαήλ Σακελλαρίου (ed.). Ηπειρος : 4000 χρόνια ελληνικής ιστορίας και πολιτισμού. Athens: Εκδοτική Αθηνών. p. 277. Στήν εἰκόνα πολεμιστές Σουλιῶτες σέ χαλκογραφία τῶν μέσων τοῦ 19ου αἰ.
2. "drawing _ British Museum". Retrieved 2022-11-03. Description: Albanian Palikars in pursuit of an enemy
3. "Σουλιώτες πολεμιστές καταδιώκουν τον εχθρό. - Hughes, Thomas Smart - Mε Tο Bλεμμα Των Περιγηηγητων - Τόποι - Μνημεία - Άνθρωποι - Νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη - Ανατολική Μεσόγειος - Ελλάδα - Μικρά Ασία - Νότιος Ιταλία, 15ος - 20ός αιώνας". Retrieved 2022-11-03. Πρωτότυπος τίτλος: View of Albanian palikars in pursuit of an enemy
4. Murawska-Muthesius 2021, pp. 77–79.
5. Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 201
6. Ψιμούλη 1995, pp. 169, 264
7. • NGL Hammond: Epirus: the Geography, the Ancient Remains, the History and Topography of Epirus and Adjacent Areas. Clarendon P., 1967, p. 24: "...they all fought equally well and none better than the Albanian-speaking Suliotes in Greek Epirus of whom Byron sang."
8. Nikolopoulou, 2013, p. 299, "Still, regardless of ethnic roots, the Souliot identification with Greece earned them the title of "Greeks" by their Ottoman and Muslim Albanian enemies alike... identifies them as Greeks fighting the Albanians"
9. • Balázs Trencsényi, Michal Kopecek: Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): The Formation of National Movements. Central European University Press, 2006, ISBN 963-7326-60-X, S. 173. “The Souliotes were Albanian by origin and Orthodox by faith”.
   • Eric Hobsbawm: Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality. 2. Edition. Cambridge University Press, 1992, ISBN 0-521-43961-2, S. 65 “Swiss nationalism is, as we know, pluri-ethnic. For that matter, if we were to suppose that the Greek mountaineers who rose against the Turks in Byron's day were nationalists, which is admittedly improbable, we cannot fail to note that some of their most formidable fighters were not Hellenes but Albanians (the Souliotes).”
   • Richard Clogg: Minorities in Greece: Aspects of a Plural Society. Hurst, Oxford 2002, S. 178. [Footnote] “The Souliotes were a warlike Albanian Christian community, which resisted Ali Pasha in Epirus in the years immediately preceding the outbreak the Greek War of Independence in 1821.”
   • Miranda Vickers: The Albanians: A Modern History. I.B. Tauris, 1999, ISBN 1-86064-541-0, S. 20. “The Suliots, then numbering around 12,000, were Christian Albanians inhabiting a small independent community somewhat akin to that of the Catholic Mirdite tribe to the north”.
   • Nicholas Pappas: Greeks in Russian Military Service in the Late 18th and Early 19th Centuries. Institute for Balkan Studies. Monograph Series, No. 219, Thessaloniki 1991, ISSN 0073-862X.^{[page needed][need quotation to verify]}
   • Fleming K. (2014), p.59
   • André Gerolymatos: The Balkan Wars: Conquest, Revolution, and Retribution from the Ottoman Era to the Twentieth Century and Beyond. Basic Books, 2002, ISBN 0-465-02732-6, S. 141. “The Suliot dance of death is an integral image of the Greek revolution and it has been seared into the consciousness of Greek schoolchildren for generations. Many youngsters pay homage to the memory of these Orthodox Albanians each year by recreating the event in their elementary school pageants.”
   • Henry Clifford Darby: Greece. Great Britain Naval Intelligence Division. University Press, 1944. “… who belong to the Cham branch of south Albanian Tosks (see volume I, pp. 363–5). In the mid-eighteenth century these people (the Souliotes) were a semi-autonomous community …”
   • Arthur Foss (1978). Epirus. Faber. pp. 160–161. “The Souliots were a tribe or clan of Christian Albanians who settled among these spectacular but inhospitable mountains during the fourteenth or fifteenth century…. The Souliots, like other Albanians, were great dandies. They wore red skull caps, fleecy capotes thrown carelessly over their shoulders, embroidered jackets, scarlet buskins, slippers with pointed toes and white kilts.”
   • Nina Athanassoglou-Kallmyer (1983), "Of Suliots, Arnauts, Albanians and Eugène Delacroix". The Burlington Magazine. p. 487. “The Albanians were a mountain population from the region of Epirus, in the north-west part of the Ottoman Empire. They were predominantly Muslim. The Suliots were a Christian Albanian tribe, which in the eighteenth century settled in a mountainous area close to the town of Jannina. They struggled to remain independent and fiercely resisted Ali Pasha, the tyrannic ruler of Epirus. They were defeated in 1822 and, banished from their homeland, took refuge in the Ionian Islands. It was there that Lord Byron recruited a number of them to form his private guard, prior to his arrival in Missolonghi in 1824. Arnauts was the name given by the Turks to the Albanians”.
10. Camaj, Martin, & Leonard Fox (1984). Albanian grammar: with exercises, chrestomathy and glossaries. Otto Harrassowitz – Verlag. p. 20. "Patronymics in –ot are also included in this category: indef. sg. suljot ‘native of Suli’ – indef. pl. suljótë."
11. Pappas 1982, p. 24: "Souli gave its name to the confederation, a name whose origins are also unclear."
12. Augustinos 1994, p. 320: "Pouqueville, insisting on tracing everything back to antiquity, identified Souli with the ancient Selleis and the Souliots as the descendants of its inhabitants"
13. Psimuli 2016, pp. 134–139
14. Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 141–2.
15. Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 142–147. Psimouli writes that S(h)ul-i (=«beam, stake») was perhaps used as a moniker for a tall person, an equivalent of the Greek word «ντερέκι».
16. Biris, K. Αρβανίτες, οι Δωριείς του νεότερου Ελληνισμού: H ιστορία των Ελλήνων Αρβανιτών. ["Arvanites, the Dorians of modern Greece: History of the Greek Arvanites"]. Athens, 1960 (3rd ed. 1998: ISBN 960-204-031-9).
17. Pappas 1982, p. 24
18. Pappas 1982, p. 26: "By the end of the eighteenth century, the small commonwealth of Souli reached its zenith in population and fighting forces. According to its leaders' reckoning, by 1800 Souli had a population of 20,000 and a military strength of 2,000."
19. Vranousis, Sfyroeras, 1997, p. 254
20. Pappas 1982, p. 25
21. Pappas 1982, p. 26
22. Vranousis & Sfyroeras 1997, p. 248
23. Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 123–124, 142–3.
24. Hart 1999, p. 202
25. Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 133–4
26. Psimuli 2016, p. 250.
27. Psimuli 2016, p. 251-53.
28. Psimuli 2016, p. 144.
29. Psimuli, pp. 152–53. sfn error: no target: CITEREFPsimuli (help)
30. Psimuli 2016, p. 154.
31. Psimuli 2016, p. 145
32. Psimuli 2016, p. 148.
33. Psimuli 2016, p. 155.
34. Psimuli 2016, p. 399.
35. Psimuli 2016, p. 156.
36. Arthur Foss (1978). Epirus. Faber. pp. 160–161. “The Souliots were a tribe or clan of Christian Albanians who settled among these spectacular but inhospitable mountains during the fourteenth or fifteenth century…. The Souliots, like other Albanians, were great dandies. They wore red skull caps, fleecy capotes thrown carelessly over their shoulders, embroidered jackets, scarlet buskins, slippers with pointed toes and white kilts.”
37. Balta, Oğuz & Yaşar 2011, pp. 349, 352
38. Balta, Oğuz & Yaşar 2011, p. 356
39. Ασδραχάς 1964, pp. 175–177.
40. Ασδραχάς 1964, p. 178.
41. Psimuli 2016, pp. 239–41
42. Psimuli 2016, p. 246.
43. Psimuli 2016, p. 157.
44. Psimuli 2016, p. 158
45. Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 214
46. Psimuli 2016, pp. 180–81
47. Yochalas Titos (editor, 1980) The Greek-Albanian Dictionary of Markos Botsaris. Academy of Greece, Athens 1980, p. 53. (in Greek):
    "Η παρουσία αύτη φαινομένων της ελληνικής συντάξεως εις το αλβανικόν ιδίωμα του Λεξικού είναι δυνατόν να ερμηνευθή κατά δύο τρόπους:
    • α) Ότι η μητρική γλώσσα του Μπότσαρη και των συνεργατών του ήτο η Ελληνική, ...
    • β) Είναι δυνατόν επίσης δυνατόν η επίδρασις της ελληνικής γλώσσης να ήτο τόσον μεγάλη επί της Αλβανικής της ομιλουμένης πιθανώς εις την περιοχήν του Σουλίου ..."
    "This presence of Greek syntactic phenomena in the Albanian of the dictionary can be explained in two ways:
    • a) The mother tongue of Botsaris and his coworkers was the Greek ...
    • b) It is also possible that the influence of the Greek was so heavy on the Albanian possibly spoken in the area of Souli, ..."
48. Robert Elsie (24 December 2012). A Biographical Dictionary of Albanian History. I.B.Tauris. p. 44. ISBN 978-1-78076-431-3.
49. Baltsiotis (2011). The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. The lieutenant of the Greek Army Dimitrios (Takis) Botsaris, after a looting incident during the First Balkan War, pronounces an order that “from this time on every one who will dare to disturb any Christian property will be strictly punished” (see K.D. Sterghiopoulos…, op.cit., pp. 173–174). In pronouncing the order in this manner he left Muslim properties without protection. Botsaris, coming from Souli, was a direct descendant of the Botsaris’ family and was fluent in Albanian. He was appointed as lieutenant in charge of a Volunteers’ company consisting of persons originating from Epirus and fighting mostly in South Western Epirus.
50. Pappas 1982, p. 27.
51. Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 215–6
52. Protopsaltes G. Emmanouel, The diary of captivity of Fotos Tzavellas 1792–1793), in “Mneme Souliou”, edited by the “Athens Society of the Friends of Souli”, 1973, vol. 2, pp. 213–225, in Greek. The text of the diary is in pp. 226–235.
53. Protopsaltes G. Emmanouel, Souli, Souliotes, Bibliotheke Epirotikes Etaireias Athenon (B.H.E.A.), No 53, p. 7, Athens, 1984. In Greek.
54. Pappas 1982, p. 27: "...the extent correspodents of Souli with Muslim and Christian leaders in is written in or translated from Greek. The language of the letters of the Souliotes, as well as the sentiments expressed in them, have led one prominent Greek scholar to assert that the basic ethnic and linguistic Component of Souli was Greek rather than Albanian.~note: Protopsaltes, "Souliotika semeiomata" pp 287–292"
55. Psimuli 2016, p. 392.
56. Raça 2012, p. 202. "Për më tepër, shumë nga suljotët sot vazhdojnë të përkujtojnë rrënjët e forta në viset shkëmbore të Sulit dhe nëpërmjet toponimisë nuk e kontestojnë origjinën shqiptare të tyre. Në këtë kontekst, siç bën të ditur albanologu grek me prejardhje shqiptare, Petro Furiqi (Πέτρο Φουρίκης), toponimet si: Qafa, Vira ose Bira, Breku i vetetimesë (Bregu i vetëtimës), Gura, Dhembes (Dhëmbës), Kungje, Murga e Fereza, nuk kanë si të shpjegohen ndryshe, përveçse nëpërmjet gjuhës shqipe." [Moreover, for many Souliotes today continue to commemorate the strong roots in the mountainous areas of Souli and through toponymy it does not dispute their Albanian origins. In this context, as knew the Greek albanologist of Albanian descent, Petro Furiqi (Πέτρο Φουρίκης), those toponyms are: Qafa, Vira or Bira, Breku i vetetimesë (Bregu i vetëtimës), Gura, Dhembes (Dhëmbës), Kungje, Murga and Fereza, have no other way of being explained, except through Albanian.]
57. Mammopoulos, Alexandros (1982). "Πόθεν η λέξη Κούγκι κι αλλα" (PDF). Epirotiki Etereia. 9: 3. Retrieved 17 April 2020.
58. Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 147, 148.
59. Vranousis & Sfyroeras 1997, p. 247
60. Psimuli 2016, pp. 359–60.
61. Sfyroeras & Vranousis 1997, p. 47 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFSfyroerasVranousis1997 (help)
62. Psimuli 2016, pp. 360–61
63. Pappas 1982, p. 26: "From 1721 to 1772, the Souliotes repulsed six punitive expeditions launched against them by pasas and be vs. and at the same time expanded their polity at the expense of the latter. By the end of the eighteenth century, the small commonwealth of Souli reached its zenith in population and fighting forces. According to its leaders' reckoning, by 1800 Souli had a population of 20,000 and a military strength of 2,000."
64. Nikolopoulou, 2013, p. 239
65. Vranousis, Sfyroeras, 1997, p. 248:
66. Vranousis, Sfyroeras, 1997, p. 249
67. Pappas 1982, p. 252
68. Pappas 1982, p. 253: "Ali immediately ordered an all out attack on Souli in July 1792 with... The Souliotes accepted negotiations and presented the terms which included: the exchange of hostaged Souliotes for prisoners taken from among Ali's troops, the return of all Parasouliote villages to the Souliote confederation"
69. Psimuli 2016, p. 410.
70. Pappas 1982, p. 254
71. Psimuli 2016, p. 411
72. Pappas 1982, p. 255
73. Pappas 1982, p. 256
74. Pappas 1982, p. 257
75. Ψιμούλη 2006, pp. 430–436.
76. Psimuli 2016, pp. 451–52.
77. Rados N. Konstantinos, Οι Σουλιώται και οι Αρματωλοί εν Επτανήσω (1804–1815). Η Λεγεών των "Ελαφρών Κυνηγετών" – Το "Αλβανικόν Σύνταγμα" – Τα δύο συντάγματα του "ελαφρού ελληνικού πεζικού του δουκός της Υόρκης". Athens, 1916, pp. 47, 48.
78. Legrand Emile, Bibliographie Ionienne ... des ouvrages publies par les Grecs des Sept-Iles. Paris, 1910, vol. 1, pp. 202, 203, article 699.
79. Pappas 1982
80. Banac, Ivo; Ackerman, John G.; Szporluk, Roman; Vucinich, Wayne S. (1981). Nation and ideology: essays in honor of Wayne S. Vucinich. East European Monographs. p. 42. ISBN 9780914710899.
81. Bode, Andreas (1975). «Albaner und Griechen als Kolonisten in Neurussland"», Beitrage zur Kenntnis Sudosteuropas und des Nahen Orients, Munchen, vol. 16 (1975), pp. 29–35, cited in: Les Grecs en Russie/Les colonies militaires, Oct. 1995, by Sophie Dascalopoulos (Prof.) – Vernicos Nicolas (Prof.) 2012-06-14 at the Wayback Machine"We remark that the term "Albanian" is not an ethnic qualification but, as the terms "Zouave" and "Dragon", is used as generic to certain corps of infantry, formations of mercenaries recruited among Christians of Turkey. The Albanian Regiments were used also by the Italians and the French".
82. Boppe Auguste, Le Régiment Albanais (1807–1814), Berger-Levrault & Cie, Paris, 1902. p. 11.
83. Χατζηλύρας, Αλέξανδρος-Μιχαήλ. "H Ελληνική Σημαία. H ιστορία και οι παραλλαγές της κατά την Επανάσταση – Η σημασία και η καθιέρωσή της" (PDF). Hellenic Army General Stuff. Retrieved 17 April 2012.
84. Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 34 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help).
85. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 24.
86. Skiotis 1976, pp. 105–106: "Ali's appeals were, of course, addressed primarily to the Kapitanioi of the Greek contingents in the Ottoman army. In addition , however , to the detachments of armatoloi already in the mainland , there were also numerous klephts and mountain tribesmen such as the Souliotes who had crossed over from the Ionian islands to Epirus at Ottoman invitation There had been over 3,000 of these fighting men in the islands, men who had been forced to flee from Ali's dominions as he had gradually extended his rule over Rumely. While in exile, they had served under the banner of whichever power held the islands, but the British had disbanded their regiments at the end of the Napoleonic wars. Unable any longer to make their living as soldiers , they were a destitute and bitter group which longed for some radical change in their political situation that would enable them to return to their homeland. Kapodistrias, a native Corfiote serving as Russian foreign minister, who knew most of the exiled chieftains from visiting the island in 1819, was extremely concerned about their plight and suspected that the British on the islands and Ali Pasha on the mainland were acting in concert to destroy what we may call the "military" Greeks. When both Ali Pasha and the Ottomans had requested their assistance in the summer of 1820, it was Kapodistrias who had encouraged them to take advantage of this opportunity to regain their ancestral villages. In fact, though certainly no revolutionary himself, he was so emphatic on that point he let it be known to Ypsilantes, who had been chosen the leader of the Hetaireia, that he endorsed the right of the "military" Greeks - "those Greeks who bear arms" to defend themselves against whatever foe attacked them, "as they have done for centuries". But the sanctioning of even limited rebellion by the foreign minister of the world's leading Orthodox power -made known to the chieftains by his two brothers in Corfu - could not but have serious repercussions in the months ahead. On several occasions in the past, these heroic mountain warriors had formed the shock-troops of peasant rebellion and consequently they had a powerful hold over the minds of the vast majority of the Greek people. It was not realistic to assume that the people would remained uninvolved while the military Greeks did battle with the Ottomans."
87. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 24-26.
88. Tzakis 2021, p. 209
89. Τρικούπης, Σπυρίδων (1853). Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως. Vol. 1. London: Taylor and Francis. p. 198. ὁ ἀρχιστράτηγος τῆς Πύλης Ἰσμαὴλ-πασᾶς, ὁ καὶ Πασόμπεης
90. Fleming 2014, pp. 59, 63, Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 26-27.
91. Tzakis 2021, p. 209
92. Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου (1997). "Η Ήπειρος στον Αγώνα της Ανεξαρτησίας". In M. V. Sakellariou (ed.). Epirus, 4000 years of Greek history and civilization. Ekdotikē Athēnōn. p. 272. ISBN 978-960-213-371-2.
93. Skiotis 1976, p. 106-7
94. Roudometof 2001, p. 25.
95. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 27.
96. Skiotis 1976, pp. 106–107: "The news of the rising of the most famous and heroic among the Greeks could not fail but spread like wildfire through the land. Kasomoules, a contemporary memoirist, recalls that “the trumpet sounded from the north in the month of December and all Greeks, even in the most remote places were inspired by its call.” “If ever the cry of liberty is heard in Greece,” wrote the French consul in Patras, “it will come from the mountains of Epirus! According to all indications the moment has arrived.” Soon there were other Greek fighting men from the Ottoman camp, and neighboring mountain tribesmen joined with the Souliotes. In January even the Muslim Albanians, who had enjoyed a privileged position during Ali's rule, and resented Ottoman oppression as much as the Greeks, signed a formal pact with the Souliotes."
97. Skiotis 1976, p. 106: "Not surprisingly, the warlike and independent Souliotes, who like the other Greeks had been repeatedly mistreated by the Ottoman and who were especially close to the Kapodistrias brothers, were the first to rebel against the sultan (on 7/19 December) and ally themselves with Ali Pasha. They undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else by this time) but their purpose in revolting was most probably of a local nature: to regain the barren villages they had been forced to abandon seventeen years before..."
98. Skoulidas, Ilias (2001). "The Relations Between the Greeks and the Albanians during the 19th Century: Political Aspirations and Visions (1875–1897)". www.didaktorika.gr (in Greek). University of Ioannina: 17. doi:10.12681/eadd/12856. hdl:10442/hedi/12856. ... Οι συνεννοήσεις Σουλιωτών και μουσουλμάνων Αλβανών για την υπεράσπιση του Αλή πασά, οι οποίες οδήγησαν σε γραπτή συμφωνία (15/27 Ιανουαρίου 1821) στο Σούλι, ήταν σύμφωνες με τις θέσεις του Αλέξανδρου Υψηλάντη για την προετοιμασία της ελληνικής επανάστασης. Regarding the question of the Souliots being aware of the Filiki Etaireia, Skiotis 1976, p. 106 writes that "They [=the Souliotes] undoubtedly knew of the Hetaireia (as did everybody else at the time)", while Mazower 2021, p. 44 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFMazower2021 (help) writes that "the Souliot chieftains knew nothing about the Etaireia" when "Perraivos decided to confide what he called “the great purpose of the race" to them and produced a letter written by Ypsilantis and Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 31=Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 34 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help) writes that at the time "neither Markos Botsaris nor the rest of the Souliots seem to know the Filiki Etaireia or the vision and the goals of the Greek Struggle for Independence."
99. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 30, 32.
100. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 32-34, 36-37, Mazower 2021, pp. 43–44 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFMazower2021 (help).
101. Tzakis 2021, p. 208-9, 210-1
102. Skiotis, 1976, p. 107: “In fact the astonishing progress of Greek arms in Epirus and the solidarity between the kapetanaioi there and Ali Pasha seems to have taken the top Hetairists in the Ottoman capital and Russia by surprise.”
103. Mazower 2021, p. 117 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFMazower2021 (help), Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 38-39.
104. Tzakis 2021, p. 211-2
105. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 39-41.
106. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 43, 34, Mazower 2021, pp. 117–118 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFMazower2021 (help).
107. Tzakis 2021, p. 212
108. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 43-46, Mazower 2021, pp. 118–119 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFMazower2021 (help).
109. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 46
110. Odysseas Betsos, "Fots Boboris. An 1821 fighter from Krania", (Οδυσσέας Μπέτσος, «Φώτος Μπόμπορης. Ένας αγωνιστής του '21 από την Κρανιά.», Epiroton Koinon (Ηπειρωτών Κοινόν) 1, Preveza 2005, pp. 111–118. In Greek.
111. Giorgos I. Mustakis, "From our local parliamental history" (Γιώργος Ι. Μουστάκης, Από την κοινοβουλευτική ιστορία του τόπου μας), Ta Prevezanika, Published by the Municipal Library of Preveza, (Τα Πρεβεζάνικα), έκδοση της Δημοτικής Βιβλιοθήκης της Πρέβεζας, 2002, p. 405. In Greek
112. Giorgos I. Moustakis, "Από την κοινοβουλευτική ιστορία του τόπου μας", Τα Πρεβεζάνικα, publication of the Municipal Library of Preveza, Preveza, 2002, p. 405.
113. Lampros Giannu Kutsonikas, Genikē historia tēs Hellēnikēs epanastaseōs, 1864, vol. 2, p. 164. In Greek. (Λάμπρος Γ. Κουτσονίκας, Γενική Ιστορία της Ελληνικής Επαναστάσεως). Available in the Web. "Πληρεξούσιος των Σουλιωτών εστάλη ο Φώτιος Μπόμπορης".
114. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 46-7
115. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 46, 50–51.
116. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 51–3.
117. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 54–6.
118. Tzakis 2021, p. 213-5, 216-7
119. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 57–61, Tzakis 2021, p. 217. HMS Chanticleer was dispatched to Fanari, Preveza, to supervise the evacuation of the Souliots after their capitulation. See George Waddington (1825). A Visit to Greece in 1823 and 1824 (2nd ed.). London: John Murray. pp. 206–7. the Chanticleer brig of war was even despatched to Fanari, to superintend the embarkation. The Souliots were shipped from Splantza to Asos. See Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 36 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help)
120. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 61-4.
121. Tsiamalos 2007, pp. 254.
122. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 61–2.
123. Ψιμούλη 2021, pp. 37 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help), Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 65-6, 72.
124. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 72–3.
125. Tsiamalos 2007, pp. 254–55.
126. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 74.
127. Tsiamalos 2007, pp. 256.
128. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 77–9. Spyridon Trikoupis describes this as a reaction to his perceived demotion, while Nikolaos Kasomoulis attributed his act to his hostility with fara of the Tzavellaioi.
129. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 80–3
130. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 83–5.
131. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 89
132. Koliopoulos 1987, p. 59, Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 89.
133. Διακάκης 2019, p. 136.
134. Ψιμούλη 2010, pp. 90–1, Koliopoulos 1987, p. 59.
135. Tsiamalos 2007, pp. 257.
136. Κοτσώνης 2020, p. 92.
137. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 90, Διακάκης 2019, p. 136-7.
138. Ψιμούλη 2010, p. 90, Koliopoulos 1987, p. 59, Διακάκης 2019, p. 136-7.
139. Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 470-1.
140. Ψιμούλη 2021, pp. 39–40 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help).
141. Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 40 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help).
142. Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 40 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help), Διακάκης 2019, p. 307-8.
143. Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 40 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help).
144. Nikolopoulou, 2013, p. 301
145. Ψιμούλη 2021, p. 40 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFΨιμούλη2021 (help)
146. Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 471.
147. Schuberth, Richard (2021). Lord Byrons letzte Fahrt Eine Geschichte des Griechischen Unabhängigkeitskrieges. Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag. p. 94. ISBN 9783835345959.
148. Schmitt, Oliver Jens (2012). Die Albaner : Eine Geschichte zwischen Orient und Okzident. München: C.H. Beck. p. 106. ISBN 9783406630323.
149. Nikolaos Kasomoulis (6 March 2015). Giannis Vlachogiannis (ed.). Ενθυμήματα Στρατιωτικά της Επαναστάσεως των Ελλήνων (1821-1833). Vol. Γ΄. p. 123-4, 124, n. 1. ISBN 9789604007561.
150. University of Chicago (1946), Encyclopædia britannica: a new survey of universal knowledge, Volume 3, Encyclopædia britannica, Inc., p. 957, Marco Botsaris’s brother Kosta (Constantine), who fought at Karpenisi and completed the victory, lived to become a general and senator in the Greek Kingdom. Kosta died in 1853..
151. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 27-28.
152. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 11.
153. Kostavasilis 2002, pp. 15–16
154. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 35
155. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 16.
156. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 25.
157. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 44.
158. Kostavasilis 2002, pp. 42–43.
159. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 146.
160. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 65: «Είμεθα βιασμένοι να αφήσωμεν την ποθητήν (...) Ελλάδα εις την οποίαν ηγωνίσθημεν ενθέρμως (...) να υπάγωμεν εις ξένην γην ζητούντες πόρον ζωής».
161. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 149.
162. Kostavasilis 2002, p. 150.
163. Baumgart Winfried. Englische Akten zur Geschichte des Krimkriegs. Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2006. ISBN 978-3-486-57597-2, p. 262
164. University of Chicago. Encyclopædia britannica: a new survey of universal knowledge. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., 1946, p. 957
165. Alexandros L. Zaousēs, Hetairia Meletēs Hellēnikēs Historias. Οι δύο όχθες, 1939–1945: μία προσπάθεια για εθνική συμφιλίωση. Ekdoseis Papazēsē, 1987, p. 110.
166. Nußberger & Stoppel, p. 8: "war im ubrigen noch keinerlei Nationalbewustsein anzutreffen, den nicht nationale, sodern religiose Kriterien bestimmten die Zugehorigkeit zu einer sozialen Gruppe, wobei alle Orthodoxe Christen unisono als Griechen galten, wahrend "Turk" fur Muslimen stand..." (...all Orthodox Christians were considered as "Greeks", while in the same fashion Muslims as "Turks") harvnb error: no target: CITEREFNußbergerStoppel (help)
167. In the late 1790s, Balkan Orthodox Christians routinely referred to themselves as “Christians”. Within the Ottoman Empire, these Greek Orthodox urban and mercantile strata were referred to by the Ottomans, the Church, and themselves as Rayah, Christians, or “Romans”, that is, members of the Rum millet. The name Roman was a legacy of history, not a factual identification of race or ethnicity. The term Roman originally designated a citizen of the Eastern Roman Empire. The Ottomans employed the term Rayah to imply all land cultivators regardless of religion; but in practice, in the Ottoman Balkans, this term meant the Orthodox Christians. For the Western audience in Germany, Austria, and Hungary, Greek Orthodox was synonymous with Orthodoxy. From Rum Millet to Greek Nation: Enlightenment, Secularization, and National Identity in Ottoman Balkan Society, 1453–1821, Victor Roudometof, p. 19 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine
168. Schwandner-Sievers & Fischer 2002, p. 50
169. Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 189.
170. Ψιμούλη 2006, p. 298-299.
171. Mark Mazower (2021). The Greek Revolution and the Making of Modern Europe. Penguin Press. p. 44. ISBN 9780698163980. In fact, nationalism was an entirely alien concept to these Christian Albanians and they certainly did not see themselves as leading ‘Greek armies’: the following year they would even tell the Russian Tsar – in a confidential message begging for assistance – that ‘we don’t have anything in common with the other Greeks’. They felt generally closer to their fellow Albanian Muslims than they did to the Greeks, and Ypsilantis’s rhetoric surely counted for less than the trust the Souliots placed in Perraivos himself.
172. Banac, Ivo; Ackerman, John G.; Szporluk, Roman; Vucinich, Wayne S. (1981). Nation and ideology: essays in honor of Wayne S. Vucinich. East European Monographs. p. 46. ISBN 9780914710899. Their contribution in that conflict, although less well known, can be compared to those of the Souliotes on land and the Hydriotes and Spetsiotes at sea. These people, like the Cheimarriotes, were known to be Albanian-speaking or bilingual, yet they identified themselves wholly with the Greek national cause.
173. Psalidas Ath. "History of the siege of Ioannina, 1820–1822", (Αθ. Ψαλίδας, "Ιστορία της πολιορκίας των Ιωαννίνων, 1820–1822") ed. 1962, in K.D. Stergiopoulos "The peculiarity of the military operations in Epirus in 1821" (Κ.Δ. Στεργιόπουλος, "Η ιδιομορφία των επιχειρήσεων Ηπείρου το 1821"), Ηπειρωτική Εστία, Νο. 289–290 (1976), pp 310, 311 "... the road Arta-Preveza-Paramythia is closed by insurgents thiefs [klefts] Souliotes and Arvanites " (text in italics is in quotation marks in the source). In Greek.
174. Kallivretakis, Leonidas (1995). "Η ελληνική κοινότητα της Αλβανίας υπό το πρίσμα της ιστορικής γεωγραφίας και δημογραφίας [The Greek Community of Albania in terms of historical geography and demography." In Nikolakopoulos, Ilias, Kouloubis Theodoros A. & Thanos M. Veremis (eds). Ο Ελληνισμός της Αλβανίας [The Greeks of Albania]. University of Athens. p. 36, 47: "Οι κατοικούντες εις Παραμυθίαν και Δέλβινον λέγονται Τζαμηδες και ο τόπος Τζαμουριά», δίδασκε ο Αθανάσιος Ψαλίδας στις αρχές του 19ου αιώνα και συνέχιζε: «Κατοικείται από Γραικούς και Αλβανούς· οι πρώτοι είναι περισσότεροι», ενώ διέκρινε τους δεύτερους σε Αλβανούς Χριστιανούς και Αλβανούς Μουσουλμάνους." Στην Τσαμουριά υπάγει επίσης την περιφέρεια της Πάργας, χωρίς να διευκρινίζει τον εθνοπολιτισμικό της χαρακτήρα, καθώς και τα χωριά του Σουλίου, κατοικούμενα από «Γραικούς πολεμιστές».
175. Potts 2014, p. 110.
176. Janion, 2015, p. 16: "... the travelers who were the authors of the majority of early works about Suli might have misunderstood the cultural and political reality of Epirus. They hardly ever knew the Greek language, not to mention Albanian, and in most cases, they were dependent on their guides
177. Murawska-Muthesius 2021, pp. 77–78.
178. Potts 2014, p. 108.
179. Potts 2014, p. 109.
180. Fleming 2014, p. 66
181. Raça, Shkëlzen (2012). "Disa Aspekte Studimore Mbi Sulin Dhe Suljotët [Some research aspects regarding Souli and the Souliotes]". Studime Historike. 1 (2): 215. "Αλβανήτες", d.m.th., shqiptare i identifikon edhe Eleni Karakicu, bashkëshortja e pare e Marko Boçarit. Ajo në fakt drejton një kundër akuzë ndaj tij e familjes së tij, si përgjigje rreth një procesi gjyqësor për çështje shkurorëzimi të parashtruar nga vetë Marko Boçari më 1810, në shtatë ujdhesat e Detit Jon. Ndërmjet tjerash, Karakicu akuzon indiferencën e vjehrrive të saj me fjalët: Nëse ai i kishte të gjitha gjërat në duart e veta, se vjehrri dhe vjehrra ime nuk vendosen ta zënë e ta vrasin, sa Kostën e Stathit, po aq edhe këtë ta bëjnë per mua dhe se sipas tyre e kanë tradhtuar, atëherë veprimi i tillë është borxh dhe ligj për shqiptarët, që të lahen nga mëkati." "["Alvanites", or in other words Albanians is how Eleni Karakitsou, the wife of Markos Botsaris identifies them. It relates to an accusation against his family to answer questions in a divorce case trial filed by Markos Botsaris in 1810 in the Septinsular islands of the Ionian Sea. Among other things, Karakitsou accuses her in-laws of indifference with the words: He had everything in his hands, because my father in law and mother in law decided not catch and to kill him, like Kosta and Stathi, yet they did not do this for me and I believe they have betrayed me and such an action is owed and law for Albanians, so as to brush away those sins."
182. Potts 2010, p. 186: "Spiros Katsaros argues (1984) that the Suliots were much better off in Corfu, anyway. To the Corfiots, he suggests, in the period 1804–14, the Suliots were simply armed Albanian refugees, who were displacing them from their properties ... foreigners required to be housed at a short notice, prepared to squat illegally whenever necessary, needing to be taught Greek ... On these questions Katsaros is at odds with another Corfiot writer about the Suliots (himself of Suliot origins), D. Karamoutsos."
183. Potts 2014, pp. 107–108 "While the Corfiot historian, K. D. Karamoutsos, in his study of Souliot genealogies (or lineages) does not disagree on the question of the vendetta, he has little time for what he considers extensive “misinformation” on the part of Katsaros. Karamoutsos has a more sympathetic view of the Souliots, insisting that no respectable historian could categorize them as members of the Albanian nation simply on the grounds that they had their roots in the centre of present-day Albania and could speak Albanian. On the contrary, he argues, they were 100% Orthodox and bilingual, speaking Greek as well as Albanian; he says that their names, customs, costumes and consciousness were Greek, and that they maintained Greek styles of housing and family structures. He accepts that some historians might place their forebears in the category of akrites, or border guards, of the Byzantine Empire. When they came to Corfu, the Souliots were usually registered in official documents, he says, as Albanesi or Suliotti. They were, he concludes, a special group, a Greek-Albanian people (ellinoarvanites). Vasso Psimouli, on the other hand, takes for granted that the Souliots were of Albanian origin. According to her, they first settled in Epirus at the end of the fourteenth century, but they were not cut off from the Greek-speaking population around them. They spoke Albanian at home but they soon began to use Greek. As these varying opinions suggest, Greek academics have not been able to agree whether the Souliots were Albanian, Albanian-speaking Greeks, or a mixture of Greeks and Hellenized Christian Albanians who had settled in northern Greece. The issue of the origin and ethnicity of the Souliots is very much a live and controversial issue in Greece today. Foreign writers have been equally divided."
184. "The Greek Flag and its History" (PDF). Hellenic Navy Academy. p. 5. Retrieved 30 July 2018.
185. Hart 1999, "Finlay's late 19th century impression gives some impressions of the social complexity of social categories in this area. To begin with, the Souliotes (celebrated by Byron and in Greek national history for their role in the liberation of Greece) were a "branch of the Tchamides, one of the three great divisions of the Tosks" (Finlay 1939:42)-in other words they initially spoke Albanian... the question of a national identity can hardly be applied here"
186. Miranda Vickers, The Albanians: A Modern History, I.B.Tauris, 1999, ISBN 1-86064-541-0, ISBN 978-1-86064-541-9 "The Suliots, then numbering around 12,000, were Christian Albanians inhabiting a small independent community somewhat akin to that of the Catholic Mirdite trive to the north
187. The Balkan Wars, Andre Gerolymatos, Basic Books, 2008, ISBN 0786724579, p. 187.
188. “Greece, The Hidden Centuries” by David Brewer, Greek Reporter, Apr 12, 2010,
189. David Brewer (1 November 2011). The Greek War of Independence: The Struggle for Freedom and the Birth of Modern Greece. The Overlook Press. p. 46. The Souliots were of Albanian origin and like other warrior Albanians lived by plunder and extortion practised on their neighbours.
190. Pappas, 1982, p. 42: "But regardless of their origins, in modern times the Souliotes have been looked upon as Orthodox Christian Albanians who identified themselves with the Greeks."
191. Pappas, 1982, p. 27: "Testimony to their hellenic orientation emerges in the overwhelming majority of Greek ballads in the cycle's of Souli's wars."
192. Woodhouse, Christopher Montague (1968). A Short History of Modern Greece. Praeger. p. 122.
193. Clogg, R. (2002). Minorities in Greece: Aspects of a Plural Society. Hurst. p. 178.
194. Giannēs Koliopoulos, John S. Koliopoulos, Thanos Veremēs. Greece: The Modern Sequel : from 1831 to the Present Edition: 2 Published by C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, 2004 ISBN 1-85065-462-X, 9781850654629 p. 184 describes Souliotes as "Orthodox and partly hellenized Albanian tribes".
195. Koliopoulos, John S.; Veremis, Thanos (2002). Greece: The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present. London: Hurst & Co. p. 233. Albanian-speaking Suliots and Hydriots, Vlach-speaking Thessalians and Epirots, and Slav-speaking Macedonians had fought in insurgent Greece along with the other Greeks, and no one at the time had thought of any of these non-Greek speakers less Greek than the Greek-speakers. When most of the northern Greek fighters settled in southern Greece as refugees, none of them thought, or was made to think, of himself as less of a Greek for speaking little or nothing of the language, notwithstanding the ongoing deate on Greekness and Greek identity.
196. Balázs Trencsényi, Michal Kopecek. Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): The Formation of National Movements, Published by Central European University Press, 2006, ISBN 963-7326-60-X, 9789637326608 p. 173 "The Souliotes were Albanian by origin and Orthodox by faith"
197. Fleming 2014, pp. 59, 99, 166
198. Fleming 2014, pp. 60.
199. Bartl, Peter (2016). Lexikon zur Geschichte Südosteuropas. Böhlau Verlag Wien. p. 921.
200. Κοτσώνης 2020, pp. 91–2.
201. Thede Kahl (1999). "Die Zagóri-Dörfer in Nordgriechenland: Wirtschaftliche Einheit–ethnische Vielfalt [The Zagori villages in Northern Greece: Economic unit – Ethnic diversity]". Ethnologia Balkanica. 3: 113–114. "Im Laufe der Jahrhunderte hat es mehrfach Ansiedlungen christlich-orthodoxer Albaner (sog. Arvaniten) in verschiedenen Dörfern von Zagóri gegeben. Nachfolger Albanischer Einwanderer, die im 15. Jh. In den zentral- und südgriechischen Raum einwanderten, dürfte es in Zagóri sehr wenige geben (Papageorgíu 1995: 14). Von ihrer Existenz im 15. Jh. wissen wir durch albanische Toponyme (s. Ikonómu1991: 10–11). Von größerer Bedeutung ist die jüngere Gruppe der sogenannten Sulioten – meist albanisch-sprachige Bevölkerung aus dem Raum Súli in Zentral-Epirus – die mit dem Beginn der Abwanderung der Zagorisier für die Wirtschaft von Zagóri an Bedeutung gewannen. Viele von ihnen waren bereits bei ihrer Ankunft in Zagóri zweisprachig, da in Súli Einwohner griechischsprachiger Dörfer zugewandert waren und die albanischsprachige Bevölkerung des Súli-Tales (Lakka-Sulioten) engen Kontakt mit der griechischsprachigen Bevölkerung der weiteren Umgebung (Para-Sulioten) gehabt hatte (Vakalópulos 1992: 91). Viele Arvaniten heirateten in die zagorische Gesellschaft ein, andere wurden von Zagorisiern adoptiert (Nitsiákos 1998: 328) und gingen so schnell in ihrer Gesellschaft auf. Der arvanitische Bevölkerungsanteil war nicht unerheblich. Durch ihren großen Anteil an den Aufstandsbewegungen der Kleften waren die Arvaniten meist gut ausgebildete Kämpfer mit entsprechend großer Erfahrung im Umgang mit Dörfer der Zagorisier zu schützen. Viele Arvaniten nahmen auch verschiedene Hilfsarbeiten an, die wegen der Abwanderung von Zagorisiern sonst niemand hätte ausführen können, wie die Bewachung von Feldern, Häusern und Viehherden."
202. Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Social Sciences on Contemporary Turkey. European Journal of Turkish Studies (12). doi:10.4000/ejts.4444. S2CID 142733144. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious background. In official language of that time the term Alvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus (see Lambros Baltsiotis and Léonidas Embirikos, “De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique”, in G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna, Alexandreia, Athens, 2006, pp. 417–448."
203. Ψιμούλη 1995, p. 159
204. Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "The fact that the Christian communities within the territory which was claimed by Greece from the mid-19th century until 1946, known after 1913 as Northern Epirus, spoke Albanian, Greek and Aromanian (Vlach), was dealt with by the adoption of two different policies by Greek state institutions. The first policy was to take measures to hide the language(s) the population spoke, as we have seen in the case of “Southern Epirus”. The second was to put forth the argument that the language used by the population had no relation to their national affiliation. To this effect the state provided striking examples of Albanian-speaking individuals (from southern Greece or the Souliotēs) who were leading figures in the Greek state. As we will discuss below, under the prevalent ideology in Greece at the time every Orthodox Christian was considered Greek, and conversely after 1913, when the territory which from then onwards was called “Northern Epirus” in Greece was ceded to Albania, every Muslim of that area was considered Albanian."
205. Ψιμούλη, Βάσω (1996). "Σουλιὼτες: βοσκοί καί ἅρπαγες". Τα Ιστορικά. 24–25: 13.
206. Vranousis, Sfyroeras, 1997, p. 248: "According to C. Paparregopoulos, the Souliots were "a mixture of Greeks and Hellenized Albanians", and he goes on to say that "the Albanian tribe fortified the most noble the combatitive spirit of the Greek, and the Greek inspired in the Albanian the most noble sentiments of love of one's country, love of learning and the rule of law"
207. Janion, Ewa Róza (2015). Imaging Suli: Interactions Between Philhellenic Ideas and Greek Identity Discourse. Peter Lang Edition. p. 17. ISBN 978-3-631-66991-4.
208. Janion, Ewa Róza (2015). Imaging Suli: Interactions Between Philhellenic Ideas and Greek Identity Discourse. Peter Lang Edition. p. 14. ISBN 978-3-631-66991-4.
209. Janion, Ewa Róza (2015). Imaging Suli: Interactions Between Philhellenic Ideas and Greek Identity Discourse. Peter Lang Edition. p. 14. ISBN 978-3-631-66991-4.
210. Janion, Ewa Róza (2015). Imaging Suli: Interactions Between Philhellenic Ideas and Greek Identity Discourse. Peter Lang Edition. p. 13. ISBN 978-3-631-66991-4.
211. Mazower, 2021, p. 10
212. Pappas 1982, p. 296: "Aside from the Souliote cycle of folksongs in Greek and Albanian"
213. Koliousi, Eirini (1 January 2009). "The historical songs of Souli: historicity and local identity": 6, 76-75. doi:10.12681/eadd/27097. hdl:10442/hedi/27097. Retrieved 25 August 2022. Ο Fauriel, εκδίδει το 1824 την πρώτη συλλογή ελληνικών δημοτικών τραγουδιών που αποτελεί και την πρώτη συλλογή υλικού για την περιοχή του Σουλίου. Η πρώτη, όπως έχουμε αναφέρει στην Εισαγωγή, συστηματική προσπάθεια συλλογής και καταγραφής των σουλιώτικων τραγουδιών σε σχέση με τα ιστορικά γεγονότα της εποχής, γίνεται από τον Fauriel το 1824. Από τότε και έπειτα η λαογραφία έχει να αναδείξει ένα σημαντικό αριθμό συλλογών, στις οποίες παρουσιάζεται το ποιητικό κείμενο των τραγουδιών, άλλοτε χωρίς σχολιασμό και άλλοτε133 συνοδευόμενο από το σχόλιο του αντίστοιχου ιστορικού γεγονότ {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
214. Zervas 2016, pp. 116–117.
215. Skendi 1954, p. 13: "In 1878, Alvanikē melissa — Bleta Shqiptare (The Albanian Bee) appeared in Greek script in Alexandria, Egypt. It is one of the best Albanian collections, despite the fact that Efthim Mitko, the col-lector, was not in a position to be in direct contact with the people because he left Albania while young and lived in Egypt. The most important part of his collection are the lyric poems. Of the heroic songs, 97 are in the dialect of southern Albania and 26 in that of northern Albania. They celebrate exploits of beys, the heroes of Suli, and the battles of the Albanians in various parts of the Turkish Empire."
216. Skendi 1954, p. 173: "There is a variety of rhymes and assonances in the Albanian heroic songs. The most common pattern is a, a, but these can also be a, a, or a, a, a, a. There are other songs which follow the model a, b, a, b. Sometimes we find the same rhyme or assonance for a considerable number of lines. In "The Song of Marko Boçari from Suli" (Mitko, ed. Pekmezi, pp. 141—143), containing more than seventy octosyllabic lines, only six end in y, all the other lines have as a rhyme or asso-nance i."
217. Hirst, Anthony; Sammon, Patrick (26 June 2014). The Ionian Islands: Aspects of their History and Culture. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 112. ISBN 978-1-4438-6278-3.
218. Nikolopoulous, 2013, p. 302
219. Cothran, Boyd; Judge, Joan; Shubert, Adrian (20 February 2020). Women Warriors and National Heroes: Global Histories. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 124. ISBN 978-1-350-12114-0.

External links

• Souli, in Wikiquote

Bibliography

• Ασδραχάς, Σπύρος (1964). "Σουλιώτικα σημειώματα" (PDF). Επιθεώρηση Τέχνης (110): 174–185. = Ασδραχάς, Σπύρος (2019). "Σουλιώτικα σημειώματα". Πρωτόγονη επανάσταση: Αρματολοί και κλέφτες (18ος-19ος αι.). Athens: Εκδόσεις Ελληνικού Ανοικτού Πανεπιστημίου.
• Augustinos, Olga (1994). French odysseys: Greece in French travel literature from the Renaissance to the romantic era. Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 9780801846168.
• Balta, Evangelia; Oğuz, Mustafa; Yaşar, Filiz (2011). "The Ethnic and Religious Composition of Ottoman Thesprotia in the Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries". Thesprotia Expedition II: Environment and settlement patterns (PDF). Papers and monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens. Vol. XVI. pp. 347–389. Retrieved 20 December 2021.
• Διακάκης, Αντώνης (2019). Το Μεσολόγγι στο 1821: Πόλεμος, οικονομία, πολιτική, καθημερινή ζωή. Athens: Ασίνη.
  • Diakakis, Antonios (2017). The city of Missolonghi during the revolution of 1821: war, economy, politics, everyday life (Thesis). doi:10.12681/eadd/45947.
• Fleming, K. E. (2014). The Muslim Bonaparte: Diplomacy and Orientalism in Ali Pasha's Greece. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-6497-3.
• Hart, Laurie Kain (Feb 1999), "Culture, Civilization, and Demarcation at the Northwest Borders of Greece", American Ethnologist, Blackwell Publishing, 26 (1): 196–220, doi:10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.196
• Janion, Ewa Roza (2015). Imaging Suli: Interactions Between Philhellenic Ideas and Greek Identity Discourse. Peter Lang Edition. ISBN 9783631669914.
• Koliopoulos, John S. (1987). Brigands with a Cause: Brigandage and Irredentism in Modern Greece 1821–1912. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-822863-5.
• Kostavasilis, Konstantinos (2002). Installations of refuges from Epirus and Thessaly in independent Greece 1832-1862 [Εγκαταστάσεις Ηπειρωτών και Θεσσαλών προσφύγων στο ελεύθερο κράτος 1832-1862] (PDF) (Thesis). University of Ioannina. doi:10.12681/eadd/23070.
• Κοτσώνης, Γιάννης (2020). Η Ελληνική Επανάσταση και οι αυτοκρατορίες: Η Γαλλία και οι Έλληνες, 1797-1830. Athens: Αλεξάνδρεια.

• Murawska-Muthesius, Katarzyna (2021). "Mountains and Palikars". Imaging and Mapping Eastern Europe: Sarmatia Europea to Post-Communist Bloc. Routledge. ISBN 9781351034401.
• Nikolopoulou, Kalliopi (2013). Tragically Speaking On the Use and Abuse of Theory for Life. Lincoln: UNP – Nebraska Paperback. ISBN 9780803244870.
• Angelika, Nußberger; Stoppel, Wolfgang (2001), Minderheitenschutz im östlichen Europa (Albanien) (PDF) (in German), Universität Köln
• Pappas, Nicholas Charles (1982). Greeks in Russian Military Service in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries. Stanford University.
• Ψιμούλη, Βάσω (1995). Σούλι και Σουλιώτες: Οικονομικά, κοινωνικά και δημογραφικά δεδομένα. Διδακτορική διατριβή. Ιόνιο Πανεπιστήμιο. Τμήμα Ιστορίας. Athens.
• Ψιμούλη, Βάσω Δ. (2006). Σούλι και Σουλιώτες. Ιστορία και Πολιτική (4th ed.). Athens: Βιβλιοπωλείον της Εστίας.
  • Psimuli, Vaso Dh. (2016). Suli dhe suljotët [Souli and the Souliots]. Toena. ISBN 9789928205728.
• Ψιμούλη, Βάσω (2010). Βασίλης Παναγιωτόπουλος (ed.). Μάρκος Μπότσαρης. Ιστορική Βιβλιοθήκη - Οι Ιδρυτές της Νεότερης Ελλάδας. Athens: Τα Νέα.
• Βάσω Ψιμούλη (14 January 2022). "Σουλιώτες: από ανυπότακτοι ορεσίβιοι, μαχητές της Ελληνικής Επανάστασης B' μέρος". The Books' Journal (124): 34–40. Retrieved 29 July 2022.
• Potts, Jim (2010). "VI". The Ionian Islands and Epirus: A Cultural History. Landscapes of the Imagination. Oxford University Press, US. p. 186 159. ISBN 978-0199754168. Retrieved 2013-09-21.
• Potts, Jim (2014). "The Souliots in Souli and Corfu and the strange case of Photos Tzavellas". In Hirst, Anthony; Sammon, Patrick (eds.). The Ionian Islands: Aspects of Their History and Culture. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. ISBN 9781443862783.
• Roudometof, Victor (2001), Nationalism, globalization, and orthodoxy: the social origins of ethnic conflict in the Balkans, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001, ISBN 978-0-313-31949-5
• Skendi, Stavro (1954). Albanian and South Slavic Oral Epic Poetry. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society. ISBN 9780527010966. OCLC 3794368.
• Skiotis, Dennis (1976). "The Greek Revolution: Ali Pasha's Last Gamble" (PDF). Hellenism and the First Greek War of Liberation (1821–1830): Continuity and Change. University of York, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies: 97–109. Retrieved 16 November 2015.
• Schwandner-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (2002). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-34189-2.
• Tsiamalos, Demetrios (2007). Social and revolutionary awareness of the armed cohorts of Roumeli during the 1821 revolution (Thesis). University of Panteion. doi:10.12681/eadd/16242.
• Tzakis, Dionysis (2021). "Epirus". In Paschalis M. Kitromilides and Constantinos Tsoukalas (ed.). The Greek revolution : a critical dictionary. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. pp. 208–218.

• Vranousis, L.; Sfyroeras, V. (1997). "From the Turkish Conquest to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century". Epirus, 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Ekdotike Athenon. ISBN 9789602133712.
• Zervas, Theodore G. (2016). Formal and informal education during the rise of Greek nationalism: learning to be Greek. New York: Springer. ISBN 9781137484154.