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Odaenathus

January 01, 1970

Septimius Odaenathus (Palmyrene Aramaic: 𐡠𐡣𐡩𐡮𐡶‎, ʾŌdainaṯ; Arabic: أذينة, romanized: Uḏaina; c. 220 – 267) was the founder king (Mlk) of the Palmyrene Kingdom who ruled from Palmyra, Syria. He elevated the status of his kingdom from a regional center subordinate to Rome into a formidable state in the Near East. Odaenathus was born into an aristocratic Palmyrene family that had received Roman citizenship in the 190s under the Severan dynasty. He was the son of Hairan, the descendant of Nasor. The circumstances surrounding his rise are ambiguous; he became the lord (ras) of the city, a position created for him, as early as the 240s and by 258, he was styled a consularis, indicating a high status in the Roman Empire.

Odaenathus
𐡠𐡣𐡩𐡮𐡶‎
King of Palmyra
King of Kings of the East
(Western Aramaic: Mlk Mlk dy Mdnh)
A clay tessera bearing a possible depiction of Odaenathus wearing a diadem
King of Kings of the East
Reign263–267
PredecessorTitle created
SuccessorVaballathus
Co-rulerHairan I
King of Palmyra
Reign260–267
PredecessorHimself as Ras of Palmyra
SuccessorVaballathus
Ras (lord) of Palmyra
Reign240s–260
PredecessorOffice established
SuccessorHimself as King of Palmyra
Bornc. 220
Palmyra, Roman Syria
Died267 (aged 46–47)
Heraclea Pontica (modern-day Karadeniz Ereğli, Turkey), or Emesa (modern-day Homs, Syria)
SpouseZenobia
IssueHairan I (Herodianus)
Vaballathus
Hairan II
Names
Septimius Odainat
HouseHouse of Odaenathus
FatherHairan

The defeat and captivity of Emperor Valerian at the hands of the Sassanian emperor Shapur I in 260 left the eastern Roman provinces largely at the mercy of the Persians. Odaenathus remained on the side of Rome; assuming the title of king, he led the Palmyrene army, fell upon the Persians before they could cross the Euphrates to the eastern bank, and inflicted upon them a considerable defeat.[1] He took the side of Emperor Gallienus, the son and successor of Valerian, who was facing the attempted usurpation of Fulvius Macrianus. The rebel declared his sons emperors, leaving one in Syria and taking the other with him to Europe. Odaenathus attacked the remaining usurper and quelled the rebellion. He was rewarded with many exceptional titles by the Emperor, who formalized his self-established position in the East. In reality, the Emperor may have done little but accept the declared nominal loyalty of Odaenathus.

In a series of rapid and successful campaigns starting in 262, Odaenathus crossed the Euphrates and recovered Carrhae and Nisibis. He then took the offensive into the heartland of Persia, and arrived at the walls of its capital, Ctesiphon.[1] The city withstood the short siege but Odaenathus reclaimed the entirety of the Roman lands occupied by the Persians since the beginning of their invasions in 252. Odaenathus celebrated his victories and declared himself "King of Kings", crowning his son Herodianus as co-king. By 263, Odaenathus was in effective control of the Levant, Roman Mesopotamia and Anatolia's eastern region.

Odaenathus observed all due formalities towards the Emperor, but in practice ruled as an independent monarch. In 266, he launched a second invasion of Persia but had to abandon the campaign and head north to Bithynia to repel the attacks of Germanic raiders besieging the city of Heraclea Pontica. He was assassinated in 267 during or immediately after the Anatolian campaign, together with Herodianus. The identities of the perpetrator or the instigator are unknown and many stories, accusations and speculations exist in ancient sources. He was succeeded by his son Vaballathus under the regency of his widow Zenobia, who used the power established by Odaenathus to forge the Palmyrene Empire in 270.

Name, family and appearance edit

Further information: Portraits of Odaenathus

"Odaenathus" is the Latin transliteration of the king's name;[note 1][2] he was born Septimius Odainat in c. 220.[note 2][4] His name is written in transliterated Palmyrene as Sptmyws ʾDynt.[5][6] "Sptmyws" (Septimius), which means "born in September",[7] was Odaenathus' family gentilicium (Roman surname), adopted as an expression of loyalty to the Roman Severan dynasty and the emperor Septimius Severus who had granted the family Roman citizenship in the late second century.[8][9] ʾDynt (Odainat) is the Palmyrene diminutive for ear, related to Uḏaina in Arabic and 'Ôden in Aramaic.[10][6] Odaenathus' genealogy is known from a stone block in Palmyra with a sepulchral inscription that mentions the building of a tomb and records the genealogy of the builder: Odaenathus, son of Hairan, son of Wahb Allat, son of Nasor.[11][12] In Rabbinic sources, Odaenathus is named "Papa ben Nasor" (Papa son of Nasor);[note 3][15] the meaning of the name "Papa" and how Odaenathus earned it is unclear.[note 4][15]

 
Relief from the Temple of the Gadde at Dura-Europos depicting the god "Gad" of Dura (center), King Seleucus I Nicator (right) and Hairan son of Maliko son of Nasor, a possible relative of Odaenathus (left).[16]

The King appears to be of mixed Arab and Aramean descent:[17] his name, the name of his father, Hairan, and that of his grandfather, Wahb-Allat, are Arabic;[18][19] while Nasor, his great-grandfather, has an Aramaic name.[20] Nasor might not have been the great-grandfather of Odaenathus, but a more distant ancestor;[21] the archaeologist Frank Edward Brown considered Nasor to be Odaenathus' great-great or great-great-great grandfather.[22] This has led some scholars, such as Lisbeth Soss Fried and Javier Teixidor, to consider the origin of the family to be Aramean.[23][20] In practice, the citizenry of Palmyra were the result of Arab and Aramaean tribes merging into a unity with a corresponding consciousness; they thought and acted as Palmyrenes.[19][24]

The fifth-century historian Zosimus asserted that Odaenathus descended from "illustrious forebears",[note 5][20] but the position of the family in Palmyra is debated; it was probably part of the wealthy mercantile class.[29] Alternatively, the family may have belonged to the tribal leadership which amassed a fortune as landowners and patrons of the Palmyrene caravans.[note 6][17] The historians Franz Altheim and Ruth Stiehl suggested that Odaenathus was part of a new elite of Bedouins driven from their home east of the Euphrates by the aggressive Sassanian dynasty after 220.[31][32] However, it is certain that Odaenathus came from a family which had belonged to the upper class of the city for several generations;[33] in Dura-Europos, a relief dated to 159/158 (470 of the Seleucid era, SE) was commissioned by Hairan son of Maliko son of Nasor.[note 7][16] This Hairan might have been the head of the Palmyrene trade colony in Dura-Europos and probably belonged to the same family as Odaenathus.[35][36] According to Brown, it is plausible, based on the occurrence of the name Nasor in both Dura-Europos and Palmyra (where it was a rare name), that Odaenathus and Hairan son of Maliko belonged to the same family.[22]

 
Odaenathus' alleged portrait from the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek museum

No definite images of Odaenathus have been discovered, hence, there is no information about his appearance; all sculptures identified as Odaenathus lack any inscriptions to confirm whom they represent.[37] Two sculpted heads from Palmyra, one preserved in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek museum and the other in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul, were identified by the archaeologist Harald Ingholt [de] as representing Odaenathus based on their monumentality and regal style.[38] The academic consensus does not support Ingholt's view,[39][40] and the heads he ascribed to the king can be dated to the end of the second century.[41] More likely, two marble heads, one depicting a man wearing a royal tiara, the crown of Palmyra, and the other depicting a man in a royal Hellenistic diadem, are depictions of the king.[42] In addition, a Palmyrene clay tessera, depicting a bearded man wearing a diadem, could be a portrait of the king.[43]

Odaenathus I edit

Traditional scholarship, based on the sepulchral inscription from Odaenathus' tomb, believed the builder to be an ancestor of the king and he was given the designation "Odaenathus I".[note 8][46] The name of King Odaenathus' father is Hairan as attested in many inscriptions.[47] In an inscription dated to 251, the name of the ras ("lord") of Palmyra, Hairan, son of Odaenathus, is written,[48] and he was thought to be the son of Odaenathus I.[46] Prior to the 1980s, the earliest known inscription attesting King Odaenathus was dated to 257, leading traditional scholarship to believe that Hairan, ras of Palmyra, was the father of the king and that Odaenathus I was his grandfather.[note 9][46][50] However, an inscription published in 1985 by the archaeologist Michael Gawlikowski and dated to 252 mentions King Odaenathus as a ras and records the same genealogy found in the sepulchral inscription, confirming the name of King Odaenathus' grandfather as Wahb Allat;[46] thus, he cannot be a son of Hairan son of Odaenathus (I).[21][51] Therefore, it is certain that King Odaenathus was the builder of the tomb, ruling out the existence of "Odaenathus I".[note 10][45][46] The ras Hairan mentioned in the 251 inscription is identical with Odaenathus' elder son and co-ruler, Prince Hairan I.[46][53]

Rise edit

Palmyra was an autonomous city within the Roman Empire, subordinate to Rome and part of the province of Syria Phoenice.[54] Odaenathus descended from an aristocratic family, albeit not a royal one as the city was ruled by a council and had no tradition of hereditary monarchy.[55][56][57] For most of its existence, the Palmyrene army was decentralized under the command of several generals,[58] but the rise of the Sassanian Empire in 224, and its incursions, which affected Palmyrene trade,[59] combined with the weakness of the Roman Empire, probably prompted the Palmyrene council to elect a lord for the city in order for him to lead a strengthened army:[29][58][60]

Ras of Palmyra edit

The Roman emperor, Gordian III, died in 244 during a campaign against Persia and this might have been the event which led to the election of a lord for Palmyra to defend it: Odaenathus,[61] whose elevation, according to the historian Udo Hartmann, can be explained by Odaenathus probably being a successful military or caravan commander, and his descent from one of the most influential families in the city.[62] Odaenathus' title as lord was ras in Palmyrene and exarchos in Greek as revealed by bilingual inscriptions from Palmyra.[note 11][65] The ras title enabled the bearer to effectively deal with the Sassanid threat, in that it probably vested in him supreme civil and military authority;[note 12][58] an undated inscription refers to Odaenathus as a ras and records the gift of a throne to him by a Palmyrene citizen named "Ogeilu son of Maqqai Haddudan Hadda", which confirms the supreme character of Odaenathus' title.[61] The office was created for Odaenathus,[58] and was not a usual title in the Roman Empire, and not a part of Palmyrene government traditions.[61][68]

 
The temple of Bel, belonging to the Palmyrene colony in Dura-Europos; destroyed by the Sassanians in 256.[note 13][69]

Hairan I was apparently elevated to co-lordship by his father, as an inscription from 251 testifies.[64] As early as the 240s, Odaenathus bolstered the Palmyrene army, recruiting desert nomads and increasing the number of the Palmyrene heavy cavalry (clibanarii).[58][70] In 252, the Persian emperor, Shapur I, started a full-scale invasion of the Roman provinces in the east.[71][72] During the second campaign of the invasion, Shapur I conquered Antioch on the Orontes, the traditional capital of Syria,[73] and headed south, where his advance was checked in 253 by a noble from Emesa, Uranius Antoninus.[74] The events of 253 were mentioned in the works of the sixth-century historian John Malalas who also mentioned a leader by the name "Enathus" inflicting a defeat upon the retreating Shapur I near the Euphrates.[74] "Enathus" is probably identical with Odaenathus,[75] and while Malalas' account indicates that Odaenathus defeated the Persians in 253,[76] there is no proof that the Palmyrene leader engaged Shapur I before 260 and Malalas' account seems to be confusing Odaenathus' future actions during 260 with the events of 253.[77]

Shapur I destroyed the Palmyrene trade colonies along the Euphrates, including the colonies at Anah in 253 and at Dura-Europos in 256.[78] The sixth-century historian Peter the Patrician wrote that Odaenathus approached Shapur I to negotiate Palmyrene interests but was rebuffed and the gifts sent to the Persians were thrown into the river.[74][75][79] The date for the attempted negotiations is debated: some scholars, including John F. Drinkwater, set the event in 253; while others, such as Alaric Watson, set it in 256, following the destruction of Dura-Europos.[63][75]

Governor of Syria Phoenice edit

Several inscriptions dating to the end of 257 or early 258 show Odaenathus bearing the Greek title ὁ λαμπρότατος ὑπατικός (ho lamprótatos hupatikós; Latin: clarissimus consularis).[49][76][80] This title was usually bestowed on Roman senators who held the consulship.[80] The title was also mentioned in Odaenathus' undated tomb inscription and Hairan I was mentioned with the same title in the 251 inscription.[81] Scholarly opinions vary on the exact date of Odaenathus' elevation to this position.[61] Gawlikowski and the linguist Jean Starcky maintained that the senatorial rank predates the ras elevation.[81] Hartmann concluded that Odaenathus first became a ras in the 240s, then a senator in 250.[81] Another possibility is that the senatorial rank and lordship occurred simultaneously; Odaenathus was chosen as a ras following Gordian's death, then, after Emperor Philip the Arab concluded a peace treaty with the Persians, the Emperor ratified Odaenathus' lordship and admitted him to the senate to guarantee Palmyra's continued subordination.[61]

The clarissimus consularis title could be a mere honorific or a sign that Odaenathus was appointed as the legatus of Phoenice.[66][82] However, the title (ὁ λαμπρότατος ὑπατικός) was sometimes used in Syria to denote the provincial governor and the archaeologist William Waddington proposed that Odaenathus was indeed the governor of Phoenice.[note 14][49][20] Five of the inscriptions mentioning Odaenathus as consul are dated to 569 SE (258) during which no governor for Phoenice is attested, which might indicate that this was Odaenathus' year of governorship.[83] In Phoenice's capital city Tyre, the lines "To Septimius Odaenathus, the most illustrious. The Septimian colony of Tyre" were found inscribed on a marble base;[83][84] the inscription is not dated and if it was made after 257 then it indicates that Odaenathus was appointed as the governor of the province.[83] These speculations cannot be proven, but as a governor Odaenathus would have been the highest authority in the province, above legionary commanders and provincial officials; this would make him commander of the Roman forces in the province.[83] Whatever the case may be, starting from 258 Odaenathus strengthened his position and extended his political influence in the region.[66] By 260, Odaenathus held the rank, credibility and power to pacify the Roman East following the Battle of Edessa.[83]

Reign edit

 
Bas relief depicting the triumph of Shapur I over Valerian

Faced with Shapur I's third campaign,[85] the Roman emperor Valerian marched against the Persian monarch but was defeated near Edessa in late spring 260 and taken prisoner.[86] The Persian emperor then ravaged Cappadocia and Cilicia, and claimed to have captured Antioch on the Orontes.[note 15][87] Taking advantage of the situation, Fulvius Macrianus, the commander of the imperial treasury, declared his sons Quietus and Macrianus Minor as joint emperors in August 260, in opposition to Valerian's son Gallienus.[note 16][88] Fulvius Macrianus took Antioch on the Orontes as his center and organized the resistance against Shapur I; he dispatched Balista, his praetorian prefect, to Anatolia.[88] Shapur I was defeated in the region of Sebaste at Pompeiopolis, prompting the Persians to evacuate Cilicia while Balista returned to Antioch on the Orontes.[50][88][89] Balista's victory was only partial: Shapur I withdrew east of Cilicia, which Persian units continued to occupy.[90] A Persian force took advantage of Balista's return to Syria and headed further west into Anatolia.[88] According to the Augustan History, Odaenathus was declared king of Palmyra as soon as the news of the Roman defeat at Edessa reached the city.[91] It is not known if Odaenathus contacted Fulvius Macrianus and there is no evidence that he took orders from him.[92]

Persian war of 260 and pacifying Syria edit

Odaenathus assembled the Palmyrene army and Syrian peasants, then marched north to meet the Persian emperor, who was returning to Persia.[note 17][78][92] The Palmyrene monarch fell upon the retreating Persian army between Samosata and Zeugma, west of the Euphrates, in late summer 260.[note 18][92][97] He defeated the Persians, expelling Shapur I from the province of Syria.[92] In early 261, Fulvius Macrianus headed to Europe accompanied by Macrianus Minor, leaving Quietus and Balista in Emesa.[92] Odaenathus' whereabouts during this episode are not clear; he could have distributed the army in garrisons along the frontier or might have brought it back to his capital.[79] The Palmyrene monarch seems to have waited until the situation clarified, declaring loyalty to neither Fulvius Macrianus nor Gallienus.[79] In the spring of 261, Fulvius Macrianus arrived in the Balkans but was defeated and killed along with Macrianus Minor; Odaenathus, when it became clear that Gallienus would eventually win, sided with the Emperor and marched on Emesa, where Quietus and Balista were staying. The Emesans killed Quietus as Odaenathus approached the city,[79] while Balista was captured and executed by the King in autumn 261.[84][98]

Ruler of the East edit

The elimination of the usurpers left Odaenathus as the most powerful leader in the Roman East.[79] He was granted many titles by the Emperor but those honors are debated among scholars:[99]

  • Dux Romanorum (commander of the Romans) was probably given to Odaenathus to recognize his position as the commander in chief of the forces in the east against the Persians; it was inherited by Odaenathus' son and successor Vaballathus.[100]
 
Drawing of the posthumous dedication to Odaenathus attesting him as Corrector (upper section). Palmyrene letters transcribed into Latin (lower section)
  • Corrector totius orientis (righter of the entire East): it is generally accepted by modern scholars that he bore this title.[101] A corrector had overall command of Roman armies and authority over provincial governors in his designated region.[102][103] There are no known attestations of the title during Odaenathus' lifetime.[101] Evidence for the King bearing the title consists of two inscriptions in Palmyrene: one posthumous dedication describing him as MTQNNʿ of the East (derived from the Semitic root TQN, meaning to set in order);[note 19] and the other describing his heir Vaballathus with the same title, albeit using the word PNRTTʿ instead of MTQNNʿ.[102][105]
However, the sort of authority accorded by this position is widely debated.[102] The problem arises from the word MTQNNʿ; its exact meaning is unclear.[105] The word is translated into Latin as corrector, but "restitutor" is another possible translation; the latter title was an honorary one meant to praise the bearer for driving enemies out of Roman territories.[105] However, the inscription of Vaballathus is clearer, as the word PNRTTʿ is not a Palmyrene word but a direct Palmyrene translation of the Greek term Epanorthotes, which is usually an equivalent to a corrector.[105]
According to the historian David Potter, Vaballathus inherited his father's exact titles.[102] Hartmann points out that there have been cases where a Greek word was translated directly to Palmyrene and a Palmyrene equivalent was also used to mean the same thing.[105] The dedication to Odaenathus would be the use of a Palmyrene equivalent, while the inscription of Vaballathus would be the direct translation.[102] It cannot be certain that Odaenathus was a corrector.[105]
  • Imperator totius orientis (commander-in-chief of the entire East): only the Augustan History claims that Odaenathus was given this title; the same source also claims that he was made an Augustus, or co-emperor, following his defeat of the Persians.[99] Both claims are dismissed by scholars.[99] Odaenathus seems to have been acclaimed as imperator by his troops, which was a salutation usually reserved for the Roman emperor; this acclamation might explain the erroneous reports of the Augustan History.[106]

Regardless of his titles, Odaenathus controlled the Roman East with the approval of Gallienus, who could do little but formalize Odaenathus' self-achieved status and settle for his formal loyalty.[note 20][108][109] Odaenathus' authority extended from the Pontic coast in the north to Palestine in the south.[110] This area included the Roman provinces of Syria, Phoenice, Palaestina, Arabia, Anatolia's eastern regions and, following the campaign of 262, Osroene and Mesopotamia.[110][111][112]

First Persian campaign 262 edit

Perhaps driven by a desire to take revenge for the destruction of Palmyrene trade centers and to discourage Shapur I from initiating future attacks, Odaenathus launched an offensive against the Persians.[113] The suppression of Fulvius Macrianus' rebellion probably prompted Gallienus to entrust the Palmyrene monarch with the war in Persia and Roman soldiers were in the ranks of Odaenathus' army for this campaign.[91] In the spring of 262, the King marched north into the occupied Roman province of Mesopotamia, driving out the Persian garrisons and recapturing Edessa and Carrhae.[114][115] The first onslaught was aimed at Nisibis, which Odaenathus regained but sacked, since the inhabitants had been sympathetic towards the Persian occupation.[115] A little later he destroyed the Jewish city of Nehardea, 45 kilometres (28 mi) west of the Persian capital Ctesiphon,[note 21][118] as he considered the Jews of Mesopotamia to be loyal to Shapur I.[119] By late 262 or early 263, Odaenathus stood outside the walls of the Persian capital.[120]

The exact route taken by Odaenathus from Palmyra to Ctesiphon remains uncertain; it was probably similar to the route Emperor Julian took in 363 during his campaign against Persia.[121] If he did use this route, Odaenathus would have crossed the Euphrates at Zeugma then moved east to Edessa followed by Carrhae then Nisibis. Here, he would have descended south along the Khabur River to the Euphrates valley and then marched along the river's left bank to Nehardea.[121] He then penetrated the Sassanian province of Asōristān and marched along the royal canal Naarmalcha towards the Tigris, where the Persian capital stood.[121]

Once at Ctesiphon, Odaenathus immediately began a siege of the well-fortified winter residence of the Persian kings; severe damage was inflicted upon the surrounding areas during several battles with Persian troops.[120] The city held out and the logistical problems of fighting in enemy territory probably prompted the Palmyrenes to lift the siege.[120] Odaenathus headed north along the Euphrates carrying with him numerous prisoners and much booty.[120] The invasion resulted in the full restoration of the Roman lands which had been occupied by Shapur I since the beginning of his invasions in 252: Osroene and Mesopotamia.[note 22][111][123] However, Dura-Europus and other Palmyrene posts south of Circesium, such as Anah, were not rebuilt.[114] Odaenathus sent the captives to Rome, and by the end of 263 Gallienus assumed the title Persicus maximus ("the great victor in Persia") and held a triumph in Rome.[124]

King of Kings of the East edit

In 263, after his return, Odaenathus assumed the title of King of Kings of the East (Mlk Mlk dy Mdnh),[note 23] and crowned his son Herodianus (Hairan I) as co-King of Kings.[126][127] A statue was erected and dedicated for Herodianus to celebrate his coronation by Septimius Worod, the duumviri (magistrate) of Palmyra, and Julius Aurelius, the Queen's procurator (treasurer). The dedication, in Greek, is undated,[128] but Septimius Worod was a duumviri between 263 and 264. Hence, the coronation took place c. 263.[note 24][130] Contemporary evidence for Odaenathus bearing the title of King of Kings is lacking; all firmly dated inscriptions attesting Odaenathus with the title were commissioned after his death, including one that is dated to 271.[51][78] However, Herodianus died with his father,[131] and since he is directly attested as "King of Kings" during his father's lifetime, it is unimaginable that Odaenathus was simply a king while his son was the King of Kings.[132][133] An undated inscription, written in Greek and difficult to decipher, found on a stone reused in the Palmyrene Camp of Diocletian, addresses Odaenathus as King of Kings (Rex regum) and was probably set during his reign.[134]

According to the dedication, Herodianus was crowned near the Orontes, which indicates a ceremony taking place in Antioch on the Orontes, the metropolis of Syria.[note 25][128] The title was a symbol of legitimacy in the East, dating back to the Assyrians, then the Achaemenids, who used it to symbolize their supremacy over all other rulers; it was later adopted by the Parthian monarchs to legitimize their conquests.[135] The first Sassanian monarch, Ardashir I, adopted the title following his victory over the Parthians.[136] Odaenathus' son was crowned with a diadem and a tiara; the choice of Antioch on the Orontes was probably meant to demonstrate that the Palmyrene monarchs were now the successors of the Seleucid and Iranian rulers who had controlled Syria and Mesopotamia in the past.[127]

Relation with Rome edit

 
Roman regions under the authority of Odaenathus (yellow) and the Palmyrene kingdom (green)

In analyzing the rise of Odaenathus and his complicated relationship with Rome, the historian Gary K. Young concluded that "to search for any kind of regularity or normality in such a situation is clearly pointless".[137] In practice, Palmyra became an allied kingdom of Rome, but legally, it remained part of the empire. The "King of Kings" title was probably not aimed at the position of the Roman emperor but at Shapur I; Odaenathus was declaring that he, not the Persian monarch, was the legitimate King of Kings of the East.[138] Odaenathus' intentions are questioned by some historians, such as Drinkwater, who attributed the attempted negotiations with Shapur I to Odaenathus' quest for power.[75] However, in contrast to the norm of this period when powerful generals frequently proclaimed themselves emperors, Odaenathus chose not to attempt to usurp Gallienus' throne.[139]

The relationship between Odaenathus and the Emperor should be understood from two different perspectives: Roman and Syrian. In Rome, broad power delegation by the Emperor to an individual from outside the imperial family was not considered a problem;[140] such authority had been granted several times since the days of Augustus in the first century.[141] The Syrian perspective was different:[140] according to Potter, the dedication celebrating Herodianus' coronation on the Orontes should be interpreted to mean a "Palmyrene claim to kingship in Syria" and control over it during the reign of Odaenathus.[142] What the central government thought of such claims is unclear, but it is doubtful that Gallienus recognized the situation as the Palmyrenes understood it.[141] In the Roman Empire's hierarchical system, a vassal king using the title of King of Kings did not indicate that he was a peer of the Emperor or that the ties of vassalage were cut.[143] Such different understandings eventually led to the conflict between Rome and Palmyra during the reign of Zenobia, who considered her husband's Roman offices hereditary and an expression of independent authority.[note 26][144]

The King had effective control over the Roman East where his military authority was absolute.[108][145] Odaenathus respected Gallienus' authority to appoint provincial governors,[145] but dealt swiftly with opposition: the Anonymus post Dionem [de], usually associated with the sixth-century historian Eustathius of Epiphania or Peter the Patrician,[44] mentions the story of Kyrinus, or Quirinus, a Roman official, who showed dissatisfaction with Odaenathus' authority over the Persian frontier, and was immediately executed by the King.[note 27][146][96][147] In general, Odaenathus' actions were connected to his and Palmyra's interests only. His support of Gallienus and his Roman titles did not hide the Palmyrene base of his power and the local origin of his armies, as with his decision not to wait for the Emperor to help in 260.[82][106] Odaenathus' status seems to have been, as Watson puts it, "something between powerful subject, independent vassal king and rival emperor".[106]

Administration and royal image edit

 
Herodianus wearing the Palmyrene crown

Odaenathus behaved as a sovereign monarch;[148] outside his kingdom of Palmyra, he had overall administrative and military authority over the provincial governors of the Roman eastern provinces.[149] Inside Palmyra, no Roman provincial official had any authority; the King filled the government with Palmyrenes.[150] In parallel to the Iranian practice of making the government a family enterprise, Odaenathus bestowed his own gentilicium (Septimius) upon his leading generals and officials such as Zabdas, Zabbai and Worod.[note 28][150] Most Palmyrene constitutional institutions continued to function normally during Odaenathus' reign;[102] he maintained many civic establishments,[66][152] but the last magistrates were elected in 264,[59] and the Palmyrene council was not attested after that year. After this year, a governor, Septimius Worod, was appointed by the King for the city of Palmyra,[153] who also functioned as a viceroy when Odaenathus was on campaign.[154]

A lead token depicting Herodianus shows him wearing a tiara crown shaped like that of the Parthian monarchs, so it must have been Odaenathus' crown;[155] this combination of imagery, together with the "King of Kings" title, indicates that Odaenathus considered himself the rival of the Sassanians and the protector of the region against them.[156] Many intellectuals relocated to Palmyra and enjoyed the King's patronage;[157] most prominently Cassius Longinus, who probably arrived in the 260s.[158] It is possible that Odaenathus influenced local writers to promote his rule;[159] a prophecy in the thirteenth Sibylline Oracle, written after the events it "prophesied",[160] reads: "Then shall come one who was sent by the sun [i.e., Odaenathus], a mighty and fearful lion, breathing much flame. Then he with much shameless daring will destroy ... the greatest beast – venomous, fearful and emitting a great deal of hisses [i.e., Shapur I]".[161] The authority of Odaenathus did not appease all factions in Syria and the glorification of the King in the oracle could be a politically sponsored propaganda aimed at expanding Odaenathus' support.[note 29][159] Another writer in the Palmyrene court, Nicostratus of Trebizond, probably accompanied the King on his campaigns and wrote a history of the period, starting with Philip the Arab and ending shortly before Odaenathus' death.[162] According to Potter, Nicostratus' account was meant to glorify Odaenathus and demonstrate his superiority over the Roman Emperor.[163]

Coinage edit
 
Antiochene coin of Gallienus c. 264–265, depicting captives on its reverse. It was possibly minted to celebrate Odaenathus' victories in Persia
 
Antiochene coin of Gallienus 264–265, depicting a radiate lion on its reverse. The animal is probably a reference to Odaenathus who is described as a lion in the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle

Odaenathus minted coinage only in the name of Gallienus,[164] and produced no coins bearing his own image.[102] The engraver Hubertus Goltzius forged coins of Odaenathus in the sixteenth century;[165] according to the eighteenth-century numismatist Joseph Hilarius Eckhel "The coins of Odenathus are known only to Goltzius; and if anyone will put faith in their existence, let him go to the fountain head (i.e. Goltzius)". According to the Augustan History, Gallienus minted a coin in honour of Odaenathus where he was depicted taking the Persians captive;[166] a coin of Gallienus minted in Antioch and dated to c. 264–265 depicts two seated captives on its reverse and was associated with the victories of Odaenathus by the historian Michael Geiger.[167] Other coins of Gallienus depict lions on their reverses; the animal was portrayed in several fashions: bare headed with a bull's head between its paws; radiate head; radiate head with a bull's head between its paws; or an eagle standing on its back. The historian Erika Manders considered it possible that those coins were issued for Odaenathus, as the depiction of a lion is reminiscent of the thirteenth Sibylline Oracle's description of Odaenathus as a "mighty and fearful lion, breathing much flame".[note 30][169]

Second Persian campaign 266 and war in Anatolia edit

The primary sources are silent regarding events following the first Persian campaign, but this is an indication of the peace that prevailed and that the Persians had ceased being a threat to the Roman East.[170] The evidence for the second campaign is meager; Zosimus is the only one to mention it specifically.[171] A passage in the thirteenth Sibylline Oracle is interpreted by Hartmann as an indication of a second offensive.[172] With the rise of the Sassanid dynasty, Palmyrene trade caravans to the East diminished with only three recorded after 224. The last caravan returned to Palmyra in 266, and this was probably facilitated by the campaign, which probably took place in 266.[173] The King marched directly to Ctesiphon, but he had to break off the siege and march north to face an influx of Germanic raiders attacking Anatolia.[171][174]

The Romans used the designation "Scythian" to denote many tribes, regardless of their ethnic origin, and sometimes the term would be interchangeable with Goths. The tribes attacking Anatolia were probably the Heruli who built ships to cross the Black Sea in 267 and ravaged the coasts of Bithynia and Pontus, besieging Heraclea Pontica.[171] According to the eighth-century historian George Syncellus, Odaenathus arrived at Anatolia with Herodianus and headed to Heraclea but the riders were already gone, having loaded their ships with booty.[171] Many perished, perhaps in a sea battle with Odaenathus' forces, or possibly they were shipwrecked.[171]

Assassination edit

Odaenathus was assassinated, together with Herodianus, in late 267. The date is debated and some scholars propose 266 or 268, but Vaballathus dated the first year of his reign between August 267 and August 268, making late 267 the most probable date.[175] The assassination took place in either Anatolia or Syria.[176][177] There is no consensus on the manner, perpetrator or the motive behind the act.[176]

  • According to Syncellus, Odaenathus was assassinated near Heraclea Pontica by an assassin also named Odaenathus who was killed by the King's bodyguard.[178]
  • Zosimus states that Odaenathus was killed by conspirators near Emesa at a friend's birthday party without naming the killer.[178][179] The twelfth-century historian Zonaras attributed the crime to a nephew of Odaenathus but did not give a name.[180] The Anonymus post Dionem also does not name the assassin.[178]
  • The Augustan History claims that a cousin of the King named Maeonius killed him.[181]

Theories of instigators and motives edit

  • Roman conspiracy: the seventh-century historian John of Antioch accused Gallienus of being behind the assassination.[178] A passage in the work of the Anonymus post Dionem speaks of a certain "Rufinus" who orchestrated the assassination on his own initiative, then explained his actions to the Emperor who condoned them.[176] This account has Rufinus ordering the murder of an older Odaenathus out of fear that he would rebel, and has the younger Odaenathus complaining to the Emperor.[note 31][178] Since the older Odaenathus (Odaenathus I) has proven to be a fictional character, the story is ignored by most scholars.[183] However, the younger Odaenathus could be an oblique reference to Vaballathus and Rufinus could be identified with Cocceius Rufinus, the Roman governor of Arabia in 261–262. The evidence for such a Roman conspiracy is weak.[183]
 
Maeonius as depicted in the Promptuarii Iconum Insigniorum
  • Family feud: according to Zonaras, Odaenathus' nephew misbehaved during a lion hunt.[184] He made the first attack and killed the animal to the dismay of the King.[185] Odaenathus warned his nephew, who ignored the warning and repeated the act twice more, causing the King to deprive him of his horse, a great insult in the East.[185][186] The nephew threatened Odaenathus and was put in chains as a result. Herodianus asked his father to forgive his cousin and his request was granted. However, as the King was drinking, the nephew approached him with a sword and killed him along with Herodianus.[185] The bodyguard immediately executed the nephew.[185]
  • Zenobia: the wife of Odaenathus was accused by the Augustan History of having formerly conspired with Maeonius, as Herodianus was her stepson and she could not accept that he was the heir to her husband instead of her own children.[178] However, there is no suggestion in the Augustan History that Zenobia was directly involved in her husband's murder;[186] the act is attributed to Maeonius' degeneracy and jealousy.[178] Those accounts by the Augustan History can be dismissed as fiction.[187] The hints in modern scholarship that Zenobia had a hand in the assassination out of her desire to rule the empire and her dismay at her husband's pro-Roman policy can be dismissed as there was no reversal of that policy during the first years following Odaenathus' death.[176]
  • Persian agents: the possibility of a Persian involvement exists, but the outcome of the assassination would not have served Shapur I unless a pro-Persian monarch was established on the Palmyrene throne.[188]
  • Palmyrene traitors: another possibility would be Palmyrenes dissatisfied with Odaenathus' reign and the changes of their city's governmental system.[186]

The historian Nathanael Andrade, noting that since the Augustan History, Zosimus, Zonaras, and Syncellus all refer to a family feud or a domestic conspiracy in their writings, they must have been recounting an early tradition regarding the assassination. Also, the story of Rufinus is a clue to tensions between Odaenathus and the Roman court.[189] The mint of Antioch on the Orontes ceased the production of Gallienus' coins in early 268, and while this could be related to fiscal troubles, it could also have been ordered by Zenobia in retaliation for the murder of her husband.[190] Andrade proposed that the assassination was the result of a coup conducted by Palmyrene notables in collaboration with the imperial court whose officials were dissatisfied with Odaenathus' autonomy.[191] On the other hand, Hartmann concluded that it is more probable that Odaenathus was killed in Pontus.[176]

Marriages and descendants edit

 
Zenobia, Odaenathus' second wife

Odaenathus was married twice. Nothing is known about his first wife's name or fate.[192] Zenobia was the King's second wife, whom he married in the late 250s when she was 17 or 18.[193]

How many children Odaenathus had with his first wife is unknown and only one is attested:

  • Hairan I – Herodianus: the name Hairan appears on a 251 inscription from Palmyra describing him as ras, implying that he was already an adult by then.[192] In the Augustan History, Odaenathus' eldest son is named Herod; the dedication at Palmyra from 263 which celebrates Hairan I's coronation mentions him with the name Herodianus.[192] It is possible that the Hairan of the 251 inscription is not the same as the Herodianus of the dedication from 263,[192] but this is contested by Hartmann, who concludes that the reason for the difference in the spelling is the language used in the inscription (Herodianus being the Greek version),[187] meaning that Odaenathus' eldest son and co-king was Hairan Herodianus.[194] Hartmann's view is in line with the academic consensus.[195]

The children of Odaenathus and Zenobia were:

 
Vaballathus, Odaenathus' son and successor
  • Vaballathus: he is attested on several coins, inscriptions, and in the ancient literature.[196]
  • Hairan II: his image appears on a seal impression along with his older brother Vaballathus; his identity is much debated.[196] Potter suggested that he is the same as Herodianus, who was crowned in 263, and that the Hairan I mentioned in 251 died before the birth of Hairan II.[197] Andrade suggested the opposite, maintaining that Hairan I, Herodianus and Hairan II are the same.[198]
  • Herennianus and Timolaus: the two were mentioned in the Augustan History and are not attested in any other source;[196] Herennianus might be a conflation of Hairan and Herodianus while Timolaus is most probably a fabrication,[187] although the historian Dietmar Kienast suggests that he might be Vaballathus.[199]

Possible descendants of Odaenathus living in later centuries are reported: Lucia Septimia Patabiniana Balbilla Tyria Nepotilla Odaenathiana is known through a dedication dating to the late third or early fourth century inscribed on a tombstone erected by a wet nurse to her "sweetest and most loving mistress".[note 32][201] The tombstone was found in Rome at the San Callisto in Trastevere.[202] Another possible relative is Eusebius who is mentioned by the fourth century rhetorician Libanius in 391 as a son of one Odaenathus, who was in turn a descendant of the King;[203] the father of Eusebius is mentioned as fighting against the Persians (most probably in the ranks of Emperor Julian's army).[204] In 393, Libanius mentioned that Eusebius promised him a speech written by Longinus for the King.[203] In the fifth century, the philosopher "Syrian Odaenathus" lived in Athens and was a student of Plutarch of Athens;[205] he might have been a distant descendant of the King.[206]

Burial and succession edit

 
The stone block from Odaenathus' early tomb
 
The Funerary Temple no. 86 (The House Tomb)

Mummification was practiced in Palmyra alongside inhumation and it is a possibility that Zenobia had her husband mummified.[207] The stone block bearing Odaenathus' sepulchral inscription was in the Temple of Bel in the nineteenth century,[11] and it was originally the architrave of the tomb.[47] It had been moved to the temple at some point and so the location of the tomb to which the block belonged is not known.[11] The tomb was probably built early in Odaenathus' career and before his marriage to Zenobia and it is plausible that another, more elaborate, tomb was built after Odaenathus became King of Kings.[208]

Roman law forbade the burial of individuals within a city.[209] This rule was strictly observed in the west, but it was applied more leniently in the eastern parts of the empire.[210] A burial within a city was one of the highest honors an individual other than the Emperor and his family could receive in the Roman Empire.[211] A notable person may be buried in this manner for different reasons, such as his leadership or monetary donations.[210] It meant that the deceased was not sent beyond the walls for fear of miasma (pollution), and that he would be part of the city's future civic life.[note 33][211] At the western end of the Great Colonnade at Palmyra, a shrine designated "Funerary Temple no. 86" (also known as the House Tomb) is located.[212][213] Inside its chamber, steps lead down to a vault crypt which is now lost.[213][214] This mausoleum might have belonged to the royal family, being the only tomb inside the city's walls. Odaenathus' royal power in itself was sufficient to earn him a burial within the city walls.[215][216]

The Augustan History claims that Maeonius was proclaimed emperor for a brief period before being killed by soldiers.[176][183][186] However, no inscriptions or other evidence exist for Maeonius' reign,[217] the very existence of which is doubtful.[218] The disappearance of Septimius Worod in 267 could be related to the internal coup; he could have been executed by Zenobia if he was involved; or killed by the conspirators if he was loyal to the King.[189] Odaenathus was succeeded by his son, the ten-year-old Vaballathus, under the regency of Zenobia;[219] Hairan II probably died soon after his father,[220] as only Vaballathus succeeded to the throne.[221]

Legacy and reception edit

 
The mosaic possibly depicting Odaenathus fighting the Persians who are depicted as tigers.

Odaenathus was the founder of the Palmyrene royal dynasty.[222] He left Palmyra the premier power in the East,[223] and his actions laid the foundation of Palmyrene strength which culminated in the establishment of the Palmyrene Empire in 270.[76] Hero cults were not common in Palmyra, but the unprecedented position and achievements of Odaenathus might have given rise to such a practice:[224] a mosaic excavated in Palmyra depicts the Greek myth of Bellerophon defeating the Chimera on the back of Pegasus in one panel,[225] and a man in Palmyrene military outfit riding a horse and shooting at two tigers, with an eagle flying above in the other. According to Gianluca Serra, the conservation zoologist based in Palmyra at the time of the panel's discovery, the tigers are Panthera tigris virgata, once common in the region of Hyrcania in Iran.[226] Gawlikowski proposed that Odaenathus is heroized as Bellerophon, and that the archer is also a depiction of Odaenathus fighting the Persians depicted as tigers. This is supported by the title of mrn (lord) which appear on the archer panel, an honor carried only by Odaenathus and Hairan I.[227] The mosaic with its two panels indicates that Odaenathus was probably treated as a divine figure, and may have been worshipped in Palmyra.[224]

Odaenathus' memory as an able king, and loyal Roman, was used by the emperors Claudius II and Aurelian to tarnish Zenobia's reputation by portraying themselves as Odaenathus' avengers against his wife, the usurper who gained the throne through plotting.[228] The King was praised by Libanius,[229] and the fourth-century writer of the Augustan History, while placing Odaenathus among the Thirty Tyrants (probably because he assumed the title of king, in the view of the eighteenth-century historian Edward Gibbon),[230] speaks highly of his role in the Persian War and credits him with saving the empire: "Had not Odaenathus, prince of the Palmyrenes, seized the imperial power after the capture of Valerian when the strength of the Roman state was exhausted, all would have been lost in the East".[231] On the other hand, Odaenathus is viewed negatively in Rabbinic sources. His sack of Nehardea mortified the Jews,[232] and he was cursed by both the Babylonian Jews and the Jews of Palestine.[111] In the Christian version of the Apocalypse of Elijah, probably written in Egypt following the capture of Valerian,[233] Odaenathus is called the king who will rise from the "city of the sun" and will eventually be killed by the Persians;[234] this prophecy is a response to Odaenathus' persecution of the Jews and his destruction of Nahardea.[235] The Jewish Apocalypse of Elijah identifies Odaenathus as the Antichrist.[note 34][239]

Modern scepticism edit

Odaenathus, the mention of whose name alone caused the hearts of the Persians to falter. Everywhere victorious, he liberated the cities and the territories belonging to each of them and made the enemies place their salvation in their prayers rather than in the force of arms.

— Libanius, on the exploits of Odaenathus.[203]

The successes of Odaenathus are treated sceptically by a number of modern scholars.[240] According to the Augustan History, Odaenathus "captured the king's treasures and he captured, too, what the Parthian monarchs hold dearer than treasures, namely his concubines. For this reason Shapur [I] was now in greater dread of the Roman generals, and out of fear of Ballista and Odaenathus he withdrew more speedily to his kingdom."[241] Sceptical scholars, such as Martin Sprengling, considered such accounts of ancient Roman historians "poor, scanty and confused".[242] However, the coronation dedication of Herodianus' statue, which stood on the Monumental Arch of Palmyra,[132] records his defeat of the Persians, for which he was crowned,[130][128] thus providing Palmyrene evidence that explicitly mentions the war against Persia; the victory attested is probably related to the first Persian campaign and not the battle of 260.[243]

The historian Andreas Alföldi concluded that Odaenathus started his wars with Persia by attacking the retreating Persian army at Edessa in 260. Such an attack is rejected by sceptical scholars; Sprengling noted that no evidence exists for such an engagement.[242] The Iranologist Walter Bruno Henning considered the accounts of Odaenathus' attack in 260 greatly exaggerated. Shapur I mentions that he made the Roman prisoners build him the Band-e Kaisar near Susiana, and built a city for those prisoners, which evolved into the current Gundeshapur; Henning cited those arguments as evidence for Shapur I's success in bringing his army and prisoners back home and Roman exaggeration regarding Odaenathus' successes.[244] Sprengling suggested that Shapur I did not have enough troops to garrison the Roman cities he occupied, and he was old and focused on religion and building; hence, Odaenathus merely retook abandoned cities and marched on Ctesiphon to heal Rome's pride, while being careful not to disturb the Persians and their emperor.[245] Other scholars, such as Jacob Neusner, noted that while the accounts of the 260 engagement might be an exaggeration, Odaenathus did become a real threat to Persia when he regained the cities formerly taken by Shapur I and besieged Ctesiphon.[246] The historian Louis Feldman rejected Henning's proposals;[247] and the historian Trevor Bryce concluded that whatever the nature of Odaenathus' campaigns, they led to the restoration of all Roman territories occupied by Shapur I – Rome was free of Persian threats for several years after Odaenathus' wars.[240]

Notes edit

  1. ^ The Greek transliterations (Ancient Greek: Ὀδαίναθος Odaínathos or Ὠδέναθος Ōdénathos), and the Latin ones (Latin: Odaenathus, Odenathus, Odinatus or Ordinatus), are more or less corrupted transliterations of the Palmyrene and the Arabic respectively.[2]
  2. ^ The 220 date was proposed by the archaeologist Michael Gawlikowski, head of the Polish archaeological expedition in Palmyra; the archaeologist Ernest Will, however, maintained that the king was born c. 200.[3]
  3. ^ According to the authors of the Genesis Rabbah (76,6), a verse from the Book of Daniel (7.8) refers to a certain ben Nasor, who was identified as Odaenthus by several modern historians and Talmudic scholars, including Heinrich Graetz, Marcus Jastrow and Saul Lieberman.[13] The rabbi Solomon Funk considered ben Nasor a relative of Odaenathus, while the historian Jacob Neusner considered it possible that ben Nasor was either Odaenathus or a family member of his. According to the historian Lukas de Blois, Odaenathus is the strongest candidate; in Ketuboth (51B), ben Nasor is mentioned as king, and the only known king with the name "Nasor" mentioned in his genealogy is Odaenathus.[14]
  4. ^ According to the historian Louis Feldman, Papa is likely a Latin translation of the Semitic Abba (father).[13] Papa was a proper name used in Hatra, and several Jewish Amoraim bore the names "Pappa" (Ppʿ) or "Pappus" (Ppws), from the root ppy or pph, which means "talk in a proud manner"; according to the historian Udo Hartmann, it is possible that the rabbis named Odaenathus Papa for his arrogance. It is also possible that since Odaenathus' grandfather was a son of Nasor, Papa is a Greek loanward related to πάππος (páppos), meaning grandfather.[15]
  5. ^ Odaenathus is mentioned as the "lowest of the kings" in the Book of Elijah,[25] which is a collection of texts dating to different periods, such as pieces from 1 Kings, an apocalyptic depiction of the Sassanid fights against Rome, and an Abrahamic apocalypse depicting Israel's exaltation and the pagan world's humiliation.[26] The sixth-century Byzantine historian Agathias mentioned Odaenathus as a man of low birth. The statement of Zosimus contradicts those low birth accounts. In the view of the historian Averil Cameron, the phrase used by Agathias, ἀφανὴς μὲν τὰ πρῶτα (aphanḗs men ta prṓta), is an antithesis to μεγίστην ἀράμενος δόξαν (megístēn arámenos dóxan), and Agathias used the same phrase to describe the first Sasanian king Ardashir I,[27] who traced his descent to the Avestan and Achaemenid kings.[28]
  6. ^ Palmyrene caravan patrons owned the land on which the caravan animals were raised, providing animals and guards for the merchants who led the caravans.[30]
  7. ^ Each Seleucid year started in the late autumn of a Gregorian year; thus, a Seleucid year overlaps two Gregorian ones.[34]
  8. ^ This assumption was facilitated by a passage in the work of Anonymus post Dionem [de], usually associated with the sixth-century historians Eustathius of Epiphania or Peter the Patrician,[44] which speaks about a younger Odaenathus asking the Roman emperor to punish his official Rufinus for the latter's role in assassinating an elder Odaenathus.[45] For information see Assassination of Odaenathus: Roman conspiracy.
  9. ^ The archaeologist William Waddington considered King Odaenathus the son of ras Hairan while the historian Theodor Mommsen considered the latter an older brother of the king.[49]
  10. ^ Although the conclusions of Gawlikowski became the academic consensus, the archaeologist Jean-Charles Balty argued that Odaenathus who built the tomb was not the same as King Odaenathus, stating that a new inscription can alter everything formerly known about the family.[52]
  11. ^ The dated inscriptions mentioning the title are from October 251 and April 252: the 251 inscription refers to Odaenathus' eldest son Hairan I as ras, while the 252 inscription refers to Odaenathus.[63][64] Although the first known inscription attesting Odaenathus' title dates to 252, it is confirmed that he rose to the position at least one year earlier, based on Hairan I's attestation as ras in 251, and it is probable that he took the title in the aftermath of Gordian III's death.[61]
  12. ^ Whether the ras title indicates a military or a priestly position is not known,[66] but the military role is the more likely.[67]
  13. ^ There are two temples of Bel in Dura-Europos; the first was established by the Palmyrenes in the early first century outside the city wall in the necropolis and the second (depicted in this picture, also named "the temple of the Palmyrene gods") was administered by Palmyrenes only in the third century.[69]
  14. ^ The educator Hermann Schiller rejected that Odaenathus was a governor of Phoenice; the title (ὁ λαμπρότατος ὑπατικός) was also attested in Palmyra for different notables and it could have been an honorary title of high degree.[49]
  15. ^ There is no proof that Shapur I entered the central areas of northern Syria; he seems to have moved directly west into Cilicia.[85]
  16. ^ At first Fulvius Macrianus showed loyalty to Gallienus.[88]
  17. ^ Zosimus wrote that Odaenathus' army, with which he fought Shapur I in 260, included his own Palmyrene troops and remnants of Valerian's Roman legions.[93] No evidence exists for Roman units in his ranks, but it is possible, considering that he was fighting in the vicinity of Roman legionary bases. Troops based there might have been loyal to Gallienus and thus have chosen to join Odaenathus.[79] Whether Roman soldiers fought under Odaenathus or not is a matter of speculation.[79]
    The peasant element in the army was mentioned in the writings of later historians, such as the fourth century writers Festus and Orosius;[94] the latter called the army of Odaenathus manus agrestis syrorum,[93] leading the historian Edward Gibbon to portray Odaenathus' troops as a "scratch army of peasants". The historian Richard Stoneman rejected Gibbon's conclusion, arguing that the success of the Palmyrenes against Shapur I and the victories achieved by Zenobia following her husband's death, which brought Syria, Egypt and Anatolia under Palmyrene authority, can hardly be ascribed to an ill-equipped, untrained peasant army.[94] It is more logical to interpret agrestis as denoting troops from outside the urban centres, and thus, it can be concluded that Odaenathus levied his cavalrymen from the regions surrounding Palmyra where horses were normally bred and kept.[95]
  18. ^ The account of Odaenathus attacking the retreating Persians is according to the eighth century historian Syncellus.[96]
  19. ^ The root TQN exists in several languages: Aramaic (meaning "to prepare", "to fix", "set in order"), Akkadian (where the word taqan means "be settled", "in order"), Arabic (meaning "improve", "fix", "set in order").[104]
  20. ^ The Roman East traditionally included all the Roman lands in Asia east and south of the Bosphorus.[107]
  21. ^ The tenth century geonim Sherira Gaon, in his work "Iggeret Rav Sherira Gaon", stated that Papa ben Nasor destroyed the city in 570 SE, corresponding to 259.[5] de Blois proposed that Odaenathus' destruction of Nehardea in 259 was in support of Valerian.[116] However, Neusner suggested that the correct date is 262 or 263,[117] and considered the date given by Sherira Gaon impossible since the destruction of the city would have required a large army, and the only large force invading the region in that period was headed by Odaenathus during his first campaign. Feldman noted that Palmyra counted on the maneuverability of its soldiers not on the size of its armies, thus doubting the conclusions of Neusner.[13]
  22. ^ Contrary to the account of the Augustan History, there is no proof that Odaenathus occupied Armenia.[122]
  23. ^ Odaenathus' title as it appears in Palmyrene inscriptions was "King of Kings and Corrector of the East".[125]
  24. ^ Gawlikowski proposed that the statue was erected and the coronation took place following the victory in 260.[129] Gawlikowski also suggested that Odaenathus adopted the title "King of Kings" before his first Persian campaign in preparation for the war and the replacement of the Sassanid dynasty, a goal that was not achieved.[43]
  25. ^ The archaeologist Daniel Schlumberger suggested Emesa (present-day Homs) as the location of the coronation, but the ancient city was located about a mile away from the river. Hence, the academic consensus prefers Antioch on the Orontes;[130] a lead token bearing Herodianus image, probably struck to celebrate the coronation, was found in the city.[127]
  26. ^ As queen consort, Zenobia remained in the background and was not mentioned in the historical record.[133]
  27. ^ No information on the identity of Kyrinus exists;[146] it is possible that he is the same person as Aurelius Quirinius, who is recorded as head of the financial administration of Egypt in 262.[147]
  28. ^ This gentilicium was exclusive to the family of Odaenathus prior to the 260s.[151]
  29. ^ The Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle was compiled by several writers who were probably Syrians and attempted to promote Syrian rulers by portraying them as the saviours of Rome from Persia. The initial text was completed during the time of Uranius and revised during the reign of Odaenathus with 19 lines added comprising the prophecy of Odaenathus' victories.[159]
  30. ^ The historian David Woods rejected the different interpretations of the radiate lion, considering it a sign of the Emperor's brevity; a motif that can be traced back to Alexander the Great of Macedon's birth legends.[168]
  31. ^ This story contributed to the now-discounted assumption that Odaenathus I existed.[182]
  32. ^ It is debated whether the inscription should be understood as an evidence for descendants of Odaenathus in Rome.[200]
  33. ^ Generally, the initiative of granting an individual an intramural burial came from the demos and had to be confirmed through acclamatio; due to this requirement, the honor was a rarity.[211]
  34. ^ The Apocalypse of Elijah is an apocryphal work that exists in two versions, one is Jewish and written in Hebrew, and the other is Christian and written in Coptic.[236] The Christian version seems to be based on a Jewish prophecy written in Egypt in the time of the turmoil after Valerian's capture; the Jews were probably expecting the Persians to win and allow them to return to Jerusalem by eliminating Odaenathus, whom they considered an enemy.[233] According to the prophecy: "In those days, a king will arise in the city which is called "the city of the sun," and the whole land will be disturbed. [He will] flee to Memphis (with the Persians). In the sixth year, the Persian kings will plot an ambush in Memphis. They will kill the Assyrian king."[237] The Coptologist Oscar Lemm considered that by the Persian and Assyrian kings, the prophecy meant the sixth-century BC kings Cyrus the Great of Persia and the Chaldean Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylonia. Lemm also considered the killing of the Assyrian king in Memphis an allusion to the defeat of the Babylonians by Persia.[237] The theologian Wilhelm Bousset considered the prophecy to be pointless if it actually meant that the Persians and Assyrian kings warred in Egypt since such a conflict never happened. Noting the confusion between Syria and Assyria in many Roman sources, including the Sibylline prophecies, Bousset identified the Assyrian king with Odaenathus; Palmyra was known as the city of the sun in many apocalyptic traditions.[238]

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External links edit

 
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Odaenathus.
  • Panoramic pictures of Odaenathus' possible mausoleum (The Funerary Temple nr. 86)
  • Odaenathus' passage in Encyclopædia Britannica
Odaenathus
House of Odaenathus
Born: 220 Died: 267
Regnal titles
Preceded by
New title
 Ras of Palmyra
240s–260
with Hairan I (Herodianus) (?–260) 		Title obsolete
Became king
King of Palmyra
260–267 		Succeeded by
King of Kings of the East
263–267
with Herodianus as junior
King of Kings (263–267)

January 01, 1970
odaenathus, septimius, palmyrene, aramaic, 𐡠𐡣𐡩𐡮𐡶, ʾŌdainaṯ, arabic, أذينة, romanized, uḏaina, founder, king, palmyrene, kingdom, ruled, from, palmyra, syria, elevated, status, kingdom, from, regional, center, subordinate, rome, into, formidable, state, near, e. Septimius Odaenathus Palmyrene Aramaic 𐡠𐡣𐡩𐡮𐡶 ʾŌdainaṯ Arabic أذينة romanized Uḏaina c 220 267 was the founder king Mlk of the Palmyrene Kingdom who ruled from Palmyra Syria He elevated the status of his kingdom from a regional center subordinate to Rome into a formidable state in the Near East Odaenathus was born into an aristocratic Palmyrene family that had received Roman citizenship in the 190s under the Severan dynasty He was the son of Hairan the descendant of Nasor The circumstances surrounding his rise are ambiguous he became the lord ras of the city a position created for him as early as the 240s and by 258 he was styled a consularis indicating a high status in the Roman Empire Odaenathus𐡠𐡣𐡩𐡮𐡶 King of PalmyraKing of Kings of the East Western Aramaic Mlk Mlk dy Mdnh A clay tessera bearing a possible depiction of Odaenathus wearing a diademKing of Kings of the EastReign263 267PredecessorTitle createdSuccessorVaballathusCo rulerHairan IKing of PalmyraReign260 267PredecessorHimself as Ras of PalmyraSuccessorVaballathusRas lord of PalmyraReign240s 260PredecessorOffice establishedSuccessorHimself as King of PalmyraBornc 220 Palmyra Roman SyriaDied267 aged 46 47 Heraclea Pontica modern day Karadeniz Eregli Turkey or Emesa modern day Homs Syria SpouseZenobiaIssueHairan I Herodianus VaballathusHairan IINamesSeptimius OdainatHouseHouse of OdaenathusFatherHairan The defeat and captivity of Emperor Valerian at the hands of the Sassanian emperor Shapur I in 260 left the eastern Roman provinces largely at the mercy of the Persians Odaenathus remained on the side of Rome assuming the title of king he led the Palmyrene army fell upon the Persians before they could cross the Euphrates to the eastern bank and inflicted upon them a considerable defeat 1 He took the side of Emperor Gallienus the son and successor of Valerian who was facing the attempted usurpation of Fulvius Macrianus The rebel declared his sons emperors leaving one in Syria and taking the other with him to Europe Odaenathus attacked the remaining usurper and quelled the rebellion He was rewarded with many exceptional titles by the Emperor who formalized his self established position in the East In reality the Emperor may have done little but accept the declared nominal loyalty of Odaenathus In a series of rapid and successful campaigns starting in 262 Odaenathus crossed the Euphrates and recovered Carrhae and Nisibis He then took the offensive into the heartland of Persia and arrived at the walls of its capital Ctesiphon 1 The city withstood the short siege but Odaenathus reclaimed the entirety of the Roman lands occupied by the Persians since the beginning of their invasions in 252 Odaenathus celebrated his victories and declared himself King of Kings crowning his son Herodianus as co king By 263 Odaenathus was in effective control of the Levant Roman Mesopotamia and Anatolia s eastern region Odaenathus observed all due formalities towards the Emperor but in practice ruled as an independent monarch In 266 he launched a second invasion of Persia but had to abandon the campaign and head north to Bithynia to repel the attacks of Germanic raiders besieging the city of Heraclea Pontica He was assassinated in 267 during or immediately after the Anatolian campaign together with Herodianus The identities of the perpetrator or the instigator are unknown and many stories accusations and speculations exist in ancient sources He was succeeded by his son Vaballathus under the regency of his widow Zenobia who used the power established by Odaenathus to forge the Palmyrene Empire in 270 Contents 1 Name family and appearance 1 1 Odaenathus I 2 Rise 2 1 Ras of Palmyra 2 2 Governor of Syria Phoenice 3 Reign 3 1 Persian war of 260 and pacifying Syria 3 1 1 Ruler of the East 3 1 2 First Persian campaign 262 3 2 King of Kings of the East 3 2 1 Relation with Rome 3 2 2 Administration and royal image 3 2 2 1 Coinage 3 2 3 Second Persian campaign 266 and war in Anatolia 4 Assassination 4 1 Theories of instigators and motives 5 Marriages and descendants 6 Burial and succession 7 Legacy and reception 7 1 Modern scepticism 8 Notes 9 References 9 1 Citations 9 2 Sources 10 External linksName family and appearance editFurther information Portraits of Odaenathus Odaenathus is the Latin transliteration of the king s name note 1 2 he was born Septimius Odainat in c 220 note 2 4 His name is written in transliterated Palmyrene as Sptmyws ʾDynt 5 6 Sptmyws Septimius which means born in September 7 was Odaenathus family gentilicium Roman surname adopted as an expression of loyalty to the Roman Severan dynasty and the emperor Septimius Severus who had granted the family Roman citizenship in the late second century 8 9 ʾDynt Odainat is the Palmyrene diminutive for ear related to Uḏaina in Arabic and Oden in Aramaic 10 6 Odaenathus genealogy is known from a stone block in Palmyra with a sepulchral inscription that mentions the building of a tomb and records the genealogy of the builder Odaenathus son of Hairan son of Wahb Allat son of Nasor 11 12 In Rabbinic sources Odaenathus is named Papa ben Nasor Papa son of Nasor note 3 15 the meaning of the name Papa and how Odaenathus earned it is unclear note 4 15 nbsp Relief from the Temple of the Gadde at Dura Europos depicting the god Gad of Dura center King Seleucus I Nicator right and Hairan son of Maliko son of Nasor a possible relative of Odaenathus left 16 The King appears to be of mixed Arab and Aramean descent 17 his name the name of his father Hairan and that of his grandfather Wahb Allat are Arabic 18 19 while Nasor his great grandfather has an Aramaic name 20 Nasor might not have been the great grandfather of Odaenathus but a more distant ancestor 21 the archaeologist Frank Edward Brown considered Nasor to be Odaenathus great great or great great great grandfather 22 This has led some scholars such as Lisbeth Soss Fried and Javier Teixidor to consider the origin of the family to be Aramean 23 20 In practice the citizenry of Palmyra were the result of Arab and Aramaean tribes merging into a unity with a corresponding consciousness they thought and acted as Palmyrenes 19 24 The fifth century historian Zosimus asserted that Odaenathus descended from illustrious forebears note 5 20 but the position of the family in Palmyra is debated it was probably part of the wealthy mercantile class 29 Alternatively the family may have belonged to the tribal leadership which amassed a fortune as landowners and patrons of the Palmyrene caravans note 6 17 The historians Franz Altheim and Ruth Stiehl suggested that Odaenathus was part of a new elite of Bedouins driven from their home east of the Euphrates by the aggressive Sassanian dynasty after 220 31 32 However it is certain that Odaenathus came from a family which had belonged to the upper class of the city for several generations 33 in Dura Europos a relief dated to 159 158 470 of the Seleucid era SE was commissioned by Hairan son of Maliko son of Nasor note 7 16 This Hairan might have been the head of the Palmyrene trade colony in Dura Europos and probably belonged to the same family as Odaenathus 35 36 According to Brown it is plausible based on the occurrence of the name Nasor in both Dura Europos and Palmyra where it was a rare name that Odaenathus and Hairan son of Maliko belonged to the same family 22 nbsp Odaenathus alleged portrait from the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek museum No definite images of Odaenathus have been discovered hence there is no information about his appearance all sculptures identified as Odaenathus lack any inscriptions to confirm whom they represent 37 Two sculpted heads from Palmyra one preserved in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek museum and the other in the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul were identified by the archaeologist Harald Ingholt de as representing Odaenathus based on their monumentality and regal style 38 The academic consensus does not support Ingholt s view 39 40 and the heads he ascribed to the king can be dated to the end of the second century 41 More likely two marble heads one depicting a man wearing a royal tiara the crown of Palmyra and the other depicting a man in a royal Hellenistic diadem are depictions of the king 42 In addition a Palmyrene clay tessera depicting a bearded man wearing a diadem could be a portrait of the king 43 Odaenathus I edit Traditional scholarship based on the sepulchral inscription from Odaenathus tomb believed the builder to be an ancestor of the king and he was given the designation Odaenathus I note 8 46 The name of King Odaenathus father is Hairan as attested in many inscriptions 47 In an inscription dated to 251 the name of the ras lord of Palmyra Hairan son of Odaenathus is written 48 and he was thought to be the son of Odaenathus I 46 Prior to the 1980s the earliest known inscription attesting King Odaenathus was dated to 257 leading traditional scholarship to believe that Hairan ras of Palmyra was the father of the king and that Odaenathus I was his grandfather note 9 46 50 However an inscription published in 1985 by the archaeologist Michael Gawlikowski and dated to 252 mentions King Odaenathus as a ras and records the same genealogy found in the sepulchral inscription confirming the name of King Odaenathus grandfather as Wahb Allat 46 thus he cannot be a son of Hairan son of Odaenathus I 21 51 Therefore it is certain that King Odaenathus was the builder of the tomb ruling out the existence of Odaenathus I note 10 45 46 The ras Hairan mentioned in the 251 inscription is identical with Odaenathus elder son and co ruler Prince Hairan I 46 53 Rise editPalmyra was an autonomous city within the Roman Empire subordinate to Rome and part of the province of Syria Phoenice 54 Odaenathus descended from an aristocratic family albeit not a royal one as the city was ruled by a council and had no tradition of hereditary monarchy 55 56 57 For most of its existence the Palmyrene army was decentralized under the command of several generals 58 but the rise of the Sassanian Empire in 224 and its incursions which affected Palmyrene trade 59 combined with the weakness of the Roman Empire probably prompted the Palmyrene council to elect a lord for the city in order for him to lead a strengthened army 29 58 60 Ras of Palmyra edit The Roman emperor Gordian III died in 244 during a campaign against Persia and this might have been the event which led to the election of a lord for Palmyra to defend it Odaenathus 61 whose elevation according to the historian Udo Hartmann can be explained by Odaenathus probably being a successful military or caravan commander and his descent from one of the most influential families in the city 62 Odaenathus title as lord was ras in Palmyrene and exarchos in Greek as revealed by bilingual inscriptions from Palmyra note 11 65 The ras title enabled the bearer to effectively deal with the Sassanid threat in that it probably vested in him supreme civil and military authority note 12 58 an undated inscription refers to Odaenathus as a ras and records the gift of a throne to him by a Palmyrene citizen named Ogeilu son of Maqqai Haddudan Hadda which confirms the supreme character of Odaenathus title 61 The office was created for Odaenathus 58 and was not a usual title in the Roman Empire and not a part of Palmyrene government traditions 61 68 nbsp The temple of Bel belonging to the Palmyrene colony in Dura Europos destroyed by the Sassanians in 256 note 13 69 Hairan I was apparently elevated to co lordship by his father as an inscription from 251 testifies 64 As early as the 240s Odaenathus bolstered the Palmyrene army recruiting desert nomads and increasing the number of the Palmyrene heavy cavalry clibanarii 58 70 In 252 the Persian emperor Shapur I started a full scale invasion of the Roman provinces in the east 71 72 During the second campaign of the invasion Shapur I conquered Antioch on the Orontes the traditional capital of Syria 73 and headed south where his advance was checked in 253 by a noble from Emesa Uranius Antoninus 74 The events of 253 were mentioned in the works of the sixth century historian John Malalas who also mentioned a leader by the name Enathus inflicting a defeat upon the retreating Shapur I near the Euphrates 74 Enathus is probably identical with Odaenathus 75 and while Malalas account indicates that Odaenathus defeated the Persians in 253 76 there is no proof that the Palmyrene leader engaged Shapur I before 260 and Malalas account seems to be confusing Odaenathus future actions during 260 with the events of 253 77 Shapur I destroyed the Palmyrene trade colonies along the Euphrates including the colonies at Anah in 253 and at Dura Europos in 256 78 The sixth century historian Peter the Patrician wrote that Odaenathus approached Shapur I to negotiate Palmyrene interests but was rebuffed and the gifts sent to the Persians were thrown into the river 74 75 79 The date for the attempted negotiations is debated some scholars including John F Drinkwater set the event in 253 while others such as Alaric Watson set it in 256 following the destruction of Dura Europos 63 75 Governor of Syria Phoenice edit Several inscriptions dating to the end of 257 or early 258 show Odaenathus bearing the Greek title ὁ lamprotatos ὑpatikos ho lamprotatos hupatikos Latin clarissimus consularis 49 76 80 This title was usually bestowed on Roman senators who held the consulship 80 The title was also mentioned in Odaenathus undated tomb inscription and Hairan I was mentioned with the same title in the 251 inscription 81 Scholarly opinions vary on the exact date of Odaenathus elevation to this position 61 Gawlikowski and the linguist Jean Starcky maintained that the senatorial rank predates the ras elevation 81 Hartmann concluded that Odaenathus first became a ras in the 240s then a senator in 250 81 Another possibility is that the senatorial rank and lordship occurred simultaneously Odaenathus was chosen as a ras following Gordian s death then after Emperor Philip the Arab concluded a peace treaty with the Persians the Emperor ratified Odaenathus lordship and admitted him to the senate to guarantee Palmyra s continued subordination 61 The clarissimus consularis title could be a mere honorific or a sign that Odaenathus was appointed as the legatus of Phoenice 66 82 However the title ὁ lamprotatos ὑpatikos was sometimes used in Syria to denote the provincial governor and the archaeologist William Waddington proposed that Odaenathus was indeed the governor of Phoenice note 14 49 20 Five of the inscriptions mentioning Odaenathus as consul are dated to 569 SE 258 during which no governor for Phoenice is attested which might indicate that this was Odaenathus year of governorship 83 In Phoenice s capital city Tyre the lines To Septimius Odaenathus the most illustrious The Septimian colony of Tyre were found inscribed on a marble base 83 84 the inscription is not dated and if it was made after 257 then it indicates that Odaenathus was appointed as the governor of the province 83 These speculations cannot be proven but as a governor Odaenathus would have been the highest authority in the province above legionary commanders and provincial officials this would make him commander of the Roman forces in the province 83 Whatever the case may be starting from 258 Odaenathus strengthened his position and extended his political influence in the region 66 By 260 Odaenathus held the rank credibility and power to pacify the Roman East following the Battle of Edessa 83 Reign edit nbsp Bas relief depicting the triumph of Shapur I over Valerian Faced with Shapur I s third campaign 85 the Roman emperor Valerian marched against the Persian monarch but was defeated near Edessa in late spring 260 and taken prisoner 86 The Persian emperor then ravaged Cappadocia and Cilicia and claimed to have captured Antioch on the Orontes note 15 87 Taking advantage of the situation Fulvius Macrianus the commander of the imperial treasury declared his sons Quietus and Macrianus Minor as joint emperors in August 260 in opposition to Valerian s son Gallienus note 16 88 Fulvius Macrianus took Antioch on the Orontes as his center and organized the resistance against Shapur I he dispatched Balista his praetorian prefect to Anatolia 88 Shapur I was defeated in the region of Sebaste at Pompeiopolis prompting the Persians to evacuate Cilicia while Balista returned to Antioch on the Orontes 50 88 89 Balista s victory was only partial Shapur I withdrew east of Cilicia which Persian units continued to occupy 90 A Persian force took advantage of Balista s return to Syria and headed further west into Anatolia 88 According to the Augustan History Odaenathus was declared king of Palmyra as soon as the news of the Roman defeat at Edessa reached the city 91 It is not known if Odaenathus contacted Fulvius Macrianus and there is no evidence that he took orders from him 92 Persian war of 260 and pacifying Syria edit Odaenathus assembled the Palmyrene army and Syrian peasants then marched north to meet the Persian emperor who was returning to Persia note 17 78 92 The Palmyrene monarch fell upon the retreating Persian army between Samosata and Zeugma west of the Euphrates in late summer 260 note 18 92 97 He defeated the Persians expelling Shapur I from the province of Syria 92 In early 261 Fulvius Macrianus headed to Europe accompanied by Macrianus Minor leaving Quietus and Balista in Emesa 92 Odaenathus whereabouts during this episode are not clear he could have distributed the army in garrisons along the frontier or might have brought it back to his capital 79 The Palmyrene monarch seems to have waited until the situation clarified declaring loyalty to neither Fulvius Macrianus nor Gallienus 79 In the spring of 261 Fulvius Macrianus arrived in the Balkans but was defeated and killed along with Macrianus Minor Odaenathus when it became clear that Gallienus would eventually win sided with the Emperor and marched on Emesa where Quietus and Balista were staying The Emesans killed Quietus as Odaenathus approached the city 79 while Balista was captured and executed by the King in autumn 261 84 98 Ruler of the East edit The elimination of the usurpers left Odaenathus as the most powerful leader in the Roman East 79 He was granted many titles by the Emperor but those honors are debated among scholars 99 Dux Romanorum commander of the Romans was probably given to Odaenathus to recognize his position as the commander in chief of the forces in the east against the Persians it was inherited by Odaenathus son and successor Vaballathus 100 nbsp Drawing of the posthumous dedication to Odaenathus attesting him as Corrector upper section Palmyrene letters transcribed into Latin lower section Corrector totius orientis righter of the entire East it is generally accepted by modern scholars that he bore this title 101 A corrector had overall command of Roman armies and authority over provincial governors in his designated region 102 103 There are no known attestations of the title during Odaenathus lifetime 101 Evidence for the King bearing the title consists of two inscriptions in Palmyrene one posthumous dedication describing him as MTQNNʿ of the East derived from the Semitic root TQN meaning to set in order note 19 and the other describing his heir Vaballathus with the same title albeit using the word PNRTTʿ instead of MTQNNʿ 102 105 However the sort of authority accorded by this position is widely debated 102 The problem arises from the word MTQNNʿ its exact meaning is unclear 105 The word is translated into Latin as corrector but restitutor is another possible translation the latter title was an honorary one meant to praise the bearer for driving enemies out of Roman territories 105 However the inscription of Vaballathus is clearer as the word PNRTTʿ is not a Palmyrene word but a direct Palmyrene translation of the Greek term Epanorthotes which is usually an equivalent to a corrector 105 According to the historian David Potter Vaballathus inherited his father s exact titles 102 Hartmann points out that there have been cases where a Greek word was translated directly to Palmyrene and a Palmyrene equivalent was also used to mean the same thing 105 The dedication to Odaenathus would be the use of a Palmyrene equivalent while the inscription of Vaballathus would be the direct translation 102 It cannot be certain that Odaenathus was a corrector 105 Imperator totius orientis commander in chief of the entire East only the Augustan History claims that Odaenathus was given this title the same source also claims that he was made an Augustus or co emperor following his defeat of the Persians 99 Both claims are dismissed by scholars 99 Odaenathus seems to have been acclaimed as imperator by his troops which was a salutation usually reserved for the Roman emperor this acclamation might explain the erroneous reports of the Augustan History 106 Regardless of his titles Odaenathus controlled the Roman East with the approval of Gallienus who could do little but formalize Odaenathus self achieved status and settle for his formal loyalty note 20 108 109 Odaenathus authority extended from the Pontic coast in the north to Palestine in the south 110 This area included the Roman provinces of Syria Phoenice Palaestina Arabia Anatolia s eastern regions and following the campaign of 262 Osroene and Mesopotamia 110 111 112 First Persian campaign 262 edit Perhaps driven by a desire to take revenge for the destruction of Palmyrene trade centers and to discourage Shapur I from initiating future attacks Odaenathus launched an offensive against the Persians 113 The suppression of Fulvius Macrianus rebellion probably prompted Gallienus to entrust the Palmyrene monarch with the war in Persia and Roman soldiers were in the ranks of Odaenathus army for this campaign 91 In the spring of 262 the King marched north into the occupied Roman province of Mesopotamia driving out the Persian garrisons and recapturing Edessa and Carrhae 114 115 The first onslaught was aimed at Nisibis which Odaenathus regained but sacked since the inhabitants had been sympathetic towards the Persian occupation 115 A little later he destroyed the Jewish city of Nehardea 45 kilometres 28 mi west of the Persian capital Ctesiphon note 21 118 as he considered the Jews of Mesopotamia to be loyal to Shapur I 119 By late 262 or early 263 Odaenathus stood outside the walls of the Persian capital 120 The exact route taken by Odaenathus from Palmyra to Ctesiphon remains uncertain it was probably similar to the route Emperor Julian took in 363 during his campaign against Persia 121 If he did use this route Odaenathus would have crossed the Euphrates at Zeugma then moved east to Edessa followed by Carrhae then Nisibis Here he would have descended south along the Khabur River to the Euphrates valley and then marched along the river s left bank to Nehardea 121 He then penetrated the Sassanian province of Asōristan and marched along the royal canal Naarmalcha towards the Tigris where the Persian capital stood 121 Once at Ctesiphon Odaenathus immediately began a siege of the well fortified winter residence of the Persian kings severe damage was inflicted upon the surrounding areas during several battles with Persian troops 120 The city held out and the logistical problems of fighting in enemy territory probably prompted the Palmyrenes to lift the siege 120 Odaenathus headed north along the Euphrates carrying with him numerous prisoners and much booty 120 The invasion resulted in the full restoration of the Roman lands which had been occupied by Shapur I since the beginning of his invasions in 252 Osroene and Mesopotamia note 22 111 123 However Dura Europus and other Palmyrene posts south of Circesium such as Anah were not rebuilt 114 Odaenathus sent the captives to Rome and by the end of 263 Gallienus assumed the title Persicus maximus the great victor in Persia and held a triumph in Rome 124 King of Kings of the East edit In 263 after his return Odaenathus assumed the title of King of Kings of the East Mlk Mlk dy Mdnh note 23 and crowned his son Herodianus Hairan I as co King of Kings 126 127 A statue was erected and dedicated for Herodianus to celebrate his coronation by Septimius Worod the duumviri magistrate of Palmyra and Julius Aurelius the Queen s procurator treasurer The dedication in Greek is undated 128 but Septimius Worod was a duumviri between 263 and 264 Hence the coronation took place c 263 note 24 130 Contemporary evidence for Odaenathus bearing the title of King of Kings is lacking all firmly dated inscriptions attesting Odaenathus with the title were commissioned after his death including one that is dated to 271 51 78 However Herodianus died with his father 131 and since he is directly attested as King of Kings during his father s lifetime it is unimaginable that Odaenathus was simply a king while his son was the King of Kings 132 133 An undated inscription written in Greek and difficult to decipher found on a stone reused in the Palmyrene Camp of Diocletian addresses Odaenathus as King of Kings Rex regum and was probably set during his reign 134 According to the dedication Herodianus was crowned near the Orontes which indicates a ceremony taking place in Antioch on the Orontes the metropolis of Syria note 25 128 The title was a symbol of legitimacy in the East dating back to the Assyrians then the Achaemenids who used it to symbolize their supremacy over all other rulers it was later adopted by the Parthian monarchs to legitimize their conquests 135 The first Sassanian monarch Ardashir I adopted the title following his victory over the Parthians 136 Odaenathus son was crowned with a diadem and a tiara the choice of Antioch on the Orontes was probably meant to demonstrate that the Palmyrene monarchs were now the successors of the Seleucid and Iranian rulers who had controlled Syria and Mesopotamia in the past 127 Relation with Rome edit nbsp Roman regions under the authority of Odaenathus yellow and the Palmyrene kingdom green In analyzing the rise of Odaenathus and his complicated relationship with Rome the historian Gary K Young concluded that to search for any kind of regularity or normality in such a situation is clearly pointless 137 In practice Palmyra became an allied kingdom of Rome but legally it remained part of the empire The King of Kings title was probably not aimed at the position of the Roman emperor but at Shapur I Odaenathus was declaring that he not the Persian monarch was the legitimate King of Kings of the East 138 Odaenathus intentions are questioned by some historians such as Drinkwater who attributed the attempted negotiations with Shapur I to Odaenathus quest for power 75 However in contrast to the norm of this period when powerful generals frequently proclaimed themselves emperors Odaenathus chose not to attempt to usurp Gallienus throne 139 The relationship between Odaenathus and the Emperor should be understood from two different perspectives Roman and Syrian In Rome broad power delegation by the Emperor to an individual from outside the imperial family was not considered a problem 140 such authority had been granted several times since the days of Augustus in the first century 141 The Syrian perspective was different 140 according to Potter the dedication celebrating Herodianus coronation on the Orontes should be interpreted to mean a Palmyrene claim to kingship in Syria and control over it during the reign of Odaenathus 142 What the central government thought of such claims is unclear but it is doubtful that Gallienus recognized the situation as the Palmyrenes understood it 141 In the Roman Empire s hierarchical system a vassal king using the title of King of Kings did not indicate that he was a peer of the Emperor or that the ties of vassalage were cut 143 Such different understandings eventually led to the conflict between Rome and Palmyra during the reign of Zenobia who considered her husband s Roman offices hereditary and an expression of independent authority note 26 144 The King had effective control over the Roman East where his military authority was absolute 108 145 Odaenathus respected Gallienus authority to appoint provincial governors 145 but dealt swiftly with opposition the Anonymus post Dionem de usually associated with the sixth century historian Eustathius of Epiphania or Peter the Patrician 44 mentions the story of Kyrinus or Quirinus a Roman official who showed dissatisfaction with Odaenathus authority over the Persian frontier and was immediately executed by the King note 27 146 96 147 In general Odaenathus actions were connected to his and Palmyra s interests only His support of Gallienus and his Roman titles did not hide the Palmyrene base of his power and the local origin of his armies as with his decision not to wait for the Emperor to help in 260 82 106 Odaenathus status seems to have been as Watson puts it something between powerful subject independent vassal king and rival emperor 106 Administration and royal image edit nbsp Herodianus wearing the Palmyrene crown Odaenathus behaved as a sovereign monarch 148 outside his kingdom of Palmyra he had overall administrative and military authority over the provincial governors of the Roman eastern provinces 149 Inside Palmyra no Roman provincial official had any authority the King filled the government with Palmyrenes 150 In parallel to the Iranian practice of making the government a family enterprise Odaenathus bestowed his own gentilicium Septimius upon his leading generals and officials such as Zabdas Zabbai and Worod note 28 150 Most Palmyrene constitutional institutions continued to function normally during Odaenathus reign 102 he maintained many civic establishments 66 152 but the last magistrates were elected in 264 59 and the Palmyrene council was not attested after that year After this year a governor Septimius Worod was appointed by the King for the city of Palmyra 153 who also functioned as a viceroy when Odaenathus was on campaign 154 A lead token depicting Herodianus shows him wearing a tiara crown shaped like that of the Parthian monarchs so it must have been Odaenathus crown 155 this combination of imagery together with the King of Kings title indicates that Odaenathus considered himself the rival of the Sassanians and the protector of the region against them 156 Many intellectuals relocated to Palmyra and enjoyed the King s patronage 157 most prominently Cassius Longinus who probably arrived in the 260s 158 It is possible that Odaenathus influenced local writers to promote his rule 159 a prophecy in the thirteenth Sibylline Oracle written after the events it prophesied 160 reads Then shall come one who was sent by the sun i e Odaenathus a mighty and fearful lion breathing much flame Then he with much shameless daring will destroy the greatest beast venomous fearful and emitting a great deal of hisses i e Shapur I 161 The authority of Odaenathus did not appease all factions in Syria and the glorification of the King in the oracle could be a politically sponsored propaganda aimed at expanding Odaenathus support note 29 159 Another writer in the Palmyrene court Nicostratus of Trebizond probably accompanied the King on his campaigns and wrote a history of the period starting with Philip the Arab and ending shortly before Odaenathus death 162 According to Potter Nicostratus account was meant to glorify Odaenathus and demonstrate his superiority over the Roman Emperor 163 Coinage edit nbsp Antiochene coin of Gallienus c 264 265 depicting captives on its reverse It was possibly minted to celebrate Odaenathus victories in Persia nbsp Antiochene coin of Gallienus 264 265 depicting a radiate lion on its reverse The animal is probably a reference to Odaenathus who is described as a lion in the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle Odaenathus minted coinage only in the name of Gallienus 164 and produced no coins bearing his own image 102 The engraver Hubertus Goltzius forged coins of Odaenathus in the sixteenth century 165 according to the eighteenth century numismatist Joseph Hilarius Eckhel The coins of Odenathus are known only to Goltzius and if anyone will put faith in their existence let him go to the fountain head i e Goltzius According to the Augustan History Gallienus minted a coin in honour of Odaenathus where he was depicted taking the Persians captive 166 a coin of Gallienus minted in Antioch and dated to c 264 265 depicts two seated captives on its reverse and was associated with the victories of Odaenathus by the historian Michael Geiger 167 Other coins of Gallienus depict lions on their reverses the animal was portrayed in several fashions bare headed with a bull s head between its paws radiate head radiate head with a bull s head between its paws or an eagle standing on its back The historian Erika Manders considered it possible that those coins were issued for Odaenathus as the depiction of a lion is reminiscent of the thirteenth Sibylline Oracle s description of Odaenathus as a mighty and fearful lion breathing much flame note 30 169 Second Persian campaign 266 and war in Anatolia edit The primary sources are silent regarding events following the first Persian campaign but this is an indication of the peace that prevailed and that the Persians had ceased being a threat to the Roman East 170 The evidence for the second campaign is meager Zosimus is the only one to mention it specifically 171 A passage in the thirteenth Sibylline Oracle is interpreted by Hartmann as an indication of a second offensive 172 With the rise of the Sassanid dynasty Palmyrene trade caravans to the East diminished with only three recorded after 224 The last caravan returned to Palmyra in 266 and this was probably facilitated by the campaign which probably took place in 266 173 The King marched directly to Ctesiphon but he had to break off the siege and march north to face an influx of Germanic raiders attacking Anatolia 171 174 The Romans used the designation Scythian to denote many tribes regardless of their ethnic origin and sometimes the term would be interchangeable with Goths The tribes attacking Anatolia were probably the Heruli who built ships to cross the Black Sea in 267 and ravaged the coasts of Bithynia and Pontus besieging Heraclea Pontica 171 According to the eighth century historian George Syncellus Odaenathus arrived at Anatolia with Herodianus and headed to Heraclea but the riders were already gone having loaded their ships with booty 171 Many perished perhaps in a sea battle with Odaenathus forces or possibly they were shipwrecked 171 Assassination editOdaenathus was assassinated together with Herodianus in late 267 The date is debated and some scholars propose 266 or 268 but Vaballathus dated the first year of his reign between August 267 and August 268 making late 267 the most probable date 175 The assassination took place in either Anatolia or Syria 176 177 There is no consensus on the manner perpetrator or the motive behind the act 176 According to Syncellus Odaenathus was assassinated near Heraclea Pontica by an assassin also named Odaenathus who was killed by the King s bodyguard 178 Zosimus states that Odaenathus was killed by conspirators near Emesa at a friend s birthday party without naming the killer 178 179 The twelfth century historian Zonaras attributed the crime to a nephew of Odaenathus but did not give a name 180 The Anonymus post Dionem also does not name the assassin 178 The Augustan History claims that a cousin of the King named Maeonius killed him 181 Theories of instigators and motives edit Roman conspiracy the seventh century historian John of Antioch accused Gallienus of being behind the assassination 178 A passage in the work of the Anonymus post Dionem speaks of a certain Rufinus who orchestrated the assassination on his own initiative then explained his actions to the Emperor who condoned them 176 This account has Rufinus ordering the murder of an older Odaenathus out of fear that he would rebel and has the younger Odaenathus complaining to the Emperor note 31 178 Since the older Odaenathus Odaenathus I has proven to be a fictional character the story is ignored by most scholars 183 However the younger Odaenathus could be an oblique reference to Vaballathus and Rufinus could be identified with Cocceius Rufinus the Roman governor of Arabia in 261 262 The evidence for such a Roman conspiracy is weak 183 nbsp Maeonius as depicted in the Promptuarii Iconum Insigniorum Family feud according to Zonaras Odaenathus nephew misbehaved during a lion hunt 184 He made the first attack and killed the animal to the dismay of the King 185 Odaenathus warned his nephew who ignored the warning and repeated the act twice more causing the King to deprive him of his horse a great insult in the East 185 186 The nephew threatened Odaenathus and was put in chains as a result Herodianus asked his father to forgive his cousin and his request was granted However as the King was drinking the nephew approached him with a sword and killed him along with Herodianus 185 The bodyguard immediately executed the nephew 185 Zenobia the wife of Odaenathus was accused by the Augustan History of having formerly conspired with Maeonius as Herodianus was her stepson and she could not accept that he was the heir to her husband instead of her own children 178 However there is no suggestion in the Augustan History that Zenobia was directly involved in her husband s murder 186 the act is attributed to Maeonius degeneracy and jealousy 178 Those accounts by the Augustan History can be dismissed as fiction 187 The hints in modern scholarship that Zenobia had a hand in the assassination out of her desire to rule the empire and her dismay at her husband s pro Roman policy can be dismissed as there was no reversal of that policy during the first years following Odaenathus death 176 Persian agents the possibility of a Persian involvement exists but the outcome of the assassination would not have served Shapur I unless a pro Persian monarch was established on the Palmyrene throne 188 Palmyrene traitors another possibility would be Palmyrenes dissatisfied with Odaenathus reign and the changes of their city s governmental system 186 The historian Nathanael Andrade noting that since the Augustan History Zosimus Zonaras and Syncellus all refer to a family feud or a domestic conspiracy in their writings they must have been recounting an early tradition regarding the assassination Also the story of Rufinus is a clue to tensions between Odaenathus and the Roman court 189 The mint of Antioch on the Orontes ceased the production of Gallienus coins in early 268 and while this could be related to fiscal troubles it could also have been ordered by Zenobia in retaliation for the murder of her husband 190 Andrade proposed that the assassination was the result of a coup conducted by Palmyrene notables in collaboration with the imperial court whose officials were dissatisfied with Odaenathus autonomy 191 On the other hand Hartmann concluded that it is more probable that Odaenathus was killed in Pontus 176 Marriages and descendants edit nbsp Zenobia Odaenathus second wife Odaenathus was married twice Nothing is known about his first wife s name or fate 192 Zenobia was the King s second wife whom he married in the late 250s when she was 17 or 18 193 How many children Odaenathus had with his first wife is unknown and only one is attested Hairan I Herodianus the name Hairan appears on a 251 inscription from Palmyra describing him as ras implying that he was already an adult by then 192 In the Augustan History Odaenathus eldest son is named Herod the dedication at Palmyra from 263 which celebrates Hairan I s coronation mentions him with the name Herodianus 192 It is possible that the Hairan of the 251 inscription is not the same as the Herodianus of the dedication from 263 192 but this is contested by Hartmann who concludes that the reason for the difference in the spelling is the language used in the inscription Herodianus being the Greek version 187 meaning that Odaenathus eldest son and co king was Hairan Herodianus 194 Hartmann s view is in line with the academic consensus 195 The children of Odaenathus and Zenobia were nbsp Vaballathus Odaenathus son and successor Vaballathus he is attested on several coins inscriptions and in the ancient literature 196 Hairan II his image appears on a seal impression along with his older brother Vaballathus his identity is much debated 196 Potter suggested that he is the same as Herodianus who was crowned in 263 and that the Hairan I mentioned in 251 died before the birth of Hairan II 197 Andrade suggested the opposite maintaining that Hairan I Herodianus and Hairan II are the same 198 Herennianus and Timolaus the two were mentioned in the Augustan History and are not attested in any other source 196 Herennianus might be a conflation of Hairan and Herodianus while Timolaus is most probably a fabrication 187 although the historian Dietmar Kienast suggests that he might be Vaballathus 199 Possible descendants of Odaenathus living in later centuries are reported Lucia Septimia Patabiniana Balbilla Tyria Nepotilla Odaenathiana is known through a dedication dating to the late third or early fourth century inscribed on a tombstone erected by a wet nurse to her sweetest and most loving mistress note 32 201 The tombstone was found in Rome at the San Callisto in Trastevere 202 Another possible relative is Eusebius who is mentioned by the fourth century rhetorician Libanius in 391 as a son of one Odaenathus who was in turn a descendant of the King 203 the father of Eusebius is mentioned as fighting against the Persians most probably in the ranks of Emperor Julian s army 204 In 393 Libanius mentioned that Eusebius promised him a speech written by Longinus for the King 203 In the fifth century the philosopher Syrian Odaenathus lived in Athens and was a student of Plutarch of Athens 205 he might have been a distant descendant of the King 206 Burial and succession edit nbsp The stone block from Odaenathus early tomb nbsp The Funerary Temple no 86 The House Tomb Mummification was practiced in Palmyra alongside inhumation and it is a possibility that Zenobia had her husband mummified 207 The stone block bearing Odaenathus sepulchral inscription was in the Temple of Bel in the nineteenth century 11 and it was originally the architrave of the tomb 47 It had been moved to the temple at some point and so the location of the tomb to which the block belonged is not known 11 The tomb was probably built early in Odaenathus career and before his marriage to Zenobia and it is plausible that another more elaborate tomb was built after Odaenathus became King of Kings 208 Roman law forbade the burial of individuals within a city 209 This rule was strictly observed in the west but it was applied more leniently in the eastern parts of the empire 210 A burial within a city was one of the highest honors an individual other than the Emperor and his family could receive in the Roman Empire 211 A notable person may be buried in this manner for different reasons such as his leadership or monetary donations 210 It meant that the deceased was not sent beyond the walls for fear of miasma pollution and that he would be part of the city s future civic life note 33 211 At the western end of the Great Colonnade at Palmyra a shrine designated Funerary Temple no 86 also known as the House Tomb is located 212 213 Inside its chamber steps lead down to a vault crypt which is now lost 213 214 This mausoleum might have belonged to the royal family being the only tomb inside the city s walls Odaenathus royal power in itself was sufficient to earn him a burial within the city walls 215 216 The Augustan History claims that Maeonius was proclaimed emperor for a brief period before being killed by soldiers 176 183 186 However no inscriptions or other evidence exist for Maeonius reign 217 the very existence of which is doubtful 218 The disappearance of Septimius Worod in 267 could be related to the internal coup he could have been executed by Zenobia if he was involved or killed by the conspirators if he was loyal to the King 189 Odaenathus was succeeded by his son the ten year old Vaballathus under the regency of Zenobia 219 Hairan II probably died soon after his father 220 as only Vaballathus succeeded to the throne 221 Legacy and reception edit nbsp The mosaic possibly depicting Odaenathus fighting the Persians who are depicted as tigers Odaenathus was the founder of the Palmyrene royal dynasty 222 He left Palmyra the premier power in the East 223 and his actions laid the foundation of Palmyrene strength which culminated in the establishment of the Palmyrene Empire in 270 76 Hero cults were not common in Palmyra but the unprecedented position and achievements of Odaenathus might have given rise to such a practice 224 a mosaic excavated in Palmyra depicts the Greek myth of Bellerophon defeating the Chimera on the back of Pegasus in one panel 225 and a man in Palmyrene military outfit riding a horse and shooting at two tigers with an eagle flying above in the other According to Gianluca Serra the conservation zoologist based in Palmyra at the time of the panel s discovery the tigers are Panthera tigris virgata once common in the region of Hyrcania in Iran 226 Gawlikowski proposed that Odaenathus is heroized as Bellerophon and that the archer is also a depiction of Odaenathus fighting the Persians depicted as tigers This is supported by the title of mrn lord which appear on the archer panel an honor carried only by Odaenathus and Hairan I 227 The mosaic with its two panels indicates that Odaenathus was probably treated as a divine figure and may have been worshipped in Palmyra 224 Odaenathus memory as an able king and loyal Roman was used by the emperors Claudius II and Aurelian to tarnish Zenobia s reputation by portraying themselves as Odaenathus avengers against his wife the usurper who gained the throne through plotting 228 The King was praised by Libanius 229 and the fourth century writer of the Augustan History while placing Odaenathus among the Thirty Tyrants probably because he assumed the title of king in the view of the eighteenth century historian Edward Gibbon 230 speaks highly of his role in the Persian War and credits him with saving the empire Had not Odaenathus prince of the Palmyrenes seized the imperial power after the capture of Valerian when the strength of the Roman state was exhausted all would have been lost in the East 231 On the other hand Odaenathus is viewed negatively in Rabbinic sources His sack of Nehardea mortified the Jews 232 and he was cursed by both the Babylonian Jews and the Jews of Palestine 111 In the Christian version of the Apocalypse of Elijah probably written in Egypt following the capture of Valerian 233 Odaenathus is called the king who will rise from the city of the sun and will eventually be killed by the Persians 234 this prophecy is a response to Odaenathus persecution of the Jews and his destruction of Nahardea 235 The Jewish Apocalypse of Elijah identifies Odaenathus as the Antichrist note 34 239 Modern scepticism edit Odaenathus the mention of whose name alone caused the hearts of the Persians to falter Everywhere victorious he liberated the cities and the territories belonging to each of them and made the enemies place their salvation in their prayers rather than in the force of arms Libanius on the exploits of Odaenathus 203 The successes of Odaenathus are treated sceptically by a number of modern scholars 240 According to the Augustan History Odaenathus captured the king s treasures and he captured too what the Parthian monarchs hold dearer than treasures namely his concubines For this reason Shapur I was now in greater dread of the Roman generals and out of fear of Ballista and Odaenathus he withdrew more speedily to his kingdom 241 Sceptical scholars such as Martin Sprengling considered such accounts of ancient Roman historians poor scanty and confused 242 However the coronation dedication of Herodianus statue which stood on the Monumental Arch of Palmyra 132 records his defeat of the Persians for which he was crowned 130 128 thus providing Palmyrene evidence that explicitly mentions the war against Persia the victory attested is probably related to the first Persian campaign and not the battle of 260 243 The historian Andreas Alfoldi concluded that Odaenathus started his wars with Persia by attacking the retreating Persian army at Edessa in 260 Such an attack is rejected by sceptical scholars Sprengling noted that no evidence exists for such an engagement 242 The Iranologist Walter Bruno Henning considered the accounts of Odaenathus attack in 260 greatly exaggerated Shapur I mentions that he made the Roman prisoners build him the Band e Kaisar near Susiana and built a city for those prisoners which evolved into the current Gundeshapur Henning cited those arguments as evidence for Shapur I s success in bringing his army and prisoners back home and Roman exaggeration regarding Odaenathus successes 244 Sprengling suggested that Shapur I did not have enough troops to garrison the Roman cities he occupied and he was old and focused on religion and building hence Odaenathus merely retook abandoned cities and marched on Ctesiphon to heal Rome s pride while being careful not to disturb the Persians and their emperor 245 Other scholars such as Jacob Neusner noted that while the accounts of the 260 engagement might be an exaggeration Odaenathus did become a real threat to Persia when he regained the cities formerly taken by Shapur I and besieged Ctesiphon 246 The historian Louis Feldman rejected Henning s proposals 247 and the historian Trevor Bryce concluded that whatever the nature of Odaenathus campaigns they led to the restoration of all Roman territories occupied by Shapur I Rome was free of Persian threats for several years after Odaenathus wars 240 Notes edit The Greek transliterations Ancient Greek Ὀdaina8os Odainathos or Ὠdena8os Ōdenathos and the Latin ones Latin Odaenathus Odenathus Odinatus or Ordinatus are more or less corrupted transliterations of the Palmyrene and the Arabic respectively 2 The 220 date was proposed by the archaeologist Michael Gawlikowski head of the Polish archaeological expedition in Palmyra the archaeologist Ernest Will however maintained that the king was born c 200 3 According to the authors of the Genesis Rabbah 76 6 a verse from the Book of Daniel 7 8 refers to a certain ben Nasor who was identified as Odaenthus by several modern historians and Talmudic scholars including Heinrich Graetz Marcus Jastrow and Saul Lieberman 13 The rabbi Solomon Funk considered ben Nasor a relative of Odaenathus while the historian Jacob Neusner considered it possible that ben Nasor was either Odaenathus or a family member of his According to the historian Lukas de Blois Odaenathus is the strongest candidate in Ketuboth 51B ben Nasor is mentioned as king and the only known king with the name Nasor mentioned in his genealogy is Odaenathus 14 According to the historian Louis Feldman Papa is likely a Latin translation of the Semitic Abba father 13 Papa was a proper name used in Hatra and several Jewish Amoraim bore the names Pappa Ppʿ or Pappus Ppws from the root ppy or pph which means talk in a proud manner according to the historian Udo Hartmann it is possible that the rabbis named Odaenathus Papa for his arrogance It is also possible that since Odaenathus grandfather was a son of Nasor Papa is a Greek loanward related to pappos pappos meaning grandfather 15 Odaenathus is mentioned as the lowest of the kings in the Book of Elijah 25 which is a collection of texts dating to different periods such as pieces from 1 Kings an apocalyptic depiction of the Sassanid fights against Rome and an Abrahamic apocalypse depicting Israel s exaltation and the pagan world s humiliation 26 The sixth century Byzantine historian Agathias mentioned Odaenathus as a man of low birth The statement of Zosimus contradicts those low birth accounts In the view of the historian Averil Cameron the phrase used by Agathias ἀfanὴs mὲn tὰ prῶta aphanḗs men ta prṓta is an antithesis to megisthn ἀramenos do3an megisten aramenos doxan and Agathias used the same phrase to describe the first Sasanian king Ardashir I 27 who traced his descent to the Avestan and Achaemenid kings 28 Palmyrene caravan patrons owned the land on which the caravan animals were raised providing animals and guards for the merchants who led the caravans 30 Each Seleucid year started in the late autumn of a Gregorian year thus a Seleucid year overlaps two Gregorian ones 34 This assumption was facilitated by a passage in the work of Anonymus post Dionem de usually associated with the sixth century historians Eustathius of Epiphania or Peter the Patrician 44 which speaks about a younger Odaenathus asking the Roman emperor to punish his official Rufinus for the latter s role in assassinating an elder Odaenathus 45 For information see Assassination of Odaenathus Roman conspiracy The archaeologist William Waddington considered King Odaenathus the son of ras Hairan while the historian Theodor Mommsen considered the latter an older brother of the king 49 Although the conclusions of Gawlikowski became the academic consensus the archaeologist Jean Charles Balty argued that Odaenathus who built the tomb was not the same as King Odaenathus stating that a new inscription can alter everything formerly known about the family 52 The dated inscriptions mentioning the title are from October 251 and April 252 the 251 inscription refers to Odaenathus eldest son Hairan I as ras while the 252 inscription refers to Odaenathus 63 64 Although the first known inscription attesting Odaenathus title dates to 252 it is confirmed that he rose to the position at least one year earlier based on Hairan I s attestation as ras in 251 and it is probable that he took the title in the aftermath of Gordian III s death 61 Whether the ras title indicates a military or a priestly position is not known 66 but the military role is the more likely 67 There are two temples of Bel in Dura Europos the first was established by the Palmyrenes in the early first century outside the city wall in the necropolis and the second depicted in this picture also named the temple of the Palmyrene gods was administered by Palmyrenes only in the third century 69 The educator Hermann Schiller rejected that Odaenathus was a governor of Phoenice the title ὁ lamprotatos ὑpatikos was also attested in Palmyra for different notables and it could have been an honorary title of high degree 49 There is no proof that Shapur I entered the central areas of northern Syria he seems to have moved directly west into Cilicia 85 At first Fulvius Macrianus showed loyalty to Gallienus 88 Zosimus wrote that Odaenathus army with which he fought Shapur I in 260 included his own Palmyrene troops and remnants of Valerian s Roman legions 93 No evidence exists for Roman units in his ranks but it is possible considering that he was fighting in the vicinity of Roman legionary bases Troops based there might have been loyal to Gallienus and thus have chosen to join Odaenathus 79 Whether Roman soldiers fought under Odaenathus or not is a matter of speculation 79 The peasant element in the army was mentioned in the writings of later historians such as the fourth century writers Festus and Orosius 94 the latter called the army of Odaenathus manus agrestis syrorum 93 leading the historian Edward Gibbon to portray Odaenathus troops as a scratch army of peasants The historian Richard Stoneman rejected Gibbon s conclusion arguing that the success of the Palmyrenes against Shapur I and the victories achieved by Zenobia following her husband s death which brought Syria Egypt and Anatolia under Palmyrene authority can hardly be ascribed to an ill equipped untrained peasant army 94 It is more logical to interpret agrestis as denoting troops from outside the urban centres and thus it can be concluded that Odaenathus levied his cavalrymen from the regions surrounding Palmyra where horses were normally bred and kept 95 The account of Odaenathus attacking the retreating Persians is according to the eighth century historian Syncellus 96 The root TQN exists in several languages Aramaic meaning to prepare to fix set in order Akkadian where the word taqan means be settled in order Arabic meaning improve fix set in order 104 The Roman East traditionally included all the Roman lands in Asia east and south of the Bosphorus 107 The tenth century geonim Sherira Gaon in his work Iggeret Rav Sherira Gaon stated that Papa ben Nasor destroyed the city in 570 SE corresponding to 259 5 de Blois proposed that Odaenathus destruction of Nehardea in 259 was in support of Valerian 116 However Neusner suggested that the correct date is 262 or 263 117 and considered the date given by Sherira Gaon impossible since the destruction of the city would have required a large army and the only large force invading the region in that period was headed by Odaenathus during his first campaign Feldman noted that Palmyra counted on the maneuverability of its soldiers not on the size of its armies thus doubting the conclusions of Neusner 13 Contrary to the account of the Augustan History there is no proof that Odaenathus occupied Armenia 122 Odaenathus title as it appears in Palmyrene inscriptions was King of Kings and Corrector of the East 125 Gawlikowski proposed that the statue was erected and the coronation took place following the victory in 260 129 Gawlikowski also suggested that Odaenathus adopted the title King of Kings before his first Persian campaign in preparation for the war and the replacement of the Sassanid dynasty a goal that was not achieved 43 The archaeologist Daniel Schlumberger suggested Emesa present day Homs as the location of the coronation but the ancient city was located about a mile away from the river Hence the academic consensus prefers Antioch on the Orontes 130 a lead token bearing Herodianus image probably struck to celebrate the coronation was found in the city 127 As queen consort Zenobia remained in the background and was not mentioned in the historical record 133 No information on the identity of Kyrinus exists 146 it is possible that he is the same person as Aurelius Quirinius who is recorded as head of the financial administration of Egypt in 262 147 This gentilicium was exclusive to the family of Odaenathus prior to the 260s 151 The Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle was compiled by several writers who were probably Syrians and attempted to promote Syrian rulers by portraying them as the saviours of Rome from Persia The initial text was completed during the time of Uranius and revised during the reign of Odaenathus with 19 lines added comprising the prophecy of Odaenathus victories 159 The historian David Woods rejected the different interpretations of the radiate lion considering it a sign of the Emperor s brevity a motif that can be traced back to Alexander the Great of Macedon s birth legends 168 This story contributed to the now discounted assumption that Odaenathus I existed 182 It is debated whether the inscription should be understood as an evidence for descendants of Odaenathus in Rome 200 Generally the initiative of granting an individual an intramural burial came from the demos and had to be confirmed through acclamatio due to this requirement the honor was a rarity 211 The Apocalypse of Elijah is an apocryphal work that exists in two versions one is Jewish and written in Hebrew and the other is Christian and written in Coptic 236 The Christian version seems to be based on a Jewish prophecy written in Egypt in the time of the turmoil after Valerian s capture the Jews were probably expecting the Persians to win and allow them to return to Jerusalem by eliminating Odaenathus whom they considered an enemy 233 According to the prophecy In those days a king will arise in the city which is called the city of the sun and the whole land will be disturbed He will flee to Memphis with the Persians In the sixth year the Persian kings will plot an ambush in Memphis They will kill the Assyrian king 237 The Coptologist Oscar Lemm considered that by the Persian and Assyrian kings the prophecy meant the sixth century BC kings Cyrus the Great of Persia and the Chaldean Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylonia Lemm also considered the killing of the Assyrian king in Memphis an allusion to the defeat of the Babylonians by Persia 237 The theologian Wilhelm Bousset considered the prophecy to be pointless if it actually meant that the Persians and Assyrian kings warred in Egypt since such a conflict never happened Noting the confusion between Syria and Assyria in many Roman sources including the Sibylline prophecies Bousset identified the Assyrian king with Odaenathus Palmyra was known as the city of the sun in many apocalyptic traditions 238 References editCitations edit a b Cooke 1911 a b Sommer 2018 p 167 Hartmann 2008 p 348 Sommer 2018 p 146 a b Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 61 a b al As ad Yon amp Fournet 2001 p 18 Petersen 1962 pp 347 348 351 Shahid 1995 p 296 Matyszak amp Berry 2008 p 244 Stark 1971 p 65 a b c Addison 1838 p 166 Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 59 a b c Feldman 1996 p 431 de Blois 1975 p 13 a b c Hartmann 2001 p 42 a b Kropp 2013 p 225 a b Powers 2010 p 130 Stark 1971 pp 65 xx 85 a b Hartmann 2001 p 88 a b c d Teixidor 2005 p 195 a b Gawlikowski 1985 p 260 a b Brown 1939 p 257 Fried 2014 p 95 Sommer 2018 p 146 Riessler 1928 pp 235 1279 Riessler 1928 p 1279 Cameron 1969 1970 p 141 Cameron 1969 1970 p 108 a b Ball 2002 p 77 Howard 2012 p 159 Altheim et al 1965 p 256 Stoneman 1994 p 77 Hartmann 2001 p 89 Biers 1992 p 13 Smith II 2013 p 154 Drijvers 1980 p 67 Wadeson 2014 pp 49 54 Wadeson 2014 p 54 Hartmann 2001 p 87 Balty 2002 pp 731 732 Equini Schneider 1992 p 128 Kropp amp Raja 2016 p 13 a b Gawlikowski 2016 p 131 a b Cataudella 2003 p 440 a b Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 314 a b c d e f Sartre 2005a p 512 a b Gawlikowski 1985 p 253 Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 60 a b c d Harrer 2006 p 59 a b Watson 2004 p 29 a b Stoneman 1994 p 78 Kaizer 2008 p 660 Sartre 2005b p 352 Edwell 2007 p 27 Ball 2002 p 76 Edwell 2007 p 34 Goldsworthy 2009 p 125 a b c d e Southern 2008 p 45 a b Southern 2008 p 43 Potter 2010 p 160 a b c d e f Southern 2008 p 44 Hartmann 2001 p 90 a b Watson 2004 p 30 a b Young 2003 p 210 Young 2003 p 209 a b c d Smith II 2013 p 131 Mennen 2011 p 224 Mackay 2004 p 272 a b Dirven 1999 p 42 Hartmann 2001 p 99 Millar 1993 p 159 Edwell 2007 p 185 Downey 2015 p 97 a b c Klijn 1999 p 98 a b c d Southern 2008 p 182 a b c Dignas amp Winter 2007 p 158 Hartmann 2001 p 100 a b c Smith II 2013 p 177 a b c d e f g Southern 2008 p 60 a b Southern 2008 p 47 a b c Southern 2008 p 179 a b Young 2003 p 159 a b c d e Southern 2008 p 48 a b Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 77 a b Millar 1993 p 166 Ando 2012 p 167 Dignas amp Winter 2007 p 23 a b c d e Drinkwater 2005 p 44 Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 57 Southern 2008 p 58 a b Dignas amp Winter 2007 p 159 a b c d e Southern 2008 p 59 a b de Blois 2014 p 191 a b Stoneman 1994 p 107 Nakamura 1993 p 138 a b Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 66 Hartmann 2001 pp 139 144 Hartmann 2001 pp 144 145 a b c Bryce 2014 p 290 Bryce 2014 p 291 a b Southern 2008 p 67 a b c d e f g Young 2003 p 215 Goldsworthy 2009 p 124 Murtonen 1989 p 446 a b c d e f Southern 2008 p 68 a b c Watson 2004 p 32 Ball 2002 p 6 a b Young 2003 p 214 Vervaet 2007 p 137 a b Dignas amp Winter 2007 p 160 a b c Falk 1996 p 333 de Blois 1976 p 35 Southern 2008 p 70 a b Hartmann 2001 p 173 a b Hartmann 2001 p 168 de Blois 1976 p 2 Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 370 Hartmann 2001 p 169 Dubnov 1968 p 151 a b c d Hartmann 2001 p 172 a b c Hartmann 2001 p 171 Hartmann 2001 p 174 de Blois 1976 p 3 Southern 2008 p 71 Butcher 2003 p 60 Hartmann 2001 pp 149 176 178 a b c Andrade 2013 p 333 a b c Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 67 Gawlikowski 2005b p 1301 a b c Hartmann 2001 p 178 Teixidor 2005 p 198 a b Kaizer 2008 p 659 a b Southern 2008 p 72 Hartmann 2001 p 176 Hartmann 2001 p 180 Hartmann 2001 p 181 Young 2003 p 216 Young 2003 pp 214 215 Mommsen 2005 p 298 a b Potter 1996 p 271 a b Potter 1996 p 274 Potter 1996 pp 273 274 Hartmann 2001 p 182 Potter 1996 p 281 a b Ando 2012 p 171 a b Hartmann 2001 p 156 a b Alfoldi 1939 p 176 Sartre 2005a p 514 Southern 2008 p 75 a b Potter 2014 p 257 Millar 1971 p 9 Sivertsev 2002 p 72 Hartmann 2016 p 64 Cooke 1903 p 286 Potter 2014 p 256 Potter 2010 p 162 Potter 1990 p 154 Heath 1999 p 4 a b c Butcher 1996 p 525 Andrade 2018 p 137 Kaizer 2009 p 185 Teixidor 2005 p 205 Teixidor 2005 p 206 Fowlkes Childs amp Seymour 2019 p 256 Clinton 2010 p 63 Stevenson 1889 p 583 Geiger 2015 p 224 Woods 2018 p 193 Manders 2012 pp 297 298 Southern 2008 p 73 a b c d e Southern 2008 p 76 Southern 2008 p 183 Smith II 2013 p 176 177 Hartmann 2001 p 216 Southern 2008 p 77 a b c d e f Southern 2008 p 78 Ando 2012 p 172 a b c d e f g Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 71 Hartmann 2001 p 220 Potter 2014 pp 259 629 Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 70 Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 pp 314 315 a b c Stoneman 1994 p 108 Potter 2014 p 259 a b c d Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 72 a b c d Bryce 2014 p 292 a b c Watson 2004 p 58 Southern 2008 p 79 a b Andrade 2018 p 146 Andrade 2018 p 151 Andrade 2018 pp 146 152 a b c d Southern 2008 p 8 Southern 2008 p 4 Southern 2008 p 9 Kaizer 2008 p 661 a b c Southern 2008 p 10 Potter 2014 p 628 Andrade 2018 p 121 Southern 2008 p 174 Baldini 1978 p 148 Stoneman 1994 p 187 Lanciani 1909 p 169 a b c Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 110 Hartmann 2001 p 415 Curnow 2011 p 199 Traina 2011 p 47 Andrade 2018 pp 154 155 Andrade 2018 p 154 Nicholas 2014 p 18 a b Cormack 2004 p 38 a b c Kuhn 2017 p 200 Gawlikowski 2005a p 55 a b Casule 2008 p 103 Darke 2006 p 238 Stoneman 1994 p 67 Andrade 2018 p 158 Brauer 1975 p 163 Hartmann 2001 p 223 Bryce 2014 p 299 Stoneman 1994 p 115 Southern 2015 p 150 Sahner 2014 p 133 Young 2003 p 163 a b Andrade 2018 p 139 Gawlikowski 2010 p 11 12 Gawlikowski 2005b pp 1300 1302 Gawlikowski 2005c pp 29 31 Andrade 2018 p 152 Hartmann 2001 p 200 Gibbon 1906 p 352 Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 64 Teixidor 2005 p 209 a b Bousset 1900 p 108 Bousset 1900 pp 105 106 Bousset 1900 pp 106 107 Wintermute 2011 pp 729 730 a b Wintermute 2011 p 743 Bousset 1900 p 106 Bousset 1908 p 580 a b Bryce 2014 p 289 Dodgeon amp Lieu 2002 p 63 a b Sprengling 1953 p 108 Sommer 2018 pp 152 153 Henning 1939 p 843 Sprengling 1953 p 109 Neusner 1966 p 10 Feldman 1996 p 432 Sources edit Addison Charles Greenstreet 1838 Damascus and Palmyra a Journey to the East Vol 2 Richard Bentley OCLC 833460514 al As ad Khaled Yon Jean Baptiste Fournet Thibaud 2001 Inscriptions de Palmyre Promenades 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107 01205 9 Andrade Nathanael J 2018 Zenobia Shooting Star of Palmyra Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 190 63881 8 Baldini Antonio 1978 Discendenti a Roma da Zenobia Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik in Italian 30 Dr Rudolf Habelt GmbH ISSN 0084 5388 Ball Warwick 2002 Rome in the East The Transformation of an Empire Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 82387 1 Balty Jean Charles 2002 Odeinat Roi des Rois Comptes Rendus des Seances de l Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres in French 146 2 Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres 729 741 doi 10 3406 crai 2002 22470 ISSN 0065 0536 Biers William R 1992 Art Artefacts and Chronology in Classical Archaeology Approaching the Ancient World Vol 2 Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 06319 7 Bousset Wilhelm 1900 Brieger Johann Friedrich Theodor Bess Bernhard eds Beitrage zur Geschichte der Eschatologie Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte in German XX 2 Friedrich Andreas Perthes ISSN 0044 2925 OCLC 797692163 Bousset Wilhelm 1908 Antichrist In Hastings James Selbie John A eds Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics Vol I A Art T amp T Clark OCLC 705902930 Brauer George C 1975 The Age of the Soldier Emperors Imperial Rome A D 244 284 Noyes Press ISBN 978 0 8155 5036 5 Brown Frank Edward 1939 Section H Block 1 The Temple of the Gadde In Rostovtzeff Mikhail Ivanovich Brown Frank Edward Welles Charles Bradford eds The Excavations at Dura Europos Conducted by Yale University and the French Academy of Inscriptions and Letters Preliminary Report on the Seventh and Eighth Seasons of Work 1933 1934 and 1934 1935 Yale University Press pp 218 277 OCLC 491287768 Bryce Trevor 2014 Ancient Syria A Three Thousand Year History Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 100292 2 Butcher Kevin 1996 Imagined Emperors Personalities and Failure in the Third Century D S Potter Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire A Historical Commentary on the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle Oxford 1990 pp 443 xix 2 maps 27 Half Tone Illustrations ISBN 0 19 814483 0 Journal of Roman Archaeology 9 University of Michigan Press 515 527 doi 10 1017 S1047759400017013 ISSN 1047 7594 Butcher Kevin 2003 Roman Syria and the Near East Getty Publications ISBN 978 0 89236 715 3 Cameron Averil 1969 1970 Agathias on the Sassanians Dumbarton Oaks Papers 23 24 Dumbarton Oaks Trustees for Harvard University 67 183 doi 10 2307 1291291 ISSN 0070 7546 JSTOR 1291291 Casule Francesca 2008 Art and History Syria Translated by Boomsliter Paula Elise Dunbar Richard Casa Editrice Bonechi ISBN 978 88 476 0119 2 Cataudella Michele R 2003 Historiography in the East In Marasco Gabriele ed Greek and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity Fourth to Sixth Century A D Brill pp 391 448 ISBN 978 9 047 40018 9 nbsp This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain Cooke George Albert 1911 Odaenathus In Chisholm Hugh ed Encyclopaedia Britannica Vol 19 11th ed Cambridge University Press p 995 Clinton Henry Fynes 2010 1850 Fasti Romani From the Death of Augustus to the Death of Heraclius Vol 2 Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 1 108 01248 5 Cooke George Albert 1903 A Text Book of North Semitic Inscriptions Moabite Hebrew Phoenician Aramaic Nabataean Palmyrene Jewish The Clarendon Press OCLC 632346580 Cormack Sarah 2004 The Space of Death in Roman Asia Minor Wiener Forschungen zur Archaologie Vol 6 Phoibos ISBN 978 3 901 23237 4 Curnow Trevor 2011 2006 The Philosophers of the Ancient World An A Z Guide Bristol Classical Press ISBN 978 1 84966 769 2 Darke Diana 2006 Syria Bradt Travel Guides ISBN 978 1 84162 162 3 de Blois Lukas 1975 Odaenathus and the Roman Persian War of 252 264 A D Talanta Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society VI Brill ISSN 0165 2486 OCLC 715781891 de Blois Lukas 1976 The Policy of the Emperor Gallienus Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society Studies of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society Vol 7 Brill ISBN 978 90 04 04508 8 de Blois Lukas 2014 Integration or Disintegration The Roman Army in the Third Century A D In de Kleijn Gerda Benoist Stephane eds Integration in Rome and in the Roman World Proceedings of the Tenth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire Lille June 23 25 2011 Vol 17 Brill pp 187 196 ISBN 978 9 004 25667 5 ISSN 1572 0500 Dignas Beate Winter Engelbert 2007 2001 Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity Neighbours and Rivals Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 84925 8 Dirven Lucinda 1999 The Palmyrenes of Dura Europos A Study of Religious Interaction in Roman Syria Religions in the Graeco Roman World Vol 138 Brill ISBN 978 90 04 11589 7 ISSN 0927 7633 Dodgeon Michael H Lieu Samuel N C 2002 The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars AD 226 363 A Documentary History Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 96113 9 Downey Glanville 2015 1963 Ancient Antioch Princeton Legacy Library Vol 2111 Princeton University Press ISBN 978 1 400 87671 6 Drijvers Hendrik Jan Willem 1980 Cults and Beliefs at Edessa Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l Empire romain Vol 82 Brill ISBN 978 90 04 06050 0 Drinkwater John 2005 Maximinus to Diocletian and the Crisis In Bowman Alan K Garnsey Peter Cameron Averil eds The Crisis of Empire AD 193 337 The Cambridge Ancient History Second Revised Series Vol 12 Cambridge University Press pp 28 66 ISBN 978 0 521 30199 2 Dubnov Simon 1968 1916 History of the Jews From the Roman Empire to the Early Medieval Period Vol 2 Translated by Spiegel Moshe Thomas Yoseloff OCLC 900833618 Edwell Peter 2007 Between Rome and Persia The Middle Euphrates Mesopotamia and Palmyra Under Roman Control Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 09573 5 Equini Schneider Eugenia 1992 Scultura e Ritrattistica Onorarie a Palmira Qualche Ipotesi Archeologia Classica in Italian 44 L Erma di Bretschneider ISSN 0391 8165 Falk Avner 1996 A Psychoanalytic History of the Jews Associated University Press ISBN 978 0 8386 3660 2 Feldman Louis 1996 Studies in Hellenistic Judaism Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums Vol 30 Brill ISBN 978 9 004 33283 6 ISSN 0169 734X Fowlkes Childs Blair Seymour Michael 2019 The World between Empires Art and Identity in the Ancient Middle East Yale University Press for the Metropolitan Museum of Art New York ISBN 978 1 588 39683 9 Fried Lisbeth S 2014 Ezra and the Law in History and Tradition Studies on Personalities of the Old Testament Vol 11 University of South Carolina Press ISBN 978 1 61117 410 6 Gawlikowski Michal 1985 Les princes de Palmyre Syria Archeologie Art et Histoire 62 3 4 l Institut Francais du Proche Orient 251 261 doi 10 3406 syria 1985 6894 ISSN 0039 7946 Gawlikowski Michal 2005a The City of the Dead In Cussini Eleonora ed A Journey to Palmyra Collected Essays to Remember Delbert R Hillers Brill pp 44 73 ISBN 978 90 04 12418 9 Gawlikowski Michal 2005b L apotheose d Odeinat sur une Mosaique Recemment Decouverte a Palmyre Comptes Rendus des Seances de l Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres in French 149 4 Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres 1293 1304 doi 10 3406 crai 2005 22944 ISSN 0065 0536 Gawlikowski Michael 2005c Schmidt Colinet Andreas Gaballa Ali eds Der Neufund eines Mosaiks in Palmyra Palmyra Kulturbegegnung Im Grenzbereich 3 Verlag Philipp von Zabern ISBN 978 3 805 33557 7 Gawlikowski Michael 2010 La mosaique de Bellerophon Studia Palmyrenskie 11 Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology University of Warsaw ISSN 0081 6787 Gawlikowski Michael 2016 The Portraits of the Palmyrene Royalty In Kropp Andreas Raja Rubina eds The World of Palmyra Scientia Danica Series H Humanistica 4 Vol 6 The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Printed by Specialtrykkeriet Viborg a s pp 7 16 ISBN 978 8 773 04397 4 ISSN 1904 5506 Geiger Michael 2015 2013 Gallienus in German 2 Unveraenderte Auflage ed Peter Lang GmbH ISBN 978 3 631 66048 5 Gibbon Edward 1906 1781 Bury John Bagnell Lecky William Edward Hartpole eds The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Vol 2 Fred de Fau amp Company OCLC 630781872 Goldsworthy Adrian 2009 The Fall Of The West The Death Of The Roman Superpower Weidenfeld amp Nicolson ISBN 978 0 297 85760 0 Harrer Gustave Adolphus 2006 1915 Studies in the History of the Roman Province of Syria Wipf and Stock Publishers ISBN 978 1 59752 463 6 Hartmann Udo 2001 Das Palmyrenische Teilreich in German Franz Steiner Verlag ISBN 978 3 515 07800 9 Hartmann Udo 2008 Das Palmyrenische Teilreich In Johne Klaus Peter Hartmann Udo Gerhardt Thomas eds Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser Krise und Transformation des Romischen Reiches im 3 Jahrhundert n Chr 235 284 in German Akademie Verlag pp 343 378 ISBN 978 3 05 008807 5 Hartmann Udo 2016 What was it Like to be a Palmyrene in the Age of Crisis Changing Palmyrene Identities in the Third Century AD In Kropp Andreas Raja Rubina eds The World of Palmyra Scientia Danica Series H Humanistica 4 Vol 6 The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Printed by Specialtrykkeriet Viborg a s pp 53 69 ISBN 978 8 773 04397 4 ISSN 1904 5506 Heath Malcolm 1999 Longinus on Sublimity Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society second 45 Cambridge University Press ISSN 1750 2705 Henning Walter Bruno 1939 The Great Inscription of Sapur I Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies University of London 9 4 Cambridge University Press on Behalf of the School of Oriental and African Studies ISSN 1356 1898 Howard Michael C 2012 Transnationalism in Ancient and Medieval Societies The Role of Cross Border Trade and Travel McFarland ISBN 978 0 7864 9033 2 Kaizer Ted 2008 Old and New Discoveries at Palmyra Christiane Delplace et Jacqueline Dentzer Feydy Sur la Base des Travaux de Henri Seyrig Raymond Duru et Edmond Frezouls Avec la Collaboration de Kh al As ad J C Balty Th Fournet Th M Weber et J B Yon L Agora de Palmyre Ausonius Editions Memoires 14 Bordeaux Institut Francais du Proche Orient Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique t 175 Beyrouth 2005 pp 393 figs 486 IFPO EUR 75 Andreas Schmidt Colinet Hrsg Palmyra Kulturbegegnung im Grenzbereich 3 Erweiterte und Veranderte Auflage Zaberns Bildbande zur Archaologie Verlag Philipp von Zabern Mainz 2005 pp iv 99 with 114 Color 15 Black and White and 23 Line Ills Journal of Roman Archaeology 21 University of Michigan Press doi 10 1017 S1047759400005092 ISSN 1047 7594 S2CID 178238766 Kaizer Ted 2009 The Parthian and Early Sasanian Empires c 247 BC AD 300 In Harrison Thomas ed The Great Empires of the Ancient World J Paul Getty Museum pp 174 195 ISBN 978 0 89236 987 4 Klijn Albertus Frederik Johannes 1999 6 Ezra 15 28 33 and the Historical Events in the Middle of the Third Century In Vanstiphout Herman L J van Bekkum Wout Jacques van Gelder Geert Jan Reinink Gerrit Jan eds All Those Nations Cultural Encounters Within and with the Near East Comers Icog Communications Vol 2 Styx Publications pp 95 108 ISBN 978 90 5693 032 5 Kropp Andreas J M 2013 Images and Monuments of Near Eastern Dynasts 100 BC AD 100 Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 967072 7 Kropp Andreas Raja Rubina 2016 The World of Palmyra at Copenhagen In Kropp Andreas Raja Rubina eds The World of Palmyra Scientia Danica Series H Humanistica 4 Vol 6 The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab Printed by Specialtrykkeriet Viborg a s pp 7 16 ISBN 978 8 773 04397 4 ISSN 1904 5506 Kuhn Christina T 2017 The Refusal of the Highest Honours by Members of the Urban Elite in Roman Asia Minor In Heller Anna van Nijf Onno M eds The Politics of Honour in the Greek Cities of the Roman Empire Brill Studies in Greek and Roman Epigraphy Vol 8 Brill pp 199 219 ISBN 978 9 0043 5217 9 ISSN 1876 2557 Lanciani Rodolfo Amedeo 1909 Wanderings in the Roman Campagna Houghton Mifflin Company OCLC 645769 Mackay Christopher S 2004 Ancient Rome A Military and Political History Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 80918 4 Manders Erika 2012 Coining Images of Power Patterns in the Representation of Roman Emperors on Imperial Coinage A D 193 284 Impact of Empire Roman Empire c 200 B C A D 476 Vol 15 Brill ISBN 978 9 004 18970 6 ISSN 1572 0500 Matyszak Philip Berry Joanne 2008 Lives of the Romans Thames amp Hudson ISBN 978 0 500 25144 7 Mennen Inge 2011 Power and Status in the Roman Empire AD 193 284 Impact of Empire Vol 12 Brill ISBN 978 90 04 20359 4 Millar Firgus 1971 Paul of Samosata Zenobia and Aurelian the Church Local Culture and Political Allegiance in Third Century Syria Journal of Roman Studies 61 The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies 1 17 doi 10 2307 300003 JSTOR 300003 OCLC 58727367 Millar Fergus 1993 The Roman Near East 31 B C A D 337 Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 77886 3 Mommsen Theodor 2005 1882 Wiedemann Thomas ed A History of Rome Under the Emperors Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 62479 9 Murtonen Aimo 1989 Hospers John H ed Hebrew in its West Semitic Setting A Comparative Survey of Non Masoretic Hebrew Dialects and Traditions Part 1 A Comparative Lexicon Sections Bb C D and E Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics Vol 13 Brill ISBN 978 9 004 08899 3 ISSN 0081 8461 Nakamura Byron 1993 Palmyra and the Roman East Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 34 2 Duke University Press ISSN 0017 3916 Neusner Jacob 1966 A History of the Jews in Babylonia II The Early Sasanian Period Studia Post Biblica Vol 11 Brill OCLC 715052832 Nicholas David M 2014 1997 The Growth of the Medieval City From Late Antiquity to the Early Fourteenth Century Routledge ISBN 978 1 317 88550 4 Petersen Hans 1962 The Numeral Praenomina of the Romans Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 93 The Johns Hopkins University Press ISSN 0360 5949 Potter David S 1990 Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire A Historical Commentary on the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle Clarendon Press ISBN 978 0 198 14483 0 Potter David S 1996 Palmyra and Rome Odaenathus Titulature and the Use of the Imperium Maius Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik 113 Dr Rudolf Habelt GmbH ISSN 0084 5388 Potter David S 2010 The Transformation of the Empire 235 337 CE In Potter David S ed A Companion to the Roman Empire Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World Vol 32 Blackwell Publishing pp 153 174 ISBN 978 1 4051 9918 6 Potter David S 2014 The Roman Empire at Bay AD 180 395 Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 69477 8 Powers David S 2010 Demonizing Zenobia The legend of al Zabba in Islamic Sources In Roxani Eleni Margariti Sabra Adam Sijpesteijn Petra eds Histories of the Middle East Studies in Middle Eastern Society Economy and Law in Honor of A L Udovitch Brill pp 127 182 ISBN 978 90 04 18427 5 Riessler Paul 1928 Altjudisches Schrifttum Ausserhalb der Bibel in German Benno Filser Verlag OCLC 802964851 Sahner Christian 2014 Among the Ruins Syria Past and Present Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 939670 2 Sartre Maurice 2005a The Arabs and the Desert Peoples In Bowman Alan K Garnsey Peter Cameron Averil eds The Crisis of Empire AD 193 337 The Cambridge Ancient History Vol 12 Cambridge University Press pp 498 520 ISBN 978 0 521 30199 2 Sartre Maurice 2005b The Middle East Under Rome Harvard University Press ISBN 978 0 674 01683 5 Shahid Irfan 1995 Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century Part1 Political and Military History Vol 1 Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection ISBN 978 0 88402 214 5 Sivertsev Alexei 2002 Private Households and Public Politics in 3rd 5th Century Jewish Palestine Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism Vol 90 Mohr Siebeck ISBN 978 3 16 147780 5 Smith II Andrew M 2013 Roman Palmyra Identity Community and State Formation Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 986110 1 Sommer Michael 2018 Palmyra a History Cities of the Ancient World Vol 6 Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 72002 1 Southern Patricia 2008 Empress Zenobia Palmyra s Rebel Queen A amp C Black ISBN 978 1 4411 4248 1 Southern Patricia 2015 The Roman Empire from Severus to Constantine Routledge ISBN 978 1 317 49694 6 Sprengling Martin 1953 Third Century Iran Sapor and Kartir The Oriental Institute University of Chicago OCLC 941007640 Stark Jurgen Kurt 1971 Personal Names in Palmyrene Inscriptions Clarendon Press ISBN 978 0 198 15443 3 Stevenson Seth William 1889 Smith Charles Roach Madden Frederic William eds A Dictionary of Roman Coins Republican and Imperial George Bell and Sons OCLC 504705058 Stoneman Richard 1994 Palmyra and Its Empire Zenobia s Revolt Against Rome University of Michigan Press ISBN 978 0 472 08315 2 Teixidor Javier 2005 Palmyra in the third century In Cussini Eleonora ed A Journey to Palmyra Collected Essays to Remember Delbert R Hillers Brill pp 181 226 ISBN 978 90 04 12418 9 Traina Giusto 2011 2007 428 AD An Ordinary Year at the End of the Roman Empire Translated by Cameron Allan 4 ed Princeton University Press ISBN 978 1 4008 3286 6 Vervaet Frederik J 2007 The Reappearance of the Supra Provincial Commands in the Late Second and Early Third Centuries C E Constitutional and Historical Considerations In Hekster Olivier De Kleijn Gerda Slootjes Danielle eds Crises and the Roman Empire Proceedings of the Seventh Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire Nijmegen June 20 24 2006 Vol 7 Brill ISBN 978 90 04 16050 7 Wadeson Lucy 2014 Funerary Portrait Of A Palmyrene Priest In Flood Derene ed Records of the Canterbury Museum Vol 28 Canterbury Museum pp 49 59 ISSN 0370 3878 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a journal ignored help Watson Alaric 2004 1999 Aurelian and the Third Century Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 90815 8 Wintermute Orval 2011 1983 Apocalypse of Elijah First to Fourth Century A D In Charlesworth James H ed The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha Vol I Apocalyptic Literature and Testaments 2 ed Hendrickson Publishers pp 721 754 ISBN 978 1 598 56489 1 Woods David 2018 From Caracalla to Carausius The Radiate Lion with Thunderbolt in its Jaws British Numismatic Journal 88 British Numismatic Society ISSN 0143 8956 Young Gary K 2003 2001 Rome s Eastern Trade International Commerce and Imperial Policy 31 BC AD 305 Routledge ISBN 978 1 134 54793 7 External links edit nbsp Wikimedia Commons has media related to Odaenathus Panoramic pictures of Odaenathus possible mausoleum The Funerary Temple nr 86 Odaenathus passage in Encyclopaedia Britannica OdaenathusHouse of OdaenathusBorn 220 Died 267 Regnal titles Preceded byNew title Ras of Palmyra240s 260with Hairan I Herodianus 260 Title obsoleteBecame king King of Palmyra260 267 Succeeded byVaballathus King of Kings of the East263 267with Herodianus as juniorKing of Kings 263 267 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Odaenathus amp oldid 1219217019, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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