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Óláfr Guðrøðarson (died 1153)

August 29, 2023

Óláfr Guðrøðarson (died 29 June 1153) was a twelfth-century King of Mann and the Isles.[note 1] As a younger son of Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles, Óláfr witnessed a vicious power struggle between his elder brothers in the aftermath of their father's death. At some point, the young Óláfr was entrusted to the care of Henry I, King of England, and like the contemporaneous Scottish monarchs, Alexander I and David I, Óláfr appears to have been a protégé of the English king. As King of the Isles, Óláfr contracted marital alliances with neighbouring maritime rulers. Although he appears to have overseen successful military operations to reclaim the northernmost territories once controlled by his father, he may have witnessed the loss of authority in Galloway as well. Like his counterpart David I, Óláfr was a reformer and moderniser of his realm. However, his four-decade reign ended in abrupt disaster when he was assassinated by three nephews in 1153. Following the ensuing power struggle, Óláfr's son Guðrøðr overcame the kin-slayers, and assumed the kingship of the Kingdom of the Isles.

Óláfr Guðrøðarson
King of the Isles
Óláfr's name and title as it appears on folio 35v. of British Library Cotton Julius A VII (the Chronicle of Mann): "Olavus rex".[1]
Reign1112/1115–1153
PredecessorDomnall mac Taidc
SuccessorGuðrøðr Óláfsson
Died29 June 1153
Mann
Wives
Issuesons Guðrøðr, Rǫgnvaldr, Lǫgmaðr, and Haraldr; several daughters including Ragnhildr
HouseCrovan dynasty
FatherGuðrøðr Crovan

The Isles—an archipelagic region roughly incorporating the Hebrides and Mann—was ruled by Guðrøðr Crovan for over two decades until his death in 1095, whereupon his eldest son Lǫgmaðr assumed control. Warring soon broke out between factions supporting Lǫgmaðr's younger brother Haraldr, which led to the intervention and encroachment of Irish power into the region. After a short period of Irish domination, the region lapsed into further conflict which was capitalised on by Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway, who led two military campaigns throughout the Isles and surrounding Irish Sea region at about the turn of the twelfth century. Magnús dominated these regions until his death in 1103, whereupon control of the Isles appears to have fragmented into chaos once again.

Rather than allow ambitious Irish powers fill the power vacuum, Henry I appears to have installed Óláfr on the throne at some point between 1112 and 1115, about the time that Domnall mac Taidc relocated from the Isles to Ireland. Óláfr is recorded to have spent his youth at Henry I's court, and Óláfr's later religious foundations reveal that he was greatly influenced by his English upbringing. In the second quarter of the eleventh century, Óláfr founded Rushen Abbey, a reformed religious house on Mann. He further oversaw the formation of the Diocese of the Isles, the territorial extent of which appears to reveal the boundaries of his realm. Óláfr is recorded to have had at least two wives: Ingibjǫrg, daughter of Hákon Pálsson, Earl of Orkney; and Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway. The unions seem to reveal that Óláfr shifted from an alliance with Orkney to that with Galloway. Not long after his marriage to Affraic, one of Óláfr's daughters married Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll, an emerging power in the region.

Although Óláfr's reign is recorded to have been peaceful, there is reason to suspect that his own succession was uncertain. In 1152, Guðrøðr travelled to Norway and rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway. At about this time, the Diocese of the Isles was incorporated within the recently elevated Archdiocese of Niðaróss. Whilst this strengthened Norwegian links with the Isles, it secured the ecclesiastical independence of Óláfr's domain, and safeguard his secular authority in the region. Nevertheless, before Guðrøðr returned to the Isles, three sons of Haraldr confronted Óláfr, and demanded a share of the kingdom before slaying him. Although the three men appear to have taken significant steps to counter military intervention from Galloway, they were soon after crushed by Guðrøðr, who returned to the region strengthened by Norwegian military might. Óláfr's descendants went on to reign as kings of the Isles for over a century.

Background Edit

 
Locations relating to Óláfr's life and times.

Óláfr was a member of the Crovan dynasty.[43] He was a son[44] of this family's eponymous ancestor, Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles.[45] Others sons of Guðrøðr Crovan include Lǫgmaðr[46] and Haraldr.[47] Óláfr's father appears to have secured the kingship of the Isles in the late 1070s,[48] and to have seized the kingship of Dublin in the early 1090s.[49] Guðrøðr Crovan's downfall came in 1094 when he was forced from Ireland altogether by Muirchertach Ua Briain, King of Munster.[50] There is reason to suspect that Guðrøðr Crovan was driven from Mann as well, since he is recorded to have died on Islay the following year.[51]

According to the thirteenth- to fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann, Guðrøðr Crovan's eldest son, Lǫgmaðr, succeeded to the kingship of the Isles.[52] The chronicle further reveals that Lǫgmaðr faced opposition from within his own family in the form of a rebellion by his brother, Haraldr. Lǫgmaðr eventually overcame Haraldr, however, and is stated to have had him blinded and emasculated.[53] Afterwards, Lǫgmaðr appears to have faced further opposition in the form of a faction supporting his youngest brother, Óláfr. Apparently unable to overthrow Lǫgmaðr on their own, the dissidents turned to Muirchertach, whose recent conquest of Dublin gave him control of that realm's dominating naval forces.[54]

 
The name of Domnall mac Taidc as it appears on folio 33v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII (the Chronicle of Mann): "Dompnaldum filium Tadc".[55]

If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's supporters petitioned Muirchertach to provide a regent from his own kin—the Uí Briain—to govern the Isles until Óláfr was old enough to assume control himself.[56] Such a clause may well have been a condition of Muirchertach's involvement, rather than a request.[57] Nevertheless, the chronicle indicates that Muirchertach installed his nephew, Domnall mac Taidc, upon the throne.[56] Although Domnall had previously opposed Muirchertach over the kingship of Munster, he was the son of Muirchertach's brother, and further possessed strong familial connections with the Isles through his maternal descent from Echmarcach mac Ragnaill, King of Dublin and the Isles.[58] Regardless, the death of Domnall's brother, Amlaíb, recorded by the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters in 1096,[59] suggests that Domnall and the rest of the Meic Taidc faced significant opposition in the Isles,[60] possibly in the form of Lǫgmaðr's adherents.[61] Domnall's reign appears to have been brief. The chronicle's account of warfare on the island in about 1097–1098 fails to mention him at all, a fact which seems to be evidence that he had lost control by then.[62]

 
The name and title of Magnús Óláfsson as it appears on folio 46v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 (the Annals of Ulster).[63]

Probably late in 1097, Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway turned his attention towards the Isles, and sent a certain Ingimundr into the region to take control on his behalf. Unfortunately for Magnús, Ingimundr was soon after slain on Lewis and Harris by leading Islesmen.[64] The following year Magnús took matters into his own hands, and led an invasion-fleet of his into the area.[65] As the invaders successfully carved their way through the Isles towards Mann, Lǫgmaðr was evidently overcome and captured.[66] From Mann, the Norwegians campaigned against the English in Anglesey. Although Magnúss saga berfœtts, within the thirteenth century Heimskringla, places this particular episode in the context of Norwegian conquest, it is likely that Magnús had merely assumed the same protector role that Óláfr's father had once filled with Gruffudd ap Cynan, King of Gwynedd.[67] Magnús gained the submission of Galloway,[68] and may have consolidated his campaign through a treaty with Edgar, King of Scotland.[69]

 
Nineteenth-century depiction of Magnús Óláfsson's forces in Ireland.[70][note 2]

Magnús overwintered in the Isles, and left for Norway in the summer. He made his return to the region, nearly four years later, in 1102 or 1103.[71] After reestablishing himself on Mann, Magnús entered into a marital alliance with Muirchertach formalised through the marriage between Magnús's young son, Sigurðr, and Muirchertach's young daughter, Bjaðmunjo.[72] The fact that Magnús intended to return to Norway reveals that Muirchertach benefited to most from the arrangement, although the alliance appears to have bound the kings against a common enemy in the region, Domnall Mac Lochlainn, King of Cenél nEógain.[73] Unfortunately for Muirchertach, and his long-term ambitions in the Isles, Magnús was slain in Ulster in 1103, and Sigurðr immediately repudiated his bride and returned to Norway. Although Muirchertach was able to regain control of Dublin and still had held considerable influence in the Isles, Magnús' death left a vacuum which neither Muirchertach nor Domnall Mac Lochlainn could fill.[74][note 3]

Restoration of the Crovan dynasty Edit

 
 
Twelfth- and thirteenth-century depictions of kings David I (left), Henry I (middle), and Stephen (right), neighbouring rulers whom Óláfr enjoyed amiable relations during his forty-year reign.[note 4]

If the Chronicle of Mann is to be believed, at one point in his career Lǫgmaðr repented the cruelty that he had inflicted upon Haraldr, and remorsefully resigned his kingdom before setting off to Jerusalem where he died.[78] The particular terminology employed by the chronicle—that Lǫgmaðr departed the kingdom "marked with the sign of the Lord's cross"—suggests that he participated in a crusade.[79] On the other hand, since the chronicle was compiled in the thirteenth century, during a period when the idea of a cross-bearing pilgrim was well established, it is possible that this depiction of Lǫgmaðr has been contaminated by anachronistic conceptions.[80]

 
The name of Lǫgmaðr Guðrøðarson as it appears on folio 33v of AM 47 fol (Eirspennill): "Lǫgmaðr het son Guðrǫðar Suðr eyia konvngs". The excerpt describes Lǫgmaðr as the son of Guðrøðr Crovan, king of the Suðreyjar[81]—an Old Norse term meaning "Southern Islands", roughly equating to the Hebrides and Mann.[82]

If Lǫgmaðr was indeed a crusader, it is uncertain which particular crusade he undertook. One possibility is that he took part in the First Crusade,[83] a movement that reached its climax with the successful siege and capture of Jerusalem in mid 1099.[84] Lǫgmaðr could have embarked upon this enterprise in about 1096, the year the pope's calls reached England.[85] Alternately, in light of Lǫgmaðr's capture by the Norwegians in 1098, it is conceivable that his release from custody was made conditional upon his exile and participation in the First Crusade.[86] On the other hand, it is not impossible that Lǫgmaðr originally undertook a pilgrimage before catching wind of the crusade en route.[87]

Another possibility is that Lǫgmaðr regained some form of control in the Isles following Magnús' death, and afterwards joined Sigurðr's expedition to Holy Land in the first decade of the twelfth century.[88] The precise chronology of this enterprise is uncertain, although the Norwegian fleet certainly reached England before the end of the first decade of the twelfth century.[89] It may have been at this point, whilst Sigurðr overwintered at the English royal court, that Lǫgmaðr joined up with him. If Lǫgmaðr and Sigurðr indeed rendezvoused in England, this may have been the time when Óláfr was entrusted to the safekeeping of the English king.[90][note 5] Certainly, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr was brought up at the English court.[93] The reason why he was entrusted into the care of the English may have been because Henry I was thought to have been the only monarch who could guarantee Óláfr's safety.[94][note 6]

 
The name of Havelok the Dane name as it appears on folio 207v of Oxford Bodleian Library Laud Miscellaneous 108: "Haueloc".[96] This literary character may have been first crafted because of Óláfr's presence at the English court.

A probable tenth-century ancestor of Óláfr was the Uí Ímair dynast Óláfr kváran, King of Northumbria and Dublin,[97] This man was likely the prototype of the mediaeval literary character variously known as Havelok the Dane.[98][note 7] The earliest surviving source detailing Havelok is the twelfth-century Estoire des Engleis.[101] The catalyst for Óláfr kváran's incorporation into twelfth-century English literature may have been Óláfr's stay at the court of Henry I. Conceivably, writers may have sought out the patronage of the young Óláfr by borrowing tales of his famous like-named forebear.[102]

 
The name and title of Muirchertach Ua Briain as it appears on folio 19r of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 488 (the Annals of Tigernach): "Muirchertaigh h-Úi Bríain, ríg Muman".[103] Under Muirchertach, the Irish Uí Briain kindred sought to extend its influence into the Isles.

According to the twelfth-century Historia regum Anglorum, Alexander I, King of Scotland struggled to maintain control of his kingdom.[104] One region which may have caused the Scots some concern was the Isles. In 1111, Domnall mac Taidc seized the kingship of the region, possibly with the aid of Muirchertach's northern opponent, Domnall Mac Lochlainn. This encroachment of competing Irish factions into the Isles may well have been as unpalatable to the English and Scots as the power vacuum left in the wake of Magnús' demise.[105]

The exact date of his accession to the kingship of the Isles is uncertain.[106] Although the chronicle claims that he began to reign in 1102,[107] it also states that he reigned for forty years,[108] and shows that he died in 1153.[109] If this reign length is correct, his accession probably dates to about 1112,[110] 1113,[111] 1114,[112] or 1115.[113][note 8] In any case, Óláfr's accession dates to about the time of Muirchertach's faltering authority in 1114.[115] Domnall may have been driven out of the Isles by force,[116] or he could have been drawn back to Ireland in an attempt to capitalise upon his uncle's failing health and fleeting authority.[117]

Óláfr's return to the Isles from England appears to have been the work of Henry I,[118] who would have likely welcomed a steadfast dependent in control a region of strategic importance. Although the English and Scottish kings were certainly at odds over Cumbria at about this time, it is likely that they would have cooperated to combat the extension of Uí Briain and Meic Lochlainn influence in the Isles. In fact, the Scottish king's participation in the 1114 English expedition against Gruffudd—a man who seems to have been an associate of Muirchertach—may have been undertaken in this context.[119][note 9] Furthermore, Muirchertach was closely associated with the Bellême-Montgomery family that had risen in a failed revolt against the English Crown in the first decade of the century.[121] According to the twelfth-century Gesta regum Anglorum, the English imposed a trade embargo against Muirchertach at some point during the reign of Henry I. Whilst it is possible that this action was a consequence of Muirchertach's familial relationship with his son-in-law Arnulf de Montgomery—and Muirchertach's apparent part in the Bellême-Montgomery insurrection—another possibility is that the sanctions concerned Muirchertach's ambitions in the Irish Sea region, especially since Óláfr had been entrusted into Henry I's care.[122] By establishing Óláfr in the Isles, Henry I may have sought to mitigate the extension of Irish influence in the Isles,[123] and escalate the expansion of English authority into the Irish Sea region.[121]

Alliances Edit

Simplified pedigree depicting the degree of kinship between Óláfr, Henry I, Fergus, and Somairle.[124]
Henry I (died 1135)
Hákon (died 1137)Fergus (died 1161)unknown
Páll (died 1137)IngibjǫrgÓláfr (died 1153)Affraic
Somairle (died 1164)RagnhildrGuðrøðr (died 1187)
 
The name of Óláfr's wife, Affraic ingen Fergusa, as it appears on folio 35v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Affricam".[125]

According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr married Affraic, daughter of Fergus, Lord of Galloway.[126] Although the union is not dated by contemporary sources,[127] it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s.[128] Affraic is specifically identified as the mother of Guðrøðr by the chronicle.[129] The fact that he is recorded to have travelled to Norway on a diplomatic mission in 1152 suggests that he was an adult by this date, and may indicate that Óláfr and Affraic's union commenced in the 1130s.[127] Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus' descendants suggest that he had married an illegitimate daughter of Henry I in about the 1120s,[130] and that this woman was the mother of at least some of Fergus' offspring, including Affraic herself.[131][note 10] In fact, the shared kinship between Guðrøðr and Henry I's succeeding grandson, Henry II, King of England, is noted by the twelfth-century Chronica of Robert de Torigni, Abbot of Mont Saint-Michel.[134][note 11] The marital alliance forged between Óláfr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial-connections with the English king, one of the most powerful rulers in western Europe.[136] Fergus profited from the marriage pact as well, since it bound Galloway more tightly to the Isles,[137] a neighbouring realm from which Galloway had been invaded during the time of Magnús' overlordship.[138][note 12] The union also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain's most formidable fleets, and gave him a valuable ally then outside the orbit of the Scottish king.[139]

 
A queen gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[140] Almost nothing is known of queenship in the Isles.[141]

Óláfr's dealings with Furness Abbey—a religious house founded by the Lord of Lancaster, Stephen of Blois[142]—could be evidence that Óláfr and Stephen enjoyed amiable relations in the first third of the twelfth century, and may indicate that Óláfr supported Stephen as King of England after 1135.[143] At about this time, David I appears to have consolidated his overlordship of Argyll, a region located on the western periphery of the Scottish realm.[144] By about 1140, not only had Óláfr and Fergus bound themselves together,[145] but Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, Lord of Argyll married one of Óláfr's illegitimate daughters.[146] Although the name of this woman is not recorded by the Chronicle of Mann, she is identified as Ragnhildr by the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga.[147] The marital binding of Óláfr with two of David I's dependants—Fergus and Somairle—roughly coincided with the Scottish king's endeavour to establish control of Cumbria in the 1130s and 1140s.[148] During this period, David's authority extended southwards along the Cumbrian coast through Copeland, Furness, into Stephen's former honour of Lancaster, thereby making him a principal power in the northern Irish Sea region.[149] The martial alliances concerning Óláfr, therefore, may have formed part of a Scottish strategy to not only isolate him from an English alliance, but to project Scottish authority into the Irish Sea,[150] and draw Óláfr into David I's sphere of influence.[151]

 
The name of Óláfr's father-in-law, Hákon Pálsson, as it appears on folio 37r of AM 47 fol: "Hakon s(on) Pals j(arls)".[152]

Besides his wife Affraic, the chronicle states that Óláfr had many concubines by whom he had several daughters—including the daughter married to Somairle—and three sons: Rǫgnvaldr, Lǫgmaðr, and Haraldr.[153][note 13] The B-text of the thirteenth-century Fagrskinna records that Óláfr married Ingibjǫrg, daughter of Hákon Pálsson, Earl of Orkney.[155] Whilst Ingibjǫrg is not referred to by the chronicle,[156] she is certainly linked to Óláfr by Orkneyinga saga,[157] although this source also incorrectly states—in a passage concerning Guðrøðr's son and successor, Rǫgnvaldr—that Ingibjǫrg was Guðrøðr's mother.[158] As a consequence of this error, there is reason to suspect that the saga has conflated Guðrøðr's son with Somairle's like-named son, Ragnall. The saga's confused entry, therefore, may be evidence that Ingibjǫrg was the mother of Óláfr's daughter, Ragnhildr.[159] The terminology employed by the sources documenting Affraic and Ingibjǫrg reveal that the latter's relationship with Óláfr came to be viewed differently in Orkney than the Isles.[160] Although Orkneyinga saga acknowledges that the union between Ingibjǫrg's own parents was not a canonical marriage either, the coupling formed the basis for her family's claim to the earldom.[161][note 14] Whatever the case, Óláfr's union with Ingibjǫrg likely predates his marriage to Affraic.[165] Accordingly, Óláfr appears to have turned from an alliance with Ingibjǫrg's brother and Norwegian dependant, Páll Hákonarson, Earl of Orkney, to establish an alliance with Fergus, who was then a rising power in the Irish Sea region. The result of this shift may be alluded to by the chronicle which states that Óláfr held peaceful alliances with Irish and Scottish kings so that none "dared disturbed" the Kingdom of the Isles.[166]

Ecclesiastical foundations and appointments Edit

 
A bishop gaming piece, one of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[167][note 15]

Whilst at the English royal court, Óláfr could well have met members of the Scottish monarchy. For example, Henry I's wife was Matilda,[173] whose royal brothers, Alexander I and the future David I, King of Scotland, both resided in England before the onset of their reigns (the brothers respectively reigned in 1102–1124 and 1124–1153).[173] Óláfr would have certainly been exposed to Henry I's efforts to reform the English Church.[174] Both Matilda and her husband were renowned patrons of religious orders, the Augustinians in particular.[175] Although Óláfr's stay at Henry's court predated the arrival of the Savignac and Cistercian orders in England, Óláfr's experiences in England clearly influenced his decision to introduce reformed monastic orders into his own realm.[176] In fact, the ecclesiastical actions of Óláfr's Scottish contemporaries—David I, and his predecessing Alexander I—were similarly influenced by their time spent in England.[175] Óláfr's interest in religious reform is alluded to by the Chronicle of Mann, which declares: "he was devout and enthusiastic in matters of religion and was welcome both to God and men".[177]

The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within Óláfr's kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles. Little is known of its early history, although its origins may well lie with the Uí Ímair imperium.[178][note 16] Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin, at about the beginning of Guðrøðr Crovan's reign in the Isles.[182] By the time of Óláfr's reign, the diocese appears to have encompassed the islands that had formerly been claimed by Magnús,[183][note 17] and may well have included territory in western Galloway.[186] In a letter that appears to date to about 1113, at about start of his reign, Óláfr presented an unnamed bishop for consecration to an Archbishop of York. Although the letter identifies the bishop with the initial "G", which potentially could represent Gerald, whose tenure dates to 1100–1108,[187] the fact that Óláfr's reign appears to have commenced several years later suggests that the initial is erroneous, and that the initial "T" was intended, perhaps in reference to either archbishop Thomas, or the Thomas' successor, Thurstan.[188] No consecration is recorded in English sources, and Óláfr's candidate is not recorded in the chronicle.[189]

 
Ruinous Rushen Abbey, near Ballasalla. The actual abbey founded by Óláfr may have been located near Castletown, before removing to Ballasalla late in the twelfth century.[190]

In about 1134, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr founded the Rushen Abbey on Mann by granting Ivo, Abbot of Furness land to establish the house.[191] As a Savignac daughter house of nearby Furness Abbey—a religious house seated just across the Irish Sea in Lancashire—Rushen Abbey was the first reformed house in the Isles,[192][note 18] and its foundation partly evidences the importance of links between Mann and northern England.[196][note 19] During his tenure as archbishop (1114–1140), Thurstan was a proponent of ecclesiastical reform in northern England, and there is reason to suspect that he played an active role in Óláfr's foundation. Not only did it continue Thurstan's programme of monastic reform, but it further extended the ecclesiastical authority of the Archdiocese of York.[198] In any case, the abbey's foundation charter reveals that Óláfr granted the monks of Furness the right to elect the Bishop of the Isles,[199] a provision that not only emphasised Óláfr's royal prerogative,[200] but allowed Furness to funnel continental influences into the Isles.[201] The charter implies that episcopal authority within his realm had fallen to outsiders, and expresses the king's desire that the Isles be administered by its own bishop.[202] This could be evidence that the former diocesan bishop, Hamond, died several years previous, and that a period of vacancy ensued in which neighbouring bishops took up the slack.[203] The reestablishment of the Diocese of Whithorn in 1128, may have been undertaken in this context, and may also signal the loss of western Galloway from the Kingdom of the Isles.[204]

 
The name of Wimund as it appears on folio 122v of British Library Cotton Vespasian B VI (Historia rerum Anglicarum).[205]

In a letter that probably dates not long after his foundation, Óláfr wrote to Thurstan, and confirmed the candidate elected by the monks of Furness.[206] Hamond's successor appears to have been the shadowy Wimund, Bishop of the Isles.[207] According to the twelfth-century Historia rerum Anglicarum, Wimund began his ecclesiastical career at Furness before removing to Rushen.[208] Although a twelfth-century chronicle of the ecclesiastical history of York states that Wimund professed obedience to Thomas, this archbishop's early tenure (1109–1114) suggests he has been confused with Thurstan.[209] The fact that this source identifies Wimund's see as sancta ecclesia de Schith ("the holy Church of Skye") seems to be evidence that the diocesan seat had not yet been permanently centred on Mann,[210] and that Wimund was seated at the site of the later mediaeval Snizort Cathedral.[211] As a monk of Furness, Wimund may have originally relocated to Mann in the context of Óláfr's foundation of Rushen.[212] He appears to have been the first Bishop of the Isles elected by the monks of Furness,[213] and seems to have been consecrated by Thurstan.[207] Wimund appears to have used his elevated position to violently seek the inheritance of an Earl of Moray in the late 1140s. Wimund's warring against the Scots eventually forced David I to cede him lands near Furness before his capture and mutilation in 1152.[214] It is likely that Wimund's campaigning led to the abandonment of his diocesan see,[215] and that his actions posed a serious threat to Óláfr's authority.[216]

 
Extent of the Diocese of the Isles, c.1300.[217]

The fact that Wimund is not listed amongst other diocesan bishops by the Chronicle of Mann could be evidence that Óláfr eventually came to repudiate him.[218] A letter from Óláfr to the chapter of York suggests that the king unsuccessfully attempted to have a replacement, a certain Nicholas, consecrated by Robert de Ghent, Dean of York.[219] The fact that Óláfr interacted with the dean suggests that the correspondence dates between the 1147 deposition of William fitz Herbert, Archbishop of York and the 1152 consecration of Henry Murdac, Archbishop of York.[220] Óláfr's inability to have his man consecrated may have been due to the Wimund episode being unresolved at the time.[221] According to Robert de Torigni's Chronica[222] and the thirteenth-century Wendover version Flores historiarum, Henry Murdac consecrated John, a Benedictine monk from Normandy, as Bishop of the Isles in 1152.[223] The fact that the Chronicle of Mann fails to record John's name amongst other diocesan bishops appears to indicate that he was an unacceptable candidate to Óláfr and the Islesmen, and that John never occupied his see.[224]

Ecclesiastical and secular independence Edit

 
Ruinous Furness Abbey. Óláfr forged close connections with the monks of this Lancashire religious house, and granted them the right to elect his Bishop of the Isles.

By way of his ecclesiastical actions, Óláfr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom,[225] and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to the Archdiocese of York. Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin, where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury.[226] In 1152, steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese. Dublin's political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin. For Óláfr, such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm.[227] As a result of Óláfr's inability to have Nicholas formally consecrated, and his refusal to accept John as bishop, the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin's ecclesiastical ascendancy. In consequence, without a consecrated bishop of its own, Óláfr's diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin's increasing authority.[228] Moreover, in 1152, David I attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews.[229]

 
The name and title of Nicholas Breakspeare as they appear on folio 57v of AM 47 fol: "Nikolas cardinali af Romaborg".[230]

It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Guðrøðr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152. Guðrøðr's overseas objective, therefore, may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles.[231] Certainly, Guðrøðr's stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare, Cardinal-Bishop of Albano,[232] a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy's authority into the northern European periphery.[233] Eventually the newly created Norwegian province—the Archdiocese of Niðaróss—encompassed eleven dioceses inside and outside mainland Norway. One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles,[234] officially incorporated within the province in November 1154.[235][note 20] Although Óláfr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality, it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by Óláfr and Guðrøðr secured their kingdom's ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin.[237] The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power.[238] In effect, the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles—its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far-off Norway—appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles.[239]

Kingship Edit

 
Tynwald Hill, near St John's may have been a national assembly site of the Kingdom of the Isles.[240] It may well have been the place where the Islesmen publicly inaugurated their kings,[241] proclaimed new laws, and resolved disputes.[242] Nevertheless, much of the visible site dates only to the eighteenth-, nineteenth-, and twentieth century.[240][note 21]

In some respects, Óláfr's kingship may be comparable to that of David I, a significant moderniser of the Scottish realm.[247] Due to his time spent in England, Óláfr seems to have introduced modern forms of feudalism into his realm,[248] and to have developed manorialism on Mann.[27] Óláfr seems to have introduced the parochial system into the Isles;[249] and like David I, Óláfr transformed the church within his realm, creating a territorially defined diocese.[250] His establishment of a more modern territorial kingship, which came to be associated with its demesne on Mann, may have led to the alienation of outlying areas.[27] Although climatic conditions in the Isles improved in the eleventh century, and agricultural production appears to have increased as a result, there appears to have been a decrease in manufacturing by the twelfth century.[251] Evidence of an eleventh-century mint on Mann exists prior to Guðrøðr Crovan's rule, but there is no evidence of one during Óláfr's reign, and no coins bearing the names of any of the members of his dynasty have been found.[252][note 22]

The acclamation or election of a king was an important component of kingship in northern mediaeval Europe. There are several examples of the role played by chieftains in the kingship of the Isles during Óláfr's floruit.[254] For instance, the leading men of the realm are recorded to have brokered the deal to have Muirchertach provide a regent until Óláfr was old enough to reign,[255] whilst disaffected chieftains are reported to have brought about the dramatic end of Ingimundr's regency,[256] and chieftains are said to have accompanied Óláfr from England to begin his reign.[257] Even in the immediate aftermath of Óláfr's demise, the Chronicle of Mann reveals that the chieftains of the Isles (principes insularum) gathered together and unanimously elected Guðrøðr as king.[258]

 
The title of Óláfr's son and successor, Guðrøðr, as it appears on folio 40r British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "rex insularum" ("King of the Isles").[259]

There is surviving evidence of only twenty royal charters dating from the reign of the Crovan dynasty. Of these, only one dates to the reign of Óláfr.[260][note 23] Óláfr styled himself rex insularum,[261] a Latin equivalent of a Gaelic title first accorded to his 10th century predecessor, Guðrøðr Haraldsson, King of the Isles.[262] Surviving sources indicate that Óláfr was the first of several kings from his dynasty to claim to rule dei gratia ("by the grace of God").[263] The use of this formula was common amongst contemporary European monarchs but its use by the kings of the Isles, like the kings of Scotland, appears to have been adopted in imitation of the charters issued by the Angevin kings of England. Like the Scots, Óláfr and his successors appear to have adopted the formula to emphasise their sovereign right to kingship, to take their place amongst the leading monarchs of their time.[264] Óláfr's use of the formula exemplifies the fact that—in comparison to his royal predecessors in the Isles—he was a new kind of ruler and the real founder of later Manx kingship.[265] The fact that Óláfr was brought up at the English royal court could suggest that he, like David I, was knighted by the English king.[266] Certainly, several of Óláfr's thirteenth-century royal successors were knighted by their English counterpart.[267]

 
The name of Óláfr's daughter, Ragnhildr, as it appears on folio 143r of GKS 1005 fol (Flateyarbók): "Ragnhilldi".[268] Ragnhildr married Somairle mac Gilla Brigte.

Óláfr appears to have been an energetic king who consolidated his rule in the northern portion of the Isles by way of military force. There is reason to suspect that this region had fallen under Orcadian influence before being reclaimed by the Islesmen under Óláfr.[269] According to Hebridean tradition preserved by the seventeenth-century Sleat History, he was aided by Somairle in military operations (otherwise unrecorded in contemporary sources) against the "ancient Danes north of Ardnamurchan".[270][note 24] Together with its claim that Óláfr also campaigned on North Uist, this source may be evidence that the bitter struggle between Guðrøðr and Somairle (fought after Óláfr's demise) took place in the context of Somairle taking back territories that he had originally helped secure into Óláfr's kingdom.[270] Somairle first emerges into the historical record in the 1130s supporting an unsuccessful rival branch of the Scottish royal family against David I. By about the time of Somairle's marriage to Óláfr's daughter, David I seems to have successfully imposed his authority over Argyll. As a result of this apparent overlordship, Somairle may have been encouraged to redirect his energies from Scotland into the Isles.[272]

 
One of the king gaming pieces of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[273]

There is reason to suspect that the Kingdom of the Isles lost control of territories in Galloway during Óláfr's floruit.[274] Earlier in the mid eleventh century, the Rhinns of Galloway may have been ruled by Guðrøðr Crovan's predecessor, Echmarcach.[275] By the last years of the century, the region was ruled by Mac Congail, King of the Rhinns, who may have been a descendant of Guðrøðr Crovan's immediate predecessor, Fingal mac Gofraid. Whether Mac Congail ruled independently or subordinate to Guðrøðr Crovan is unknown.[276] The installation of Gilla Aldan as Bishop of Whithorn, in the third decade of the twelfth century, may mark the date when the Rhinns finally separated from the Kingdom of the Isles.[277] Although support from the rulers of Galloway and Scotland may well have strengthened Óláfr's position in the Isles,[278] and the chronicle portrays his reign as one of peacefulness,[279] other sources vaguely recount the mainland depredations wrought by Wimund.[278] The latter's warring against the Scots suggests that Óláfr may have struggled to maintain control of his far-flung kingdom.[280][note 25]

 
The name and title of Ingi Haraldsson as they appear on folio 57v of AM 47 fol: "Ingi konvngr Haʀalldz s(on)".[283]

It is uncertain how the Diocese of the Isles was organised during Óláfr's reign. There may well have been several regional centres where diocesan bishops, accompanied by retinues of clerics and warriors, would have visited each successive region, living off the rendered tithes.[284] In time however, the ecclesiastical endowments on Mann, commenced by Óláfr and further developed by his successors, would have reduced the need for such peripatetic diocesan bishops. As the kings of the Isles became more identified with their seat on Mann, so too were the bishops of the Isles, which may have resulted in the alienation of outlying areas.[285]

The now-ruinous ecclesiastical site of Cille Donnain, near Loch Kildonan on South Uist, could well have been a bishop's seat[286] and twelfth-century power-centre in the Isles.[287] Its precise place in the organisation of the Isles is uncertain. Certainly, Lǫgmaðr is associated with the Uists by a particular verse of poetry, attributed to the contemporary skald Gísl Illugason, preserved by the early thirteenth-century Morkinskinna.[288] This contemporary composition could be evidence of a connection between him, or an associated bishop, with the Uist chain of islands. It is possible that, at a later date, the Cille Donnain site could have formed a residence for the peripatetic diocesan bishops of the Isles during their periodic visitations in the Uists.[289]

Death Edit

 
The name of Rǫgnvaldr Haraldsson, Óláfr's kin-slaying assassin, as it appears on folio 36r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Regnaldus".[290]

The year 1153 was a watershed in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Not only did David I die late in May,[291] but Óláfr himself was assassinated about a month later on 29 June, whilst Guðrøðr was still absent in Norway.[292] According to the Chronicle of Mann, Óláfr had been confronted by three Dublin-based nephews—the Haraldssonar—the sons of his exiled brother, Haraldr. After hearing the demands of these men—that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them—a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar—a man named Rǫgnvaldr—approached Óláfr, raised his axe as if to salute the king, and decapitated him in a single stroke. In the resulting aftermath, the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves.[293][note 26] Whether the men attained any form of authority in the rest of the Isles is unknown.[296] Once in control of Mann, the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Guðrøðr, the kingdom's legitimate heir, by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather, Fergus.[297] Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties, once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find.[298] This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Guðrøðr and his mother.[299]

 
A rook gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[300] The Scandinavian connections of leading members of the Isles may have been reflected in their military armament, and could have resembled that depicted upon such gaming pieces.[301]

Within months of his father's assassination, Guðrøðr executed his vengeance. According to the chronicle, he journeyed from Norway to Orkney, enstrengthened by Norwegian military support, and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen. He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin-slaying cousins, putting one to death whilst blinding the other two, and successfully secured the kingship for himself.[302] Guðrøðr's reliance upon Norwegian assistance, instead of support from his maternal-grandfather, could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit.[299] Additionally, the account of incessant inter-dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway, recorded in the twelfth-century Vita Ailredi, suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s, and may also explain his failure to come to Guðrøðr's aid following Óláfr's death.[303]

The fact that Óláfr sent Guðrøðr to Norway in 1152 could suggest there had been anxiety over the succession of the Kingdom of the Isles, and that Guðrøðr rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson, King of Norway in an effort secure assistance in safeguarding the kingship.[304] The chronicle's account of Guðrøðr's return from Norway notes that he arrived with a fleet of five ships, which could indicate that overseas support was indeed obtained.[305] The earlier episode of conflict between Óláfr's elder brothers, his own slaying at the hands of his nephews, and the later internecine struggles endured by his descendants, reveal that competition for the kingship of the Isles was incredibly competitive and exceptionally violent.[306] The turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness,[307] and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s. In November 1153, following the death of David I, Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm IV, King of Scotland. The dynastic challenges faced by Malcolm, and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles, may partly account for Guðrøðr's success in consolidating control of the kingdom, and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father.[280]

 
St Oran's Chapel, the oldest intact building on Iona, may have been built by Óláfr, his family, Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, or the latter's family.

Through Guðrøðr, Óláfr was the patrilineal-ancestor of later rulers of the Crovan dynasty, a kindred whose tenure of power in the Isles lasted until the second half of the thirteenth century. Through Ragnhildr, Óláfr was an important ancestor of the rulers of Clann Somairle, the descendants of Ragnhildr's husband Somairle.[28] Whilst the union certainly testifies to Somairle's esteemed status,[308] the key to his successful career may well have been the marriage itself.[309] In fact, the early rulers of Clann Somairle appear to have owed their claim to the kingship of the Isles by right of their genealogical link to Óláfr through Ragnhildr.[310]

Although the burial place of Óláfr is unrecorded and unknown, by the second quarter of the thirteenth century Rushen Abbey appears to have filled the role of royal mausoleum for the Crovan dynasty.[311] Guðrøðr was himself buried on Iona,[312] an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran's Chapel.[313] Certain Irish influences in this building's architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century.[314] The chapel could well have been erected by Óláfr or Guðrøðr.[315][note 27] Certainly, their family's remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable.[317]

Notes Edit

  1. ^ Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Óláfr various personal names in English secondary sources: Amhlaibh,[2] Amhlaoibh,[3] Amlaíb,[4] Amlaim,[5] Olaf,[6] Óláf,[7] Olafr,[8] Ólafr,[9] Óláfr,[10] and Olav.[11] Likewise, academics have accorded Óláfr various patronyms in English secondary sources: Amhlaíbh Derg mac Gofhraidh,[12] Amlaíb mac Gofraid Méránaich,[13] Amlaíb mac Gofraid,[14] Olaf Godredsson,[15] Olaf Gudrodson,[16] Óláf Guðrøðsson,[17] Óláfr bitlingr Guðrøðsson,[18] Olafr Godredsson,[8] Óláfr Godredsson,[19] Óláfr Gothfrithsson,[20] Óláfr Guðrǫðarson,[21] Óláfr Guðröðarson,[22] Ólafr Guðrøðarson,[23] Óláfr Guðrøðarson,[24] Óláfr Guðrøðarsson,[25] Óláfr Guðrøðson,[26] Óláfr Guthfrithsson.[13] and Olav Gudrødsson Bitling.[11] Similarly, academics had accorded Óláfr various epithets in English secondary sources: Amhlaíbh Derg mac Gofhraidh,[12] Amlaíb 'the Red',[27] Amlaíb Derg,[28] Olaf Bitling,[29] Olaf Kleining,[30] Olaf the Diminutive,[31] Olaf the Red,[32] Olaf "the Red",[33] Olaf Titbit,[13] Óláfr Bitling,[13] Óláfr bitlingr Guðrøðsson,[18] Óláfr Bitlingr,[34] Óláfr klíningr Guðrøðarson,[35] Ólafr Suðreyjakonungr,[36] Óláfr Titbit,[37] and Olav Gudrødsson Bitling.[11] Óláfr is accorded several epithets in important mediaeval primary sources. The thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga accords him the Old Norse byname bitlingr, which can translate to "bit", "the diminutive", "little-bit", "morsel", "tit-bit".[38] The Old Norse byname klíningr, which can translate to "Buttered Cake", "buttered bread", is accorded to Óláfr by Hákonar saga herðibreiðs within the thirteenth-century saga-compilation Heimskringla.[39] If these two epithets refer to Óláfr's stature, in the sense of "the small one" or "the little one", it is possible that they either refer in a literal sense to the small stature, or in an ironical sense to great height.[40] Another epithet, "the Red", is accorded to Óláfr by the seventeenth-century Sleat History.[41] This name contrasts "the black", the translation of an epithet accorded to his like-named grandson, Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles.[42]
  2. ^ The illustration depicts Magnús' troops setting forth from their ships at sunrise.[70]
  3. ^ According to Magnúss saga berfœtts, Magnús' epithets berfœttr ("barefoot") and berbeinn ("bare-legged") refer to the clothing that he and his men adopted from the natives during their time spent west overseas (in Vestrlǫnd, the "Western Lands"). Specifically, the saga states that they went bare-legged in the streets, and wore short tunics and overcoats. This source also accords Magnús two other epithets: hávi ("the tall"), and Styrjaldar- ("Warfare", or "Age of Unrest" in reference to war).[75]
  4. ^ The portrait of David I is depicted by an illuminated twelfth-century charter of his son, Malcolm IV, King of Scotland.[76] The portraits of Henry I and Stephen are depicted upon folio 8v of the thirteenth-century British Library Royal 14 C VII (Historia Anglorum).[77]
  5. ^ Sigurðr's Old Norse epithet Jórsalafari ("Jerusalem-farer") refers to this crusade. According to Magnússona saga within Heimskringla, Sigurðr assisted Baldwin I, King of Jerusalem in the Siege of Sidon.[91] If Lǫgmaðr participated in the First Crusade, he may have perished on campaign in Syria and Anatolia.[92]
  6. ^ Several sons of prominent men are known to have been raised at Henry I's court. One was Brian fitz Count, illegitimate son of Alan IV, Duke of Brittany. Another was Raymond, son of the Count of Poitou.[95]
  7. ^ This character is accorded two names: various forms of Havelok and Cuaran. The first name is cognate to a Celtic form of the Old Norse personal name Óláfr, the second corresponds to the Gaelic epithet cúarán ("shoe", "sandal", possibly in reference to a boot).[99] Only one historical personage is known to have borne both names: Óláfr kváran, a dominant figure in northern Britain and the Irish Sea region.[100]
  8. ^ The chronicle erroneously dates Óláfr's death to 1142/1143.[114]
  9. ^ Gruffudd was born in Dublin, and seems to have sought military assistance from Muirchertach during his career.[120]
  10. ^ The thirteenth-century Chronica of Roger de Hoveden describes Fergus' son, Uhtred, as a kinsman of Henry II, King of England.[132] The date of the marriage between Fergus and Henry I's daughter can be estimated due to the fact that Uhtred witnessed a charter dating to about 1136: The fact that he appears as a witness suggests that he was at least fifteen years-old at the time.[133]
  11. ^ Henry II's mother was Matilda, daughter of Henry I.[135] Robert de Torigni's Chronica notes that Guðrøðr and Henry II were related by blood through Matilda, stating in Latin: "Est enim prædictus rex consanguineus regis Anglorum ex parte Matildis imperatricis matris suæ" ("For the aforesaid king is the cousin of the English king on the side of Matilda the empress, his mother").[134]
  12. ^ In 1098, during Magnús' conquest of the Isles, the chronicle reports that Magnús used Mann as a base from where he subdued the Gallovidians. The chronicle specifies that Magnús forced the Gallovidians to render a tribute of timber, which he then used to construct fortresses on Mann.[138]
  13. ^ In another passage, the chronicle states that Óláfr "over indulged in the domestic vice of kings", which likely refers to the concubines associated with Óláfr in the same source.[154]
  14. ^ During the twelfth century, the Church sought to emphasise the sanctity of marriage, and took steps to combat concubinage.[162] In the winter of 1176/1177, the chronicle reveals that Guðrøðr's marriage to Findguala Nic Lochlainn was formalised by a visiting papal legate.[163] This episode could be evidence that the papal representative sought to personally reinforce a stricter rule of marriage in the region on this occasion.[164]
  15. ^ The so-called chessmen consist of gaming pieces from at least four different sets.[168] They were likely crafted in Norway in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries,[169] and were found in the early nineteenth century in Lewis.[170] Although the hoard itself appears to have been deposited on the island sometime in the early thirteenth century, some of the pieces may have originally arrived in the Isles as a result of Guðrøðr's journey to Norway in 1152, possibly in the form of a gift between kings, or as a gift from the Archbishop of Niðaróss to the Bishop of the Isles.[171] The pictured piece depicts a seated bishop, holding a crozier with two hands, and wearing a chasuble as an outer garment. The simple horned mitre worn by this particular piece may be evidence that it dates to the mid twelfth century, when horns began to be positioned on the front and back, as opposed to the sides of the headdress.[172]
  16. ^ The diocese is generally called Sodorensis in mediaeval sources.[179] This Latin term is derived from the Old Norse Suðreyjar,[180] and therefore means "of the Southern Isles", in reference to Mann and the Hebrides as opposed to the Northern Isles.[181]
  17. ^ The diocese did not include the peninsula of Kintyre.[184] According to saga-tradition, Magnús had his ship drawn across the peninsula's isthmus to demonstrate his right to the land.[185]
  18. ^ The 1153 bull of Pope Eugenius III to Furness makes note of Óláfr's gift of Manx lands to the abbey: "ex dono nobilis viri Olavi regis insularum".[193] Although the ruins of Rushen Abbey stand near Ballasalla today, there is evidence to suggest that the original site was located at Scarlett (near Castletown), until the abbey relocated to Douglas in 1192, and finally to its present location in about 1196.[190] Until its dissolution in the sixteenth century, Rushen Abbey was the principal monastic establishment on Mann.[194] The house may have turned Cistercian in about 1147.[195]
  19. ^ The Crovan dynasty's continuing contacts with England appear to have stemmed from Óláfr's English exile.[197]
  20. ^ Today Niðaróss is known as Trondheim.[236] Of the eleven dioceses, five were centred in Norway and six in colonies overseas (two in Iceland, one in Orkney, one in the Faroe Islands, one in Greenland, and one in the Isles).[234]
  21. ^ Evidence of local assembly sites within the kingdom may exist in the Hebridean placenames Tiongal (known in Scottish Gaelic as Cnoc an Tiongalairidh) in Lewis (grid reference NB1937),[243] and Tinwhil (perhaps grid reference NG415583) within the Hinnisdale area on Skye.[244] Like the Manx site, these four Hebridean placenames are derived in part from the Old Norse þing ("assembly").[245] Sites such as these, and others now lost, may have been established before the dominance of Manx-based kings and their national assembly site.[246]
  22. ^ There appears to have been no Manx coinage between the late eleventh and early fourteenth centuries.[253]
  23. ^ The evidence exists in originals, copies, and abstract versions of royal charters. The lone original charter dates to the reign of Óláfr's great-grandson, Magnús Óláfsson, King of Mann and the Isles.[260]
  24. ^ In the eighteenth-century Book of Clanranald, the term "Dane" loosely refers to a Scandinavian.[271]
  25. ^ Historia rerum Anglicarum states that Wimund attacked and attempted exacted tribute from a certain bishop. One possibility is that this ecclesiast was Gilla Aldan himself,[281] and that Wimund sought to extract a levy from Galloway that had recently terminated on account of Gilla Aldan's elevation.[282]
  26. ^ If the chronicle's chronology of Haraldr's mutilation is correct, it would mean that the Haraldssonar were at least in their fifties when they confronted their uncle,[294] a man who must have been at least in his late fifties.[295]
  27. ^ Other potential candidates include Somairle and Ragnall.[316]

Citations Edit

  1. ^ Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 62–63; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  2. ^ Brown, M (2004).
  3. ^ Coira (2012).
  4. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018); Wadden (2014); Smith; Taylor; Williams (2007); Woolf (2005); Woolf (2001); Duffy (1993); Holland (2000); Duffy (1992).
  5. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005).
  6. ^ McDonald, RA (2019); Tinmouth (2018); Crawford, BE (2014); Sigurðsson; Bolton (2014); Wadden (2014); Wolf (2014); Downham 2013; Macniven (2013); Thomas (2010); Davey, PJ (2008); Green, J (2007); McDonald, RA (2007b); Smith; Taylor; Williams (2007); Davey, PJ (2006b); Davey, PJ (2006c); Green, JA (2006); Macniven (2006); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Hudson (2005); Raven (2005); Bridgland (2004); Brown, M (2004); Oram, RD (2004); Woolf (2004); Woolf (2003); Beuermann (2002); Davey, P (2002); Duffy (2002a); Jennings (2001); McDonald, RA (2000); Sellar (2000); Sellar (1997–1998); McDonald, RA (1997); Scott (1997); McDonald, A (1995); Watt (1994); Oram, RD (1993); Fleming; Woolf (1992); Oram, RD (1988); Power (1986); Macquarrie, AD (1982).
  7. ^ Duffy (2004); Williams, DGE (1997).
  8. ^ a b Lowe (1988).
  9. ^ Brown, DJF (2015); Woolf (2007); Davey, PJ (2006a).
  10. ^ McDonald, RA (2016); Finlay; Faulkes (2015); Beuermann (2014); Sigurðsson; Bolton (2014); MacDonald (2013); Beuermann (2012); McDonald, RA (2012); Oram, RD (2011); Beuermann (2008); Smith; Taylor; Williams (2007); McDonald, RA (2007a); McDonald, RA (2007b); Williams, G (2007); Duffy (2006); Macniven (2006); Pollock (2005); Power (2005); Oram, R (2004); Oram, RD (2000).
  11. ^ a b c Rekdal (2003–2004).
  12. ^ a b McLeod (2002).
  13. ^ a b c d Smith; Taylor; Williams (2007).
  14. ^ Wadden (2014).
  15. ^ McDonald, RA (2019); Wadden (2014); Thomas (2010); Hudson (2005); Oram, RD (2004); Beuermann (2002); Jennings (2001); Oram, RD (1993); Oram, RD (1988); Power (1986).
  16. ^ Crawford, BE (2014).
  17. ^ Williams, DGE (1997).
  18. ^ a b Macniven (2006).
  19. ^ Pollock (2005).
  20. ^ Oram, RD (2000).
  21. ^ Beuermann (2012).
  22. ^ Beuermann (2014); Sigurðsson; Bolton (2014).
  23. ^ Brown, DJF (2015).
  24. ^ McDonald, RA (2016); McDonald, RA (2012); McDonald, RA (2007b); Duffy (2004).
  25. ^ McDonald, RA (2007a).
  26. ^ Oram, RD (2011).
  27. ^ a b c Woolf (2001).
  28. ^ a b Woolf (2005).
  29. ^ Macniven (2006); Sellar (2000).
  30. ^ Fleming; Woolf (1992).
  31. ^ Macniven (2013).
  32. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b); Barrow (2006); Raven (2005); Brown, M (2004); Woolf (2003); Sellar (2000); Sellar (1997–1998).
  33. ^ Sellar (1997–1998).
  34. ^ Duffy (2004).
  35. ^ Finlay; Faulkes (2015).
  36. ^ Woolf (2007).
  37. ^ Williams, G (2007).
  38. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 65, 65 n. 41; Macniven (2006) p. 236; Sellar (2000) p. 191, 191 n. 21; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 80 n. 93; Zoëga (1967) p. 53; Vigfusson (1887) pp. 210 ch. 110, 422; Cleasby; Vigfusson (1874) p. 64; Munch; Goss (1874a) p. 167, 167 n. b; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) p. 181 ch. 104.
  39. ^ Finlay; Faulkes (2015) p. 229 ch. 17; Hollander (2011) p. 784 ch. 17; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 65, 65 n. 41; Sellar (2000) p. 191, 191 n. 21; Zoëga (1967) p. 242; Anderson (1922) p. 248, 248 n. 7; Jónsson (1911) p. 609 ch. 17; Storm (1899) p. 629 ch. 17; Cleasby; Vigfusson (1874) p. 343; Munch; Goss (1874a) p. 167, 167 n. b; Unger (1868) p. 772 ch. 17; Laing (1844) p. 293 ch. 17.
  40. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 65 n. 41; Sellar (2000) p. 191 n. 21.
  41. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 65, 65 n. 41; Sellar (2000) p. 191; Macphail (1914) pp. 11, 13.
  42. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 191.
  43. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1.
  44. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram, RD (2011) p. xvi tab. 5; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Brown, M (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 259 tab; Anderson (1922) p. 467 tab.
  45. ^ McDonald, RA (2012) p. 150.
  46. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram, RD (2011) p. xvi tab. 5; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 259 tab.
  47. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. ix tab. 1; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Power (2005) p. 34 tab.
  48. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 172; Duffy (2004); Duffy (1992) p. 106.
  49. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 234; Hudson (2005) p. 178; Duffy (2004); Oram, RD (2000) p. 19; Duffy (1992) p. 107.
  50. ^ Duffy (2006) pp. 63–64; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235; Duffy (2004); Duffy (1992) pp. 107–108.
  51. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 47–48; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235; Duffy (1992) p. 108.
  52. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 23; Oram, RD (2011) p. 48; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235; Oram, RD (2000) p. 20; Candon (1988) p. 404; Anderson (1922) p. 98; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 54–55.
  53. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) pp. 23, 64–65; Parsons (2019) p. 277; Oram, RD (2011) p. 48; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 84, 96; Duffy (2006) pp. 63, 65; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235; Hudson (2005) p. 198; Power (2005) p. 11; Beuermann (2002) pp. 421–423; Oram, RD (2000) pp. 21, 58; Gade (1994) p. 199; Power (1986) p. 115; Macquarrie, AD (1982) p. 56; Anderson (1922) p. 98; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 54–55.
  54. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 48; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 235–236; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21.
  55. ^ Duffy (2006) p. 63; Duffy (1992) p. 109 n. 76; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 54–55; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  56. ^ a b Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 146, 146 n. 83; Wolf (2014) pp. 71–72; Oram, RD (2011) p. 48; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 168; Duffy (2006) pp. 63–64; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 235–236; Duffy (2002a) p. 57; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995) p. 375; Duffy (1992) pp. 108–109; Anderson (1922) pp. 100–101; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 54–55.
  57. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 235–236; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21.
  58. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21; Duffy (1992) p. 109.
  59. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1096.8; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1096.8; Ó Corráin (2010) p. 225; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 65 n. 37; Candon (2006) p. 116; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Power (2005) pp. 11–12; Duffy (2002a) p. 57; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21; Duffy (1992) p. 109; Anderson (1922) p. 99.
  60. ^ Candon (2006) p. 116; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21.
  61. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21.
  62. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 236; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21; Anderson (1922) pp. 101–102; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 56–57.
  63. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 1103.6; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1103.6; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489 (2008).
  64. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 48; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 236–237; Oram, RD (2000) p. 21; Power (1986) pp. 115–116.
  65. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 48–49; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237.
  66. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 49; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237; Power (2005) p. 12.
  67. ^ Finlay; Faulkes (2015) pp. 135–136 ch. 10; Hollander (2011) pp. 676–677 ch. 10; Oram, RD (2011) p. 50; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237; Duffy (2002a) p. 57, 57 n. 16; Oram, RD (2000) p. 42; Duffy (1992) p. 110, 110 n. 82; Anderson (1922) pp. 110–111; Jónsson (1911) p. 524 ch. 10; Storm (1899) pp. 538–539 ch. 10; Unger (1868) pp. 647–648 ch. 11; Laing (1844) pp. 131–133 ch. 11.
  68. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 49; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237; Duffy (1992) p. 110, 110 n. 81.
  69. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 49, 51; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 237–238.
  70. ^ a b Hollander (2011) p. 684 ch. 23; Storm (1899) p. 544.
  71. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 51; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 239.
  72. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) pp. 146–147; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 239–240; Bracken (2004); Duffy (2002a) pp. 58–59; Holland (2000) pp. 129–130, 130 n. 86; Oram, RD (2000) p. 43; Duffy (1997) p. 43; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995) p. 375, 375 n. 71; Duffy (1993) pp. 37–38; Duffy (1992) pp. 110–112; Candon (1988) pp. 406–407; Power (1986) pp. 125–126.
  73. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 239–240.
  74. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 51; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 240; Oram, RD (2000) p. 44.
  75. ^ Finlay; Faulkes (2015) p. 139 ch. 16; Peterson (2012) p. 44; Hollander (2011) p. 681 ch. 16; Jónsson (1911) p. 528 ch. 16; Storm (1899) p. 542 ch. 16; Unger (1868) p. 654 ch. 18; Laing (1844) p. 139 ch. 18.
  76. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 110 fig. 3.1.
  77. ^ Royal MS 14 C VII (n.d.) p. 110 fig. 3.1.
  78. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 23; Parsons (2019) p. 277, 277 n. 26; McDonald, RA (2016) p. 342; Beuermann (2014) p. 85; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 84; Duffy (2006) p. 63; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 235; Hudson (2005) p. 198; Oram, RD (2000) pp. 21, 58; Candon (1988) p. 404; Power (1986) p. 115; Macquarrie, AD (1982) pp. 19, 56–57; McRoberts (1969) p. 85; Anderson (1922) p. 98; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 54–55.
  79. ^ Parsons (2019) pp. 277–278; Casey (2014) pp. 130–132; Hudson (2005) p. 198; Kostick (2003); Anderson (1922) p. 98; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 54–55.
  80. ^ Parsons (2019) p. 278; Kostick (2003).
  81. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 118; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  82. ^ Dumville (2018) p. 113; McDonald, RA (2012) p. 152; Williams, G (2007) pp. 130–132 n. 8.
  83. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 342; Oram, RD (2011) p. 49 n. 40; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237; Kostick (2003); Riley-Smith (2002) p. 214; Runciman (1999) p. 47; Macquarrie, A (1982); Macquarrie, AD (1982) pp. 19, 56–59; McRoberts (1969) p. 85.
  84. ^ Riley-Smith (1999) pp. 1–2.
  85. ^ Macquarrie, AD (1982) pp. 56–59.
  86. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 49 n. 40; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 237.
  87. ^ Kostick (2003).
  88. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 23; Parsons (2019) p. 278; Casey (2014) p. 132; Hudson (2005) pp. 198–199.
  89. ^ Doxey (1996).
  90. ^ Hudson (2005) pp. 198–199.
  91. ^ Finlay; Faulkes (2015) pp. 152–153 ch. 11; Hollander (2011) pp. 696–697 ch. 11; Jesch (2005) pp. 132–133; Jónsson (1911) pp. 538–539 ch. 11; Storm (1899) pp. 552–553 ch. 11; Unger (1868) pp. 667–668 ch. 11; Laing (1844) pp. 156–158 ch. 11.
  92. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 49 n. 40.
  93. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) pp. 340–341; Downham (2013) p. 171; McDonald, RA (2007a) p. 74 n. 37; Green, JA (2006) p. 288; Beuermann (2002) p. 425; Holland (2000) p. 131; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 218; Anderson (1922) p. 134; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  94. ^ McDonald, RA (2007a) p. 65.
  95. ^ Green, JA (2006) p. 288; Davis (1910) pp. 302–303.
  96. ^ Skeat (1902) pp. fpc, 24.
  97. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 83 fig. 3; Duffy (2004); Oram, RD (2000) p. 19.
  98. ^ Parker (2016) p. 428 n. 2; McGuigan (2015) p. 24; Hudson (2005) pp. 33, 210; Levy (2004) p. 284; Ege (2000) pp. 192–193; Lambdin (2000).
  99. ^ Hines (2014) pp. 203–205; Hudson (2005) pp. 33, 36–37; Kleinman (2003) pp. 246, 246–247 n. 4; Ege (2000) pp. 192–193.
  100. ^ Hudson (2005) pp. 33, 36–37.
  101. ^ Hudson (2005) pp. 33, 210; Kleinman (2003) p. 245; Ege (2000) p. 192.
  102. ^ Hudson (2005) pp. 203–204.
  103. ^ The Annals of Tigernach (2010) § 1088.3; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1088.3; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 488 (n.d.).
  104. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 59; Anderson (1908) p. 155 n. 1; Arnold (1885) p. 275 ch. 210; Stevenson (1855) p. 611.
  105. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 59; Duffy (1992) p. 115.
  106. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 11.
  107. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 11; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  108. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) pp. 11, 65; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 85; Duffy (2006) p. 64 n. 73; Duffy (2002a) p. 60; Oram, RD (2000) p. 59; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 37; Power (1986) pp. 115–116; Anderson (1922) p. 134; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  109. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 11; Anderson (1922) pp. 137 n. 1, 225; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 64–65.
  110. ^ Wadden (2014) p. 31; Oram, RD (2011) p. 59; Oram, RD (2000) p. 59; Duffy (1992) p. 126; Anderson (1922) p. 134; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  111. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) pp. 11, 65; McDonald, RA (2012) p. 150; McDonald, RA (2007a) pp. 51, 74 n. 37; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 85, 65, 117–118, 130, 168, 194; Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b); Duffy (2006) pp. 53, 64; Hudson (2005) p. 202; Woolf (2004) p. 103; Woolf (2003) p. 173; Oram, RD (2000) p. 59; Anderson (1922) p. 134; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  112. ^ Byrne (2008) p. 164; Woolf (2004) p. 103; Woolf (2001); McDonald, RA (2000) p. 175 n. 52.
  113. ^ Pollock (2005) p. 15 n. 72; McDonald, RA (2000) p. 175 n. 52; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 37.
  114. ^ Anderson (1922) p. 137 n. 1, 225; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 64–65.
  115. ^ Duffy (2002a) p. 60.
  116. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 5.
  117. ^ Duffy (2006) p. 64; Duffy (2002a) p. 60; Oram, RD (2000) p. 59; Duffy (1992) p. 115.
  118. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 59; Pollock (2005) p. 15 n. 72; Duffy (2002a) p. 60; Oram, RD (2000) p. 59; Duffy (1992) p. 115.
  119. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 59–60.
  120. ^ Pryce (2004).
  121. ^ a b Oram, RD (2000) p. 59.
  122. ^ Holland (2000) p. 131; Giles (1847) p. 443 bk. 5; Hardy (1840) p. 638 bk. 5 ch. 409.
  123. ^ Pollock (2005) p. 15 n. 72; Duffy (2002a) p. 60; Duffy (1992) p. 115.
  124. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. xv tab. 4, xvi tab. 5; xvii tab. 6; Williams, G (2007) pp. 131 ilus. 11, 141 ilus. 14; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i.
  125. ^ Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  126. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 60; McDonald, RA (2016) pp. 339, 342; Wadden (2014) pp. 31–32; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 66, 75, 154; Russell; McClure; Rollason (2007) p. 35; Williams, G (2007) p. 130 n. 7; McDonald, RA (2000) p. 175; Sellar (2000) pp. 197–198; Oram, RD (1988) pp. 34, 79; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  127. ^ a b Oram, RD (1988) p. 79.
  128. ^ Oram, R (2004) p. 119; Oram, RD (1993) p. 116; Oram, RD (1988) p. 79; Anderson (1922) p. 226 n. 2.
  129. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 342; Wadden (2014) pp. 31–32; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 66, 154; McDonald, RA (2000) p. 175; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  130. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 85; Oram, RD (1993) p. 116.
  131. ^ Oram, RD (1988) pp. 71–72, 79.
  132. ^ Barrow (2005) pp. 430–431 n. 28; Oram, RD (2000) p. 60; Oram, RD (1988) pp. 71, 99; Anderson (1908) p. 258; Stubbs (1869) p. 105; Stubbs (1867) p. 80; Riley (1853) p. 423.
  133. ^ Oram, RD (1993) p. 116; Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis (1843) p. 9 § 3; Document 1/4/29 (n.d.).
  134. ^ a b Oram, RD (2000) p. 60; Oram, RD (1993) p. 116; Oram, RD (1988) pp. 72, 99; Lawrie (1910) p. 115; Anderson (1908) p. 245; Howlett (1889) pp. 228–229.
  135. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. xiii tab. 2.
  136. ^ Oram, RD (1993) p. 116; Oram, RD (1988) p. 79.
  137. ^ Oram, RD (1993) p. 116; Oram, RD (1988) p. 80.
  138. ^ a b Oram, RD (2011) p. 49; Oram, RD (1993) p. 116; Duffy (1992) p. 110, 110 n. 81; Oram, RD (1988) pp. 10, 78, 80; Anderson (1922) p. 103; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 58–59.
  139. ^ Oram, RD (1988) p. 80.
  140. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 157 fig. 2a, 163 fig. 8d, 187 fig. 14.
  141. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 163.
  142. ^ Tinmouth (2018) p. 47; Oram, RD (2000) p. 84 n. 98.
  143. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 88; Oram, R (2004) p. 118; Oram, RD (2000) pp. 71, 84 n. 98.
  144. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 88–89; Oram, R (2004) pp. 114–118.
  145. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 88–89; Oram, R (2004) pp. 118–119.
  146. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 88; Oram, R (2004) p. 118; McDonald, RA (2000) p. 175 n. 55; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 45; Anderson (1922) p. 255 n. 1.
  147. ^ McDonald, RA (2000) p. 175 n. 55; McDonald, A (1995) p. 206; Anderson (1922) p. 255 n. 1; Vigfusson (1887) p. 210 ch. 110; Flateyjarbok (1862) p. 508 ch. 439; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) p. 181 ch. 104.
  148. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 88–89.
  149. ^ Oram, R (2004) p. 119.
  150. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 88–89; Oram, R (2004) p. 119.
  151. ^ Oram, R (2004) pp. 118–119; Oram, RD (2004).
  152. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 130 ch. 1; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  153. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) pp. 60, 62; McDonald, RA (2016) p. 342; Wadden (2014) pp. 31–32; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 66, 75; Williams, G (2007) pp. 130 n. 7, 147; Beuermann (2002) p. 423; McDonald, RA (2000) p. 175, 175 n. 55; Sellar (2000) pp. 197–198; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 45; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  154. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) pp. 24, 62–63; McDonald, RA (2016) p. 342; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 75, 118; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 45; Anderson (1922) p. 184; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 62–63.
  155. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 339; McDonald, RA (2007a) p. 71 n. 23; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 66, 72, 75; Finlay (2004) p. 302; Anderson (1922) p. 139 n. 2; Jónsson (1903) pp. 391–392.
  156. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) p. 66.
  157. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) p. 66, 66 n. 7; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 72; Sellar (2000) pp. 196–198; Anderson (1922) p. 350 n. 2; Vigfusson (1887) pp. 82 ch. 56, 225; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) pp. 69 ch. 45, 195 ch. 114
  158. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) p. 66 n. 7; Beuermann (2008); McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 72; Williams, G (2007) pp. 146–147, 147 n. 39; Sellar (2000) pp. 196–198; Anderson (1922) p. 350 n. 2; Vigfusson (1887) p. 225; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) p. 195 ch. 114.
  159. ^ Williams, G (2007) pp. 147–148; Sellar (2000) p. 198.
  160. ^ Williams, G (2007) p. 130 n. 7.
  161. ^ Williams, G (2007) p. 130 n. 7; Anderson (1922) p. 139 n. 2; Vigfusson (1887) p. 82 ch. 56; Anderson; Hjaltalin; Goudie (1873) p. 69 ch. 45.
  162. ^ Oram, RD (1988) p. 100.
  163. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 342; Beuermann (2014) p. 93, 93 n. 45; Wadden (2014) pp. 32–33; Downham (2013) p. 172, 172 n. 86; Flanagan (2010) p. 195, 195 n. 123; Duffy (2007) p. 4; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 68, 71, 75, 171, 185; Oram, RD (2000) p. 109 n. 24; Watt (2000) p. 24; McDonald, RA (1997) pp. 215–216; Duffy (1993) p. 58; Duffy (1992) p. 127 n. 166; Flanagan (1989) p. 103; Power (1986) p. 130; Flanagan (1977) p. 59; Anderson, AO (1922) pp. 296–297; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 76–77; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) p. 247.
  164. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 342; McDonald, RA (1997) pp. 215–216.
  165. ^ Oram, RD (1988) p. 79; Anderson (1922) p. 137 n. 2.
  166. ^ Duffy (1993) pp. 30, 107; Oram, RD (1988) p. 79; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  167. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 157 fig. 2i, 188 fig. 15, 192 tab. 5.
  168. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 198.
  169. ^ McDonald, RA (2012) pp. 168–169, 182 n. 175; Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 165, 197.
  170. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 155.
  171. ^ McDonald, RA (2012) p. 182 n. 175; Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 178.
  172. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson 2009 pp. 157 fig. 2i, 188 fig. 15, 192 tab. 5, 192–193, 197 tab. 8; Power (2005) p. 37 n. 37.
  173. ^ a b McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 65–66.
  174. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 194; Hudson (2005) p. 202.
  175. ^ a b McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 194.
  176. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 194; Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006b); Hudson (2005) p. 202; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 218; McIntire (1943) p. 1.
  177. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) pp. viii, 24; McDonald, RA (2016) p. 342; Beuermann (2014) p. 85; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 66, 184; Lowe (1988) p. 33; Anderson (1922) p. 184; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 62–63.
  178. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 171, 180.
  179. ^ Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1 n. 3; Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006c).
  180. ^ Lowe (1988) p. 33.
  181. ^ Beuermann (2012) pp. 4–5; Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1 n. 3; Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006c).
  182. ^ Woolf (2003) pp. 171–172.
  183. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 50; Power (2005) p. 25.
  184. ^ Power (2005) p. 25.
  185. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 50; Power (2005) p. 14.
  186. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 202; Woolf (2003).
  187. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 173; Beuermann (2002) pp. 426–427 n. 40; Watt (1994) pp. 110–111; Oliver (1861) p. 7.
  188. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 173.
  189. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 173; Watt (1994) pp. 110–111; Anderson (1922) p. 95 n. 1; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 114–115.
  190. ^ a b McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 199–200; Broderick (2002) pp. 165–166.
  191. ^ Flanagan (2010) p. 161; Green, J (2007) p. 48; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 66, 194; Woolf (2003) p. 173; Beuermann (2002) p. 427 n. 41; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 217; McDonald, A (1995) p. 204; Watt (1994) p. 111; Duffy (1993) p. 57; Lowe (1988) p. 33; Anderson (1922) pp. 183–184; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 62–63; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) p. 229.
  192. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 66; Hudson (2005) p. 202.
  193. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 427 n. 41; Oliver (1861) pp. 8–12.
  194. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 343.
  195. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 192; McDonald, RA (1997) p. 218.
  196. ^ Green, J (2007) p. 48.
  197. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) pp. 337–338.
  198. ^ Tinmouth (2018) pp. 49, 54.
  199. ^ Tinmouth (2018) p. 56; Crawford, DKE (2016) p. 107; McDonald, RA (2016) pp. 342–343; Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Oram, RD (2011) p. 103; Flanagan (2010) p. 161; Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1; Davey, PJ (2006c); McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 66, 66. n. 45; Hudson (2005) p. 202; Bridgland (2004) p. 86; Woolf (2003) p. 173; Beuermann (2002) p. 427, 427 n. 42; McDonald, RA (1997) pp. 207–208; Watt (1994) p. 111; Lowe (1988) pp. 33–34, 42; McIntire (1943) p. 2; Brownbill (1919) pp. 708–709 § 1; Oliver (1861) pp. 1–3; Beck (1844) p. 123; Document 1/13/1 (n.d.).
  200. ^ Davey, PJ (2008) p. 1.
  201. ^ Tinmouth (2018) p. 55.
  202. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 174; Beuermann (2002) p. 426; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 347; Brownbill (1919) pp. 708–709 § 1; Oliver (1861) pp. 1–3; Beck (1844) p. 123; Document 1/13/1 (n.d.).
  203. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 174; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 347.
  204. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 202; Woolf (2003) pp. 173, 180.
  205. ^ Anderson (1908) pp. 223; Howlett (1884) p. 73; Cotton MS Vespasian B VI (n.d.).
  206. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 345; Oram, RD (2011) p. 103; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 188, 194, 198; Woolf (2003) p. 173; Beuermann (2002) pp. 426–427, 426 n. 36, 427 n. 43; Raine (1894) pp. 58–59; McIntire (1943) pp. 3–4; Anderson (1908) p. 224 n. 1; Munch; Goss (1874b) pp. 269–271; Brownbill (1919) p. 709 § 2; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) pp. 218–219; Oliver (1861) pp. 4–6; Beck (1844) p. 123.
  207. ^ a b Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174.
  208. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 103–104; McDonald, A (2004); Oram, R (2004) p. 183; Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174; Watt (1994) p. 115; Anderson (1922) p. 97 n. 1; Anderson (1908) pp. 223–224; Howlett (1884) p. 73.
  209. ^ Oram, R (2004) p. 183; Woolf (2003) p. 173; Watt (1994) p. 107; Raine (1886) p. 372; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) pp. 189–190; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 21.
  210. ^ Thomas (2014) pp. 258–259; Oram, RD (2011) p. 103; Oram, R (2004) p. 183; Woolf (2003) p. 173; Watt (1994) p. 107; Raine (1886) p. 372; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) pp. 189–190; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 19 § 21.
  211. ^ Thomas (2014) p. 259; Hudson (2005) p. 182; Oram, R (2004) p. 183.
  212. ^ Oram, R (2004) p. 183; Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174.
  213. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 103; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 188; Oram, R (2004) p. 183; Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174.
  214. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 103–104; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 188; McDonald, A (2004); Woolf (2004) pp. 103–104; Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174.
  215. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 188–189; Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174.
  216. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93 n. 43.
  217. ^ Watt (2003) p. 399 map 20.1; Woolf (2003) p. 177; Barrell (2002) p. xxiv map 3.
  218. ^ Watt (1994) p. 115, 115 n. 5; Anderson (1922) pp. 95–98 n. 1; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 114–115,
  219. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 189; Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174; Beuermann (2002) p. 428, 428 n. 47; Watt (1994) p. 116, 116 n. 5; McIntire (1943) p. 5; Anderson (1908) p. 224 n. 1; Raine (1894) pp. 59–60; Munch; Goss (1874b) pp. 272–273; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) pp. 219–220; Brownbill (1919) pp. 709–710 § 3; Oliver (1861) pp. 49–51; Beck (1844) p. 169; Document 1/13/3 (n.d.).
  220. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 189; Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174; Beuermann (2002) p. 428, 428 n. 47; Watt (1994) p. 116, 116 n. 5.
  221. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 189; Woolf (2003) pp. 173–174.
  222. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 174; Beuermann (2002) p. 428, 428 n. 47; Watt (1994) pp. 116–117; Howlett (1889) p. 167.
  223. ^ Watt (1994) pp. 116–117; Giles (1849) p. 506; Coxe (1841) p. 250.
  224. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 93 n. 43; Woolf (2003) p. 174; Watt (1994) pp. 116–117; Anderson (1922) pp. 95–96 n. 1; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 114–115.
  225. ^ Beuermann (2012) pp. 4–5; Bridgland (2004) p. 86; Beuermann (2002) pp. 425–426.
  226. ^ Beuermann (2002) pp. 425–428.
  227. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 428.
  228. ^ Beuermann (2002) pp. 428–429.
  229. ^ MacDonald (2013) p. 37.
  230. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 201 ch. 16; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  231. ^ McDonald, RA (2012) p. 182 n. 175; Power (2005) p. 23; Beuermann (2002).
  232. ^ Power (2005) p. 23.
  233. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 163; Helle (2003) p. 376.
  234. ^ a b Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 167; Rekdal (2003–2004) p. 257; Helle (2003) p. 377; Orfield (2002) p. 135.
  235. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 167 n. 57; Power (2005) p. 25; Rekdal (2003–2004) p. 257; Woolf (2003) p. 174; Watt (2000) pp. 11–12; Haddan; Stubbs (1873) pp. 229–230; Diplomatarium Norvegicum (n.d.) vol. 8 § 1.
  236. ^ Helle (2003) p. 377.
  237. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 432.
  238. ^ Ekrem; Mortensen; Fisher (2006) p. 165; Helle (2003) p. 377.
  239. ^ Davey, PJ (2006a); Davey, PJ (2006c).
  240. ^ a b Broderick (2003).
  241. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) pp. 74–75.
  242. ^ Insley; Wilson (2006).
  243. ^ O'Grady (2008) pp. 203, 599 tab 4.8; Insley; Wilson (2006); Broderick (2003).
  244. ^ O'Grady (2008) pp. 201–203, 597 tab. 4.8; Broderick (2003).
  245. ^ O'Grady (2008) pp. 56–61, 201–203, 597 tab. 4.8, 599 tab 4.8; Insley; Wilson (2006); Broderick (2003).
  246. ^ O'Grady (2008) p. 194.
  247. ^ Wolf (2014) pp. 80, 101; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 66, 192, 221.
  248. ^ Williams, DGE (1997) p. 262.
  249. ^ Wolf (2014) pp. 80–81; Macniven (2013) p. 83; Macniven (2006) pp. 177–178, 236, 251, 267, 269; Davey, P (2002) p. 91; Williams, DGE (1997) pp. 54, 89.
  250. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) pp. 342–343; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 66, 186, 187–188; Power (2005) p. 25; Beuermann (2002) pp. 425–426; McDonald, RA (1997) pp. 208, 218.
  251. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 203.
  252. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 336; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 219; Hudson (2005) p. 203.
  253. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 336.
  254. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) p. 74; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 167–168.
  255. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 168; Anderson (1922) pp. 100–101; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 54–55.
  256. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 168; Anderson (1922) p. 101; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 56–57.
  257. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) p. 74; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 168; Anderson (1922) p. 134; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  258. ^ Crawford, BE (2014) p. 74; Abrams (2007) p. 182; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 168; Anderson (1922) p. 226; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 64–65.
  259. ^ Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 78–79; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  260. ^ a b McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 202.
  261. ^ McLeod (2002) p. 28 n. 11; Sellar (2000) pp. 191, 192 tab. i; Sellar (1997–1998).
  262. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 189; The Annals of Ulster (2012) § 989.4; Clancy (2008) p. 26; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 989.4.
  263. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 165–166; Brownbill (1919) pp. 708–709 § 1; Oliver (1861) pp. 1–3; Beck (1844) p. 123; Document 1/13/1 (n.d.).
  264. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 165–166.
  265. ^ Beuermann (2008); McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 66.
  266. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) pp. 340–341; Anderson (1908) pp. 155–156; Migne (1890) p. 621.
  267. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 340; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 215, 216–217.
  268. ^ Flateyjarbok (1862) p. 508 ch. 439; GKS 1005 Fol (n.d.).
  269. ^ Woolf (2004); p. 103; Woolf (2001).
  270. ^ a b Raven (2005) p. 55; Woolf (2004) p. 103; Macphail (1914) pp. 6–8.
  271. ^ McDonald, RA (1997) p. 47 n. 22.
  272. ^ Oram, R (2004) pp. 114–118.
  273. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 156 fig. 1g.
  274. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 202; Woolf (2003) p. 180; Woolf (2001).
  275. ^ Hudson (2005) pp. 129, 138.
  276. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 172.
  277. ^ Hudson (2005) p. 202; Woolf (2003) p. 180.
  278. ^ a b Oram, RD (2011) pp. 103–104, 113.
  279. ^ Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Wadden (2014) pp. 31–32; Oram, RD (2011) p. 113; McDonald, RA (1997) pp. 37, 54; Duffy (1993) p. 107; Anderson (1922) p. 137; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 60–61.
  280. ^ a b Oram, RD (2011) p. 113.
  281. ^ Oram, RD (2000) pp. 165–166; Scott (1997) p. 37; Anderson (1922) p. 97 n. 1; Anderson (1908) pp. 225–226; Howlett (1884) pp. 74–75.
  282. ^ Scott (1997) p. 37.
  283. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 200 ch. 15; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  284. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 176; Abrams (2007) p. 184; Woolf (2003) p. 180; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 347.
  285. ^ Woolf (2003) p. 180; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 347.
  286. ^ Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 329.
  287. ^ Rekdal (2003–2004) p. 268; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 329.
  288. ^ Andersson; Gade (2012) p. 299 ch. 57; McDonald, RA (2012) p. 154; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 91–92, 92 n. 22; Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 348; Jónsson (1932) pp. 317–318; Vigfusson; Powell (1883) pp. 241–242; Unger (1867) p. 144; Gísl Magnkv 9II (n.d.).
  289. ^ Fleming; Woolf (1992) p. 348.
  290. ^ Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 64–65; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  291. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 108.
  292. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 113; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 67; Duffy (2004).
  293. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) pp. 65, 74; Beuermann (2014) p. 85; Downham (2013) p. 171, 171 n. 84; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 67, 85, 92; Duffy (2006) p. 65; Beuermann (2002) p. 421; Duffy (2002b) p. 48; Sellar (2000) p. 191; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 259; Duffy (1993) pp. 41–42, 42 n. 59; Oram, RD (1988) pp. 80–81; Anderson (1922) p. 225; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 62–65.
  294. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 423.
  295. ^ Beuermann (2002) p. 423 n. 26.
  296. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 74; McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 92.
  297. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 67; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Oram, RD (1988) p. 81; Anderson (1922) pp. 225–226; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 64–65.
  298. ^ Clancy (2008) p. 36; Davey, P (2002) p. 95; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Oram, RD (1988) p. 81; Anderson (1922) pp. 225–226; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 64–65.
  299. ^ a b Oram, RD (1988) p. 81.
  300. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 161 fig. 6g, 185 fig. 12.
  301. ^ Strickland (2012) p. 113.
  302. ^ McDonald, RA (2019) p. 65; Crawford, BE (2014) p. 74; Downham (2013) p. 171; McDonald, RA (2012) p. 162; Oram, RD (2011) p. 113; Abrams (2007) p. 182; McDonald, RA (2007a) p. 66; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 67, 85; Duffy (2006) p. 65; Oram, RD (2000) pp. 69–70; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 259; Gade (1994) p. 199; Duffy (1993) p. 42; Oram, RD (1988) p. 81; Anderson (1922) p. 226; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 64–67.
  303. ^ Oram, RD (1988) pp. 81, 85–86; Powicke (1978) pp. 45–46.
  304. ^ Oram, RD (2011) p. 113; Beuermann (2002) pp. 421–422; Jennings (2001); Oram, RD (2000) p. 73; Williams, DGE (1997) p. 111; Power (1986) p. 131.
  305. ^ Williams, DGE (1997) p. 111; Anderson (1922) p. 226; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 64–65.
  306. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 86.
  307. ^ Oram, RD (2011) pp. 81–82, 113.
  308. ^ McDonald, RA (1997) p. 48.
  309. ^ McDonald, RA (2007b) p. 116; Woolf (2007) p. 165; Woolf (2005).
  310. ^ Beuermann (2012) p. 5; Beuermann (2010) p. 102; Williams, G (2007) p. 145; Woolf (2005); Brown, M (2004) p. 70; Rixson (2001) p. 85.
  311. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 336; Davey, PJ (2008) p. 22 n. 44; McDonald, RA (2007a) p. 49; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 82, 201.
  312. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 343; Beuermann (2014) p. 91; Power (2013) p. 66; McDonald, RA (2012) pp. 153, 155; McDonald, RA (2007b) pp. 70, 201; Power (2005) p. 28; Duffy (2004).
  313. ^ Ritchie (1997) p. 101; Power (2013) p. 65; McDonald, RA (2012) p. 156; Power (2005) p. 28.
  314. ^ Power (2013) p. 65; Power (2005) p. 28; Ritchie (1997) p. 101.
  315. ^ McDonald, RA (2012) p. 156; Power (2005) p. 28.
  316. ^ Power (2013) p. 66; McDonald, RA (2012) p. 156; Bridgland (2004) p. 89; Power (2005) p. 28; McDonald, RA (1997) pp. 62, 246; Ritchie (1997) pp. 100–101.
  317. ^ McDonald, RA (2016) p. 343; McDonald, RA (2012) pp. 155–156.

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External links Edit

  • "Olaf I, King of the Isles (d.ca.1153)". People of Medieval Scotland, 1093–1371.
  •   Media related to Óláfr Guðrøðarson at Wikimedia Commons
Óláfr Guðrøðarson
 Died: 29 June 1153
Regnal titles
Preceded by King of the Isles
1112/1115–1153 		Succeeded by

August 29, 2023
Óláfr, guðrøðarson, died, 1153, this, article, lead, section, long, length, article, please, help, moving, some, material, from, into, body, article, please, read, layout, guide, lead, section, guidelines, ensure, section, will, still, inclusive, essential, de. This article s lead section may be too long for the length of the article Please help by moving some material from it into the body of the article Please read the layout guide and lead section guidelines to ensure the section will still be inclusive of all essential details Please discuss this issue on the article s talk page June 2023 olafr Gudrodarson died 29 June 1153 was a twelfth century King of Mann and the Isles note 1 As a younger son of Gudrodr Crovan King of Dublin and the Isles olafr witnessed a vicious power struggle between his elder brothers in the aftermath of their father s death At some point the young olafr was entrusted to the care of Henry I King of England and like the contemporaneous Scottish monarchs Alexander I and David I olafr appears to have been a protege of the English king As King of the Isles olafr contracted marital alliances with neighbouring maritime rulers Although he appears to have overseen successful military operations to reclaim the northernmost territories once controlled by his father he may have witnessed the loss of authority in Galloway as well Like his counterpart David I olafr was a reformer and moderniser of his realm However his four decade reign ended in abrupt disaster when he was assassinated by three nephews in 1153 Following the ensuing power struggle olafr s son Gudrodr overcame the kin slayers and assumed the kingship of the Kingdom of the Isles olafr GudrodarsonKing of the Islesolafr s name and title as it appears on folio 35v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII the Chronicle of Mann Olavus rex 1 Reign1112 1115 1153PredecessorDomnall mac TaidcSuccessorGudrodr olafssonDied29 June 1153MannWivesIngibjǫrg HakonardottirAffraic ingen FergusaIssuesons Gudrodr Rǫgnvaldr Lǫgmadr and Haraldr several daughters including RagnhildrHouseCrovan dynastyFatherGudrodr CrovanThe Isles an archipelagic region roughly incorporating the Hebrides and Mann was ruled by Gudrodr Crovan for over two decades until his death in 1095 whereupon his eldest son Lǫgmadr assumed control Warring soon broke out between factions supporting Lǫgmadr s younger brother Haraldr which led to the intervention and encroachment of Irish power into the region After a short period of Irish domination the region lapsed into further conflict which was capitalised on by Magnus olafsson King of Norway who led two military campaigns throughout the Isles and surrounding Irish Sea region at about the turn of the twelfth century Magnus dominated these regions until his death in 1103 whereupon control of the Isles appears to have fragmented into chaos once again Rather than allow ambitious Irish powers fill the power vacuum Henry I appears to have installed olafr on the throne at some point between 1112 and 1115 about the time that Domnall mac Taidc relocated from the Isles to Ireland olafr is recorded to have spent his youth at Henry I s court and olafr s later religious foundations reveal that he was greatly influenced by his English upbringing In the second quarter of the eleventh century olafr founded Rushen Abbey a reformed religious house on Mann He further oversaw the formation of the Diocese of the Isles the territorial extent of which appears to reveal the boundaries of his realm olafr is recorded to have had at least two wives Ingibjǫrg daughter of Hakon Palsson Earl of Orkney and Affraic daughter of Fergus Lord of Galloway The unions seem to reveal that olafr shifted from an alliance with Orkney to that with Galloway Not long after his marriage to Affraic one of olafr s daughters married Somairle mac Gilla Brigte Lord of Argyll an emerging power in the region Although olafr s reign is recorded to have been peaceful there is reason to suspect that his own succession was uncertain In 1152 Gudrodr travelled to Norway and rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson King of Norway At about this time the Diocese of the Isles was incorporated within the recently elevated Archdiocese of Nidaross Whilst this strengthened Norwegian links with the Isles it secured the ecclesiastical independence of olafr s domain and safeguard his secular authority in the region Nevertheless before Gudrodr returned to the Isles three sons of Haraldr confronted olafr and demanded a share of the kingdom before slaying him Although the three men appear to have taken significant steps to counter military intervention from Galloway they were soon after crushed by Gudrodr who returned to the region strengthened by Norwegian military might olafr s descendants went on to reign as kings of the Isles for over a century Contents 1 Background 2 Restoration of the Crovan dynasty 3 Alliances 4 Ecclesiastical foundations and appointments 5 Ecclesiastical and secular independence 6 Kingship 7 Death 8 Notes 9 Citations 10 References 10 1 Primary sources 10 2 Secondary sources 11 External linksBackground Edit Locations relating to olafr s life and times olafr was a member of the Crovan dynasty 43 He was a son 44 of this family s eponymous ancestor Gudrodr Crovan King of Dublin and the Isles 45 Others sons of Gudrodr Crovan include Lǫgmadr 46 and Haraldr 47 olafr s father appears to have secured the kingship of the Isles in the late 1070s 48 and to have seized the kingship of Dublin in the early 1090s 49 Gudrodr Crovan s downfall came in 1094 when he was forced from Ireland altogether by Muirchertach Ua Briain King of Munster 50 There is reason to suspect that Gudrodr Crovan was driven from Mann as well since he is recorded to have died on Islay the following year 51 According to the thirteenth to fourteenth century Chronicle of Mann Gudrodr Crovan s eldest son Lǫgmadr succeeded to the kingship of the Isles 52 The chronicle further reveals that Lǫgmadr faced opposition from within his own family in the form of a rebellion by his brother Haraldr Lǫgmadr eventually overcame Haraldr however and is stated to have had him blinded and emasculated 53 Afterwards Lǫgmadr appears to have faced further opposition in the form of a faction supporting his youngest brother olafr Apparently unable to overthrow Lǫgmadr on their own the dissidents turned to Muirchertach whose recent conquest of Dublin gave him control of that realm s dominating naval forces 54 The name of Domnall mac Taidc as it appears on folio 33v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII the Chronicle of Mann Dompnaldum filium Tadc 55 If the chronicle is to be believed olafr s supporters petitioned Muirchertach to provide a regent from his own kin the Ui Briain to govern the Isles until olafr was old enough to assume control himself 56 Such a clause may well have been a condition of Muirchertach s involvement rather than a request 57 Nevertheless the chronicle indicates that Muirchertach installed his nephew Domnall mac Taidc upon the throne 56 Although Domnall had previously opposed Muirchertach over the kingship of Munster he was the son of Muirchertach s brother and further possessed strong familial connections with the Isles through his maternal descent from Echmarcach mac Ragnaill King of Dublin and the Isles 58 Regardless the death of Domnall s brother Amlaib recorded by the seventeenth century Annals of the Four Masters in 1096 59 suggests that Domnall and the rest of the Meic Taidc faced significant opposition in the Isles 60 possibly in the form of Lǫgmadr s adherents 61 Domnall s reign appears to have been brief The chronicle s account of warfare on the island in about 1097 1098 fails to mention him at all a fact which seems to be evidence that he had lost control by then 62 The name and title of Magnus olafsson as it appears on folio 46v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 the Annals of Ulster 63 Probably late in 1097 Magnus olafsson King of Norway turned his attention towards the Isles and sent a certain Ingimundr into the region to take control on his behalf Unfortunately for Magnus Ingimundr was soon after slain on Lewis and Harris by leading Islesmen 64 The following year Magnus took matters into his own hands and led an invasion fleet of his into the area 65 As the invaders successfully carved their way through the Isles towards Mann Lǫgmadr was evidently overcome and captured 66 From Mann the Norwegians campaigned against the English in Anglesey Although Magnuss saga berfœtts within the thirteenth century Heimskringla places this particular episode in the context of Norwegian conquest it is likely that Magnus had merely assumed the same protector role that olafr s father had once filled with Gruffudd ap Cynan King of Gwynedd 67 Magnus gained the submission of Galloway 68 and may have consolidated his campaign through a treaty with Edgar King of Scotland 69 Nineteenth century depiction of Magnus olafsson s forces in Ireland 70 note 2 Magnus overwintered in the Isles and left for Norway in the summer He made his return to the region nearly four years later in 1102 or 1103 71 After reestablishing himself on Mann Magnus entered into a marital alliance with Muirchertach formalised through the marriage between Magnus s young son Sigurdr and Muirchertach s young daughter Bjadmunjo 72 The fact that Magnus intended to return to Norway reveals that Muirchertach benefited to most from the arrangement although the alliance appears to have bound the kings against a common enemy in the region Domnall Mac Lochlainn King of Cenel nEogain 73 Unfortunately for Muirchertach and his long term ambitions in the Isles Magnus was slain in Ulster in 1103 and Sigurdr immediately repudiated his bride and returned to Norway Although Muirchertach was able to regain control of Dublin and still had held considerable influence in the Isles Magnus death left a vacuum which neither Muirchertach nor Domnall Mac Lochlainn could fill 74 note 3 Restoration of the Crovan dynasty Edit Twelfth and thirteenth century depictions of kings David I left Henry I middle and Stephen right neighbouring rulers whom olafr enjoyed amiable relations during his forty year reign note 4 If the Chronicle of Mann is to be believed at one point in his career Lǫgmadr repented the cruelty that he had inflicted upon Haraldr and remorsefully resigned his kingdom before setting off to Jerusalem where he died 78 The particular terminology employed by the chronicle that Lǫgmadr departed the kingdom marked with the sign of the Lord s cross suggests that he participated in a crusade 79 On the other hand since the chronicle was compiled in the thirteenth century during a period when the idea of a cross bearing pilgrim was well established it is possible that this depiction of Lǫgmadr has been contaminated by anachronistic conceptions 80 The name of Lǫgmadr Gudrodarson as it appears on folio 33v of AM 47 fol Eirspennill Lǫgmadr het son Gudrǫdar Sudr eyia konvngs The excerpt describes Lǫgmadr as the son of Gudrodr Crovan king of the Sudreyjar 81 an Old Norse term meaning Southern Islands roughly equating to the Hebrides and Mann 82 If Lǫgmadr was indeed a crusader it is uncertain which particular crusade he undertook One possibility is that he took part in the First Crusade 83 a movement that reached its climax with the successful siege and capture of Jerusalem in mid 1099 84 Lǫgmadr could have embarked upon this enterprise in about 1096 the year the pope s calls reached England 85 Alternately in light of Lǫgmadr s capture by the Norwegians in 1098 it is conceivable that his release from custody was made conditional upon his exile and participation in the First Crusade 86 On the other hand it is not impossible that Lǫgmadr originally undertook a pilgrimage before catching wind of the crusade en route 87 Another possibility is that Lǫgmadr regained some form of control in the Isles following Magnus death and afterwards joined Sigurdr s expedition to Holy Land in the first decade of the twelfth century 88 The precise chronology of this enterprise is uncertain although the Norwegian fleet certainly reached England before the end of the first decade of the twelfth century 89 It may have been at this point whilst Sigurdr overwintered at the English royal court that Lǫgmadr joined up with him If Lǫgmadr and Sigurdr indeed rendezvoused in England this may have been the time when olafr was entrusted to the safekeeping of the English king 90 note 5 Certainly the chronicle reveals that olafr was brought up at the English court 93 The reason why he was entrusted into the care of the English may have been because Henry I was thought to have been the only monarch who could guarantee olafr s safety 94 note 6 The name of Havelok the Dane name as it appears on folio 207v of Oxford Bodleian Library Laud Miscellaneous 108 Haueloc 96 This literary character may have been first crafted because of olafr s presence at the English court A probable tenth century ancestor of olafr was the Ui Imair dynast olafr kvaran King of Northumbria and Dublin 97 This man was likely the prototype of the mediaeval literary character variously known as Havelok the Dane 98 note 7 The earliest surviving source detailing Havelok is the twelfth century Estoire des Engleis 101 The catalyst for olafr kvaran s incorporation into twelfth century English literature may have been olafr s stay at the court of Henry I Conceivably writers may have sought out the patronage of the young olafr by borrowing tales of his famous like named forebear 102 The name and title of Muirchertach Ua Briain as it appears on folio 19r of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 488 the Annals of Tigernach Muirchertaigh h Ui Briain rig Muman 103 Under Muirchertach the Irish Ui Briain kindred sought to extend its influence into the Isles According to the twelfth century Historia regum Anglorum Alexander I King of Scotland struggled to maintain control of his kingdom 104 One region which may have caused the Scots some concern was the Isles In 1111 Domnall mac Taidc seized the kingship of the region possibly with the aid of Muirchertach s northern opponent Domnall Mac Lochlainn This encroachment of competing Irish factions into the Isles may well have been as unpalatable to the English and Scots as the power vacuum left in the wake of Magnus demise 105 The exact date of his accession to the kingship of the Isles is uncertain 106 Although the chronicle claims that he began to reign in 1102 107 it also states that he reigned for forty years 108 and shows that he died in 1153 109 If this reign length is correct his accession probably dates to about 1112 110 1113 111 1114 112 or 1115 113 note 8 In any case olafr s accession dates to about the time of Muirchertach s faltering authority in 1114 115 Domnall may have been driven out of the Isles by force 116 or he could have been drawn back to Ireland in an attempt to capitalise upon his uncle s failing health and fleeting authority 117 olafr s return to the Isles from England appears to have been the work of Henry I 118 who would have likely welcomed a steadfast dependent in control a region of strategic importance Although the English and Scottish kings were certainly at odds over Cumbria at about this time it is likely that they would have cooperated to combat the extension of Ui Briain and Meic Lochlainn influence in the Isles In fact the Scottish king s participation in the 1114 English expedition against Gruffudd a man who seems to have been an associate of Muirchertach may have been undertaken in this context 119 note 9 Furthermore Muirchertach was closely associated with the Belleme Montgomery family that had risen in a failed revolt against the English Crown in the first decade of the century 121 According to the twelfth century Gesta regum Anglorum the English imposed a trade embargo against Muirchertach at some point during the reign of Henry I Whilst it is possible that this action was a consequence of Muirchertach s familial relationship with his son in law Arnulf de Montgomery and Muirchertach s apparent part in the Belleme Montgomery insurrection another possibility is that the sanctions concerned Muirchertach s ambitions in the Irish Sea region especially since olafr had been entrusted into Henry I s care 122 By establishing olafr in the Isles Henry I may have sought to mitigate the extension of Irish influence in the Isles 123 and escalate the expansion of English authority into the Irish Sea region 121 Alliances EditSimplified pedigree depicting the degree of kinship between olafr Henry I Fergus and Somairle 124 Henry I died 1135 Hakon died 1137 Fergus died 1161 unknownPall died 1137 Ingibjǫrgolafr died 1153 AffraicSomairle died 1164 RagnhildrGudrodr died 1187 The name of olafr s wife Affraic ingen Fergusa as it appears on folio 35v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Affricam 125 According to the Chronicle of Mann olafr married Affraic daughter of Fergus Lord of Galloway 126 Although the union is not dated by contemporary sources 127 it appears to have been arranged in the 1130s or 1140s 128 Affraic is specifically identified as the mother of Gudrodr by the chronicle 129 The fact that he is recorded to have travelled to Norway on a diplomatic mission in 1152 suggests that he was an adult by this date and may indicate that olafr and Affraic s union commenced in the 1130s 127 Several contemporary sources concerning Fergus descendants suggest that he had married an illegitimate daughter of Henry I in about the 1120s 130 and that this woman was the mother of at least some of Fergus offspring including Affraic herself 131 note 10 In fact the shared kinship between Gudrodr and Henry I s succeeding grandson Henry II King of England is noted by the twelfth century Chronica of Robert de Torigni Abbot of Mont Saint Michel 134 note 11 The marital alliance forged between olafr and Fergus gave the Crovan dynasty valuable familial connections with the English king one of the most powerful rulers in western Europe 136 Fergus profited from the marriage pact as well since it bound Galloway more tightly to the Isles 137 a neighbouring realm from which Galloway had been invaded during the time of Magnus overlordship 138 note 12 The union also ensured Fergus the protection of one of Britain s most formidable fleets and gave him a valuable ally then outside the orbit of the Scottish king 139 A queen gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 140 Almost nothing is known of queenship in the Isles 141 olafr s dealings with Furness Abbey a religious house founded by the Lord of Lancaster Stephen of Blois 142 could be evidence that olafr and Stephen enjoyed amiable relations in the first third of the twelfth century and may indicate that olafr supported Stephen as King of England after 1135 143 At about this time David I appears to have consolidated his overlordship of Argyll a region located on the western periphery of the Scottish realm 144 By about 1140 not only had olafr and Fergus bound themselves together 145 but Somairle mac Gilla Brigte Lord of Argyll married one of olafr s illegitimate daughters 146 Although the name of this woman is not recorded by the Chronicle of Mann she is identified as Ragnhildr by the thirteenth century Orkneyinga saga 147 The marital binding of olafr with two of David I s dependants Fergus and Somairle roughly coincided with the Scottish king s endeavour to establish control of Cumbria in the 1130s and 1140s 148 During this period David s authority extended southwards along the Cumbrian coast through Copeland Furness into Stephen s former honour of Lancaster thereby making him a principal power in the northern Irish Sea region 149 The martial alliances concerning olafr therefore may have formed part of a Scottish strategy to not only isolate him from an English alliance but to project Scottish authority into the Irish Sea 150 and draw olafr into David I s sphere of influence 151 The name of olafr s father in law Hakon Palsson as it appears on folio 37r of AM 47 fol Hakon s on Pals j arls 152 Besides his wife Affraic the chronicle states that olafr had many concubines by whom he had several daughters including the daughter married to Somairle and three sons Rǫgnvaldr Lǫgmadr and Haraldr 153 note 13 The B text of the thirteenth century Fagrskinna records that olafr married Ingibjǫrg daughter of Hakon Palsson Earl of Orkney 155 Whilst Ingibjǫrg is not referred to by the chronicle 156 she is certainly linked to olafr by Orkneyinga saga 157 although this source also incorrectly states in a passage concerning Gudrodr s son and successor Rǫgnvaldr that Ingibjǫrg was Gudrodr s mother 158 As a consequence of this error there is reason to suspect that the saga has conflated Gudrodr s son with Somairle s like named son Ragnall The saga s confused entry therefore may be evidence that Ingibjǫrg was the mother of olafr s daughter Ragnhildr 159 The terminology employed by the sources documenting Affraic and Ingibjǫrg reveal that the latter s relationship with olafr came to be viewed differently in Orkney than the Isles 160 Although Orkneyinga saga acknowledges that the union between Ingibjǫrg s own parents was not a canonical marriage either the coupling formed the basis for her family s claim to the earldom 161 note 14 Whatever the case olafr s union with Ingibjǫrg likely predates his marriage to Affraic 165 Accordingly olafr appears to have turned from an alliance with Ingibjǫrg s brother and Norwegian dependant Pall Hakonarson Earl of Orkney to establish an alliance with Fergus who was then a rising power in the Irish Sea region The result of this shift may be alluded to by the chronicle which states that olafr held peaceful alliances with Irish and Scottish kings so that none dared disturbed the Kingdom of the Isles 166 Ecclesiastical foundations and appointments Edit A bishop gaming piece one of the so called Lewis chessmen 167 note 15 Whilst at the English royal court olafr could well have met members of the Scottish monarchy For example Henry I s wife was Matilda 173 whose royal brothers Alexander I and the future David I King of Scotland both resided in England before the onset of their reigns the brothers respectively reigned in 1102 1124 and 1124 1153 173 olafr would have certainly been exposed to Henry I s efforts to reform the English Church 174 Both Matilda and her husband were renowned patrons of religious orders the Augustinians in particular 175 Although olafr s stay at Henry s court predated the arrival of the Savignac and Cistercian orders in England olafr s experiences in England clearly influenced his decision to introduce reformed monastic orders into his own realm 176 In fact the ecclesiastical actions of olafr s Scottish contemporaries David I and his predecessing Alexander I were similarly influenced by their time spent in England 175 olafr s interest in religious reform is alluded to by the Chronicle of Mann which declares he was devout and enthusiastic in matters of religion and was welcome both to God and men 177 The ecclesiastical jurisdiction within olafr s kingdom was the Diocese of the Isles Little is known of its early history although its origins may well lie with the Ui Imair imperium 178 note 16 Ecclesiastical interconnection between the Isles and Dublin seems to have been severed during a period of Irish overlordship of Dublin at about the beginning of Gudrodr Crovan s reign in the Isles 182 By the time of olafr s reign the diocese appears to have encompassed the islands that had formerly been claimed by Magnus 183 note 17 and may well have included territory in western Galloway 186 In a letter that appears to date to about 1113 at about start of his reign olafr presented an unnamed bishop for consecration to an Archbishop of York Although the letter identifies the bishop with the initial G which potentially could represent Gerald whose tenure dates to 1100 1108 187 the fact that olafr s reign appears to have commenced several years later suggests that the initial is erroneous and that the initial T was intended perhaps in reference to either archbishop Thomas or the Thomas successor Thurstan 188 No consecration is recorded in English sources and olafr s candidate is not recorded in the chronicle 189 Ruinous Rushen Abbey near Ballasalla The actual abbey founded by olafr may have been located near Castletown before removing to Ballasalla late in the twelfth century 190 In about 1134 the chronicle reveals that olafr founded the Rushen Abbey on Mann by granting Ivo Abbot of Furness land to establish the house 191 As a Savignac daughter house of nearby Furness Abbey a religious house seated just across the Irish Sea in Lancashire Rushen Abbey was the first reformed house in the Isles 192 note 18 and its foundation partly evidences the importance of links between Mann and northern England 196 note 19 During his tenure as archbishop 1114 1140 Thurstan was a proponent of ecclesiastical reform in northern England and there is reason to suspect that he played an active role in olafr s foundation Not only did it continue Thurstan s programme of monastic reform but it further extended the ecclesiastical authority of the Archdiocese of York 198 In any case the abbey s foundation charter reveals that olafr granted the monks of Furness the right to elect the Bishop of the Isles 199 a provision that not only emphasised olafr s royal prerogative 200 but allowed Furness to funnel continental influences into the Isles 201 The charter implies that episcopal authority within his realm had fallen to outsiders and expresses the king s desire that the Isles be administered by its own bishop 202 This could be evidence that the former diocesan bishop Hamond died several years previous and that a period of vacancy ensued in which neighbouring bishops took up the slack 203 The reestablishment of the Diocese of Whithorn in 1128 may have been undertaken in this context and may also signal the loss of western Galloway from the Kingdom of the Isles 204 The name of Wimund as it appears on folio 122v of British Library Cotton Vespasian B VI Historia rerum Anglicarum 205 In a letter that probably dates not long after his foundation olafr wrote to Thurstan and confirmed the candidate elected by the monks of Furness 206 Hamond s successor appears to have been the shadowy Wimund Bishop of the Isles 207 According to the twelfth century Historia rerum Anglicarum Wimund began his ecclesiastical career at Furness before removing to Rushen 208 Although a twelfth century chronicle of the ecclesiastical history of York states that Wimund professed obedience to Thomas this archbishop s early tenure 1109 1114 suggests he has been confused with Thurstan 209 The fact that this source identifies Wimund s see as sancta ecclesia de Schith the holy Church of Skye seems to be evidence that the diocesan seat had not yet been permanently centred on Mann 210 and that Wimund was seated at the site of the later mediaeval Snizort Cathedral 211 As a monk of Furness Wimund may have originally relocated to Mann in the context of olafr s foundation of Rushen 212 He appears to have been the first Bishop of the Isles elected by the monks of Furness 213 and seems to have been consecrated by Thurstan 207 Wimund appears to have used his elevated position to violently seek the inheritance of an Earl of Moray in the late 1140s Wimund s warring against the Scots eventually forced David I to cede him lands near Furness before his capture and mutilation in 1152 214 It is likely that Wimund s campaigning led to the abandonment of his diocesan see 215 and that his actions posed a serious threat to olafr s authority 216 Extent of the Diocese of the Isles c 1300 217 The fact that Wimund is not listed amongst other diocesan bishops by the Chronicle of Mann could be evidence that olafr eventually came to repudiate him 218 A letter from olafr to the chapter of York suggests that the king unsuccessfully attempted to have a replacement a certain Nicholas consecrated by Robert de Ghent Dean of York 219 The fact that olafr interacted with the dean suggests that the correspondence dates between the 1147 deposition of William fitz Herbert Archbishop of York and the 1152 consecration of Henry Murdac Archbishop of York 220 olafr s inability to have his man consecrated may have been due to the Wimund episode being unresolved at the time 221 According to Robert de Torigni s Chronica 222 and the thirteenth century Wendover version Flores historiarum Henry Murdac consecrated John a Benedictine monk from Normandy as Bishop of the Isles in 1152 223 The fact that the Chronicle of Mann fails to record John s name amongst other diocesan bishops appears to indicate that he was an unacceptable candidate to olafr and the Islesmen and that John never occupied his see 224 Ecclesiastical and secular independence Edit Ruinous Furness Abbey olafr forged close connections with the monks of this Lancashire religious house and granted them the right to elect his Bishop of the Isles By way of his ecclesiastical actions olafr firmly established the Diocese of the Isles to correspond to the territorial borders of his kingdom 225 and seems to have initiated the transfer the ecclesiastical obedience of the Isles from the Archdiocese of Canterbury to the Archdiocese of York Such changes may have been orchestrated as a means to further distance his diocese from that of Dublin where diocesan bishops were consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury 226 In 1152 steps were undertaken by the papacy to elevate the Diocese of Dublin to an archdiocese Dublin s political and economic ties with the Isles could have meant that the Bishop of the Isles was now in danger of becoming subordinate to the Archbishop of Dublin For olafr such an event would have threatened to undermine both his ecclesiastical authority and secular power within his own realm 227 As a result of olafr s inability to have Nicholas formally consecrated and his refusal to accept John as bishop the episcopal see of the Isles appears to have been vacant at the same time of Dublin s ecclesiastical ascendancy In consequence without a consecrated bishop of its own olafr s diocese seems to have been in jeopardy of falling under Dublin s increasing authority 228 Moreover in 1152 David I attempted to have the dioceses of Orkney and the Isles included within the prospective Scottish Archdiocese of St Andrews 229 The name and title of Nicholas Breakspeare as they appear on folio 57v of AM 47 fol Nikolas cardinali af Romaborg 230 It may have been in the context of this ecclesiastical crisis in the Isles that Gudrodr undertook his journey to Norway in 1152 Gudrodr s overseas objective therefore may have been to secure the patronage of a Scandinavian metropolitan willing to protect the Diocese of the Isles 231 Certainly Gudrodr s stay in Norway coincided with the Scandinavian visit of the papal legate Nicholas Breakspeare Cardinal Bishop of Albano 232 a man who had been tasked to create Norwegian and Swedish ecclesiastical provinces in order to further extend the papacy s authority into the northern European periphery 233 Eventually the newly created Norwegian province the Archdiocese of Nidaross encompassed eleven dioceses inside and outside mainland Norway One such overseas diocese was that of the Isles 234 officially incorporated within the province in November 1154 235 note 20 Although olafr did not live long enough to witness the latter formality it is evident that the remarkable overseas statecraft undertaken by olafr and Gudrodr secured their kingdom s ecclesiastical and secular independence from nearby Dublin 237 The establishment of the Norwegian archdiocese bound outlying Norse territories closer to Norwegian royal power 238 In effect the political reality of the Diocese of the Isles its territorial borders and nominal subjection to far off Norway appears to have mirrored that of the Kingdom of the Isles 239 Kingship Edit Tynwald Hill near St John s may have been a national assembly site of the Kingdom of the Isles 240 It may well have been the place where the Islesmen publicly inaugurated their kings 241 proclaimed new laws and resolved disputes 242 Nevertheless much of the visible site dates only to the eighteenth nineteenth and twentieth century 240 note 21 In some respects olafr s kingship may be comparable to that of David I a significant moderniser of the Scottish realm 247 Due to his time spent in England olafr seems to have introduced modern forms of feudalism into his realm 248 and to have developed manorialism on Mann 27 olafr seems to have introduced the parochial system into the Isles 249 and like David I olafr transformed the church within his realm creating a territorially defined diocese 250 His establishment of a more modern territorial kingship which came to be associated with its demesne on Mann may have led to the alienation of outlying areas 27 Although climatic conditions in the Isles improved in the eleventh century and agricultural production appears to have increased as a result there appears to have been a decrease in manufacturing by the twelfth century 251 Evidence of an eleventh century mint on Mann exists prior to Gudrodr Crovan s rule but there is no evidence of one during olafr s reign and no coins bearing the names of any of the members of his dynasty have been found 252 note 22 The acclamation or election of a king was an important component of kingship in northern mediaeval Europe There are several examples of the role played by chieftains in the kingship of the Isles during olafr s floruit 254 For instance the leading men of the realm are recorded to have brokered the deal to have Muirchertach provide a regent until olafr was old enough to reign 255 whilst disaffected chieftains are reported to have brought about the dramatic end of Ingimundr s regency 256 and chieftains are said to have accompanied olafr from England to begin his reign 257 Even in the immediate aftermath of olafr s demise the Chronicle of Mann reveals that the chieftains of the Isles principes insularum gathered together and unanimously elected Gudrodr as king 258 The title of olafr s son and successor Gudrodr as it appears on folio 40r British Library Cotton Julius A VII rex insularum King of the Isles 259 There is surviving evidence of only twenty royal charters dating from the reign of the Crovan dynasty Of these only one dates to the reign of olafr 260 note 23 olafr styled himself rex insularum 261 a Latin equivalent of a Gaelic title first accorded to his 10th century predecessor Gudrodr Haraldsson King of the Isles 262 Surviving sources indicate that olafr was the first of several kings from his dynasty to claim to rule dei gratia by the grace of God 263 The use of this formula was common amongst contemporary European monarchs but its use by the kings of the Isles like the kings of Scotland appears to have been adopted in imitation of the charters issued by the Angevin kings of England Like the Scots olafr and his successors appear to have adopted the formula to emphasise their sovereign right to kingship to take their place amongst the leading monarchs of their time 264 olafr s use of the formula exemplifies the fact that in comparison to his royal predecessors in the Isles he was a new kind of ruler and the real founder of later Manx kingship 265 The fact that olafr was brought up at the English royal court could suggest that he like David I was knighted by the English king 266 Certainly several of olafr s thirteenth century royal successors were knighted by their English counterpart 267 The name of olafr s daughter Ragnhildr as it appears on folio 143r of GKS 1005 fol Flateyarbok Ragnhilldi 268 Ragnhildr married Somairle mac Gilla Brigte olafr appears to have been an energetic king who consolidated his rule in the northern portion of the Isles by way of military force There is reason to suspect that this region had fallen under Orcadian influence before being reclaimed by the Islesmen under olafr 269 According to Hebridean tradition preserved by the seventeenth century Sleat History he was aided by Somairle in military operations otherwise unrecorded in contemporary sources against the ancient Danes north of Ardnamurchan 270 note 24 Together with its claim that olafr also campaigned on North Uist this source may be evidence that the bitter struggle between Gudrodr and Somairle fought after olafr s demise took place in the context of Somairle taking back territories that he had originally helped secure into olafr s kingdom 270 Somairle first emerges into the historical record in the 1130s supporting an unsuccessful rival branch of the Scottish royal family against David I By about the time of Somairle s marriage to olafr s daughter David I seems to have successfully imposed his authority over Argyll As a result of this apparent overlordship Somairle may have been encouraged to redirect his energies from Scotland into the Isles 272 One of the king gaming pieces of the so called Lewis chessmen 273 There is reason to suspect that the Kingdom of the Isles lost control of territories in Galloway during olafr s floruit 274 Earlier in the mid eleventh century the Rhinns of Galloway may have been ruled by Gudrodr Crovan s predecessor Echmarcach 275 By the last years of the century the region was ruled by Mac Congail King of the Rhinns who may have been a descendant of Gudrodr Crovan s immediate predecessor Fingal mac Gofraid Whether Mac Congail ruled independently or subordinate to Gudrodr Crovan is unknown 276 The installation of Gilla Aldan as Bishop of Whithorn in the third decade of the twelfth century may mark the date when the Rhinns finally separated from the Kingdom of the Isles 277 Although support from the rulers of Galloway and Scotland may well have strengthened olafr s position in the Isles 278 and the chronicle portrays his reign as one of peacefulness 279 other sources vaguely recount the mainland depredations wrought by Wimund 278 The latter s warring against the Scots suggests that olafr may have struggled to maintain control of his far flung kingdom 280 note 25 The name and title of Ingi Haraldsson as they appear on folio 57v of AM 47 fol Ingi konvngr Haʀalldz s on 283 It is uncertain how the Diocese of the Isles was organised during olafr s reign There may well have been several regional centres where diocesan bishops accompanied by retinues of clerics and warriors would have visited each successive region living off the rendered tithes 284 In time however the ecclesiastical endowments on Mann commenced by olafr and further developed by his successors would have reduced the need for such peripatetic diocesan bishops As the kings of the Isles became more identified with their seat on Mann so too were the bishops of the Isles which may have resulted in the alienation of outlying areas 285 The now ruinous ecclesiastical site of Cille Donnain near Loch Kildonan on South Uist could well have been a bishop s seat 286 and twelfth century power centre in the Isles 287 Its precise place in the organisation of the Isles is uncertain Certainly Lǫgmadr is associated with the Uists by a particular verse of poetry attributed to the contemporary skald Gisl Illugason preserved by the early thirteenth century Morkinskinna 288 This contemporary composition could be evidence of a connection between him or an associated bishop with the Uist chain of islands It is possible that at a later date the Cille Donnain site could have formed a residence for the peripatetic diocesan bishops of the Isles during their periodic visitations in the Uists 289 Death Edit The name of Rǫgnvaldr Haraldsson olafr s kin slaying assassin as it appears on folio 36r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Regnaldus 290 The year 1153 was a watershed in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles Not only did David I die late in May 291 but olafr himself was assassinated about a month later on 29 June whilst Gudrodr was still absent in Norway 292 According to the Chronicle of Mann olafr had been confronted by three Dublin based nephews the Haraldssonar the sons of his exiled brother Haraldr After hearing the demands of these men that half of the kingdom should be handed over to them a formal council was convened in which one of the Haraldssonar a man named Rǫgnvaldr approached olafr raised his axe as if to salute the king and decapitated him in a single stroke In the resulting aftermath the chronicle relates that the Haraldssonar partitioned the island amongst themselves 293 note 26 Whether the men attained any form of authority in the rest of the Isles is unknown 296 Once in control of Mann the chronicle reveals that the men fortified themselves against forces loyal to Gudrodr the kingdom s legitimate heir by launching a preemptive strike against his maternal grandfather Fergus 297 Although the invasion of Galloway was repulsed with heavy casualties once the Haraldssonar returned to Mann the chronicle records that they slaughtered and expelled all resident Gallovidians that they could find 298 This ruthless reaction evidently reveals an attempt to uproot local factions adhering to Gudrodr and his mother 299 A rook gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 300 The Scandinavian connections of leading members of the Isles may have been reflected in their military armament and could have resembled that depicted upon such gaming pieces 301 Within months of his father s assassination Gudrodr executed his vengeance According to the chronicle he journeyed from Norway to Orkney enstrengthened by Norwegian military support and was unanimously acclaimed as king by the leading Islesmen He is then stated to have continued on to Mann where he overcame his three kin slaying cousins putting one to death whilst blinding the other two and successfully secured the kingship for himself 302 Gudrodr s reliance upon Norwegian assistance instead of support from his maternal grandfather could suggest that the attack upon Galloway was more successful than the compiler of the chronicle cared to admit 299 Additionally the account of incessant inter dynastic strife amongst the ruling family of Galloway recorded in the twelfth century Vita Ailredi suggests that Fergus may have struggled to maintain control of his lordship by the mid 1150s and may also explain his failure to come to Gudrodr s aid following olafr s death 303 The fact that olafr sent Gudrodr to Norway in 1152 could suggest there had been anxiety over the succession of the Kingdom of the Isles and that Gudrodr rendered homage to Ingi Haraldsson King of Norway in an effort secure assistance in safeguarding the kingship 304 The chronicle s account of Gudrodr s return from Norway notes that he arrived with a fleet of five ships which could indicate that overseas support was indeed obtained 305 The earlier episode of conflict between olafr s elder brothers his own slaying at the hands of his nephews and the later internecine struggles endured by his descendants reveal that competition for the kingship of the Isles was incredibly competitive and exceptionally violent 306 The turn to Ingi occurred at about the same time that Norwegian encroachment superseded roughly thirty years of Scottish influence in Orkney and Caithness 307 and could be evidence of a perceived wane in Scottish royal authority in the first years of the 1150s In November 1153 following the death of David I Somairle seized the initiative and rose in revolt against the recently inaugurated Malcolm IV King of Scotland The dynastic challenges faced by Malcolm and the ebb of Scottish influence in the Isles may partly account for Gudrodr s success in consolidating control of the kingdom and may be perceptible in the seemingly more aggressive policy he pursued as king in comparison to his father 280 St Oran s Chapel the oldest intact building on Iona may have been built by olafr his family Somairle mac Gilla Brigte or the latter s family Through Gudrodr olafr was the patrilineal ancestor of later rulers of the Crovan dynasty a kindred whose tenure of power in the Isles lasted until the second half of the thirteenth century Through Ragnhildr olafr was an important ancestor of the rulers of Clann Somairle the descendants of Ragnhildr s husband Somairle 28 Whilst the union certainly testifies to Somairle s esteemed status 308 the key to his successful career may well have been the marriage itself 309 In fact the early rulers of Clann Somairle appear to have owed their claim to the kingship of the Isles by right of their genealogical link to olafr through Ragnhildr 310 Although the burial place of olafr is unrecorded and unknown by the second quarter of the thirteenth century Rushen Abbey appears to have filled the role of royal mausoleum for the Crovan dynasty 311 Gudrodr was himself buried on Iona 312 an island upon which the oldest intact building is St Oran s Chapel 313 Certain Irish influences in this building s architecture indicate that it dates to about the mid twelfth century 314 The chapel could well have been erected by olafr or Gudrodr 315 note 27 Certainly their family s remarkable ecclesiastical activities during this period suggest that patronage of Iona is probable 317 Notes Edit Since the 1990s academics have accorded olafr various personal names in English secondary sources Amhlaibh 2 Amhlaoibh 3 Amlaib 4 Amlaim 5 Olaf 6 olaf 7 Olafr 8 olafr 9 olafr 10 and Olav 11 Likewise academics have accorded olafr various patronyms in English secondary sources Amhlaibh Derg mac Gofhraidh 12 Amlaib mac Gofraid Meranaich 13 Amlaib mac Gofraid 14 Olaf Godredsson 15 Olaf Gudrodson 16 olaf Gudrodsson 17 olafr bitlingr Gudrodsson 18 Olafr Godredsson 8 olafr Godredsson 19 olafr Gothfrithsson 20 olafr Gudrǫdarson 21 olafr Gudrodarson 22 olafr Gudrodarson 23 olafr Gudrodarson 24 olafr Gudrodarsson 25 olafr Gudrodson 26 olafr Guthfrithsson 13 and Olav Gudrodsson Bitling 11 Similarly academics had accorded olafr various epithets in English secondary sources Amhlaibh Derg mac Gofhraidh 12 Amlaib the Red 27 Amlaib Derg 28 Olaf Bitling 29 Olaf Kleining 30 Olaf the Diminutive 31 Olaf the Red 32 Olaf the Red 33 Olaf Titbit 13 olafr Bitling 13 olafr bitlingr Gudrodsson 18 olafr Bitlingr 34 olafr kliningr Gudrodarson 35 olafr Sudreyjakonungr 36 olafr Titbit 37 and Olav Gudrodsson Bitling 11 olafr is accorded several epithets in important mediaeval primary sources The thirteenth century Orkneyinga saga accords him the Old Norse byname bitlingr which can translate to bit the diminutive little bit morsel tit bit 38 The Old Norse byname kliningr which can translate to Buttered Cake buttered bread is accorded to olafr by Hakonar saga herdibreids within the thirteenth century saga compilation Heimskringla 39 If these two epithets refer to olafr s stature in the sense of the small one or the little one it is possible that they either refer in a literal sense to the small stature or in an ironical sense to great height 40 Another epithet the Red is accorded to olafr by the seventeenth century Sleat History 41 This name contrasts the black the translation of an epithet accorded to his like named grandson olafr Gudrodarson King of the Isles 42 The illustration depicts Magnus troops setting forth from their ships at sunrise 70 According to Magnuss saga berfœtts Magnus epithets berfœttr barefoot and berbeinn bare legged refer to the clothing that he and his men adopted from the natives during their time spent west overseas in Vestrlǫnd the Western Lands Specifically the saga states that they went bare legged in the streets and wore short tunics and overcoats This source also accords Magnus two other epithets havi the tall and Styrjaldar Warfare or Age of Unrest in reference to war 75 The portrait of David I is depicted by an illuminated twelfth century charter of his son Malcolm IV King of Scotland 76 The portraits of Henry I and Stephen are depicted upon folio 8v of the thirteenth century British Library Royal 14 C VII Historia Anglorum 77 Sigurdr s Old Norse epithet Jorsalafari Jerusalem farer refers to this crusade According to Magnussona saga within Heimskringla Sigurdr assisted Baldwin I King of Jerusalem in the Siege of Sidon 91 If Lǫgmadr participated in the First Crusade he may have perished on campaign in Syria and Anatolia 92 Several sons of prominent men are known to have been raised at Henry I s court One was Brian fitz Count illegitimate son of Alan IV Duke of Brittany Another was Raymond son of the Count of Poitou 95 This character is accorded two names various forms of Havelok and Cuaran The first name is cognate to a Celtic form of the Old Norse personal name olafr the second corresponds to the Gaelic epithet cuaran shoe sandal possibly in reference to a boot 99 Only one historical personage is known to have borne both names olafr kvaran a dominant figure in northern Britain and the Irish Sea region 100 The chronicle erroneously dates olafr s death to 1142 1143 114 Gruffudd was born in Dublin and seems to have sought military assistance from Muirchertach during his career 120 The thirteenth century Chronica of Roger de Hoveden describes Fergus son Uhtred as a kinsman of Henry II King of England 132 The date of the marriage between Fergus and Henry I s daughter can be estimated due to the fact that Uhtred witnessed a charter dating to about 1136 The fact that he appears as a witness suggests that he was at least fifteen years old at the time 133 Henry II s mother was Matilda daughter of Henry I 135 Robert de Torigni s Chronica notes that Gudrodr and Henry II were related by blood through Matilda stating in Latin Est enim praedictus rex consanguineus regis Anglorum ex parte Matildis imperatricis matris suae For the aforesaid king is the cousin of the English king on the side of Matilda the empress his mother 134 In 1098 during Magnus conquest of the Isles the chronicle reports that Magnus used Mann as a base from where he subdued the Gallovidians The chronicle specifies that Magnus forced the Gallovidians to render a tribute of timber which he then used to construct fortresses on Mann 138 In another passage the chronicle states that olafr over indulged in the domestic vice of kings which likely refers to the concubines associated with olafr in the same source 154 During the twelfth century the Church sought to emphasise the sanctity of marriage and took steps to combat concubinage 162 In the winter of 1176 1177 the chronicle reveals that Gudrodr s marriage to Findguala Nic Lochlainn was formalised by a visiting papal legate 163 This episode could be evidence that the papal representative sought to personally reinforce a stricter rule of marriage in the region on this occasion 164 The so called chessmen consist of gaming pieces from at least four different sets 168 They were likely crafted in Norway in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 169 and were found in the early nineteenth century in Lewis 170 Although the hoard itself appears to have been deposited on the island sometime in the early thirteenth century some of the pieces may have originally arrived in the Isles as a result of Gudrodr s journey to Norway in 1152 possibly in the form of a gift between kings or as a gift from the Archbishop of Nidaross to the Bishop of the Isles 171 The pictured piece depicts a seated bishop holding a crozier with two hands and wearing a chasuble as an outer garment The simple horned mitre worn by this particular piece may be evidence that it dates to the mid twelfth century when horns began to be positioned on the front and back as opposed to the sides of the headdress 172 The diocese is generally called Sodorensis in mediaeval sources 179 This Latin term is derived from the Old Norse Sudreyjar 180 and therefore means of the Southern Isles in reference to Mann and the Hebrides as opposed to the Northern Isles 181 The diocese did not include the peninsula of Kintyre 184 According to saga tradition Magnus had his ship drawn across the peninsula s isthmus to demonstrate his right to the land 185 The 1153 bull of Pope Eugenius III to Furness makes note of olafr s gift of Manx lands to the abbey ex dono nobilis viri Olavi regis insularum 193 Although the ruins of Rushen Abbey stand near Ballasalla today there is evidence to suggest that the original site was located at Scarlett near Castletown until the abbey relocated to Douglas in 1192 and finally to its present location in about 1196 190 Until its dissolution in the sixteenth century Rushen Abbey was the principal monastic establishment on Mann 194 The house may have turned Cistercian in about 1147 195 The Crovan dynasty s continuing contacts with England appear to have stemmed from olafr s English exile 197 Today Nidaross is known as Trondheim 236 Of the eleven dioceses five were centred in Norway and six in colonies overseas two in Iceland one in Orkney one in the Faroe Islands one in Greenland and one in the Isles 234 Evidence of local assembly sites within the kingdom may exist in the Hebridean placenames Tiongal known in Scottish Gaelic as Cnoc an Tiongalairidh in Lewis grid reference NB1937 243 and Tinwhil perhaps grid reference NG415583 within the Hinnisdale area on Skye 244 Like the Manx site these four Hebridean placenames are derived in part from the Old Norse thing assembly 245 Sites such as these and others now lost may have been established before the dominance of Manx based kings and their national assembly site 246 There appears to have been no Manx coinage between the late eleventh and early fourteenth centuries 253 The evidence exists in originals copies and abstract versions of royal charters The lone original charter dates to the reign of olafr s great grandson Magnus olafsson King of Mann and the Isles 260 In the eighteenth century Book of Clanranald the term Dane loosely refers to a Scandinavian 271 Historia rerum Anglicarum states that Wimund attacked and attempted exacted tribute from a certain bishop One possibility is that this ecclesiast was Gilla Aldan himself 281 and that Wimund sought to extract a levy from Galloway that had recently terminated on account of Gilla Aldan s elevation 282 If the chronicle s chronology of Haraldr s mutilation is correct it would mean that the Haraldssonar were at least in their fifties when they confronted their uncle 294 a man who must have been at least in his late fifties 295 Other potential candidates include Somairle and Ragnall 316 Citations Edit Munch Goss 1874a pp 62 63 Cotton MS Julius A VII n d Brown M 2004 Coira 2012 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 Wadden 2014 Smith Taylor Williams 2007 Woolf 2005 Woolf 2001 Duffy 1993 Holland 2000 Duffy 1992 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 McDonald RA 2019 Tinmouth 2018 Crawford BE 2014 Sigurdsson Bolton 2014 Wadden 2014 Wolf 2014 Downham 2013 Macniven 2013 Thomas 2010 Davey PJ 2008 Green J 2007 McDonald RA 2007b Smith Taylor Williams 2007 Davey PJ 2006b Davey PJ 2006c Green JA 2006 Macniven 2006 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 Hudson 2005 Raven 2005 Bridgland 2004 Brown M 2004 Oram RD 2004 Woolf 2004 Woolf 2003 Beuermann 2002 Davey P 2002 Duffy 2002a Jennings 2001 McDonald RA 2000 Sellar 2000 Sellar 1997 1998 McDonald RA 1997 Scott 1997 McDonald A 1995 Watt 1994 Oram RD 1993 Fleming Woolf 1992 Oram RD 1988 Power 1986 Macquarrie AD 1982 Duffy 2004 Williams DGE 1997 a b Lowe 1988 Brown DJF 2015 Woolf 2007 Davey PJ 2006a McDonald RA 2016 Finlay Faulkes 2015 Beuermann 2014 Sigurdsson Bolton 2014 MacDonald 2013 Beuermann 2012 McDonald RA 2012 Oram RD 2011 Beuermann 2008 Smith Taylor Williams 2007 McDonald RA 2007a McDonald RA 2007b Williams G 2007 Duffy 2006 Macniven 2006 Pollock 2005 Power 2005 Oram R 2004 Oram RD 2000 a b c Rekdal 2003 2004 a b McLeod 2002 a b c d Smith Taylor Williams 2007 Wadden 2014 McDonald RA 2019 Wadden 2014 Thomas 2010 Hudson 2005 Oram RD 2004 Beuermann 2002 Jennings 2001 Oram RD 1993 Oram RD 1988 Power 1986 Crawford BE 2014 Williams DGE 1997 a b Macniven 2006 Pollock 2005 Oram RD 2000 Beuermann 2012 Beuermann 2014 Sigurdsson Bolton 2014 Brown DJF 2015 McDonald RA 2016 McDonald RA 2012 McDonald RA 2007b Duffy 2004 McDonald RA 2007a Oram RD 2011 a b c Woolf 2001 a b Woolf 2005 Macniven 2006 Sellar 2000 Fleming Woolf 1992 Macniven 2013 McDonald RA 2007b Barrow 2006 Raven 2005 Brown M 2004 Woolf 2003 Sellar 2000 Sellar 1997 1998 Sellar 1997 1998 Duffy 2004 Finlay Faulkes 2015 Woolf 2007 Williams G 2007 McDonald RA 2007b p 65 65 n 41 Macniven 2006 p 236 Sellar 2000 p 191 191 n 21 Williams DGE 1997 p 80 n 93 Zoega 1967 p 53 Vigfusson 1887 pp 210 ch 110 422 Cleasby Vigfusson 1874 p 64 Munch Goss 1874a p 167 167 n b Anderson Hjaltalin Goudie 1873 p 181 ch 104 Finlay Faulkes 2015 p 229 ch 17 Hollander 2011 p 784 ch 17 McDonald RA 2007b p 65 65 n 41 Sellar 2000 p 191 191 n 21 Zoega 1967 p 242 Anderson 1922 p 248 248 n 7 Jonsson 1911 p 609 ch 17 Storm 1899 p 629 ch 17 Cleasby Vigfusson 1874 p 343 Munch Goss 1874a p 167 167 n b Unger 1868 p 772 ch 17 Laing 1844 p 293 ch 17 McDonald RA 2007b p 65 n 41 Sellar 2000 p 191 n 21 McDonald RA 2007b p 65 65 n 41 Sellar 2000 p 191 Macphail 1914 pp 11 13 Sellar 2000 p 191 McDonald RA 2007b p 27 tab 1 McDonald RA 2019 p ix tab 1 Oram RD 2011 p xvi tab 5 McDonald RA 2007b p 27 tab 1 Power 2005 p 34 tab Brown M 2004 p 77 tab 4 1 Sellar 2000 p 192 tab i McDonald RA 1997 p 259 tab Anderson 1922 p 467 tab McDonald RA 2012 p 150 McDonald RA 2019 p ix tab 1 Oram RD 2011 p xvi tab 5 McDonald RA 2007b p 27 tab 1 Power 2005 p 34 tab Sellar 2000 p 192 tab i McDonald RA 1997 p 259 tab McDonald RA 2019 p ix tab 1 McDonald RA 2007b p 27 tab 1 Power 2005 p 34 tab Hudson 2005 p 172 Duffy 2004 Duffy 1992 p 106 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 234 Hudson 2005 p 178 Duffy 2004 Oram RD 2000 p 19 Duffy 1992 p 107 Duffy 2006 pp 63 64 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 235 Duffy 2004 Duffy 1992 pp 107 108 Oram RD 2011 pp 47 48 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 235 Duffy 1992 p 108 McDonald RA 2019 p 23 Oram RD 2011 p 48 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 235 Oram RD 2000 p 20 Candon 1988 p 404 Anderson 1922 p 98 Munch Goss 1874a pp 54 55 McDonald RA 2019 pp 23 64 65 Parsons 2019 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116 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 236 Power 2005 pp 11 12 Duffy 2002a p 57 Oram RD 2000 p 21 Duffy 1992 p 109 Anderson 1922 p 99 Candon 2006 p 116 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 236 Oram RD 2000 p 21 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 236 Oram RD 2000 p 21 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 236 Oram RD 2000 p 21 Anderson 1922 pp 101 102 Munch Goss 1874a pp 56 57 The Annals of Ulster 2012 1103 6 The Annals of Ulster 2008 1103 6 Bodleian Library MS Rawl B 489 2008 Oram RD 2011 p 48 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 pp 236 237 Oram RD 2000 p 21 Power 1986 pp 115 116 Oram RD 2011 pp 48 49 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 237 Oram RD 2011 p 49 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 237 Power 2005 p 12 Finlay Faulkes 2015 pp 135 136 ch 10 Hollander 2011 pp 676 677 ch 10 Oram RD 2011 p 50 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 237 Duffy 2002a p 57 57 n 16 Oram RD 2000 p 42 Duffy 1992 p 110 110 n 82 Anderson 1922 pp 110 111 Jonsson 1911 p 524 ch 10 Storm 1899 pp 538 539 ch 10 Unger 1868 pp 647 648 ch 11 Laing 1844 pp 131 133 ch 11 Oram RD 2011 p 49 Forte 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2005 p 198 Oram RD 2000 pp 21 58 Candon 1988 p 404 Power 1986 p 115 Macquarrie AD 1982 pp 19 56 57 McRoberts 1969 p 85 Anderson 1922 p 98 Munch Goss 1874a pp 54 55 Parsons 2019 pp 277 278 Casey 2014 pp 130 132 Hudson 2005 p 198 Kostick 2003 Anderson 1922 p 98 Munch Goss 1874a pp 54 55 Parsons 2019 p 278 Kostick 2003 Jonsson 1916 p 118 AM 47 Fol n d Dumville 2018 p 113 McDonald RA 2012 p 152 Williams G 2007 pp 130 132 n 8 McDonald RA 2016 p 342 Oram RD 2011 p 49 n 40 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 237 Kostick 2003 Riley Smith 2002 p 214 Runciman 1999 p 47 Macquarrie A 1982 Macquarrie AD 1982 pp 19 56 59 McRoberts 1969 p 85 Riley Smith 1999 pp 1 2 Macquarrie AD 1982 pp 56 59 Oram RD 2011 p 49 n 40 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 237 Kostick 2003 McDonald RA 2019 p 23 Parsons 2019 p 278 Casey 2014 p 132 Hudson 2005 pp 198 199 Doxey 1996 Hudson 2005 pp 198 199 Finlay Faulkes 2015 pp 152 153 ch 11 Hollander 2011 pp 696 697 ch 11 Jesch 2005 pp 132 133 Jonsson 1911 pp 538 539 ch 11 Storm 1899 pp 552 553 ch 11 Unger 1868 pp 667 668 ch 11 Laing 1844 pp 156 158 ch 11 Oram RD 2011 p 49 n 40 McDonald RA 2016 pp 340 341 Downham 2013 p 171 McDonald RA 2007a p 74 n 37 Green JA 2006 p 288 Beuermann 2002 p 425 Holland 2000 p 131 McDonald RA 1997 p 218 Anderson 1922 p 134 Munch Goss 1874a pp 60 61 McDonald RA 2007a p 65 Green JA 2006 p 288 Davis 1910 pp 302 303 Skeat 1902 pp fpc 24 Hudson 2005 p 83 fig 3 Duffy 2004 Oram RD 2000 p 19 Parker 2016 p 428 n 2 McGuigan 2015 p 24 Hudson 2005 pp 33 210 Levy 2004 p 284 Ege 2000 pp 192 193 Lambdin 2000 Hines 2014 pp 203 205 Hudson 2005 pp 33 36 37 Kleinman 2003 pp 246 246 247 n 4 Ege 2000 pp 192 193 Hudson 2005 pp 33 36 37 Hudson 2005 pp 33 210 Kleinman 2003 p 245 Ege 2000 p 192 Hudson 2005 pp 203 204 The Annals of Tigernach 2010 1088 3 Annals of Tigernach 2005 1088 3 Bodleian Library MS Rawl B 488 n d Oram RD 2011 p 59 Anderson 1908 p 155 n 1 Arnold 1885 p 275 ch 210 Stevenson 1855 p 611 Oram RD 2011 p 59 Duffy 1992 p 115 McDonald RA 2019 p 11 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2006 p 64 Duffy 2002a p 60 Oram RD 2000 p 59 Duffy 1992 p 115 Oram RD 2011 p 59 Pollock 2005 p 15 n 72 Duffy 2002a p 60 Oram RD 2000 p 59 Duffy 1992 p 115 Oram RD 2011 pp 59 60 Pryce 2004 a b Oram RD 2000 p 59 Holland 2000 p 131 Giles 1847 p 443 bk 5 Hardy 1840 p 638 bk 5 ch 409 Pollock 2005 p 15 n 72 Duffy 2002a p 60 Duffy 1992 p 115 Oram RD 2011 pp xv tab 4 xvi tab 5 xvii tab 6 Williams G 2007 pp 131 ilus 11 141 ilus 14 Sellar 2000 p 192 tab i Munch Goss 1874a pp 60 61 Cotton MS Julius A VII n d McDonald RA 2019 p 60 McDonald RA 2016 pp 339 342 Wadden 2014 pp 31 32 McDonald RA 2007b pp 66 75 154 Russell McClure Rollason 2007 p 35 Williams G 2007 p 130 n 7 McDonald RA 2000 p 175 Sellar 2000 pp 197 198 Oram RD 1988 pp 34 79 Anderson 1922 p 137 Munch Goss 1874a pp 60 61 a b Oram RD 1988 p 79 Oram R 2004 p 119 Oram RD 1993 p 116 Oram RD 1988 p 79 Anderson 1922 p 226 n 2 McDonald RA 2016 p 342 Wadden 2014 pp 31 32 McDonald RA 2007b pp 66 154 McDonald RA 2000 p 175 Anderson 1922 p 137 Munch Goss 1874a pp 60 61 Oram RD 2011 p 85 Oram RD 1993 p 116 Oram RD 1988 pp 71 72 79 Barrow 2005 pp 430 431 n 28 Oram RD 2000 p 60 Oram RD 1988 pp 71 99 Anderson 1908 p 258 Stubbs 1869 p 105 Stubbs 1867 p 80 Riley 1853 p 423 Oram RD 1993 p 116 Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis 1843 p 9 3 Document 1 4 29 n d a b Oram RD 2000 p 60 Oram RD 1993 p 116 Oram RD 1988 pp 72 99 Lawrie 1910 p 115 Anderson 1908 p 245 Howlett 1889 pp 228 229 Oram RD 2011 p xiii tab 2 Oram RD 1993 p 116 Oram RD 1988 p 79 Oram RD 1993 p 116 Oram RD 1988 p 80 a b Oram RD 2011 p 49 Oram RD 1993 p 116 Duffy 1992 p 110 110 n 81 Oram RD 1988 pp 10 78 80 Anderson 1922 p 103 Munch Goss 1874a pp 58 59 Oram RD 1988 p 80 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 p 157 fig 2a 163 fig 8d 187 fig 14 McDonald RA 2007b p 163 Tinmouth 2018 p 47 Oram RD 2000 p 84 n 98 Oram RD 2011 p 88 Oram R 2004 p 118 Oram RD 2000 pp 71 84 n 98 Oram RD 2011 pp 88 89 Oram R 2004 pp 114 118 Oram RD 2011 pp 88 89 Oram R 2004 pp 118 119 Oram RD 2011 p 88 Oram R 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p 66 Crawford BE 2014 p 66 66 n 7 McDonald RA 2007b p 72 Sellar 2000 pp 196 198 Anderson 1922 p 350 n 2 Vigfusson 1887 pp 82 ch 56 225 Anderson Hjaltalin Goudie 1873 pp 69 ch 45 195 ch 114 Crawford BE 2014 p 66 n 7 Beuermann 2008 McDonald RA 2007b p 72 Williams G 2007 pp 146 147 147 n 39 Sellar 2000 pp 196 198 Anderson 1922 p 350 n 2 Vigfusson 1887 p 225 Anderson Hjaltalin Goudie 1873 p 195 ch 114 Williams G 2007 pp 147 148 Sellar 2000 p 198 Williams G 2007 p 130 n 7 Williams G 2007 p 130 n 7 Anderson 1922 p 139 n 2 Vigfusson 1887 p 82 ch 56 Anderson Hjaltalin Goudie 1873 p 69 ch 45 Oram RD 1988 p 100 McDonald RA 2016 p 342 Beuermann 2014 p 93 93 n 45 Wadden 2014 pp 32 33 Downham 2013 p 172 172 n 86 Flanagan 2010 p 195 195 n 123 Duffy 2007 p 4 McDonald RA 2007b pp 68 71 75 171 185 Oram RD 2000 p 109 n 24 Watt 2000 p 24 McDonald RA 1997 pp 215 216 Duffy 1993 p 58 Duffy 1992 p 127 n 166 Flanagan 1989 p 103 Power 1986 p 130 Flanagan 1977 p 59 Anderson AO 1922 pp 296 297 Munch Goss 1874 pp 76 77 Haddan Stubbs 1873 p 247 McDonald RA 2016 p 342 McDonald RA 1997 pp 215 216 Oram RD 1988 p 79 Anderson 1922 p 137 n 2 Duffy 1993 pp 30 107 Oram RD 1988 p 79 Anderson 1922 p 137 Munch Goss 1874a pp 60 61 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 pp 157 fig 2i 188 fig 15 192 tab 5 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 p 198 McDonald RA 2012 pp 168 169 182 n 175 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 pp 165 197 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 p 155 McDonald RA 2012 p 182 n 175 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 p 178 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 pp 157 fig 2i 188 fig 15 192 tab 5 192 193 197 tab 8 Power 2005 p 37 n 37 a b McDonald RA 2007b pp 65 66 McDonald RA 2007b p 194 Hudson 2005 p 202 a b McDonald RA 2007b p 194 McDonald RA 2007b p 194 Davey PJ 2006a Davey PJ 2006b Hudson 2005 p 202 McDonald RA 1997 p 218 McIntire 1943 p 1 McDonald RA 2019 pp viii 24 McDonald RA 2016 p 342 Beuermann 2014 p 85 McDonald RA 2007b pp 66 184 Lowe 1988 p 33 Anderson 1922 p 184 Munch Goss 1874a pp 62 63 Woolf 2003 pp 171 180 Davey PJ 2008 p 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Bolton T eds Celtic Norse Relationships in the Irish Sea in the Middle Ages 800 1200 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 65 80 ISBN 978 90 04 25512 8 ISSN 1569 1462 Crawford DKE 2016 St Patrick and St Maughold Saints Dedications in the Isle of Man E Keltoi 8 97 158 ISSN 1540 4889 Davey P 2002 At the Crossroads of Power and Cultural Influence Manx Archaeology in the High Middle Ages PDF In Davey P Finlayson D Thomlinson P eds Mannin Revisited Twelve Essays on Manx Culture and Environment Edinburgh The Scottish Society for Northern Studies pp 81 102 ISBN 0 9535226 2 8 Davey PJ 2006a Christianity in the Celtic Countries 3 Isle of Man In Koch JT ed Celtic Culture A Historical Encyclopedia Vol 2 Santa Barbara CA ABC CLIO pp 418 420 ISBN 1 85109 445 8 Davey PJ 2006b Kingdom of Man and the Isles In Koch JT ed Celtic Culture A Historical Encyclopedia Vol 2 Santa Barbara CA ABC CLIO pp 1057 1058 ISBN 1 85109 445 8 Davey PJ 2006c Sodor and Man The Diocese of In Koch JT ed Celtic Culture A Historical Encyclopedia Vol 4 Santa Barbara CA ABC CLIO pp 1618 1619 ISBN 1 85109 445 8 Davey PJ 2008 Eleven Years of Archaeological Research at Rushen Abbey 1998 to 2008 PDF Monastic Research Bulletin 14 Downham C 2013 Living on the Edge Scandinavian Dublin in the Twelfth Century No Horns on Their Helmets Essays on the Insular Viking Age Celtic Anglo Saxon and Scandinavian Studies Aberdeen Centre for Anglo Saxon Studies and The Centre for Celtic Studies University of Aberdeen pp 157 178 ISBN 978 0 9557720 1 6 ISSN 2051 6509 Doxey GB 1996 Norwegian Crusaders and the Balearic Islands Scandinavian Studies 68 2 139 160 eISSN 2163 8195 ISSN 0036 5637 JSTOR 40919854 Duffy S 1992 Irishmen and Islesmen in the Kingdoms of Dublin and Man 1052 1171 Eriu 43 93 133 eISSN 2009 0056 ISSN 0332 0758 JSTOR 30007421 Duffy S 1993 Ireland and the Irish Sea Region 1014 1318 PhD thesis Trinity College Dublin hdl 2262 77137 Duffy S 1997 Ireland in the Middle Ages British History in Perspective Houndmills Basingstoke Macmillan Press doi 10 1007 978 1 349 25171 1 ISBN 978 1 349 25171 1 Duffy S 2002a Emerging From the Mist Ireland and Man in the Eleventh Century PDF In Davey P Finlayson D Thomlinson P eds Mannin Revisited Twelve Essays on Manx Culture and Environment Edinburgh The Scottish Society for Northern Studies pp 53 61 ISBN 0 9535226 2 8 Archived from the original PDF on 25 September 2015 Retrieved 5 January 2017 Duffy S 2002b The Bruce Brothers and the Irish Sea World 1306 29 In Duffy S ed Robert the Bruce s Irish Wars The Invasions of Ireland 1306 1329 Stroud Tempus Publishing pp 45 70 ISBN 0 7524 1974 9 Duffy S 2004 Godred Crovan d 1095 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 50613 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Duffy S 2006 The Royal Dynasties of Dublin and the Isles in the Eleventh Century In Duffy S ed 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of the Viking in Anglo Norman Literature In Adams J Holman K eds Scandinavia and Europe 800 1350 Contact Conflict and Coexistence Medieval Texts and Cultures of Northern Europe Vol 4 Turnhout Brepols Publishers pp 269 288 doi 10 1484 M TCNE EB 3 4114 ISBN 2 503 51085 X Lowe C 1988 Early Ecclesiastical Sites in the Northern Isles and Isle of Man An Archaeological Field Survey PhD thesis Vol 1 Durham University MacDonald IG 2013 Clerics and Clansmen The Diocese of Argyll between the Twelfth and Sixteenth Centuries ISBN 978 90 04 18547 0 ISSN 1569 1462 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a journal ignored help Macniven A 2006 The Norse in Islay A Settlement Historical Case Study for Medieval Scandinavian Activity in Western Maritime Scotland PhD thesis University of Edinburgh hdl 1842 8973 Macniven A 2013 Borgs Boats and the Beginnings of Islay s Medieval Parish Network PDF Northern Studies 45 68 99 ISSN 0305 506X Macquarrie A 1982 Review of S Runciman The First Crusade Scottish Historical Review 61 2 179 180 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25529482 Macquarrie AD 1982 The Impact of the Crusading Movement in Scotland 1095 c 1560 PhD thesis Vol 1 University of Edinburgh hdl 1842 6849 McDonald A 1995 Scoto Norse Kings and the Reformed Religious Orders Patterns of Monastic Patronage in Twelfth Century Galloway and Argyll Albion 27 2 187 219 doi 10 2307 4051525 ISSN 0095 1390 JSTOR 4051525 McDonald A 2004 Wimund fl c 1130 c 1150 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 50011 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required McDonald RA 1997 The Kingdom of the Isles Scotland s Western Seaboard c 1100 c 1336 Scottish Historical Monographs East Linton Tuckwell Press ISBN 978 1 898410 85 0 McDonald RA 2000 Rebels Without a Cause The Relations of Fergus of Galloway and Somerled of Argyll With the Scottish Kings 1153 1164 In Cowan E McDonald R eds Alba Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages East Linton Tuckwell Press pp 166 186 ISBN 1 86232 151 5 McDonald RA 2007a Dealing Death From Man Manx Sea Power in and around the Irish Sea 1079 1265 In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 45 76 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 McDonald RA 2007b Manx Kingship in its Irish Sea Setting 1187 1229 King Rǫgnvaldr and the Crovan Dynasty Dublin Four Courts Press ISBN 978 1 84682 047 2 McDonald RA 2012 The Manx Sea Kings and the Western Oceans The Late Norse Isle of Man in its North Atlantic Context 1079 1265 In Hudson B ed Studies in the Medieval Atlantic The New Middle Ages New York Palgrave Macmillan pp 143 184 doi 10 1057 9781137062390 6 ISBN 978 1 137 06239 0 McDonald RA 2016 Sea Kings Maritime Kingdoms and the Tides of Change Man and the Isles and Medieval European Change AD c1100 1265 In Barrett JH Gibbon SJ eds Maritime Societies of the Viking and Medieval World The Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph Milton Park Abingdon Routledge pp 333 349 doi 10 4324 9781315630755 ISBN 978 1 315 63075 5 ISSN 0583 9106 McDonald RA 2019 Kings Usurpers and Concubines in the Chronicles of the Kings of Man and the Isles Cham Palgrave Macmillan doi 10 1007 978 3 030 22026 6 ISBN 978 3 030 22026 6 S2CID 204624404 McGuigan N 2015 AElla and the Descendants of Ivar Politics and Legend in the Viking Age Northern History 52 1 20 34 doi 10 1179 0078172X14Z 00000000075 eISSN 1745 8706 ISSN 0078 172X S2CID 161252048 McIntire WT 1943 A Note Upon the Connections of Furness Abbey With the Isle of Man Transactions of the Cumberland amp Westmorland Antiquarian amp Archaeological Society 43 1 19 doi 10 5284 1032950 McLeod W 2002 Ri Innsi Gall Ri Fionnghall Ceannas nan Gaidheal Sovereignty and Rhetoric in the Late Medieval Hebrides Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 43 25 48 ISSN 1353 0089 McRoberts D 1969 Scottish Pilgrims to the Holy Land The Innes Review 20 1 80 106 doi 10 3366 inr 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145 doi 10 3366 shr 1993 72 2 111 eISSN 1750 0222 hdl 1893 6623 ISSN 0036 9241 Oram RD 2000 The Lordship of Galloway Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 0 85976 541 5 Oram RD 2004 Fergus Lord of Galloway d 1161 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 49360 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Oram RD 2011 Domination and Lordship Scotland 1070 1230 The New Edinburgh History of Scotland Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press ISBN 978 0 7486 1496 7 Archived from the original on 18 June 2019 Retrieved 15 June 2019 o Corrain D 2010 1982 Foreign Connections and Domestic Politics Killaloe and the Ui Briain in Twelfth Century Hagiography In Whitelock D McKitterick R Dumville D eds Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe Studies in Memory of Kathleen Hughes Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 213 231 ISBN 978 0 521 23547 1 Parker E 2016 Havelok and the Danes in England History Legend and Romance The Review of English Studies 67 280 428 447 doi 10 1093 res hgw034 eISSN 1471 6968 ISSN 0034 6551 Parsons ST 2019 The Inhabitants of the British Isles on the First Crusade Medieval Perceptions and the Invention of a Pan Angevin Crusading Heritage English Historical Review 134 567 273 301 doi 10 1093 ehr cez035 eISSN 1477 4534 ISSN 0013 8266 Peterson P 2012 Old Norse Nicknames MA thesis Haskoli Islands hdl 1946 12799 Pollock M 2005 Rebels of the West 1209 1216 Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 50 1 30 ISSN 1353 0089 Power R 1986 Magnus Barelegs Expeditions to the West Scottish Historical Review 65 2 107 132 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25530199 Power R 2005 Meeting in Norway Norse Gaelic Relations in the Kingdom of Man and the Isles 1090 1270 PDF Saga Book 29 5 66 ISSN 0305 9219 Power R 2013 The Story of Iona An Illustrated History and Guide London Canterbury Press Norwich ISBN 978 1 84825 556 2 Pryce H 2004 Gruffudd ap Cynan 1054 5 1137 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed 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Rollason D Rollason L eds The Durham Liber Vitae Vol 2 London The British Library pp 35 42 ISBN 978 0 7123 4996 3 Scott JG 1997 The Partition of a Kingdom Strathclyde 1092 1153 PDF Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society 72 11 40 ISSN 0141 1292 Sellar WDH 1997 1998 The Ancestry of the MacLeods Reconsidered Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness 60 233 258 via Associated Clan MacLeod Societies Genealogical Resource Centre Sellar WDH 2000 Hebridean Sea Kings The Successors of Somerled 1164 1316 In Cowan EJ McDonald RA eds Alba Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages East Linton Tuckwell Press pp 187 218 ISBN 1 86232 151 5 Smith BB Taylor S Williams G eds 2007 General Index West Over Sea Studies in Scandinavian Sea Borne Expansion and Settlement Before 1300 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 555 581 ISBN 978 90 04 15893 1 ISSN 1569 1462 Sigurdsson JV Bolton T eds 2014 Index Celtic Norse Relationships in the Irish Sea in the Middle Ages 800 1200 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 215 223 ISBN 978 90 04 25512 8 ISSN 1569 1462 Strickland MJ 2012 The Kings of Scots at War c 1093 1286 In Spiers EM Crang JA Strickland MJ eds A Military History of Scotland Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press pp 94 132 ISBN 978 0 7486 3204 6 Thomas S 2010 The Diocese of Sodor Between Nidaross and Avignon Rome 1266 1472 PDF Northern Studies 41 22 40 ISSN 0305 506X Thomas S 2014 From Cathedral of the Isles to Obscurity the Archaeology and History of Skeabost Island Snizort PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 144 245 264 doi 10 9750 PSAS 144 245 264 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 220620368 Tinmouth C 2018 Frontiers of Faith The Impact of the Insular Frontier upon the Identity and Development of Furness Abbey Midlands Historical Review 2 1S 46 63 ISSN 2516 8568 Wadden P 2014 Cath Ruis na Rig for Boinn History and Literature in Twelfth Century Ireland Aiste 4 11 44 Watt DER 1994 Bishops in the Isles Before 1203 Bibliography and Biographical Lists The Innes Review 45 2 99 119 doi 10 3366 inr 1994 45 2 99 eISSN 1745 5219 ISSN 0020 157X Watt DER 2000 Medieval Church Councils in Scotland Edinburgh T amp T Clark ISBN 0 56708731 X Watt DER 2003 Scotland Religion and Piety In Rigby SH ed A Companion to Britain in the Later Middle Ages Blackwell Companions to British History Malden MA Blackwell Publishing pp 396 410 ISBN 0 631 21785 1 Williams DGE 1997 Land Assessment and Military Organisation in the Norse Settlements in Scotland c 900 1266 AD PhD thesis University of St Andrews hdl 10023 7088 Williams G 2007 These People were High Born and Thought Well of Themselves The Family of Moddan of Dale In Smith BB Taylor S Williams G eds West Over Sea Studies in Scandinavian Sea Borne Expansion and Settlement Before 1300 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 129 152 ISBN 978 90 04 15893 1 ISSN 1569 1462 Wolf MJ 2014 Exploring Legal Multiculturalism in the Irish Sea Multiculturalism Proto Democracy and State Formation on the Isle of Man From 900 1300 MA thesis Virginia Tech hdl 10919 64186 Woolf A 2001 Isles Kingdom of the In Lynch M ed The Oxford Companion to Scottish History Oxford Companions Oxford Oxford University Press pp 346 347 ISBN 0 19 211696 7 Woolf A 2003 The Diocese of the Sudreyar In Imsen S ed Ecclesia Nidrosiensis 1153 1537 Sokelys pa Nidaroskirkens og Nidarosprovinsens Historie Tapir Akademisk Forlag pp 171 181 ISBN 978 82 519 1873 2 Woolf A 2004 The Age of Sea Kings 900 1300 In Omand D ed The Argyll Book Edinburgh Birlinn pp 94 109 ISBN 1 84158 253 0 Woolf A 2005 The Origins and Ancestry of Somerled Gofraid mac Fergusa and The Annals of the Four Masters Mediaeval Scandinavia 15 199 213 Woolf A 2007 The Wood Beyond the World Jamtland and the Norwegian Kings In Smith BB Taylor S Williams G eds West Over Sea Studies in Scandinavian Sea Borne Expansion and Settlement Before 1300 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 153 166 ISBN 978 90 04 15893 1 ISSN 1569 1462 Zoega GT 1967 1910 A Concise Dictionary of Old Icelandic Oxford Clarendon Press OL 7162452M External links Edit Olaf I King of the Isles d ca 1153 People of Medieval Scotland 1093 1371 Media related to olafr Gudrodarson at Wikimedia Commonsolafr GudrodarsonCrovan dynasty Died 29 June 1153Regnal titlesPreceded byDomnall mac Taidc King of the Isles1112 1115 1153 Succeeded byGudrodr olafsson Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title olafr Gudrodarson died 1153 amp oldid 1170780190, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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