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Wikipedia

Lolicon

January 01, 1970

In Japanese popular culture, lolicon (ロリコン, also romanized as rorikon or lolicom) is a genre of fictional media which focuses on young (or young-looking) girl characters, particularly in a sexually suggestive or erotic manner. The term, a portmanteau of the English words "Lolita" and "complex", also refers to desire and affection for such characters (ロリ, "loli"), and fans of such. Associated mainly with stylized imagery in manga, anime, and video games, lolicon in otaku culture is generally understood as distinct from desires for realistic depictions of girls, or real girls as such,[1][2][3] and is associated with moe, or feelings of affection for fictional characters.

A depiction of young girls wearing lingerie. Lolicon art often blends childlike characteristics with erotic undertones.

The phrase "Lolita complex", derived from the novel Lolita, entered use in Japan in the 1970s to describe feelings of love and lust for young girls over adult women. During the "lolicon boom" in adult manga of the early 1980s, the term was adopted in the nascent otaku culture to denote attraction to early bishōjo (cute girl) characters, and later to only younger-looking depictions as bishōjo designs became more varied. The artwork of the boom, strongly influenced by the round styles of shōjo manga, marked a shift away from realism, and the advent of "cute eroticism" (kawaii ero), an aesthetic now common in manga and anime more broadly. The lolicon boom faded by the mid-1980s, and the genre has since made up a minority of erotic manga.

Since the 1990s, lolicon has been a keyword in manga debates in Japan and globally. Child pornography laws in some countries apply to depictions of fictional child characters, while those in other countries, including Japan, do not.[4] Opponents and supporters have debated if the genre contributes to child sexual abuse. Cultural critics generally identify lolicon with a broader separation between fiction and reality within otaku sexuality.

Definition

Lolicon is a Japanese abbreviation of "Lolita complex" (ロリータ・コンプレックス, rorīta konpurekkusu),[5] an English-language phrase and wasei-eigo derived from Vladimir Nabokov's novel Lolita (1955) but in Japan more associated with Russell Trainer's The Lolita Complex (1966, translated 1969),[6] a work of pop psychology in which the author uses the term to describe adult male attraction to pubescent and pre-pubescent females.[7] In Japanese, the phrase was adopted to describe feelings of love and lust for young girls over adult women,[8] which remains the phrase's common meaning.[9] Due to its association with otaku (manga and anime fan) culture, however, the term today is more often used to describe desires for young or young-looking girl characters (ロリ, "loli") which are generally understood to exist and be satisfied in fiction,[10] though the meaning of the term remains contested[11] and for the public at large still carries a connotation of pedophilia.[12][13][a] Lolicon also refers to sexualized works which feature such characters, and fans of these works and characters.[16] It is distinct from more formal words for pedophilia (yōji-zuki or pedofiria; clinically, shōniseiai or jidōseiai)[b] and child pornography (jidō poruno).[c][11]

The meaning of lolicon in the otaku context developed in the early 1980s, during the "lolicon boom"[d] in adult manga (see § History). According to editor and critic Akira Akagi, the term's meaning moved away from the sexual pairing of an older man and a young girl, and instead came to describe desire for "cuteness" and "girl-ness" in manga and anime.[17] Other critics defined lolicon as the desire for "cute things",[18] "manga-like" or "anime-like" characters, "roundness", and the "two-dimensional", as opposed to "real".[19] At the time, all eroticism in the manga style featuring cute girl (bishōjo) characters was associated with the term,[20] and synonyms of "Lolita complex" included "two-dimensional complex" (nijigen konpurekkusu), "two-dimensional fetishism" (nijikon fechi), "two-dimensional syndrome" (nijikon shōkōgun), "cute girl syndrome" (bishōjo shōkōgun), and simply "sickness" (byōki).[e][21] As character body types in erotic manga became more varied by the end of the lolicon boom, the scope of the term narrowed to more young-looking depictions.[22][23]

Lolicon became a keyword in debates after the 1989 arrest of Tsutomu Miyazaki, a serial killer of young girls who was portrayed in media reports as an otaku (see § History).[24] As lolicon was conflated with desire for real children in debates on "harmful manga",[f] the early meaning was replaced among otaku by moe, which refers to feelings of affection and love for characters more generally.[24] Like moe, lolicon is still used by otaku to refer to attraction that is consciously distinct from reality;[24] some otaku identify as "two-dimensional lolicon" (nijigen rorikon)[g] to specify their attraction to characters.[11] The term has become a keyword in criticism of manga and sexuality within Japan,[25] as well as globally with the spread of Japanese popular culture.[26]

History

Background

In the 1970s, shōjo manga (marketed to girls) underwent a renaissance in which artists, such as those of the Year 24 Group, experimented with new narratives and styles, and introduced themes such as psychology, gender, and sexuality.[27] These developments attracted adult male fans of shōjo manga, who crossed gendered boundaries to produce and consume it.[28] The first appearance of the term "Lolita complex" in manga was in Stumbling Upon a Cabbage Patch,[h] an Alice in Wonderland–inspired work by Shinji Wada published in a 1974 issue of the shōjo manga magazine Bessatsu Margaret, where a male character calls Lewis Carroll a man with a "strange character of liking only small children" in an inside joke to adult readers.[29][i] Early lolicon artwork was influenced by male artists mimicking shōjo manga,[30][31] as well as erotic manga created by female artists for male readers.[9]

The image of the shōjo (young girl) rose to prominence in Japanese mass media in the 1970s as a symbol of cuteness, innocence, and an "idealized Eros", attributes which became attached to imagery of younger girls over time.[32] Nude photographs of shōjo, conceived as fine art, gained popularity: a photo collection titled Nymphet: The Myth of the 12-Year-Old was published in 1969, and in 1972 and 1973 there was an "Alice boom" in nude photos themed around Alice in Wonderland.[33] Specialty adult magazines carrying nude photos, fiction, and essays on the appeal of young girls emerged in the 1980s;[34] this trend faded in the late 1980s, due to backlash and because many men preferred images of shōjo in manga and anime.[35] The spread of such imagery, both in photographs[36] and in manga,[37] may have been helped by prohibitions on displaying pubic hair under Japan's obscenity laws.[j]

1970s–1980s

 
Front page of Hideo Azuma's first contribution to Cybele [ja], an erotic parody of "Little Red Riding Hood". Critic Gō Itō identifies the work as a comment on a "certain eroticism" in the roundness of Osamu Tezuka's characters.[39]

The rise of lolicon as a genre began at Comiket (Comic Market), a convention for the sale of dōjinshi (self-published works) founded in 1975 by adult male fans of shōjo manga. In 1979, a group of male artists published the first issue of the fanzine Cybele [ja];[40] its standout creator was Hideo Azuma, who is known as the "Father of Lolicon".[39] Prior to Cybele, the dominant style in seinen (marketed to men) and pornographic manga (hentai) was gekiga, characterized by realism, sharp angles, dark hatching, and gritty linework.[41] Azuma's manga, in contrast, displayed light shading and clean, circular lines, which he viewed as "thoroughly erotic" and sharing with shōjo manga a "lack of reality".[41] Azuma's combination of the stout bodies of Osamu Tezuka's works and the emotive faces of shōjo manga marked the advent of the bishōjo and the aesthetic of "cute eroticism" (kawaii ero).[k][42] While erotic, lolicon manga was initially mainly viewed as humorous and parodic, but a large fan base soon grew in response to the alternative to pornographic gekiga that it represented.[39][43] Erotic manga began to move away from combining realistic bodies and cartoony faces towards a wholly-unrealistic style.[39] Lolicon manga played a role in attracting male fans to Comiket, whose participants were 90 percent female in 1975; by 1981, the proportion of male and female participants was equal.[44] Lolicon manga, mostly created by and for men, served as a response to yaoi (manga featuring male homoeroticism), mostly created by and for women.[45]

The early 1980s saw a "lolicon boom" in professional and amateur art. The popularity of lolicon within the otaku community attracted the attention of publishers, who founded specialty publications dedicated to the genre such as Lemon People and Manga Burikko, both in 1982.[46] Other magazines of the boom included Manga Hot Milk [ja], Melon Comic,[l] and Halfliter [ja].[47] The genre's rise was closely linked to the concurrent development of otaku culture and growing fan consciousness;[48] the word otaku itself was coined in Burikko in 1983.[49] Originally founded as an unprofitable gekiga magazine, the publication was transformed into a lolicon magazine in 1983 by editor Eiji Ōtsuka,[50] whose intention was to publish "shōjo manga for boys".[51][m] Reflecting the influence of shōjo manga, there was an increasingly small place in lolicon artwork for realistic characters and explicit depictions of sex;[53] in 1983, Burikko's editors yielded to reader demands by removing photographs of gravure idol models from its opening pages, publishing an issue with the subtitle "Totally Bishōjo Comic Magazine".[54] Lolicon magazines regularly published female artists, such as Kyoko Okazaki and Erika Sakurazawa,[53] and male artists such as Aki Uchiyama [ja], dubbed the "King of Lolicon", who produced 160 pages of manga per month to meet demand.[55] Uchiyama's works were published both in niche magazines such as Lemon People and in the mainstream Shōnen Champion.[56] The first-ever pornographic anime series was Lolita Anime, an OVA released episodically in 1984 and 1985.[57]

 
Eiji Ōtsuka, editor of Manga Burikko, played a key role in the lolicon boom.

Iconic characters of the lolicon boom include Clarisse from the film Lupin III: Castle of Cagliostro (1979) and Lana from the TV series Future Boy Conan (1978), both directed by Hayao Miyazaki.[58] Clarisse was especially popular, and inspired a series of articles discussing her appeal in the anime specialty magazines Gekkan Out [ja], Animec [ja], and Animage,[59] as well as a trend of fan works dubbed "Clarisse magazines"[20] which were not explicitly sexual, but instead "fairytale-esque" and "girly" in nature.[46] Many early lolicon works combined mecha and bishōjo elements;[60] the premiere of the Daicon III Opening Animation at the 1981 Japan SF Convention is one notable example of the prominence of science fiction and lolicon in the nascent otaku culture of the time.[61] Anime shows targeted at young girls with young girl heroines, such as Magical Princess Minky Momo (1982–1983), gained new viewership from adult male fans, who started fan clubs[62] and were courted by creators.[63]

The lolicon boom in commercial erotic manga only lasted until 1984.[64] Near the end of the boom, because "readers had no attachment to lolicon per se" and "did not take [young girls] as objects of sexual desire",[50] a majority of readers and creators of erotic manga moved towards the diversifying bishōjo works featuring "baby-faced and big-breasted" characters, which were no longer considered lolicon.[65] At Comiket, lolicon manga declined in popularity by 1989 following developments in erotic dōjinshi, including new genres of fetishism and the growing popularity of softcore eroticism popular among men and women, particularly in yuri (manga with lesbian themes).[44]

1990s–present

In 1989, lolicon and otaku became the subject of a media frenzy and moral panic after the arrest of Tsutomu Miyazaki, a young man who had kidnapped and murdered four girls between the ages of four and seven and committed sexual acts with their corpses.[66] Widely disseminated photos of Miyazaki's room revealed an extensive collection of video tapes, which included horror/slasher films on which he had modelled some of his crimes,[67] and manga, including shōjo and lolicon works.[68][n] In the extended public debates that followed, Miyazaki's crimes were blamed on supposed media effects: namely, a reduction in his inhibitions to crime, and a blurring of the lines between fiction and reality.[70] Miyazaki was labelled as an otaku, and an image of otaku as "socially and sexually immature" men, and for some as "pedophiles and potential predators", was established for much of the public.[71] The decade saw local crackdowns on retailers and publishers of "harmful manga", and the arrests of some manga artists.[72][73] Despite this, lolicon imagery expanded and became more acceptable within manga in the 1990s,[74] and the early 2000s saw a small boom in the genre sparked by the magazine Comic LO.[75]

Media

Lolicon media is loosely defined. Some define its characters by age, while others define its characters by appearance (those which are small and flat-chested, independent of age).[10] Lolicon works often depict girl characters as innocent, precocious, and sometimes flirtatious;[76] characters may appear in borderline or outright sexual situations, though the term can be applied to works with neither.[76] According to Kaoru Nagayama, manga readers define lolicon works as those "with a heroine younger than a middle school student", a definition which can vary from characters under age 18 for "society at large", to characters "younger than gradeschool-aged" for "fanatics", and to "kindergarteners" for "more pedophiliac readers".[77] Girl characters in lolicon can display a contradictory performance of age in which their body, behavior, and role in a story conflict;[78] for example, lolibaba[o] ("Lolita granny") characters speak and behave with the mannerisms of older women.[79] Curvy hips and other secondary sex characteristics similarly appear as features in many of the genre's characters.[80] Plot devices often explain the young appearance of characters who are non-human or actually much older.[81]

Akira Akagi identifies themes in lolicon manga including sadomasochism, "groping objects" (alien tentacles or robots in the role of the penis), "mecha fetishes" (combinations of a machine and a girl), erotic parodies of mainstream anime and manga, and "simply indecent or perverted stuff", also noting common themes of lesbianism and masturbation.[82] Media scholar Setsu Shigematsu argues that forms of substitution and mimicry enable lolicon to "transform straight sex into a parodic form".[83] More extreme works depict themes including coercion, rape, incest, bondage, and hermaphroditism.[84] Nagayama argues that most pornographic lolicon manga deal with a "consciousness of sin", or a sense of taboo and guilt in its consumption.[85] Some manga manage this by portraying the girl as enjoying the experience in the end, while others represent the girl as the active partner in sex who seduces men to her.[86] Other lolicon manga, where "men are absolute evil and girls are pitiable victims", indulge in the "pleasure of sin" through the breaking of taboos,[87] which he argues affirms the fragility of the characters.[88] He posits that manga depicting sex between children avoid the "consciousness of sin" via mutual innocence, while also thematizing nostalgia and an idealized past,[89] while other lolicon manga accomplish this through characters with especially unrealistic and moe designs, where "it is precisely because fiction is distinguished from reality as fiction that one can experience moe".[90]

Lolicon manga, often published as dōjinshi or compiled in anthology magazines,[91] is mostly consumed by male audiences,[9] though Nagayama notes that the works of Hiraku Machida [ja] have "resonated with female readers" and "earned the support of women".[92] Other notable artists include Aguda Wanyan, Takarada Gorgeous,[93] and female creators Erika Wada[94] and Fumio Kagami [ja].[95] Lolicon imagery is a prominent theme in Superflat, a manga-influenced art movement founded by Takashi Murakami. Superflat artists whose works incorporate lolicon include Mr. and Henmaru Machino.[96]

Relation to moe

In the 1990s, lolicon imagery evolved and contributed to the mainstream development of moe, the generalized affective response to fictional characters (typically bishōjo characters in manga, anime, and computer games) and its associated design elements.[14][97] The bishōjo character form moved from niche, otaku publications to mainstream manga magazines, and saw explosive popularity in the decade with the rise of bishōjo games and anime series such as Sailor Moon and Neon Genesis Evangelion, which pioneered media and merchandising based on fan affection for their female protagonists.[98] Moe characters, which tend to be physically immature girl characters exemplified by cuteness,[99] are ubiquitous in contemporary manga and anime.[100] In contrast to lolicon, sexuality in moe is treated indirectly[14] or not at all;[101] the moe response is often defined with emphasis on platonic love.[102] John Oppliger of AnimeNation identifies Ro-Kyu-Bu!, Kodomo no Jikan, and Moetan as examples of series which challenge the distinction between moe and lolicon through use of sexual innuendo, commenting that they "satire the chaste sanctity of the moé phenomenon" and "poke fun at viewers and the arbitrary delineations that viewers assert".[101] "Moe-style" lolicon works depict mild eroticism, such as glimpses of underwear, and forgo explicit sex.[103]

Legality

See also: Legal status of fictional pornography depicting minors

Child pornography laws in some countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, have expanded since the 1990s to include sexually explicit depictions of fictional child characters, while those in other countries, including Japan, exclude fiction from relevant definitions.[4] In 1999, Japan passed a national law criminalizing the production and distribution of child pornography.[104] The law's original draft included depictions of fictional children in its definition of child pornography; after "criticism from many in Japan", this text was removed in the final version.[105] In 2014, Japan's parliament amended the 1999 law to criminalize possession of child pornography;[104] the 2013 draft introduced by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which maintained the existing legal definition, included a provision for a government investigation on whether manga, anime, and computer-generated images "similar to child pornography" were connected to child sexual abuse, which would be followed by a later decision on regulation.[106] This provision was opposed by manga-related organizations, including the Japan Cartoonists Association, which argued that regulation would infringe upon freedom of expression and negatively impact the industry.[107] The provision was removed from the final version of the law, which took effect in 2015.[108]

Lolicon media is a common target of local ordinances in Japan which restrict distribution of materials designated "harmful to the healthy development of youth",[109] which were strengthened throughout the 1990s and 2000s.[110] An amendment proposed in 2010 to the Tokyo law on material banned from sale to minors (described by Vice Governor Naoki Inose as targeting non-pornographic lolicon manga, writing that "We had regulation for eromanga, but not for lolicon")[111] restricted depictions of "non-existent youths" who appeared under age 18 and were portrayed in "anti-social sexual situations".[112] After heavy opposition from manga creators, academics, and fans,[113][114][115] the bill was rejected in June 2010 by the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly;[116] however, a new revision passed in December 2010 which restricts "manga, anime, and computer games" where any characters engage in "sexual or pseudo sexual acts that would be illegal in real life" depicted in a way that "glorifies or exaggerates" such acts.[117] In 2011, several manga were listed for restriction, including Oku-sama wa Shōgakusei [ja] ("My Wife Is an Elementary Student");[118] it was published online by J-Comi, avoiding restriction.[119][p]

Sexualized depictions of young girl characters have also been subject to censorship and restriction outside of Japan. In 2006, North American publisher Seven Seas Entertainment licensed the manga series Kodomo no Jikan for release under the title Nymphet, but cancelled its plans in 2007 after vendor cancellations. In a statement, the company stated that the manga "cannot be considered appropriate for the US market by any reasonable standard".[121] In 2020, Australian senator Stirling Griff criticized the Australian Classification Board for giving ratings to manga and anime depicting "child exploitation", and called for a review of classification regulations;[122] later that year, the board banned the import and sale of three volumes of the light novel series No Game No Life for sexual depiction of young characters.[123][q] Some online platforms, including Discord,[125] Reddit,[126] and Twitter,[127] ban lolicon content.

Debate

Explaining the exclusion of lolicon material from the 2014 child pornography law amendment, an LDP lawmaker stated that "manga, anime, and CG child pornography don't directly violate the rights of girls or boys" and that "it has not been scientifically validated that it even indirectly causes damage".[128] Manga creators and activists argue that the Japanese constitution guarantees artistic freedom of expression, and that laws restricting lolicon material would be unconstitutional.[129] Statistically, sexual abuse of minors in Japan has declined since the 1960s and 1970s as the prevalence of lolicon media has increased;[130] cultural anthropologist Patrick W. Galbraith interprets this as evidence that lolicon imagery does not necessarily influence crimes,[74] while Steven Smet suggests that lolicon is an "exorcism of fantasies" that contributes to Japan's low crime rates.[131] Drawing on his fieldwork, Galbraith argues that otaku culture collectively promotes media literacy and an ethical position of separating fiction and reality, especially when the conflation of the two would be dangerous.[132] A 2012 report by the Sexologisk Klinik for the Danish government found no evidence that cartoons and drawings depicting fictitious child sexual abuse encourage real abuse.[133] Sharalyn Orbaugh argues that manga depicting underage sexuality can help victims of child sexual abuse to work through their own trauma, and that there is greater harm in regulating sexual expression than potential harm caused by such manga.[134]

Legal scholar Hiroshi Nakasatomi argues that lolicon material can distort consumers' sexual desires and induce crime,[135] a view shared by the non-profit organization CASPAR, whose founder Kondo Mitsue argues that "freedom of expression does not allow for the depiction of little girls being violently raped, depriving them of their basic human rights".[129] Some critics, such as the non-profit organization Lighthouse, argue that lolicon works can be used for sexual grooming, and that they encourage a culture which accepts sexual abuse of children.[136] In 2015, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Sale and Sexual Exploitation of Children, Maud de Boer-Buquicchio, called for further discussion and research on "manga depicting extreme child pornography" and a resultant "banalization of child sexual abuse" in Japan, and called for a ban on such material.[137] Guidelines released in 2019 by the United Nations Human Rights Committee encouraged state parties to include explicit drawings of fictional children in laws against child pornography, "in particular when such representations are used as part of a process to sexually exploit children".[138][139] Feminist critic Kuniko Funabashi argues that the themes of lolicon material contribute to sexual violence by portraying girls passively and by "presenting the female body as the man's possession".[140] Legal scholar Shin'ichirō Harata argues that child pornography laws should not collapse reality and fiction together, but also that fans should not dismiss an ambivalence represented by lolicon. He describes the practice of keeping the two separated as the "ethics of moe", or "responsibility of otaku".[141]

Analysis

Culture and media scholars responding to lolicon generally identify it as distinct from attraction to real young girls.[142] Cultural anthropologist Patrick W. Galbraith finds that "from early writings to the present, researchers suggest that lolicon artists are playing with symbols and working with tropes, which does not reflect or contribute to sexual pathology or crime".[24] Psychologist Tamaki Saitō, who has conducted clinical work with otaku,[143] highlights an estrangement of lolicon desires from reality as part of a distinction for otaku between "textual and actual sexuality", and observes that "the vast majority of otaku are not pedophiles in actual life".[144] Manga researcher Yukari Fujimoto argues that lolicon desire "is not for a child, but for the image itself", and that this is understood by those "brought up in [Japan's] culture of drawing and fantasy".[145] Sociologist Mark McLelland identifies lolicon and yaoi as "self-consciously anti-realist" genres, given a rejection by fans and creators of "three-dimensionality" in favor of "two-dimensionality",[146] and compares lolicon to the yaoi fandom, in which fans consume depictions of homosexuality which "lack any correspondent in the real world".[147] Setsu Shigematsu argues that lolicon reflects a shift in "erotic investment" from reality to "two-dimensional figures of desire".[148] Queer theorist Yuu Matsuura criticizes the classification of two-dimensional lolicon as "child pornography" as "human-oriented sexualism" which marginalizes fictosexuality, or nijikon.[149][150]

Many scholars also identify lolicon as a form of self-expression on the part of its male creators and consumers.[151] Sociologist Sharon Kinsella suggests that for lolicon fans, "the infantilized female object of desire [...] has crossed over to become an aspect of their own self image and sexuality".[152] Akira Akagi argues that lolicon manga represented a notable shift in reader identification from the "hero" penetrator common to pornographic gekiga: "Lolicon readers do not need a penis for pleasure, but rather they need the ecstasy of the girl. [...] They identify with the girl, and get caught up in a masochistic pleasure."[153] Manga critic Gō Itō views this as an "abstract desire", quoting a lolicon artist who told him that "he was the girl who is raped in his manga", reflecting a feeling of being "raped by society, or by the world".[154] Kaoru Nagayama posits that lolicon readers adopt a fluid perspective that alternates between that of an omniscient voyeur and the multiple characters in a work,[8] reflecting an active reader role and a projection onto girl characters.[155] Writing in The Book of Otaku (1989), feminist Chizuko Ueno argued that lolicon, as an orientation towards fictional bishōjo, is "completely different from pedophilia", and characterized it as a desire to "be part of the 'cute' world of shōjo" for male fans of shōjo manga who "find it too much to be a man".[156]

Several scholars identify the emergence of lolicon with changes in Japanese gender relations. Sociologist Kimio Itō attributes the rise of lolicon manga to a shift in the 1970s and 1980s, when boys, driven by a feeling that girls were "surpassing them in terms of willpower and action", turned to the "world of imagination", in which young girl characters are "easy to control".[157] Kinsella interprets lolicon as part of a "gaze of both fear and desire" stimulated by the growing power of women in society, and as a reactive desire to see the shōjo "infantilized, undressed, and subordinate".[158] Media scholar Chizuko Naitō views lolicon as reflecting a broader "societal desire" for young girls as sex symbols in Japan (which she calls a "loliconized society").[159] Cultural anthropologist Christine Yano argues that eroticized imagery of the shōjo, "real or fictive", reflects "heteronormative pedophilia" in which emphasis is placed on the ephemerality of childhood: "it is as child that [the shōjo] becomes precious as a transitory figure threatened by impending adulthood".[160]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Translator Matt Alt states that the term is treated as "something of a four-letter word [...] virtually synonymous with pedophilia",[14] and Patrick W. Galbraith similarly writes that "'lolicon' is often almost synonymous with 'pedophilia' for critics today".[15]
  2. ^ yōji-zuki (幼児好き); pedofiria (ペドフィリア); shōniseiai (小児性愛); jidōseiai (児童性愛)
  3. ^ 児童ポルノ
  4. ^ ロリコンブーム, rorikon būmu
  5. ^ nijigen konpurekkusu (二次元コンプレックス); nijikon fechi (二次元コンフェチ); nijikon shōkōgun (二次元コン症候群); bishōjo shōkōgun (美少女症候群); byōki (病気)
  6. ^ yūgai komikku (有害コミック) or yūgai manga (有害漫画)
  7. ^ 二次元ロリコン
  8. ^ Kyabetsu-batake de Tsumazuite (キャベツ畑でつまずいて)
  9. ^ See Lewis Carroll § Sexuality.
  10. ^ When obscenity enforcement against depictions of pubic hair was partially eased in 1991, facilitating a trend of "hair nude [ja]" photo books, depictions in manga and anime continued to be regulated.[38]
  11. ^ かわいいエロ
  12. ^ メロンCOMIC
  13. ^ Ōtsuka also edited Petit Apple Pie, an anthology series featuring works from the artists of Manga Burikko without eroticism; it is also remembered as a lolicon publication.[50][52]
  14. ^ Some journalists in the room later stated that Miyazaki had owned only a few adult manga, which were moved to the foreground of photographs and created a false impression.[69]
  15. ^ ロリババア, roribabā
  16. ^ The first work to be formally restricted as "harmful" under the expanded law was the manga Imōto Paradise! 2 in 2014.[120]
  17. ^ Light novels, including No Game No Life, typically include manga-style illustrations.[124]

References

Citations

  1. ^ Galbraith 2016, pp. 113–114: "Given its importance, it is not surprising that lolicon has been well researched in Japan over the course of decades, which has led to numerous insights. [...] Characters are not compensating for something more 'real,' but rather are in their fiction the object of affection. This has been described as 'finding sexual objects in fiction in itself', which in discussions of lolicon is made explicitly distinct from desire for and abuse of children."
  2. ^ McLelland 2011b, p. 16: "Japanese scholarship has, on the whole, argued that, in the case of Japanese fans, neither the Loli nor the BL fandom represent the interests of paedophiles since moe characters are not objectified in the same manner that actual images of children can be, rather they express aspects of their creators' or consumers' own identities."
  3. ^ Kittredge 2014, p. 524: "The majority of the cultural critics responding to the Japanese otaku's erotic response to lolicon images emphasize, like Keller, that no children are harmed in the production of these images and that looking with desire at a stylized drawing of a young girl is not the same as lusting after an actual child."
  4. ^ a b McLelland, Mark (2016). "Introduction: Negotiating 'cool Japan' in research and teaching". In McLelland, Mark (ed.). The End of Cool Japan: Ethical, Legal, and Cultural Challenges to Japanese Popular Culture. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 1–30 [11]. ISBN 978-1-317-26937-3.
  5. ^ Nihon Kokugo Daijiten. "ロリコンとは？ 意味や使い方" [What is "lolicon"? Meaning and usage]. Kotobank [コトバンク] (in Japanese). Retrieved 19 July 2023. 〘名〙 「ロリータコンプレックス」の略。([noun] abbreviation of "Lolita complex")
  6. ^ Takatsuki 2010, p. 6, cited in Galbraith 2011, p. 94.
  7. ^ Stapleton, Adam (2016). "All seizures great and small: Reading contentious images of minors in Japan and Australia". In McLelland, Mark (ed.). The End of Cool Japan: Ethical, Legal, and Cultural Challenges to Japanese Popular Culture. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 134–162 [136]. ISBN 978-1-317-26937-3.
  8. ^ a b Nagayama 2020, p. 117.
  9. ^ a b c Shigematsu 1999, p. 129.
  10. ^ a b Galbraith 2021, p. 163.
  11. ^ a b c Galbraith 2017, p. 119.
  12. ^ Galbraith 2019, pp. 65, 68–69
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Works cited

  • Akagi, Akira (1993). "Bishōjo shōkōgun: Rorikon to iu yokubō" [The Bishōjo Syndrome: The Desire Called Lolicon]. New Feminism Review (in Japanese). 3: 230–234.
  • Galbraith, Patrick W. (2011). "Lolicon: The Reality of 'Virtual Child Pornography' in Japan". Image & Narrative. 12 (1): 83–119. ISSN 1780-678X.
  • Galbraith, Patrick W. (2012). "Moe: Exploring Virtual Potential in Post-Millennial Japan". In Iles, Timothy; Matanle, Peter C. D. (eds.). Researching Twenty-First Century Japan: New Directions and Approaches for the Electronic Age. Lanham: Lexington Books. pp. 343–365. ISBN 978-0-7391-7014-4.
  • Galbraith, Patrick W. (2016). "'The lolicon guy': Some observations on researching unpopular topics in Japan". In McLelland, Mark (ed.). The End of Cool Japan: Ethical, Legal, and Cultural Challenges to Japanese Popular Culture. London and New York: Routledge. pp. 109–133. ISBN 978-1-317-26937-3.
  • Galbraith, Patrick W. (2017). "RapeLay and the return of the sex wars in Japan". Porn Studies. 4 (1): 105–126. doi:10.1080/23268743.2016.1252159.
  • Galbraith, Patrick W. (2019). Otaku and the Struggle for Imagination in Japan. Durham: Duke University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv1220mhm. ISBN 978-1-4780-0509-4. JSTOR j.ctv1220mhm. S2CID 240980856.
  • Galbraith, Patrick W. (2021). The Ethics of Affect: Lines and Life in a Tokyo Neighborhood. Stockholm: Stockholm University Press. doi:10.16993/bbn. ISBN 978-91-7635-159-8.
  • Galbraith, Patrick W. (6 March 2023). "The ethics of imaginary violence, part 3: early animated pornography in Japan". Porn Studies. 10 (3): 268–282. doi:10.1080/23268743.2023.2173280. ISSN 2326-8743. S2CID 257394192.
  • Kinsella, Sharon (1998). "Japanese Subculture in the 1990s: Otaku and the Amateur Manga Movement" (PDF). Journal of Japanese Studies. 24 (2): 289–316. doi:10.2307/133236. JSTOR 133236. (PDF) from the original on 23 January 2021. Retrieved 1 April 2021.
  • Kinsella, Sharon (2000). Adult Manga: Culture and Power in Contemporary Japanese Society. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN 978-0-7007-1004-1.
  • McLelland, Mark (2011a). "Thought policing or the protection of youth? Debate in Japan over the 'Nonexistent youth bill'". International Journal of Comic Art. 13 (1): 348–367. from the original on 4 May 2021. Retrieved 1 October 2021.
  • McLelland, Mark (2011b). "Australia's 'child-abuse material' legislation, internet regulation and the juridification of the imagination". International Journal of Cultural Studies. 15 (5): 467–483. doi:10.1177/1367877911421082. S2CID 41788106. from the original on 23 September 2021. Retrieved 1 October 2021.
  • Nagayama, Kaoru (2020). Erotic Comics in Japan: An Introduction to Eromanga. Translated by Galbraith, Patrick W.; Bauwens-Sugimoto, Jessica. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv1zqdqc3. ISBN 978-94-6372-712-9. JSTOR j.ctv1zqdqc3.
  • Saitō, Tamaki (2007). "Otaku Sexuality". In Bolton, Christopher; Csicsery-Ronay Jr., Istvan; Tatsumi, Takayuki (eds.). Robot Ghosts and Wired Dreams: Japanese Science Fiction from Origins to Anime. Translated by Bolton, Christopher. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. pp. 222–249. ISBN 978-0-8166-4974-7.
  • Schodt, Frederik L. (1996). Dreamland Japan: Writings on Modern Manga. Berkeley: Stone Bridge Press. ISBN 978-1-880656-23-5.
  • Shigematsu, Setsu (1999). "Dimensions of Desire: Sex, Fantasy and Fetish in Japanese Comics". In Lent, John A. (ed.). Themes and Issues in Asian Cartooning: Cute, Cheap, Mad and Sexy. Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press. pp. 127–163. ISBN 978-0-87972-779-6.
  • Takatsuki, Yasushi (2010). Rorikon: Nihon no shōjo shikōshatachi to sono sekai [Lolicon: Japan's Shōjo Lovers and Their World] (in Japanese). Tokyo: Basilico. ISBN 978-4-86238-151-4.

Further reading

  • Alt, Matt (23 June 2011). "I Don't Wanna Grow Up, 'Cause Maybe if I Did... I'd Have to Date 3D Adults Instead of 2D Kids". Néojaponisme. from the original on 10 January 2021. Retrieved 14 January 2020.
  • Hinton, Perry R. (2014). "The Cultural Context and the Interpretation of Japanese 'Lolita Complex' Style Anime" (PDF). Intercultural Communication Studies. 23 (2): 54–68. (PDF) from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 10 June 2021.
  • Kinsella, Sharon (2006). "Minstrelized girls: male performers of Japan's Lolita complex". Japan Forum. 18 (1): 65–87. doi:10.1080/09555800500498319. S2CID 144822744.
  • McNicol, Tony (27 April 2004). "Does comic relief hurt kids?". The Japan Times. from the original on 26 April 2021. Retrieved 16 June 2021.
  • Nobis, James G. (2017). "Lolicon: Adolescent Fetishization in Osamu Tezuka's Ayako". In Heimermann, Mark; Tullis, Brittany (eds.). Picturing Childhood: Youth in Transnational Comics. Austin: University of Texas Press. pp. 148–162. ISBN 978-1-4773-1162-2.
  • Otake, Tomoko (5 May 2017). "Professor Examines Lolita Complex by First looking at His Own Experience". The Japan Times. from the original on 26 March 2021. Retrieved 16 June 2021.
  • Sarrazin, Stephen (2010). "Ero-Anime: Manga Comes Alive". Manga Impact: The World of Japanese Animation. London: Phaidon Press. p. 262. ISBN 978-0-714-85741-1. from the original on 10 June 2021. Retrieved 16 June 2021.
  • Sousa, Ana Matilde (2018). "Against Teleology: Nostalgia and the Vicissitudes of Connectedness in Pharrell Williams's Music Video It Girl". Mechademia. 11 (1): 147–165 [152]. doi:10.5749/mech.11.1.0147. JSTOR 10.5749/mech.11.1.0147. S2CID 201736938.
  • Thompson, Jason (2007). Manga: The Complete Guide. New York: Ballantine Books & Del Rey Books. p. 450. ISBN 978-0-345-48590-8.
  • Zank, Dinah (2010). "Kawaii vs. rorikon: The Reinvention of the Term Lolita in Modern Japanese Manga". In Berninger, Mark; Ecke, Jochen; Haberkorn, Gideon (eds.). Comics as a Nexus of Cultures: Essays on the Interplay of Media, Disciplines and International Perspectives. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Company. pp. 211–222. ISBN 978-0-7864-3987-4.

External links

  •   Media related to Lolicon at Wikimedia Commons

January 01, 1970
lolicon, japanese, popular, culture, lolicon, ロリコン, also, romanized, rorikon, lolicom, genre, fictional, media, which, focuses, young, young, looking, girl, characters, particularly, sexually, suggestive, erotic, manner, term, portmanteau, english, words, loli. In Japanese popular culture lolicon ロリコン also romanized as rorikon or lolicom is a genre of fictional media which focuses on young or young looking girl characters particularly in a sexually suggestive or erotic manner The term a portmanteau of the English words Lolita and complex also refers to desire and affection for such characters ロリ loli and fans of such Associated mainly with stylized imagery in manga anime and video games lolicon in otaku culture is generally understood as distinct from desires for realistic depictions of girls or real girls as such 1 2 3 and is associated with moe or feelings of affection for fictional characters A depiction of young girls wearing lingerie Lolicon art often blends childlike characteristics with erotic undertones The phrase Lolita complex derived from the novel Lolita entered use in Japan in the 1970s to describe feelings of love and lust for young girls over adult women During the lolicon boom in adult manga of the early 1980s the term was adopted in the nascent otaku culture to denote attraction to early bishōjo cute girl characters and later to only younger looking depictions as bishōjo designs became more varied The artwork of the boom strongly influenced by the round styles of shōjo manga marked a shift away from realism and the advent of cute eroticism kawaii ero an aesthetic now common in manga and anime more broadly The lolicon boom faded by the mid 1980s and the genre has since made up a minority of erotic manga Since the 1990s lolicon has been a keyword in manga debates in Japan and globally Child pornography laws in some countries apply to depictions of fictional child characters while those in other countries including Japan do not 4 Opponents and supporters have debated if the genre contributes to child sexual abuse Cultural critics generally identify lolicon with a broader separation between fiction and reality within otaku sexuality Contents 1 Definition 2 History 2 1 Background 2 2 1970s 1980s 2 3 1990s present 3 Media 3 1 Relation to moe 4 Legality 4 1 Debate 5 Analysis 6 See also 7 Notes 8 References 8 1 Citations 8 2 Works cited 9 Further reading 10 External linksDefinitionLolicon is a Japanese abbreviation of Lolita complex ロリータ コンプレックス rorita konpurekkusu 5 an English language phrase and wasei eigo derived from Vladimir Nabokov s novel Lolita 1955 but in Japan more associated with Russell Trainer s The Lolita Complex 1966 translated 1969 6 a work of pop psychology in which the author uses the term to describe adult male attraction to pubescent and pre pubescent females 7 In Japanese the phrase was adopted to describe feelings of love and lust for young girls over adult women 8 which remains the phrase s common meaning 9 Due to its association with otaku manga and anime fan culture however the term today is more often used to describe desires for young or young looking girl characters ロリ loli which are generally understood to exist and be satisfied in fiction 10 though the meaning of the term remains contested 11 and for the public at large still carries a connotation of pedophilia 12 13 a Lolicon also refers to sexualized works which feature such characters and fans of these works and characters 16 It is distinct from more formal words for pedophilia yōji zuki or pedofiria clinically shōniseiai or jidōseiai b and child pornography jidō poruno c 11 The meaning of lolicon in the otaku context developed in the early 1980s during the lolicon boom d in adult manga see History According to editor and critic Akira Akagi the term s meaning moved away from the sexual pairing of an older man and a young girl and instead came to describe desire for cuteness and girl ness in manga and anime 17 Other critics defined lolicon as the desire for cute things 18 manga like or anime like characters roundness and the two dimensional as opposed to real 19 At the time all eroticism in the manga style featuring cute girl bishōjo characters was associated with the term 20 and synonyms of Lolita complex included two dimensional complex nijigen konpurekkusu two dimensional fetishism nijikon fechi two dimensional syndrome nijikon shōkōgun cute girl syndrome bishōjo shōkōgun and simply sickness byōki e 21 As character body types in erotic manga became more varied by the end of the lolicon boom the scope of the term narrowed to more young looking depictions 22 23 Lolicon became a keyword in debates after the 1989 arrest of Tsutomu Miyazaki a serial killer of young girls who was portrayed in media reports as an otaku see History 24 As lolicon was conflated with desire for real children in debates on harmful manga f the early meaning was replaced among otaku by moe which refers to feelings of affection and love for characters more generally 24 Like moe lolicon is still used by otaku to refer to attraction that is consciously distinct from reality 24 some otaku identify as two dimensional lolicon nijigen rorikon g to specify their attraction to characters 11 The term has become a keyword in criticism of manga and sexuality within Japan 25 as well as globally with the spread of Japanese popular culture 26 HistoryBackground In the 1970s shōjo manga marketed to girls underwent a renaissance in which artists such as those of the Year 24 Group experimented with new narratives and styles and introduced themes such as psychology gender and sexuality 27 These developments attracted adult male fans of shōjo manga who crossed gendered boundaries to produce and consume it 28 The first appearance of the term Lolita complex in manga was in Stumbling Upon a Cabbage Patch h an Alice in Wonderland inspired work by Shinji Wada published in a 1974 issue of the shōjo manga magazine Bessatsu Margaret where a male character calls Lewis Carroll a man with a strange character of liking only small children in an inside joke to adult readers 29 i Early lolicon artwork was influenced by male artists mimicking shōjo manga 30 31 as well as erotic manga created by female artists for male readers 9 The image of the shōjo young girl rose to prominence in Japanese mass media in the 1970s as a symbol of cuteness innocence and an idealized Eros attributes which became attached to imagery of younger girls over time 32 Nude photographs of shōjo conceived as fine art gained popularity a photo collection titled Nymphet The Myth of the 12 Year Old was published in 1969 and in 1972 and 1973 there was an Alice boom in nude photos themed around Alice in Wonderland 33 Specialty adult magazines carrying nude photos fiction and essays on the appeal of young girls emerged in the 1980s 34 this trend faded in the late 1980s due to backlash and because many men preferred images of shōjo in manga and anime 35 The spread of such imagery both in photographs 36 and in manga 37 may have been helped by prohibitions on displaying pubic hair under Japan s obscenity laws j 1970s 1980s nbsp Front page of Hideo Azuma s first contribution to Cybele ja an erotic parody of Little Red Riding Hood Critic Gō Itō identifies the work as a comment on a certain eroticism in the roundness of Osamu Tezuka s characters 39 The rise of lolicon as a genre began at Comiket Comic Market a convention for the sale of dōjinshi self published works founded in 1975 by adult male fans of shōjo manga In 1979 a group of male artists published the first issue of the fanzine Cybele ja 40 its standout creator was Hideo Azuma who is known as the Father of Lolicon 39 Prior to Cybele the dominant style in seinen marketed to men and pornographic manga hentai was gekiga characterized by realism sharp angles dark hatching and gritty linework 41 Azuma s manga in contrast displayed light shading and clean circular lines which he viewed as thoroughly erotic and sharing with shōjo manga a lack of reality 41 Azuma s combination of the stout bodies of Osamu Tezuka s works and the emotive faces of shōjo manga marked the advent of the bishōjo and the aesthetic of cute eroticism kawaii ero k 42 While erotic lolicon manga was initially mainly viewed as humorous and parodic but a large fan base soon grew in response to the alternative to pornographic gekiga that it represented 39 43 Erotic manga began to move away from combining realistic bodies and cartoony faces towards a wholly unrealistic style 39 Lolicon manga played a role in attracting male fans to Comiket whose participants were 90 percent female in 1975 by 1981 the proportion of male and female participants was equal 44 Lolicon manga mostly created by and for men served as a response to yaoi manga featuring male homoeroticism mostly created by and for women 45 The early 1980s saw a lolicon boom in professional and amateur art The popularity of lolicon within the otaku community attracted the attention of publishers who founded specialty publications dedicated to the genre such as Lemon People and Manga Burikko both in 1982 46 Other magazines of the boom included Manga Hot Milk ja Melon Comic l and Halfliter ja 47 The genre s rise was closely linked to the concurrent development of otaku culture and growing fan consciousness 48 the word otaku itself was coined in Burikko in 1983 49 Originally founded as an unprofitable gekiga magazine the publication was transformed into a lolicon magazine in 1983 by editor Eiji Ōtsuka 50 whose intention was to publish shōjo manga for boys 51 m Reflecting the influence of shōjo manga there was an increasingly small place in lolicon artwork for realistic characters and explicit depictions of sex 53 in 1983 Burikko s editors yielded to reader demands by removing photographs of gravure idol models from its opening pages publishing an issue with the subtitle Totally Bishōjo Comic Magazine 54 Lolicon magazines regularly published female artists such as Kyoko Okazaki and Erika Sakurazawa 53 and male artists such as Aki Uchiyama ja dubbed the King of Lolicon who produced 160 pages of manga per month to meet demand 55 Uchiyama s works were published both in niche magazines such as Lemon People and in the mainstream Shōnen Champion 56 The first ever pornographic anime series was Lolita Anime an OVA released episodically in 1984 and 1985 57 nbsp Eiji Ōtsuka editor of Manga Burikko played a key role in the lolicon boom Iconic characters of the lolicon boom include Clarisse from the film Lupin III Castle of Cagliostro 1979 and Lana from the TV series Future Boy Conan 1978 both directed by Hayao Miyazaki 58 Clarisse was especially popular and inspired a series of articles discussing her appeal in the anime specialty magazines Gekkan Out ja Animec ja and Animage 59 as well as a trend of fan works dubbed Clarisse magazines 20 which were not explicitly sexual but instead fairytale esque and girly in nature 46 Many early lolicon works combined mecha and bishōjo elements 60 the premiere of the Daicon III Opening Animation at the 1981 Japan SF Convention is one notable example of the prominence of science fiction and lolicon in the nascent otaku culture of the time 61 Anime shows targeted at young girls with young girl heroines such as Magical Princess Minky Momo 1982 1983 gained new viewership from adult male fans who started fan clubs 62 and were courted by creators 63 The lolicon boom in commercial erotic manga only lasted until 1984 64 Near the end of the boom because readers had no attachment to lolicon per se and did not take young girls as objects of sexual desire 50 a majority of readers and creators of erotic manga moved towards the diversifying bishōjo works featuring baby faced and big breasted characters which were no longer considered lolicon 65 At Comiket lolicon manga declined in popularity by 1989 following developments in erotic dōjinshi including new genres of fetishism and the growing popularity of softcore eroticism popular among men and women particularly in yuri manga with lesbian themes 44 1990s present In 1989 lolicon and otaku became the subject of a media frenzy and moral panic after the arrest of Tsutomu Miyazaki a young man who had kidnapped and murdered four girls between the ages of four and seven and committed sexual acts with their corpses 66 Widely disseminated photos of Miyazaki s room revealed an extensive collection of video tapes which included horror slasher films on which he had modelled some of his crimes 67 and manga including shōjo and lolicon works 68 n In the extended public debates that followed Miyazaki s crimes were blamed on supposed media effects namely a reduction in his inhibitions to crime and a blurring of the lines between fiction and reality 70 Miyazaki was labelled as an otaku and an image of otaku as socially and sexually immature men and for some as pedophiles and potential predators was established for much of the public 71 The decade saw local crackdowns on retailers and publishers of harmful manga and the arrests of some manga artists 72 73 Despite this lolicon imagery expanded and became more acceptable within manga in the 1990s 74 and the early 2000s saw a small boom in the genre sparked by the magazine Comic LO 75 MediaLolicon media is loosely defined Some define its characters by age while others define its characters by appearance those which are small and flat chested independent of age 10 Lolicon works often depict girl characters as innocent precocious and sometimes flirtatious 76 characters may appear in borderline or outright sexual situations though the term can be applied to works with neither 76 According to Kaoru Nagayama manga readers define lolicon works as those with a heroine younger than a middle school student a definition which can vary from characters under age 18 for society at large to characters younger than gradeschool aged for fanatics and to kindergarteners for more pedophiliac readers 77 Girl characters in lolicon can display a contradictory performance of age in which their body behavior and role in a story conflict 78 for example lolibaba o Lolita granny characters speak and behave with the mannerisms of older women 79 Curvy hips and other secondary sex characteristics similarly appear as features in many of the genre s characters 80 Plot devices often explain the young appearance of characters who are non human or actually much older 81 Akira Akagi identifies themes in lolicon manga including sadomasochism groping objects alien tentacles or robots in the role of the penis mecha fetishes combinations of a machine and a girl erotic parodies of mainstream anime and manga and simply indecent or perverted stuff also noting common themes of lesbianism and masturbation 82 Media scholar Setsu Shigematsu argues that forms of substitution and mimicry enable lolicon to transform straight sex into a parodic form 83 More extreme works depict themes including coercion rape incest bondage and hermaphroditism 84 Nagayama argues that most pornographic lolicon manga deal with a consciousness of sin or a sense of taboo and guilt in its consumption 85 Some manga manage this by portraying the girl as enjoying the experience in the end while others represent the girl as the active partner in sex who seduces men to her 86 Other lolicon manga where men are absolute evil and girls are pitiable victims indulge in the pleasure of sin through the breaking of taboos 87 which he argues affirms the fragility of the characters 88 He posits that manga depicting sex between children avoid the consciousness of sin via mutual innocence while also thematizing nostalgia and an idealized past 89 while other lolicon manga accomplish this through characters with especially unrealistic and moe designs where it is precisely because fiction is distinguished from reality as fiction that one can experience moe 90 Lolicon manga often published as dōjinshi or compiled in anthology magazines 91 is mostly consumed by male audiences 9 though Nagayama notes that the works of Hiraku Machida ja have resonated with female readers and earned the support of women 92 Other notable artists include Aguda Wanyan Takarada Gorgeous 93 and female creators Erika Wada 94 and Fumio Kagami ja 95 Lolicon imagery is a prominent theme in Superflat a manga influenced art movement founded by Takashi Murakami Superflat artists whose works incorporate lolicon include Mr and Henmaru Machino 96 Relation to moe In the 1990s lolicon imagery evolved and contributed to the mainstream development of moe the generalized affective response to fictional characters typically bishōjo characters in manga anime and computer games and its associated design elements 14 97 The bishōjo character form moved from niche otaku publications to mainstream manga magazines and saw explosive popularity in the decade with the rise of bishōjo games and anime series such as Sailor Moon and Neon Genesis Evangelion which pioneered media and merchandising based on fan affection for their female protagonists 98 Moe characters which tend to be physically immature girl characters exemplified by cuteness 99 are ubiquitous in contemporary manga and anime 100 In contrast to lolicon sexuality in moe is treated indirectly 14 or not at all 101 the moe response is often defined with emphasis on platonic love 102 John Oppliger of AnimeNation identifies Ro Kyu Bu Kodomo no Jikan and Moetan as examples of series which challenge the distinction between moe and lolicon through use of sexual innuendo commenting that they satire the chaste sanctity of the moe phenomenon and poke fun at viewers and the arbitrary delineations that viewers assert 101 Moe style lolicon works depict mild eroticism such as glimpses of underwear and forgo explicit sex 103 LegalitySee also Legal status of fictional pornography depicting minors Child pornography laws in some countries including the United States the United Kingdom Canada Australia and New Zealand have expanded since the 1990s to include sexually explicit depictions of fictional child characters while those in other countries including Japan exclude fiction from relevant definitions 4 In 1999 Japan passed a national law criminalizing the production and distribution of child pornography 104 The law s original draft included depictions of fictional children in its definition of child pornography after criticism from many in Japan this text was removed in the final version 105 In 2014 Japan s parliament amended the 1999 law to criminalize possession of child pornography 104 the 2013 draft introduced by the Liberal Democratic Party LDP which maintained the existing legal definition included a provision for a government investigation on whether manga anime and computer generated images similar to child pornography were connected to child sexual abuse which would be followed by a later decision on regulation 106 This provision was opposed by manga related organizations including the Japan Cartoonists Association which argued that regulation would infringe upon freedom of expression and negatively impact the industry 107 The provision was removed from the final version of the law which took effect in 2015 108 Lolicon media is a common target of local ordinances in Japan which restrict distribution of materials designated harmful to the healthy development of youth 109 which were strengthened throughout the 1990s and 2000s 110 An amendment proposed in 2010 to the Tokyo law on material banned from sale to minors described by Vice Governor Naoki Inose as targeting non pornographic lolicon manga writing that We had regulation for eromanga but not for lolicon 111 restricted depictions of non existent youths who appeared under age 18 and were portrayed in anti social sexual situations 112 After heavy opposition from manga creators academics and fans 113 114 115 the bill was rejected in June 2010 by the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly 116 however a new revision passed in December 2010 which restricts manga anime and computer games where any characters engage in sexual or pseudo sexual acts that would be illegal in real life depicted in a way that glorifies or exaggerates such acts 117 In 2011 several manga were listed for restriction including Oku sama wa Shōgakusei ja My Wife Is an Elementary Student 118 it was published online by J Comi avoiding restriction 119 p Sexualized depictions of young girl characters have also been subject to censorship and restriction outside of Japan In 2006 North American publisher Seven Seas Entertainment licensed the manga series Kodomo no Jikan for release under the title Nymphet but cancelled its plans in 2007 after vendor cancellations In a statement the company stated that the manga cannot be considered appropriate for the US market by any reasonable standard 121 In 2020 Australian senator Stirling Griff criticized the Australian Classification Board for giving ratings to manga and anime depicting child exploitation and called for a review of classification regulations 122 later that year the board banned the import and sale of three volumes of the light novel series No Game No Life for sexual depiction of young characters 123 q Some online platforms including Discord 125 Reddit 126 and Twitter 127 ban lolicon content Debate Explaining the exclusion of lolicon material from the 2014 child pornography law amendment an LDP lawmaker stated that manga anime and CG child pornography don t directly violate the rights of girls or boys and that it has not been scientifically validated that it even indirectly causes damage 128 Manga creators and activists argue that the Japanese constitution guarantees artistic freedom of expression and that laws restricting lolicon material would be unconstitutional 129 Statistically sexual abuse of minors in Japan has declined since the 1960s and 1970s as the prevalence of lolicon media has increased 130 cultural anthropologist Patrick W Galbraith interprets this as evidence that lolicon imagery does not necessarily influence crimes 74 while Steven Smet suggests that lolicon is an exorcism of fantasies that contributes to Japan s low crime rates 131 Drawing on his fieldwork Galbraith argues that otaku culture collectively promotes media literacy and an ethical position of separating fiction and reality especially when the conflation of the two would be dangerous 132 A 2012 report by the Sexologisk Klinik for the Danish government found no evidence that cartoons and drawings depicting fictitious child sexual abuse encourage real abuse 133 Sharalyn Orbaugh argues that manga depicting underage sexuality can help victims of child sexual abuse to work through their own trauma and that there is greater harm in regulating sexual expression than potential harm caused by such manga 134 Legal scholar Hiroshi Nakasatomi argues that lolicon material can distort consumers sexual desires and induce crime 135 a view shared by the non profit organization CASPAR whose founder Kondo Mitsue argues that freedom of expression does not allow for the depiction of little girls being violently raped depriving them of their basic human rights 129 Some critics such as the non profit organization Lighthouse argue that lolicon works can be used for sexual grooming and that they encourage a culture which accepts sexual abuse of children 136 In 2015 the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Sale and Sexual Exploitation of Children Maud de Boer Buquicchio called for further discussion and research on manga depicting extreme child pornography and a resultant banalization of child sexual abuse in Japan and called for a ban on such material 137 Guidelines released in 2019 by the United Nations Human Rights Committee encouraged state parties to include explicit drawings of fictional children in laws against child pornography in particular when such representations are used as part of a process to sexually exploit children 138 139 Feminist critic Kuniko Funabashi argues that the themes of lolicon material contribute to sexual violence by portraying girls passively and by presenting the female body as the man s possession 140 Legal scholar Shin ichirō Harata argues that child pornography laws should not collapse reality and fiction together but also that fans should not dismiss an ambivalence represented by lolicon He describes the practice of keeping the two separated as the ethics of moe or responsibility of otaku 141 AnalysisCulture and media scholars responding to lolicon generally identify it as distinct from attraction to real young girls 142 Cultural anthropologist Patrick W Galbraith finds that from early writings to the present researchers suggest that lolicon artists are playing with symbols and working with tropes which does not reflect or contribute to sexual pathology or crime 24 Psychologist Tamaki Saitō who has conducted clinical work with otaku 143 highlights an estrangement of lolicon desires from reality as part of a distinction for otaku between textual and actual sexuality and observes that the vast majority of otaku are not pedophiles in actual life 144 Manga researcher Yukari Fujimoto argues that lolicon desire is not for a child but for the image itself and that this is understood by those brought up in Japan s culture of drawing and fantasy 145 Sociologist Mark McLelland identifies lolicon and yaoi as self consciously anti realist genres given a rejection by fans and creators of three dimensionality in favor of two dimensionality 146 and compares lolicon to the yaoi fandom in which fans consume depictions of homosexuality which lack any correspondent in the real world 147 Setsu Shigematsu argues that lolicon reflects a shift in erotic investment from reality to two dimensional figures of desire 148 Queer theorist Yuu Matsuura criticizes the classification of two dimensional lolicon as child pornography as human oriented sexualism which marginalizes fictosexuality or nijikon 149 150 Many scholars also identify lolicon as a form of self expression on the part of its male creators and consumers 151 Sociologist Sharon Kinsella suggests that for lolicon fans the infantilized female object of desire has crossed over to become an aspect of their own self image and sexuality 152 Akira Akagi argues that lolicon manga represented a notable shift in reader identification from the hero penetrator common to pornographic gekiga Lolicon readers do not need a penis for pleasure but rather they need the ecstasy of the girl They identify with the girl and get caught up in a masochistic pleasure 153 Manga critic Gō Itō views this as an abstract desire quoting a lolicon artist who told him that he was the girl who is raped in his manga reflecting a feeling of being raped by society or by the world 154 Kaoru Nagayama posits that lolicon readers adopt a fluid perspective that alternates between that of an omniscient voyeur and the multiple characters in a work 8 reflecting an active reader role and a projection onto girl characters 155 Writing in The Book of Otaku 1989 feminist Chizuko Ueno argued that lolicon as an orientation towards fictional bishōjo is completely different from pedophilia and characterized it as a desire to be part of the cute world of shōjo for male fans of shōjo manga who find it too much to be a man 156 Several scholars identify the emergence of lolicon with changes in Japanese gender relations Sociologist Kimio Itō attributes the rise of lolicon manga to a shift in the 1970s and 1980s when boys driven by a feeling that girls were surpassing them in terms of willpower and action turned to the world of imagination in which young girl characters are easy to control 157 Kinsella interprets lolicon as part of a gaze of both fear and desire stimulated by the growing power of women in society and as a reactive desire to see the shōjo infantilized undressed and subordinate 158 Media scholar Chizuko Naitō views lolicon as reflecting a broader societal desire for young girls as sex symbols in Japan which she calls a loliconized society 159 Cultural anthropologist Christine Yano argues that eroticized imagery of the shōjo real or fictive reflects heteronormative pedophilia in which emphasis is placed on the ephemerality of childhood it is as child that the shōjo becomes precious as a transitory figure threatened by impending adulthood 160 See alsoJunior idol child or teenage entertainers in Japanese pop culture Lolita fashion Japanese fashion style and subculture Shotacon male equivalent of lolicon focused on young boy characters Simulated child pornography produced without direct involvement of childrenNotes Translator Matt Alt states that the term is treated as something of a four letter word virtually synonymous with pedophilia 14 and Patrick W Galbraith similarly writes that lolicon is often almost synonymous with pedophilia for critics today 15 yōji zuki 幼児好き pedofiria ペドフィリア shōniseiai 小児性愛 jidōseiai 児童性愛 児童ポルノ ロリコンブーム rorikon bumu nijigen konpurekkusu 二次元コンプレックス nijikon fechi 二次元コンフェチ nijikon shōkōgun 二次元コン症候群 bishōjo shōkōgun 美少女症候群 byōki 病気 yugai komikku 有害コミック or yugai manga 有害漫画 二次元ロリコン Kyabetsu batake de Tsumazuite キャベツ畑でつまずいて See Lewis Carroll Sexuality When obscenity enforcement against depictions of pubic hair was partially eased in 1991 facilitating a trend of hair nude ja photo books depictions in manga and anime continued to be regulated 38 かわいいエロ メロンCOMIC Ōtsuka also edited Petit Apple Pie an anthology series featuring works from the artists of Manga Burikko without eroticism it is also remembered as a lolicon publication 50 52 Some journalists in the room later stated that Miyazaki had owned only a few adult manga which were moved to the foreground of photographs and created a false impression 69 ロリババア roribaba The first work to be formally restricted as harmful under the expanded law was the manga Imōto Paradise 2 in 2014 120 Light novels including No Game No Life typically include manga style illustrations 124 ReferencesCitations Galbraith 2016 pp 113 114 Given its importance it is not surprising that lolicon has been well researched in Japan over the course of decades which has led to numerous insights Characters are not compensating for something more real but rather are in their fiction the object of affection This has been described as finding sexual objects in fiction in itself which in discussions of lolicon is made explicitly distinct from desire for and abuse of children McLelland 2011b p 16 Japanese scholarship has on the whole argued that in the case of Japanese fans neither the Loli nor the BL fandom represent the interests of paedophiles since moe characters are not objectified in the same manner that actual images of children can be rather they express aspects of their creators or consumers own identities Kittredge 2014 p 524 The majority of the cultural critics responding to the Japanese otaku s erotic response to lolicon images emphasize like Keller that no children are harmed in the production of these images and that looking with desire at a stylized drawing of a young girl is not the same as lusting after an actual child a b McLelland Mark 2016 Introduction 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specifically interested in young characters as more generalized interest in manga anime style cute girls and as something synonymous with child abuse material It is also used casually to refer to men interested in younger women and girls a b c Alt Matt 15 October 2014 Pharrell Williams s Lolicon Video The New Yorker Archived from the original on 13 August 2021 Retrieved 7 August 2021 Galbraith 2021 p 65 Galbraith 2012 p 348 Akagi 1993 p 230 cited in Galbraith 2011 p 102 Nagayama 2020 p 87 Galbraith 2019 p 21 a b Galbraith 2016 p 113 Galbraith 2019 p 54 Nagayama 2020 p 121 Galbraith 2023 p 3 a b c d Galbraith 2016 p 114 Galbraith 2021 p 47 Galbraith 2016 p 110 Galbraith 2019 p 20 Galbraith 2016 pp 111 112 Galbraith 2019 p 28 Schodt 1996 p 55 Kinsella 1998 pp 304 306 Galbraith 2011 pp 86 87 Takatsuki 2010 pp 50 55 cited in Galbraith 2011 pp 94 Takatsuki 2010 pp 47 cited in Galbraith 2011 pp 94 95 Takatsuki 2010 pp 64 65 cited in Galbraith 2011 p 95 Galbraith 2011 p 94 Schodt 1996 pp 54 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the same time that the icon of girl was a sexual object it was also simultaneously a vessel of conscious and unconscious self projection If one side is the more readily graspable desire of objectification and possession I want to love a cute girl character to hold her to violate her to abuse her then the other side is the hidden desire of identification I want to become a cute girl to be loved to be held to be violated to be abused T he desire to assimilate with the girl character is an extension of the desire to possess her Ueno Chizuko 1989 Rorikon to yaoi zoku ni mirai wa aru ka 90 nendai no sekkusu reboryushon Do Have Lolicon and Yaoi Fans a Future Still The Sex Revolution of the 90s In Ishi i Shinji ed Otaku no hon The Book of Otaku in Japanese Tokyo JICC Shuppankyoku pp 131 136 134 ISBN 978 4 796 69104 8 cited in Galbraith 2019 p 65 Itō Kimio 1992 Cultural Change and Gender Identity Trends in the 1970s and 1980s International Journal of Japanese Sociology 1 1 79 98 95 doi 10 1111 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133236 JSTOR 133236 Archived PDF from the original on 23 January 2021 Retrieved 1 April 2021 Kinsella Sharon 2000 Adult Manga Culture and Power in Contemporary Japanese Society Honolulu University of Hawai i Press ISBN 978 0 7007 1004 1 McLelland Mark 2011a Thought policing or the protection of youth Debate in Japan over the Nonexistent youth bill International Journal of Comic Art 13 1 348 367 Archived from the original on 4 May 2021 Retrieved 1 October 2021 McLelland Mark 2011b Australia s child abuse material legislation internet regulation and the juridification of the imagination International Journal of Cultural Studies 15 5 467 483 doi 10 1177 1367877911421082 S2CID 41788106 Archived from the original on 23 September 2021 Retrieved 1 October 2021 Nagayama Kaoru 2020 Erotic Comics in Japan An Introduction to Eromanga Translated by Galbraith Patrick W Bauwens Sugimoto Jessica Amsterdam Amsterdam University Press doi 10 2307 j ctv1zqdqc3 ISBN 978 94 6372 712 9 JSTOR j ctv1zqdqc3 Saitō Tamaki 2007 Otaku Sexuality In Bolton Christopher Csicsery Ronay Jr Istvan Tatsumi Takayuki eds Robot Ghosts and Wired Dreams Japanese Science Fiction from Origins to Anime Translated by Bolton Christopher Minneapolis University of Minnesota Press pp 222 249 ISBN 978 0 8166 4974 7 Schodt Frederik L 1996 Dreamland Japan Writings on Modern Manga Berkeley Stone Bridge Press ISBN 978 1 880656 23 5 Shigematsu Setsu 1999 Dimensions of Desire Sex Fantasy and Fetish in Japanese Comics In Lent John A ed Themes and Issues in Asian Cartooning Cute Cheap Mad and Sexy Bowling Green Bowling Green State University Popular Press pp 127 163 ISBN 978 0 87972 779 6 Takatsuki Yasushi 2010 Rorikon Nihon no shōjo shikōshatachi to sono sekai Lolicon Japan s Shōjo Lovers and Their World in Japanese Tokyo Basilico ISBN 978 4 86238 151 4 Further readingAlt Matt 23 June 2011 I Don t Wanna Grow Up Cause Maybe if I Did I d Have to Date 3D Adults Instead of 2D Kids Neojaponisme Archived from the original on 10 January 2021 Retrieved 14 January 2020 Hinton Perry R 2014 The Cultural Context and the Interpretation of Japanese Lolita Complex Style Anime PDF Intercultural Communication Studies 23 2 54 68 Archived PDF from the original on 8 March 2021 Retrieved 10 June 2021 Kinsella Sharon 2006 Minstrelized girls male performers of Japan s Lolita complex Japan Forum 18 1 65 87 doi 10 1080 09555800500498319 S2CID 144822744 McNicol Tony 27 April 2004 Does comic relief hurt kids The Japan Times Archived from the original on 26 April 2021 Retrieved 16 June 2021 Nobis James G 2017 Lolicon Adolescent Fetishization in Osamu Tezuka s Ayako In Heimermann Mark Tullis Brittany eds Picturing Childhood Youth in Transnational Comics Austin University of Texas Press pp 148 162 ISBN 978 1 4773 1162 2 Otake Tomoko 5 May 2017 Professor Examines Lolita Complex by First looking at His Own Experience The Japan Times Archived from the original on 26 March 2021 Retrieved 16 June 2021 Sarrazin Stephen 2010 Ero Anime Manga Comes Alive Manga Impact The World of Japanese Animation London Phaidon Press p 262 ISBN 978 0 714 85741 1 Archived from the original on 10 June 2021 Retrieved 16 June 2021 Sousa Ana Matilde 2018 Against Teleology Nostalgia and the Vicissitudes of Connectedness in Pharrell Williams s Music Video It Girl Mechademia 11 1 147 165 152 doi 10 5749 mech 11 1 0147 JSTOR 10 5749 mech 11 1 0147 S2CID 201736938 Thompson Jason 2007 Manga The Complete Guide New York Ballantine Books amp Del Rey Books p 450 ISBN 978 0 345 48590 8 Zank Dinah 2010 Kawaii vs rorikon The Reinvention of the Term Lolita in Modern Japanese Manga In Berninger Mark Ecke Jochen Haberkorn Gideon eds Comics as a Nexus of Cultures Essays on the Interplay of Media Disciplines and International Perspectives Jefferson N C McFarland amp Company pp 211 222 ISBN 978 0 7864 3987 4 External links nbsp Media related to Lolicon at Wikimedia Commons Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Lolicon amp oldid 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