fbpx
Wikipedia

Israeli–Palestinian peace process

March 08, 2023

The Israeli–Palestinian peace process refers to the intermittent discussions held by various parties and proposals put forward in an attempt to resolve the ongoing Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[1] Since the 1970s, there has been a parallel effort made to find terms upon which peace can be agreed to in both the Arab–Israeli conflict and in the Palestinian–Israeli conflict. Some countries have signed peace treaties, such as the Egypt–Israel (1979) and Jordan–Israel (1994) treaties, whereas some have not yet found a mutual basis to do so.

William B. Quandt, in the introduction of his book Peace Process, says:

Sometime in the mid-1970s the term peace process became widely used to describe the American-led efforts to bring about a negotiated peace between Israel and its neighbors. The phrase stuck, and ever since it has been synonymous with the gradual, step-by-step approach to resolving one of the world's most difficult conflicts. In the years since 1967 the emphasis in Washington has shifted from the spelling out of the ingredients of "peace" to the "process" of getting there. … The United States has provided both a sense of direction and a mechanism. That, at its best, is what the peace process has been about. At worst, it has been little more than a slogan used to mask the marking of time.[2]

Since the 2003 road map for peace, the current outline for a Palestinian–Israeli peace agreement has been a two-state solution; however a number of Israeli and US interpretations of this propose a series of non-contiguous Palestinian enclaves.

Views of the peace process

Palestinian views on the peace process

Main article: Palestinian views on the peace process

Palestinians have held diverse views and perceptions of the peace process. A key starting point for understanding these views is an awareness of the differing objectives sought by advocates of the Palestinian cause. 'New Historian' Israeli academic Ilan Pappe says the cause of the conflict from a Palestinian point of view dates back to 1948 with the creation of Israel (rather than Israel's views of 1967 being the crucial point and the return of occupied territories being central to peace negotiations), and that the conflict has been a fight to bring home refugees to a Palestinian state.[3] Therefore, this for some was the ultimate aim of the peace process, and for groups such as Hamas still is. However Slater says that this "maximalist" view of a destruction of Israel in order to regain Palestinian lands, a view held by Arafat and the PLO initially, has steadily moderated from the late 1960s onwards to a preparedness to negotiate and instead seek a two-state solution.[4] The Oslo Accords demonstrated the recognition of this acceptance by the then Palestinian leadership of the state of Israel's right to exist in return for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip and West Bank.[5] However, there are recurrent themes prevalent throughout peace process negotiations including a feeling that Israel offers too little and a mistrust of its actions and motives.[3][6] Yet, the demand for a right of return by the Palestinian refugees to Israel has remained a cornerstone of the Palestinian view and has been repeatedly enunciated by Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas who is leading the Palestinian peace effort.[7]

Israeli views on the peace process

Main article: Israeli views on the peace process

There are several Israeli views of the peace process. The official position of the State of Israel is that peace ought to be negotiated on the basis of giving up some control of the occupied territories in return for a stop to the conflict and violence.[8] Israel's position is that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas ought to be the negotiating partner in the peace talks, and not Hamas, which has at times engaged with Israel in escalations of the conflict and attacks Israel's civilian population.[9][10] The Oslo Accords and the Camp David 2000 summit negotiations revealed the possibility of a two state system being accepted by Israeli leadership as a possible peace solution.

The two-state solution is the consensus position among the majority of Israelis.[11] However, the violence of the second intifada and the political success of Hamas (a group dedicated to Israel's destruction)[12] have convinced many Israelis that peace and negotiation are not possible and a two state system is not the answer.[5] Hardliners believe that Israel should annex all Palestinian territory, or at least all minus the Gaza Strip.[5] Israelis view the peace process as hindered and near impossible due to terrorism on the part of Palestinians and do not trust Palestinian leadership to maintain control.[5] In fact, Pedahzur goes as far as to say that suicide terrorism succeeded where peace negotiations failed in encouraging withdrawal by Israelis from cities in the West Bank.[13] A common theme throughout the peace process has been a feeling that the Palestinians give too little in their peace offers.

US views on the peace process

There are divergent views on the peace process held by US officials, citizens and lobbying groups. All recent US Presidents have maintained a policy that Israel must give up some of the land that it conquered in the 1967 war in order to achieve peace;[14] that the Palestinians must actively prevent terrorism; and that Israel has an unconditional right to exist. Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush publicly supported the creation of a new Palestinian state out of most of the current Palestinian territories, based on the idea of self-determination for the Palestinian people,[15] and President Obama continued that policy.[16] Secretary of State Hillary Clinton thought that peace can only be achieved through direct, bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.[17] Obama outlined the pursuit of the two-state solution as American policy for achieving Palestinian aspirations, Israeli security, and a measure of stability in the Middle East.[18]

According to the sociologist Mervin Verbit, American Jews are "more right than left" on peace process issues. Verbit found that surveys of American Jews often reflect the view of the poll's sponsors. Often it is the wording of the survey questions that bias the outcome (a headline illustrating this point reads "ADL poll shows higher support for Israel than did survey by dovish J Street"). Using survey data from the American Jewish Committee where findings could not be attributed to wording biases, Verbit found American Jews took a rightward shift following the collapse of the Camp David talks in 2000, and the 9/11 attacks in 2001.[19]

Major current issues between the two sides

See also: History of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict

There are numerous issues to resolve before a lasting peace can be reached, including the following:

 
The 1949 Green Line borders

From the Israeli perspective, a key concern is security, and whether the major Palestinian figures and institutions are in fact trying to fight terrorism and promote tolerance and co-existence with Israel. Israeli concerns are based on abundant documentary and empirical evidence of many Palestinian leaders having in fact promoted and supported terrorist groups and activities. Furthermore, there is much concrete evidence of Palestinians having supported and expressed incitement against Israel, its motives, actions, and basic rights as a state. The election of Hamas has provided evidence for this view, with the Hamas charter stating unequivocally that it does not recognize Israel's right to exist.[20] However, there remain some activists on the Palestinian side who claim that there are still some positive signs on the Palestinian side, and that Israel should use these to cultivate some positive interactions with the Palestinians, even in spite of Hamas's basic opposition to the existence of the Jewish State. Since mid-June 2007, Israel has cooperated with Palestinian security forces in the West Bank at unprecedented levels, thanks in part to United States-sponsored training, equipping, and funding of the Palestinian National Security Forces and Presidential Guard.[21]

A further concern is whether, as a result of this security argument, Israel will in fact allow the Palestinian community to emerge as a viable and sovereign political unit, a viable and contiguous state. There are also various economic and political restrictions placed on Palestinian people, activities, and institutions which have had a detrimental effect on the Palestinian economy and quality of life.[22] Israel has said repeatedly that these restrictions are necessary due to security concerns, and in order to counteract ongoing efforts which promote terrorism which incite opposition to Israel's existence and rights as a country. The key obstacle therefore remains the Israeli demand for security versus Palestinian claims for rights and statehood.[23]

Furthermore, the identification of 'Palestinian' with 'terrorist' can be construed as problematic, and Sayigh argues that this association is used as a rationale for maintaining the status quo, and that only by recognising the status of Jewish immigrants as 'settlers' can we conceptually move forwards.[24] However, it is the case that the Palestinian resort to militancy has made such conceptual clarity difficult to achieve.

Nevertheless, there is a range of ulterior motives for Israel's denial of Palestinian statehood. If Palestine were declared a state, then immediately, Israel, by its present occupation of the West Bank will be in breach of the United Nations Charter. Palestine, as a state, could legitimately call upon the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense under Article 51 of the Charter to remove Israel from the occupied territories. Palestine, as a state, would be able to accede to international conventions and bring legal action against Israel on various matters. Palestine could accede to various international human rights instruments, such as the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It could even join the International Criminal Court and file cases against Israel for war crimes. It would be a tinderbox of a situation that is highly likely to precipitate conflict in the Middle East.[25]

There is a lively debate around the shape that a lasting peace settlement would take (see for example the One-state solution and Two-state solution). Authors like Cook have argued that the one-state solution is opposed by Israel because the very nature of Zionism and Jewish nationalism calls for a Jewish majority state, whilst the two-state solution would require the difficult relocation of half a million Jewish settlers living in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.[26] The Palestinian leaders such as Salam Fayyad have rejected calls for a binational state or unilateral declaration of statehood. As of 2010, only a minority of Palestinians and Israelis support the one-state solution.[27] Interest in a one-state solution is growing, however, as the two-state approach fails to accomplish a final agreement.[28][29]

Background

Peace efforts with confrontation states

There were parallel efforts for peace treaties between Israel and other "confrontation states": Egypt, Jordan and Syria after the Six-Day war, and Lebanon afterwards.[30][31] UN resolution 242 was accepted by Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, but rejected by Syria until 1972–1973.[32]

In 1970, US Secretary of State William P. Rogers proposed the Rogers Plan, which called for a 90-day cease-fire, a military standstill zone on each side of the Suez Canal, and an effort to reach agreement in the framework of UN Resolution 242. Israel rejected the plan on 10 December 1969, calling it "an attempt to appease [the Arabs] at the expense of Israel." The Soviets dismissed it as "one-sided" and "pro-Israeli." President Nasser rejected it because it was a separate deal with Israel even if Egypt recovered all of Sinai.[33][34]

No breakthrough occurred even after President Sadat in 1972 surprised most observers by suddenly expelling Soviet military advisers from Egypt and again signaled to the United States government his willingness to negotiate based on the Rogers plan.

Arab–Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties

Main article: Arab–Israeli normalization
 
  Recognition of Israel only
  Recognition of Israel, with some relations to Palestinian State
  Recognition of both Israel and Palestinian State
  Recognition of Palestinian State, with some relations to Israel
  Recognition of Palestinian State only

Timeline

Part of this section is transcluded from Two-state solution. (edit | history)

Madrid (1991–93)

Main article: Madrid Conference of 1991

In 1991, Israel and the Arab countries directly involved in the Arab–Israeli conflict came to the Madrid Peace Conference, called by US president George H. W. Bush (with the help of Secretary of State James Baker) after the First Gulf War.[35] The talks continued in Washington, DC, but yielded only few results.

Oslo (1993-2001)

 
Yitzhak Rabin, Bill Clinton, and Yasser Arafat at the Oslo Accords signing ceremony on 13 September 1993
Main article: Oslo Accords

While the slow moving Madrid talks were taking place, a series of secret meetings between Israeli and Palestinian negotiators were taking place in Oslo, Norway, which resulted in the 1993 Oslo Peace Accords between Palestinians and Israel, a plan discussing the necessary elements and conditions for a future Palestinian state "on the basis of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338".[36] The agreement, officially titled the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (DOP), was signed on the White House lawn on 13 September 1993.

Various "transfers of power and responsibilities" in the Gaza Strip and West Bank from Israel to the Palestinians took place in the mid-1990s.[37] The Palestinians achieved self-governance of major cities in the West Bank and the entire Gaza Strip. Israel maintained and continues to maintain a presence in the West Bank for security reasons. In 2013 Israel still had control of 61% of the West Bank, while the Palestinians had control of civic functions for most of the Palestinian population.

After the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in 1995, the peace process eventually ground to a halt. The settlements' population almost doubled in the West Bank. Later suicide bombing attacks from Palestinian militant groups and the subsequent retaliatory actions from the Israeli military made conditions for peace negotiations untenable.

1996–99 agreements

Newly elected Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared a new policy following the many suicide attacks by Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad since 1993, including a wave of suicide attacks prior to the Israeli elections of May 1996. Netanyahu declared a tit-for-tat policy which he termed "reciprocity," whereby Israel would not engage in the peace process if Arafat continued with what Netanyahu defined as the Palestinian revolving door policy, i.e., incitement and direct or indirect support of terrorism. The Hebron and Wye Agreements were signed during this period, after Israel considered that its conditions were partially met.

Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron, also known as the Hebron Protocol or Hebron Agreement, began 7 January and was concluded from 15 to 17 January 1997 between Israel and the PLO. The agreement dealt with the redeployment of Israeli military forces in Hebron in accordance with the Oslo Accords, security issues and other concerns.

The Wye River Memorandum was a political agreement negotiated to implement the Oslo Accords, completed on 23 October 1998. It was signed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat. It was negotiated at Wye River, Maryland (at the Wye River Conference Center) and signed at the White House with President Bill Clinton as the official witness. On 17 November 1998, Israel's 120-member parliament, the Knesset, approved the Memorandum by a vote of 75–19. The agreement dealt with further redeployments in the West Bank, security issues and other concerns.

Camp David 2000 Summit, Clinton's "Parameters," and the Taba talks

Main article: 2000 Camp David Summit

In 2000, US President Bill Clinton convened a peace summit between Palestinian President Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. In May of that year, according to Nathan Thrall, Israel had offered Palestinians 66% of the West Bank, with 17% annexed to Israel, and a further 17% not annexed but under Israeli control, and no compensating swap of Israeli territory.[38] The Israeli prime minister offered the Palestinian leader between 91%[note 1] and 95%[39][40] (sources differ on the exact percentage) of the West Bank and the entire Gaza Strip if 69 Jewish settlements (which comprise 85% of the West Bank's Jewish settlers) be ceded to Israel. East Jerusalem would have fallen for the most part[41] under Israeli sovereignty, with the exception of most suburbs with heavy non-Jewish populations surrounded by areas annexed to Israel.[42] The issue of the Palestinian right of return would be solved through significant monetary reparations.[43]

Arafat rejected this offer and did not propose a counter-offer.[44][45][46] No tenable solution was crafted which would satisfy both Israeli and Palestinian demands, even under intense U.S. pressure.[44] Clinton blamed Arafat for the failure of the Camp David Summit.[44][46] In the months following the summit, Clinton appointed former US Senator George J. Mitchell to lead a fact-finding committee that later published the Mitchell Report.

Proposed in the fall of 2000 following the collapse of the Camp David talks, The Clinton Parameters included a plan on which the Palestinian State was to include 94-96% of the West Bank, and around 80% of the settlers were to become under Israeli sovereignty, and in exchange for that, Israel would concede some territory (so called 'Territory Exchange' or 'Land Swap') within the Green Line (1967 borders). The swap would consist of 1–3% of Israeli territory, such that the final borders of the West Bank part of the Palestinian state would include 97% of the land of the original borders.[47]

At the Taba summit (at Taba) in January 2001 talks continued based on the Clinton Parameters. The Israeli negotiation team presented a new map. The proposition removed the "temporarily Israeli controlled" areas from the West Bank and offered a few thousand more refugees than they offered at Camp David to settle into Israel and hoped that this would be considered "implementation" of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194.[48][49] The Palestinian side accepted this as a basis for further negotiation. However, Barak did not conduct further negotiations at that time; the talks ended without an agreement and the following month the right-wing Likud party candidate Ariel Sharon was elected Israeli prime minister in February 2001.

The Arab peace initiative and the Roadmap (2002/3)

Main articles: Arab Peace Initiative, Road map for peace, and Beirut Summit

The Beirut summit of Arab government leaders took place in March 2002 under the aegis of the Arab League. The summit concluded by presenting a plan to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres welcomed it and said, "... the details of every peace plan must be discussed directly between Israel and the Palestinians, and to make this possible, the Palestinian Authority must put an end to terror, the horrifying expression of which we witnessed just last night in Netanya",[50] referring to the Netanya suicide attack perpetrated on the previous evening which the Beirut Summit failed to address. Israel was not prepared to enter negotiations as called for by the Arab League plan on the grounds that it did not wish for "full withdrawal to 1967 borders and the right of return for the Palestinian refugees".[51]

 
President George W. Bush, center, discusses the peace process with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel, left, and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in Aqaba, Jordan, 4 June 2003.

In July 2002, the "quartet" of the United States, the European Union, the United Nations, and Russia outlined the principles of a "road map" for peace, including an independent Palestinian state. The road map was released in April 2003 after the appointment of Mahmoud Abbas (AKA Abu Mazen) as the first-ever Palestinian Authority Prime Minister. Both the US and Israel called for a new Prime Minister position, as both refused to work with Arafat anymore.

The plan called for independent actions by Israel and the Palestinian Authority, with disputed issues put off until a rapport can be established. In the first step, the Palestinian Authority must "undertake visible efforts on the ground to arrest, disrupt, and restrain individuals and groups conducting and planning violent attacks on Israelis anywhere" and a "rebuilt and refocused Palestinian Authority security apparatus" must "begin sustained, targeted, and effective operations aimed at confronting all those engaged in terror and dismantlement of terrorist capabilities and infrastructure." Israel was then required to dismantle settlements established after March 2001, freeze all settlement activity, remove its army from Palestinian areas occupied after 28 September 2000, end curfews and ease restrictions on movement of persons and goods.

Israeli–Palestinian talks in 2007 and 2008

From December 2006 to mid-September 2008, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority met 36 times; there were also lower-level talks. In 2007 Olmert welcomed the Arab League's re-endorsement of the Arab Peace Initiative. In his bid to negotiate a peace accord and establish a Palestinian state, Olmert proposed a plan to the Palestinians.[52] The centerpiece of Olmert's detailed proposal is the suggested permanent border, which would be based on an Israeli withdrawal from most of the West Bank. Olmert proposed annexing at least 6.3% of Palestinian territory, in exchange for 5.8% of Israeli land, with Palestinians receiving alternative land in the Negev, adjacent to the Gaza Strip, as well as territorial link, under Israeli sovereignty, for free passage between Gaza and the West Bank. Israel insisted on retaining an armed presence in the future Palestinian state.[38][53] Under Abbas's offer, more than 60 percent of settlers would stay in place. Olmert, for his part, was presenting a plan in which the most sparsely populated settlements would be evacuated. Olmert and Abbas both acknowledged that reciprocal relations would be necessary, not hermetic separation. They also acknowledged the need to share a single business ecosystem, while cooperating intensively on water, security, bandwidth, banking, tourism and much more. Regarding Jerusalem the leaders agreed that Jewish neighborhoods should remain under Israeli sovereignty, while Arab neighborhoods would revert to Palestinian sovereignty.[52] The Palestinians asked for clarifications of the territorial land swap since they were unable to ascertain what land his percentages affected, since Israeli and Palestinian calculations of the West Bank differ by several hundred square kilometres. For them, in lieu of such clarifications, Olmert's 6.3–6.8% annexation might work out closer to 8.5%, 4 times the 1.9% limit the Palestinians argued a swap should not exceed.[38] The talks ended with both sides claiming the other side dropped follow-up contacts.[38][53]

Following the conflict that erupted between the two main Palestinian parties, Fatah and Hamas, Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip, splintering the Palestinian Authority into two polities, each claiming to be the true representatives of the Palestinian people. Fatah controlled the Palestinian National Authority in the West Bank and Hamas governed in Gaza. Hostilities between Gaza and Israel increased.[citation needed] Egypt brokered the 2008 Israel–Hamas ceasefire, which lasted half a year beginning on 19 June 2008 and lasted until 19 December 2008.[54] The collapse of the ceasefire led to the Gaza War on 27 December 2008.

2010 direct talks

Main article: 2010–2011 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks
See also: 2010 Palestinian militancy campaign

In June 2009, reacting to US President Barack Obama's Cairo Address,[38] Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared for the first time[55] conditional support for a future Palestinian state[56] but insisted that the Palestinians would need to make reciprocal gestures and accept several principles: recognition of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people;demilitarization of a future Palestinian state, along with additional security guarantees, including defensible borders for Israel;[57] Palestinian would also have to accept that Jerusalem would remain the united capital of Israel, and renounce their claim to a right of return. He also claimed that Israeli settlements retain a right to growth and expansion in the West Bank. Palestinians rejected the proposals immediately.[58] In September 2010, the Obama administration pushed to revive the stalled peace process by getting the parties involved to agree to direct talks for the first time in about two years.[59] While U.S. President Barack Obama was the orchestrator of the movement, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton went through months of cajoling just to get the parties to the table, and helped convince the reluctant Palestinians by getting support for direct talks from Egypt and Jordan.[59][60] The aim of the talks was to forge the framework of a final agreement within one year, although general expectations of a success were fairly low. The talks aimed to put the Israeli–Palestinian conflict to an official end by forming a two-state solution for the Jewish and Palestinian peoples, promoting the idea of everlasting peace and putting an official halt to any further land claims, as well as accepting the rejection of any forceful retribution if violence should reoccur. Hamas and Hezbollah, however threatened violence, especially if either side seemed likely to compromise in order to reach an agreement. As a result, the Israeli government publicly stated that peace couldn't exist even if both sides signed the agreement, due to the stance taken by Hamas and Hezbollah. The US was therefore compelled to re-focus on eliminating the threat posed by the stance of Hamas and Hezbollah as part of the direct talk progress. Israel for its part, was skeptical that a final agreement was reached that the situation would change, as Hamas and Hezbollah would still get support to fuel new violence. In addition, the Israeli government rejected any possible agreement with Palestine as long as it refuses to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.

This is in accordance with the principle of the two-state solution, first proposed in the 1980s. The mainstream within the PLO have taken the concept of territorial and diplomatic compromise seriously and have showed serious interest in this.[61] During the 2010 talks, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas said that the Palestinians and Israel have agreed on the principle of a land swap, but Israel has yet to confirm. The issue of the ratio of land Israel would give to the Palestinians in exchange for keeping settlement blocs is an issue of dispute, with the Palestinians demanding that the ratio be 1:1, and Israel offering less.[62] In April 2012, Mahmoud Abbas sent a letter to Benjamin Netanyahu reiterating that for peace talks to resume, Israel must stop settlement building in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and accept the 1967 borders as a basis for a two-state solution.[63][64] In May 2012, Abbas reiterated his readiness to engage with the Israelis if they propose "anything promising or positive".[65] Netanyahu replied to Abbas' April letter less than a week later and, for the first time, officially recognised the right for Palestinians to have their own state, though as before[66] he declared it would have to be demilitarised,[67] and said his new national unity government furnished a new opportunity to renew negotiations and move forward.[68]

2013–14 talks

Main article: 2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks

Direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians began on 29 July 2013 following an attempt by United States Secretary of State John Kerry to restart the peace process.

Martin Indyk of the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. was appointed by the US to oversee the negotiations. Indyk served as U.S. ambassador to Israel and assistant secretary of state for Near East affairs during the Clinton administration.[69] Hamas, the Palestinian government in Gaza, rejected Kerry's announcement, stating that Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas has no legitimacy to negotiate in the name of the Palestinian people.[70]

The negotiations were scheduled to last up to nine months to reach a final status to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by mid-2014. The Israeli negotiating team was led by veteran negotiator Justice Minister Tzipi Livni, while the Palestinian delegation was led by Saeb Erekat, also a former negotiator. Negotiations started in Washington, DC[71] and were slated to move to the King David Hotel in Jerusalem and finally to Hebron.[72] A deadline was set for establishing a broad outline for an agreement by 29 April 2014. On the expiry of the deadline, negotiations collapsed, with the US Special Envoy Indyk reportedly assigning blame mainly to Israel, while the US State Department insisting no one side was to blame but that "both sides did things that were incredibly unhelpful."[73]

Israel reacted angrily to the Fatah–Hamas Gaza Agreement of 23 April 2014 whose main purpose was reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, the formation of a Palestinian unity government and the holding of new elections.[74] Israel halted peace talks with the Palestinians, saying it "will not negotiate with a Palestinian government backed by Hamas, a terrorist organization that calls for Israel's destruction", and threatened sanctions against the Palestinian Authority,[75][76] including a previously announced Israeli plan to unilaterally deduct Palestinian debts to Israeli companies from the tax revenue Israel collects for the PA.[77] Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused Abbas of sabotaging peace efforts. He said that Abbas cannot have peace with both Hamas and Israel and has to choose.[78][79] Abbas said the deal did not contradict their commitment to peace with Israel on the basis of a two-state solution[80] and assured reporters that any unity government would recognize Israel, be non-violent, and bound to previous PLO agreements.[81] Shortly after, Israel began implementing economic sanctions against Palestinians and canceled plans to build housing for Palestinians in Area C of the West Bank.[82] Abbas also threatened to dissolve the PA, leaving Israel fully responsible for both the West Bank and Gaza,[83] a threat that the PA has not put into effect.[84]

Notwithstanding Israeli objections and actions, the new Palestinian Unity Government was formed on 2 June 2014.[85]

Abbas' 2014 peace plan

On 3 September 2014, Abbas presented a new proposal for the peace process to John Kerry.[86][87] The plan called for nine months of direct talks followed by a three-year plan for Israel to withdraw to the 1967 lines, leaving East Jerusalem as Palestine's capital.[88] The resumption of talks was contingent on an Israeli freeze on construction in the West Bank and east Jerusalem,[89] as well as release the final batch of prisoners from the previous talks.[90] The first three months of the plan would revolve around the borders and potential land swaps for the 1967 lines. The following six months would focus on issues including refugees, Jerusalem, settlements, security and water.[91] The US administration rejected the initiative, saying it was opposed to any unilateral move that could negatively impact the Israeli–Palestinian peace process.[87]

Abbas stated that if Israel rejected the claim he would push for charges against Israel in the International Criminal Court over the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict.[89] Additionally, if rejected, Abbas stated he would turn to the UN Security Council for a unilateral measure for a Palestinian State.[87] On 1 October 2014, Abbas stated he would be presenting his plan to the UNSC within two to three weeks, with an application to the ICC to follow if it failed to pass the UNSC.[92] In December 2014, Jordan submitted the proposal to the UNSC, which failed when voted on later that month.[citation needed] Later that month as previously threatened, Abbas signed the treaty to join the ICC.[93] Israel responded by freezing NIS 500 million (US$127 million) in Palestinian tax revenues,[94] in response to which, the PA banned the sale in the Palestinian territories of products of six major Israeli companies.[95]

Trump plan

 
Trump plan map
Further information: Trump peace plan

Following the inauguration of US President Donald Trump in January 2017, a period of uncertainty regarding a new peace initiative began. In early 2018, some media sources reported the new administration was preparing a new peace initiative for an Israeli-Palestinian deal. The White House unveiled the economic part of the Trump initiative, titled Peace to Prosperity: The Economic Plan, in June 2019,[96] and the political portion of the plan in January 2020. Palestinian leaders boycotted and condemned the Bahrain conference in late June 2019 at which the economic plan was unveiled.

In December 2017, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas cut ties with the Trump administration after United States recognition of Jerusalem as capital of Israel. The Trump administration further raised Palestinians' ire when it moved the US embassy to Jerusalem in May 2018, and cut hundreds of millions of dollars in annual aid to the Palestinians, citing the PA's refusal to take part in the administration's peace initiative.[97]

Munich group

In February 2020, on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference, the foreign ministers of Egypt, France, German and Jordan, the Munich Group, together discussed peace efforts.[98] In July, the same quartet issued a statement declaring that "any annexation of Palestinian territories occupied in 1967 would be a violation of international law" and "would have serious consequences for the security and stability of the region and would constitute a major obstacle to efforts aimed at achieving a comprehensive and just peace",. The foreign ministers said they "discussed how to restart a fruitful engagement between the Israeli and the Palestinian side, and offer our support in facilitating a path to negotiations".[99][100]

Meeting in Jordan on 24 September the four again called for a resumption of negotiations between the two sides. There will be "no comprehensive and lasting peace without solving the conflict on the basis of the two-state solution", Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman al-Safadi told reporters following the meeting. The four also praised recent deals establishing ties between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. Egypt's Sameh Shoukry said the deals are an "important development that would lead to more support and interaction in order to reach a comprehensive peace". However Palestinians see the two accords as a betrayal.[101][102]

On 11 January 2021, the group met in Cairo to discuss "possible steps to advance the peace process in the Middle East and create an environment conducive to the resumption of dialogue between the Palestinians and the Israelis." A joint statement of the quartet confirmed its intention to work with the incoming administration of President-elect Joe Biden. A further meeting is set to be held in Paris.[103][104]

The four met in Paris on 11 March 2021, with United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Tor Wennesland and the European Union Special Representative for the Middle East Peace Process, Susanna Terstal. Their statement emphasized the importance of confidence-building measures to promote dialogue, support for the two-state solution and stated that settlement activities violate international law.[105]

On 19 February 2021, at the Munich Security Conference, as well as reaffirming support for a two state solution, the group condemned the expansion of Israeli settlements and the ongoing Palestinian displacement in East Jerusalem, in particular in Sheikh Jarrah.[106]

On 22 September 2022, the group met with Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Tor Wennesland, and in a statement said "with a view to advancing the Middle East Peace Process towards a just, comprehensive and lasting peace on the basis of the two-state solution".[107]

Quartet developments

Main article: Quartet on the Middle East

In July 2016, the Quartet reported:

The continuing policy of settlement construction and expansion in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, designation of land for exclusive Israeli use, and denial of Palestinian development, including the recent high rate of demolitions, is steadily eroding the viability of the two-state solution. This raises legitimate questions about Israel's long-term intentions, which are compounded by the statements of some Israeli ministers that there should never be a Palestinian state. In fact, the transfer of greater powers and responsibilities to Palestinian civil authority...has effectively been stopped.

It was within this context that the United Nations passed Security Council Resolution 2334 in December 2016 in another bid to address the settlement question.[108][109] The report was significantly altered to appease Israel and as well as urging Israel to stop its settlement policy, urged Palestine to end incitement to violence.[110][111]

In a speech to the UN General Assembly in September, 2018, Mahmoud Abbas called Donald Trump's policies towards Palestinians an "assault on international law". He said the US is "too biased towards Israel" indicating that others could broker talks and that the US could participate as a member of the Middle East peace Quartet.[112] Abbas reiterated this position at a UN Security Council meeting on 11 February 2020.[113][99]

As of 16 September 2020, the UN has not been able to gather the consensus necessary for the Quartet or a group of countries linked to the Quartet to meet.[114][115] On 25 September 2020, at the UN, Abbas called for an international conference early in 2021 to "launch a genuine peace process."[116]

On 15 February 2021, the quartet envoys met virtually and agreed to meet on a regular basis to continue their engagement.[117] On 23 March 2021, the Quartet discussed the reviving of "meaningful negotiations" between Israel and the Palestinians who both need "to refrain from unilateral actions that make a two-state solution more difficult to achieve."[118][119]

Alternative peace proposals

Another approach was taken by a team of negotiators led by former Israeli Justice Minister Yossi Beilin, and former Palestinian Information Minister Yasser Abed Rabbo following two and a half years of secret negotiations. On 1 December 2003, the two parties signed an unofficial suggested plan for peace in Geneva (dubbed the Geneva Accord). In sharp contrast to the road map, it is not a plan for a temporary ceasefire but a comprehensive and detailed solution aiming at all the issues at stake, in particular, Jerusalem, the settlements and the refugee problem.[120] It was met with bitter denunciation by the Israeli government and many Palestinians, with the Palestinian Authority staying non-committal, but it was warmly welcomed by many European governments and some significant elements of the Bush Administration, including Secretary of State Colin Powell.

Yet another approach was proposed by a number of parties inside and outside Israel: a "binational solution" whereby Israel would formally annex the Palestinian territories but would make the Palestinian Arabs citizens in a unitary secular state. Championed by Edward Said and New York University professor Tony Judt, the suggestion aroused both interest and condemnation. It was not actually a new idea, dating back as far as the 1920s, but it was given extra prominence by the growing demographic issues raised by a rapidly expanding Arab population in Israel and the territories. Considering the huge political and demographic issues that it would raise, however, it seems an improbable solution to the problem.

The Elon Peace Plan is a solution for the Arab-Israeli conflict proposed in 2002 by former minister Binyamin Elon. The plan advocates the formal annexation of West Bank and Gaza by Israel and that Palestinians will become either Jordanian citizens or permanent residents in Israel so long as they remained peaceful and law-abiding residents. All these actions should be done in agreement with Jordan and the Palestinian population. This solution is tied to the demographics of Jordan where it's claimed that Jordan is essentially already the Palestinian state, as it has so many Palestinian refugees and their descendants.[121]

Some difficulties with past peace processes

A common feature of all attempts to create a path which would lead to peace is the fact that more often than not promises to carry out "good will measures" were not carried out by both sides.[122] Furthermore, negotiations to attain agreement on the "final status" have been interrupted due to outbreak of hostilities. The result is that both Israelis and Palestinians have grown weary of the process. Israelis point out the fact that the Gaza Strip is fully controlled by the Hamas who do not want peace with Israel.[123] According to the Israeli view, this limits the ability of the Palestinians to make peace with Israel and enforce it over the long term. Furthermore, in the Israeli view, a violent overtake of the West Bank by the Hamas as a result of the creation of an unstable new state is likely.[124] Lastly, rhetoric from high-ranking Fatah officials promising a full, literal Palestinian right of return into Israel (a position no Israeli government can accept without destroying the Jewish character of Israel) makes peace negotiations more difficult for both sides.[125][page needed] The Palestinians point out to the extensive and continuing Israeli settlement effort in the West Bank restricting the area available to the Palestinian state.[126]

An attempt to change the rules was made by Condoleezza Rice and Tzipi Livni when they brought forth the concept of a shelf agreement.[127] The idea was to disengage the linkage between negotiations and actions on the ground. In theory this would allow negotiations until a "shelf agreement" defining peace would be obtained. Such an agreement would not entail implementation. It would just describe what peace is. It would stay on the shelf but eventually will guide the implementation. The difficulty with this notion is that it creates a dis-incentive for Israel to reach such an agreement. The lack of clarity about what happens after agreement is reached will result in insurmountable pressures on Abbas to demand immediate implementation. However, from the Israeli point of view, the Palestinians are not ready to create a stable state, such an implementation process will almost guarantee instability in the Palestinian areas with a possible Hamas takeover as happened in Gaza.[128]

As things stand now this brings the process to another impasse. To avoid it some definition of what happens after a shelf agreement is needed. One possible idea by this essay is to agree ahead of time that following attainment of a final status agreement there will be a negotiated detailed and staged implementation agreement which would define a process which would allow the creation of a stable functional Palestinian state in stages and over time.[129] In Aug 2013 an indication that such an idea can be acceptable to the Palestinians was given by Mahmud Abbas in a meeting with Meretz MK-s.[130] In the meeting Abbas stated "that there cannot be an interim agreement but only a final status deal that can be implemented in stages".

Joint economic effort and development

Main article: Projects working for peace among Israelis and Palestinians

Despite the long history of conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, there are many people working on peaceful solutions that respect the rights of peoples on both sides.

In March 2007, Japan proposed a plan for peace based on common economic development and effort, rather than on continuous wrangling over land. Both sides stated their support.[131] This became the Peace Valley plan, a joint effort of the Israeli, Palestinian and Jordanian governments to promote economic cooperation, and new business initiatives which can help both sides work together, and create a better diplomatic atmosphere and better economic conditions. It is mainly designed to foster efforts in the private sector, once governments provide the initial investment and facilities.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ The 91% land offer was based on the Israeli definition of the West Bank, but this differs by approximately 5 percentage points from the Palestinian definition. Palestinians use a total area of 5,854 square kilometers. Israel, however, omits the area known as No Man's Land (50 sq. km near Latrun), post-1967 East Jerusalem (71 sq. km), and the territorial waters of the Dead Sea (195 sq. km), which reduces the total to 5,538 sq. km. Thus, an Israeli offer of 91% (of 5,538 sq. km) of the West Bank translates into only 86% from the Palestinian perspective.
    Jeremy Pressman, International Security, vol 28, no. 2, Fall 2003, "Visions in Collision: What Happened at Camp David and Taba?". On [1]. See pp. 16–17

References

  1. ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002, p. 121.
  2. ^ Quandt, William (2005). Peace process: American diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1967. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution and University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-22374-8. Accessible at Google Books.
  3. ^ a b Pappe, I., 2004, A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
  4. ^ Slater, J., 2001, "What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process," Political Science, Volume 116, Issue 2, pp. 171–199, p. 176.
  5. ^ a b c d Slater, J., 2001, What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process, Political Science, Volume 116, Issue 2, pp. 171–199.
  6. ^ Bregman, A. & El-Tahri, J., 1998, The Sixty Year War: Israel and the Arabs, London, Penguin Books.
  7. ^ LeVine, Mark (23 September 2011). "Why Palestinians have a right to return home". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 21 June 2015.
  8. ^ Facts About Israel. Jerusalem: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2010. p. 52.
  9. ^ Saletan, William (9 July 2014). "Gaza civilian casualties: While Hamas targets innocent people, Israel tries to spare them". Slate. Retrieved 4 January 2016. It [Hamas] has been firing the new [longer-range] missiles at cities anyway. Hamas has also flatly rejected the principle of sparing civilians. According to a Hamas spokesman, 'All Israelis have now become legitimate targets.'
  10. ^ Azulay, Moran. "Peres to Ynet: Abbas, not Hamas, is the partner." Ynetnews. 23 November 2012. 23 November 2012.
  11. ^ Peretz, Martin. Letter. The New York Times. 6 August 2020. 6 August 2020.
  12. ^ Oren, Michael. "Hamas Left Israel No Choice but to Strike." The New York Times. 20 November 2012. 20 November 2012.
  13. ^ Pedahzur, A., 2005, Suicide Terrorism, Cambridge, Polity Press, p. 65.
  14. ^ Levy, Elior. "PA challenges Netanyahu to accept 1967 lines." Ynetnews. 22 May 2011. 22 May 2011.
  15. ^ Kessler, Glenn (5 October 2005). "Talking Points Aside, Bush Stance on Palestinian State Is Not a First". The Washington Post.
  16. ^ Nasaw, Daniel (18 May 2009). "Obama restates support for Palestinian state during Netanyahu visit". The Guardian. London.
  17. ^ "Clinton laments ‘counter-productive’ U.N. vote on Palestine." Jewish Journal. 29 November 2012. 29 November 2012.
  18. ^ Kaplan, Rebecca. "Obama: Differences with Netanyahu are not personality clashes." CBS News. 24 March 2015. 25 March 2015.
  19. ^ F. Verbit, Mervin. "American Jews – More Right than Left on the Peace Process". erusalem Center for Public Affairs (JCPA). Berman Jewish Policy Archive. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
  20. ^ Mishal, S. and Sela, A, 'The Palestinian Hamas: Vision, Violence and Coexistence' (Columbia University Press, 2006) p. 275.
  21. ^ Nathan Thrall (14 October 2010). "Our Man in Palestine". The New York Review of Books. Retrieved 30 September 2010.
  22. ^ Senker, C, 'the ArAb-Israeli Conflict', (UK, 2004) pp. 4–9.
  23. ^ Halliday, F., 'The Middle East in International Relations', (Cambridge, 2005), p. 307.
  24. ^ Sayigh, R., 'The Palestinians: From Peasants to Revolutionaries' (New York, 2007) p. 200.
  25. ^ Chakrabarti, Ran. "Palestine and International Law.", Fair Observer. 30 January 2013.
  26. ^ Cook, J., 'Disappearing Palestine', (London, 2008), pp. 244–246.
  27. ^ "Middle East News – The Jerusalem Post". The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 19 March 2018.
  28. ^ Rachel Shabi, "The death of the Israel-Palestine two-state solution brings fresh hope," The Guardian (23 October 2012). Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  29. ^ David Poort, "The threat of a one-state solution," Al Jazeera (26 January 2011). Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  30. ^ Pearson Education (1 October 2006). The Changing Dynamics of Energy in the Middle East [Two Volumes]. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 66–. ISBN 978-0-313-08364-8.
  31. ^ Yezid Sayigh; Avi Shlaim (22 May 1997). The Cold War and the Middle East. Clarendon Press. pp. 4–. ISBN 978-0-19-157151-0.
  32. ^ Sela, Avraham, "Arab-Israeli Conflict," The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58–121.
  33. ^ Benny Morris (25 May 2011). Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist–Arab Conflict, 1881–1998. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 354. ISBN 978-0-307-78805-4. The Israeli cabinet publicly rejected the plan in communiques issued on December 10 and 22, calling it "an attempt to appease [the Arabs] at the expense of Israel." ...But it was Egypt and the USSR who in fact definitively shot down the plan. The Soviets dismissed it as "one-sided" and "pro-Israeli." Nasser rejected a separate deal with Israel (even if he recovered all of Sinai) as well as demilitarization of the peninsula after Israeli withdrawal, freedom of maritime passage for Israeli vessels, and various security arrangements—all stipulated in the Rogers Plan as part of the quid pro quo.
  34. ^ . United Nations, Security Council. 18 May 1973. Archived from the original on 7 April 2014. The Search for a Settlement from 1967 to date
  35. ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002, p. 137.
  36. ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002, p. 138.
  37. ^ Facts About Israel. Jerusalem: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2010. p. 53.
  38. ^ a b c d e Nathan Thrall, 'What Future for Israel?,' New York Review of Books 15 August 2013 pp. 64–67.
  39. ^ "Mr. Clinton's Mideast Peace Plan." The New York Times. 27 December 2000. 10 December 2019.
  40. ^ "Camp David Summit 2000." ADL. 10 December 2019.
  41. ^ History of failed peace talks (BBC, 26 November 2007).
  42. ^ Gold, Dore. The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2007. p. 1.
  43. ^ Oren, Michael B. Power, Faith, and Fantasy: American in the Middle East, 1776 to the Present. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2007. p. 579.
  44. ^ a b c Ross, Dennis. Doomed to Succeed: The U.S.-Israel Relationship From Truman to Obama. New York: Farrar, Starus and Giroux, 2015. p. 293.
  45. ^ Ben-Meir, Alon. "The Palestinian Refugees: A Reassessment and a Solution." Palestine – Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture, vol. 15/16, no. 4, 2009, pp. 65-71. ProQuest.
  46. ^ a b Hirsh, Michael. "Clinton To Arafat: it's All Your ...." Newsweek. 26 June 2001. 17 November 2020.
  47. ^ Clinton Parameters 17 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine, The Jewish Peace Lobby website, full text (English).
  48. ^ Beilin, Yossi. "What really happened at Taba." Palestinian Refugee ResearchNet. 16 July 2002. 10 December 2020.
  49. ^ Salem, Tanja. "Palestinian Refugees." Centre for European Policy Studies. July 2003.
  50. ^ . Archived from the original on 10 January 2006.
  51. ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002, p. 147.
  52. ^ a b A Plan for Peace That Still Could Be, New York Times Magazine, 13 February 2011.
  53. ^ a b PA rejects Olmert's offer to withdraw from 93% of West Bank (Haaretz, 12 August 2008).
  54. ^ Israel Agrees to Truce with Hamas on Gaza, The New York Times, 18 June 2008.
  55. ^ Mark Tessler, "The Israeli–Palestinian Conflict," in Ellen Lust (ed.),The Middle East, SAGE Publications, 2013 pp. 287–366, p. 364.
  56. ^ Netanyahu's revolution, Haaretz, 18 June 2009
  57. ^ Full text of Netanyahu's foreign policy speech at Bar Ilan, Haaretz, 14 June 2009.
  58. ^ Dan Cohn-Sherbok, Dawoud El-Alami, The Palestine–Israeli Conflict: A Beginner's Guide, Oneworld Publications 2015 p. 87.
  59. ^ a b Burns, Robert (1 September 2010). "Obama Opens Long-Shot Talks on Mideast Peace". ABC News. Associated Press.
  60. ^ Landler, Mark (5 September 2010). "In Middle East Peace Talks, Clinton Faces a Crucial Test". The New York Times. p. A1.
  61. ^ Tessler, Mark A. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict Google Books. Originally published in 1994. 1 January 2011. p. 718. "Inhabitants of the occupied territories and other Palestinians had shown interest in a two-state solution since the mid-1970s, and the mainstream of the PLO had since the 1982 Arab summit."
  62. ^ Abu Toameh, Khaled. "Abbas: Land swap principle reached". The Jerusalem Post.
  63. ^ Bronner, Ethan (17 April 2012). "Palestinians Restate Demands to Netanyahu". The New York Times. Retrieved 18 April 2012.
  64. ^ Mahmoud Abbas (15 April 2012). "Text of Abbas's letter to Netanyahu". The Times of Israel. Retrieved 18 April 2012.
  65. ^ Stott, Michael; Nakhoul, Samia (9 May 2012). "Abbas ready to engage with Israel but says settlement building 'destroying hope'". Al Arabiya News. Reuters. Retrieved 9 May 2012.
  66. ^ "Netanyahu backs demilitarized Palestinian state". Haaretz. 14 June 2009. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
  67. ^ Winer, Stuart; Ahren, Raphael (14 May 2012). "PM promises Abbas a demilitarized Palestinian state". The Times of Israel. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
  68. ^ Ravid, Barak (14 May 2012). "Netanyahu to Abbas: Israeli unity cabinet is a new opportunity for Mideast peace". Haaretz. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
  69. ^ Ravid, Barak (29 July 2013). "Obama welcomes renewal of Israeli-Palestinian talks, but says 'hard choices' lie ahead". Haaretz. Retrieved 7 February 2014.
  70. ^ "Hamas rejects Kerry's announcement: Abbas has no authority to negotiate". Ynetnews. Ynet. 20 July 2013. Retrieved 23 July 2013.
  71. ^ Booth, William (29 July 2013). "Peace talks set to begin after Israel agrees to free 104 Palestinian prisoners". The Washington Post.
  72. ^ Berman, Lazar. (7 August 2013) US peace envoy to come to Israel next week. The Times of Israel. Retrieved 14 August 2013.
  73. ^ AFP, 'US denies dismantling peace negotiators team,' Ynet, 6 May 2014.
  74. ^ "Hamas and Fatah unveil Palestinian reconciliation deal". BBC. 23 April 2014.
  75. ^ Sanctions and suspended talks – Israel responds to Palestinian reconciliation Ynet News 24 April 2014
  76. ^ Israel suspends peace talks with Palestinians after Fatah-Hamas deal. The Guardian, 24 April 2014
  77. ^ Israel suspends peace talks with Palestinians. Batsheva Sobelman, Los Angeles Times, 24 April 2014
  78. ^ . Peter Beaumont and Paul Lewis, The Guardian, 24 April 2014
  79. ^ The rival Palestinian leaderships of Fatah and Hamas made a fresh attempt ... 24 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine. France 24/AP, 23 April 2014
  80. ^ "Hamas and Fatah unveil Palestinian reconciliation deal". 23 April 2014.
  81. ^ . 29 April 2014. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 1 May 2014.
  82. ^ Israel begins implementing economic sanctions against Palestinians Ynet News 29 April 2014
  83. ^ New York Times, 22 April 2014,Abbas Renews Threat to Dissolve Palestinian Authority if Peace Talks Fail
  84. ^ Rasgon, Adam. "Palestinian Leadership Considers ...." The Jerusalem Post. 23 August 2017. 4 November 2019.
  85. ^ Sanctions and suspended talks – Israel responds to Palestinian reconciliation – Retrieved 4 September 2014
  86. ^ Abbas to Submit 'Surprising' Proposal to Kerry – Retrieved 4 September 2014
  87. ^ a b c US rejected Abbas's peace plan, PA says – Retrieved 4 September 2014
  88. ^ Abbas Peace Plan Calls for Israeli Withdrawal Within 3 Years – Retrieved 4 September 2014
  89. ^ a b Report: Abbas peace plan calls for Israeli withdrawal from West Bank – Retrieved 4 September 2014
  90. ^ Abbas' peace plan: Israeli withdrawal from West Bank within three years – Retrieved 4 September 2014
  91. ^ Abu Mazen's Three-Year Peace Plan for Israel – Retrieved 4 September 2014
  92. ^ Abbas: If Security Council bid fails, we may end security cooperation with Israel – Retrieved 1 October 2014
  93. ^ "Palestinians sign up to join ICC". BBC News. 31 December 2014. Retrieved 19 March 2018.
  94. ^ Staff. "Israel freezes Palestinian funds in response to ICC bid". The Times of Israel. Retrieved 7 February 2015.
  95. ^ "Palestinians to ban sale of products from 6 major Israeli companies". The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 19 March 2018.
  96. ^ Peace to Prosperity: The Economic Plan
  97. ^ Times of Israel, 26 September 2019, At UN, Abbas threatens to nix agreements with Israel if West Bank land annexed
  98. ^ étrangères, Ministère de l'Europe et des Affaires. "Participation of Jean-Yves Le Drian in the Munich Security Conference – Declaration by the Spokesperson of the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs (15-16 Feb.20)". France Diplomacy – Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs.
  99. ^ a b "A New 'Quartet' for Israeli-Palestinian Peace". 20 July 2020. Retrieved 18 September 2020.
  100. ^ étrangères, Ministère de l'Europe et des Affaires. "Joint Statement of the Foreign Ministers of France, Germany, Egypt and Jordan (7 Jul. 20)". France Diplomatie – Ministère de l'Europe et des Affaires étrangères.
  101. ^ "Arab, European states call Israel and Palestine to restart talks". Al Jazeera. 24 September 2020. Retrieved 24 September 2020.
  102. ^ "Amman's closing statement on the Middle East Peace Process". Roya news. 24 September 2020. Retrieved 24 September 2020.
  103. ^ "Egypt, Germany, France, Jordan meet to revive Mideast talks". WAPO. 11 January 2021. Retrieved 11 January 2021.[dead link]
  104. ^ "Arab, European foreign ministers discuss Palestinian, Israeli Occupation peace process in Cairo". RoyaNews. 11 January 2021. Retrieved 11 January 2021.
  105. ^ "The Middle East, including the Palestinian Question: Briefing and Consultations". SecurityCouncilReport. 24 March 2021. Retrieved 24 March 2021.
  106. ^ Staff, The New Arab (20 February 2022). "Egypt, France, Germany, Jordan FMs condemn Israel settlement expansion, evictions". english.alaraby.co.uk/.
  107. ^ "Foreign ministers of Egypt, France, Germany and Jordan reiterate commitment to a just peace in the Middle East". WAFA. 22 September 2022.
  108. ^ Shahram Akbarzadeh; Kylie Baxter (13 June 2018). Middle East Politics and International Relations. Taylor & Francis. pp. 77–78. ISBN 978-1-351-67715-8.
  109. ^ "Report of the Middle East Quartet". United Nations. 1 July 2016. Retrieved 25 March 2021.
  110. ^ "Israel/Palestine: Parameters for a Two-State Settlement". International Crisis Group. 28 November 2016. Retrieved 25 March 2021.
  111. ^ "Diplomatic Quartet releases report on advancing two-state solution to Israel-Palestine conflict". United Nations. 1 July 2016. Retrieved 25 March 2021.
  112. ^ "Rejecting Trump, Abbas at UN says US is too biased to mediate peace talks". 27 September 2018. Retrieved 18 September 2020.
  113. ^ "Security Council Report" (PDF).
  114. ^ "UN unable to convene Quartet to discuss annexation". MEMO. 27 June 2020. Retrieved 25 September 2020.
  115. ^ "Abraham Accord, Quartet – Press Conference by Secretary-General António Guterres at UN Headquarters (SG/SM/20258) (Excerpts)". United Nations. 25 September 2020. Retrieved 25 September 2020.
  116. ^ "Palestinian leader calls for new peace process in UN speech". WAPO. 25 September 2020. Retrieved 25 September 2020.
  117. ^ "A New Tune From The Middle East Quartet – OpEd". Eurasia review. 26 February 2021. Retrieved 24 March 2021.
  118. ^ "Mideast Quartet Discusses Reviving 'Meaningful' Israel, Palestinian Peace Talks". Haaretz. 24 March 2021. Retrieved 24 March 2021.
  119. ^ "Statement by the Middle East Quartet Envoys". UNSCO. 23 March 2021. Retrieved 24 March 2021.
  120. ^ Brynen, Rex. "The 'Geneva Accord' and the Palestinian Refugee Issue." ResearchGate. 29 February 2004.
  121. ^ Amishav Medved, Yael. "Jordan as the Palestinian Arab state". Israel Science and Technology. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
  122. ^ "ZOA:Palestinian Arab Violations of Road Map". IMRA. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
  123. ^ "Hamas." Encyclopædia Britannica. 17 January 2019. 6 December 2020.
  124. ^ al-Mughrabi, Nidal (9 November 2007). "Hamas leader sees W.Bank takeover if Israel leaves". Reuters.
  125. ^ Schwartz, Adi and Einat Wilf. "The War of Return." Google Books. 28 April 2020. 7 December 2020.
  126. ^ . Haaretz. Archived from the original on 22 October 2009. Retrieved 11 January 2022.
  127. ^ Al Tamimi, Jumana (26 August 2008). "Rice discusses 'shelf agreement'". Gulf News. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
  128. ^ "Shelf Agreement: Attempt to Anchor the Two State Solution may Bury" (PDF). Reut Institute. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
  129. ^ "A better route to Israeli-Palestinian peace?". MideastWeb Middle East Web Log. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
  130. ^ "Abbas tells Meretz MKs: No progress in peace talks with Israel". The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
  131. ^ Israelis, Palestinians applaud Japanese development plan Associated Press via Haaretz.com, 15 March 2007.

External links

  • Israel-Palestinian Negotiations, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs
  • The Reut Institute
  • BBC News – History of Mid-East peace talks
  • Palestinian-Israeli Relations, MyJewishLearning.com
  • "Netanyahu's two-state mask has slipped" by Henry Siegman
  • "The Arab-Israeli Peace Process Is Over. Enter the Era of Chaos" by Lee Smith
  • "Netanyahu lowers expectations for Israeli-Palestinian peace" by Lahav Harkov
  • A presentation of the Lubavitcher Rebbe's views on the Jewish people's connection with the Holy Land, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the so-called "Land for Peace" issue
  • The History of the Peace Process in the Context of the 2013 John Kerry Peace Efforts Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Palestinian Territories August 2013
  • Beyond Intractability: A Free Knowledge Base on More Constructive Approaches to Destructive Conflict

March 08, 2023
israeli, palestinian, peace, process, refers, intermittent, discussions, held, various, parties, proposals, forward, attempt, resolve, ongoing, israeli, palestinian, conflict, since, 1970s, there, been, parallel, effort, made, find, terms, upon, which, peace, . The Israeli Palestinian peace process refers to the intermittent discussions held by various parties and proposals put forward in an attempt to resolve the ongoing Israeli Palestinian conflict 1 Since the 1970s there has been a parallel effort made to find terms upon which peace can be agreed to in both the Arab Israeli conflict and in the Palestinian Israeli conflict Some countries have signed peace treaties such as the Egypt Israel 1979 and Jordan Israel 1994 treaties whereas some have not yet found a mutual basis to do so William B Quandt in the introduction of his book Peace Process says Sometime in the mid 1970s the term peace process became widely used to describe the American led efforts to bring about a negotiated peace between Israel and its neighbors The phrase stuck and ever since it has been synonymous with the gradual step by step approach to resolving one of the world s most difficult conflicts In the years since 1967 the emphasis in Washington has shifted from the spelling out of the ingredients of peace to the process of getting there The United States has provided both a sense of direction and a mechanism That at its best is what the peace process has been about At worst it has been little more than a slogan used to mask the marking of time 2 Since the 2003 road map for peace the current outline for a Palestinian Israeli peace agreement has been a two state solution however a number of Israeli and US interpretations of this propose a series of non contiguous Palestinian enclaves Contents 1 Views of the peace process 1 1 Palestinian views on the peace process 1 2 Israeli views on the peace process 1 3 US views on the peace process 2 Major current issues between the two sides 3 Background 3 1 Peace efforts with confrontation states 3 2 Arab Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties 4 Timeline 4 1 Madrid 1991 93 4 2 Oslo 1993 2001 4 3 1996 99 agreements 4 4 Camp David 2000 Summit Clinton s Parameters and the Taba talks 4 5 The Arab peace initiative and the Roadmap 2002 3 4 6 Israeli Palestinian talks in 2007 and 2008 4 7 2010 direct talks 4 8 2013 14 talks 4 9 Abbas 2014 peace plan 4 10 Trump plan 4 11 Munich group 4 12 Quartet developments 5 Alternative peace proposals 6 Some difficulties with past peace processes 7 Joint economic effort and development 8 See also 9 Notes 10 References 11 External linksViews of the peace processPalestinian views on the peace process Main article Palestinian views on the peace process Palestinians have held diverse views and perceptions of the peace process A key starting point for understanding these views is an awareness of the differing objectives sought by advocates of the Palestinian cause New Historian Israeli academic Ilan Pappe says the cause of the conflict from a Palestinian point of view dates back to 1948 with the creation of Israel rather than Israel s views of 1967 being the crucial point and the return of occupied territories being central to peace negotiations and that the conflict has been a fight to bring home refugees to a Palestinian state 3 Therefore this for some was the ultimate aim of the peace process and for groups such as Hamas still is However Slater says that this maximalist view of a destruction of Israel in order to regain Palestinian lands a view held by Arafat and the PLO initially has steadily moderated from the late 1960s onwards to a preparedness to negotiate and instead seek a two state solution 4 The Oslo Accords demonstrated the recognition of this acceptance by the then Palestinian leadership of the state of Israel s right to exist in return for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip and West Bank 5 However there are recurrent themes prevalent throughout peace process negotiations including a feeling that Israel offers too little and a mistrust of its actions and motives 3 6 Yet the demand for a right of return by the Palestinian refugees to Israel has remained a cornerstone of the Palestinian view and has been repeatedly enunciated by Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas who is leading the Palestinian peace effort 7 Israeli views on the peace process Main article Israeli views on the peace process There are several Israeli views of the peace process The official position of the State of Israel is that peace ought to be negotiated on the basis of giving up some control of the occupied territories in return for a stop to the conflict and violence 8 Israel s position is that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas ought to be the negotiating partner in the peace talks and not Hamas which has at times engaged with Israel in escalations of the conflict and attacks Israel s civilian population 9 10 The Oslo Accords and the Camp David 2000 summit negotiations revealed the possibility of a two state system being accepted by Israeli leadership as a possible peace solution The two state solution is the consensus position among the majority of Israelis 11 However the violence of the second intifada and the political success of Hamas a group dedicated to Israel s destruction 12 have convinced many Israelis that peace and negotiation are not possible and a two state system is not the answer 5 Hardliners believe that Israel should annex all Palestinian territory or at least all minus the Gaza Strip 5 Israelis view the peace process as hindered and near impossible due to terrorism on the part of Palestinians and do not trust Palestinian leadership to maintain control 5 In fact Pedahzur goes as far as to say that suicide terrorism succeeded where peace negotiations failed in encouraging withdrawal by Israelis from cities in the West Bank 13 A common theme throughout the peace process has been a feeling that the Palestinians give too little in their peace offers US views on the peace process There are divergent views on the peace process held by US officials citizens and lobbying groups All recent US Presidents have maintained a policy that Israel must give up some of the land that it conquered in the 1967 war in order to achieve peace 14 that the Palestinians must actively prevent terrorism and that Israel has an unconditional right to exist Presidents Bill Clinton and George W Bush publicly supported the creation of a new Palestinian state out of most of the current Palestinian territories based on the idea of self determination for the Palestinian people 15 and President Obama continued that policy 16 Secretary of State Hillary Clinton thought that peace can only be achieved through direct bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians 17 Obama outlined the pursuit of the two state solution as American policy for achieving Palestinian aspirations Israeli security and a measure of stability in the Middle East 18 According to the sociologist Mervin Verbit American Jews are more right than left on peace process issues Verbit found that surveys of American Jews often reflect the view of the poll s sponsors Often it is the wording of the survey questions that bias the outcome a headline illustrating this point reads ADL poll shows higher support for Israel than did survey by dovish J Street Using survey data from the American Jewish Committee where findings could not be attributed to wording biases Verbit found American Jews took a rightward shift following the collapse of the Camp David talks in 2000 and the 9 11 attacks in 2001 19 Major current issues between the two sidesSee also History of the Israeli Palestinian conflict There are numerous issues to resolve before a lasting peace can be reached including the following The 1949 Green Line borders Borders and division of the land Strong emotions relating to the conflict on both sides Palestinian concerns over Israeli settlements in the West Bank Status of Jerusalem Security concerns over terrorism safe borders incitements violence Right of return of Palestinian refugees living in the Palestinian diaspora From the Israeli perspective a key concern is security and whether the major Palestinian figures and institutions are in fact trying to fight terrorism and promote tolerance and co existence with Israel Israeli concerns are based on abundant documentary and empirical evidence of many Palestinian leaders having in fact promoted and supported terrorist groups and activities Furthermore there is much concrete evidence of Palestinians having supported and expressed incitement against Israel its motives actions and basic rights as a state The election of Hamas has provided evidence for this view with the Hamas charter stating unequivocally that it does not recognize Israel s right to exist 20 However there remain some activists on the Palestinian side who claim that there are still some positive signs on the Palestinian side and that Israel should use these to cultivate some positive interactions with the Palestinians even in spite of Hamas s basic opposition to the existence of the Jewish State Since mid June 2007 Israel has cooperated with Palestinian security forces in the West Bank at unprecedented levels thanks in part to United States sponsored training equipping and funding of the Palestinian National Security Forces and Presidential Guard 21 A further concern is whether as a result of this security argument Israel will in fact allow the Palestinian community to emerge as a viable and sovereign political unit a viable and contiguous state There are also various economic and political restrictions placed on Palestinian people activities and institutions which have had a detrimental effect on the Palestinian economy and quality of life 22 Israel has said repeatedly that these restrictions are necessary due to security concerns and in order to counteract ongoing efforts which promote terrorism which incite opposition to Israel s existence and rights as a country The key obstacle therefore remains the Israeli demand for security versus Palestinian claims for rights and statehood 23 Furthermore the identification of Palestinian with terrorist can be construed as problematic and Sayigh argues that this association is used as a rationale for maintaining the status quo and that only by recognising the status of Jewish immigrants as settlers can we conceptually move forwards 24 However it is the case that the Palestinian resort to militancy has made such conceptual clarity difficult to achieve Nevertheless there is a range of ulterior motives for Israel s denial of Palestinian statehood If Palestine were declared a state then immediately Israel by its present occupation of the West Bank will be in breach of the United Nations Charter Palestine as a state could legitimately call upon the inherent right of individual or collective self defense under Article 51 of the Charter to remove Israel from the occupied territories Palestine as a state would be able to accede to international conventions and bring legal action against Israel on various matters Palestine could accede to various international human rights instruments such as the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights It could even join the International Criminal Court and file cases against Israel for war crimes It would be a tinderbox of a situation that is highly likely to precipitate conflict in the Middle East 25 There is a lively debate around the shape that a lasting peace settlement would take see for example the One state solution and Two state solution Authors like Cook have argued that the one state solution is opposed by Israel because the very nature of Zionism and Jewish nationalism calls for a Jewish majority state whilst the two state solution would require the difficult relocation of half a million Jewish settlers living in the West Bank and East Jerusalem 26 The Palestinian leaders such as Salam Fayyad have rejected calls for a binational state or unilateral declaration of statehood As of 2010 only a minority of Palestinians and Israelis support the one state solution 27 Interest in a one state solution is growing however as the two state approach fails to accomplish a final agreement 28 29 BackgroundPeace efforts with confrontation states This section needs expansion with Efforts with Egypt Jordan Syria post 1973 You can help by adding to it September 2014 There were parallel efforts for peace treaties between Israel and other confrontation states Egypt Jordan and Syria after the Six Day war and Lebanon afterwards 30 31 UN resolution 242 was accepted by Israel Jordan and Egypt but rejected by Syria until 1972 1973 32 In 1970 US Secretary of State William P Rogers proposed the Rogers Plan which called for a 90 day cease fire a military standstill zone on each side of the Suez Canal and an effort to reach agreement in the framework of UN Resolution 242 Israel rejected the plan on 10 December 1969 calling it an attempt to appease the Arabs at the expense of Israel The Soviets dismissed it as one sided and pro Israeli President Nasser rejected it because it was a separate deal with Israel even if Egypt recovered all of Sinai 33 34 No breakthrough occurred even after President Sadat in 1972 surprised most observers by suddenly expelling Soviet military advisers from Egypt and again signaled to the United States government his willingness to negotiate based on the Rogers plan Arab Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties Main article Arab Israeli normalization Recognition of Israel only Recognition of Israel with some relations to Palestinian State Recognition of both Israel and Palestinian State Recognition of Palestinian State with some relations to Israel Recognition of Palestinian State only 1949 Armistice Agreements Allon Plan Rogers Plan Geneva Conference 1973 Camp David Accords 1978 Egypt Israel peace treaty 1979 Madrid Conference of 1991 Oslo Accords 1993 Israel Jordan peace treaty 1994 2000 Camp David SummitTimelinePart of this section is transcluded from Two state solution edit history Madrid 1991 93 Main article Madrid Conference of 1991 In 1991 Israel and the Arab countries directly involved in the Arab Israeli conflict came to the Madrid Peace Conference called by US president George H W Bush with the help of Secretary of State James Baker after the First Gulf War 35 The talks continued in Washington DC but yielded only few results Oslo 1993 2001 Yitzhak Rabin Bill Clinton and Yasser Arafat at the Oslo Accords signing ceremony on 13 September 1993 Main article Oslo Accords While the slow moving Madrid talks were taking place a series of secret meetings between Israeli and Palestinian negotiators were taking place in Oslo Norway which resulted in the 1993 Oslo Peace Accords between Palestinians and Israel a plan discussing the necessary elements and conditions for a future Palestinian state on the basis of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 36 The agreement officially titled the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self Government Arrangements DOP was signed on the White House lawn on 13 September 1993 Various transfers of power and responsibilities in the Gaza Strip and West Bank from Israel to the Palestinians took place in the mid 1990s 37 The Palestinians achieved self governance of major cities in the West Bank and the entire Gaza Strip Israel maintained and continues to maintain a presence in the West Bank for security reasons In 2013 Israel still had control of 61 of the West Bank while the Palestinians had control of civic functions for most of the Palestinian population After the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in 1995 the peace process eventually ground to a halt The settlements population almost doubled in the West Bank Later suicide bombing attacks from Palestinian militant groups and the subsequent retaliatory actions from the Israeli military made conditions for peace negotiations untenable 1996 99 agreements Newly elected Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared a new policy following the many suicide attacks by Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad since 1993 including a wave of suicide attacks prior to the Israeli elections of May 1996 Netanyahu declared a tit for tat policy which he termed reciprocity whereby Israel would not engage in the peace process if Arafat continued with what Netanyahu defined as the Palestinian revolving door policy i e incitement and direct or indirect support of terrorism The Hebron and Wye Agreements were signed during this period after Israel considered that its conditions were partially met Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron also known as the Hebron Protocol or Hebron Agreement began 7 January and was concluded from 15 to 17 January 1997 between Israel and the PLO The agreement dealt with the redeployment of Israeli military forces in Hebron in accordance with the Oslo Accords security issues and other concerns The Wye River Memorandum was a political agreement negotiated to implement the Oslo Accords completed on 23 October 1998 It was signed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat It was negotiated at Wye River Maryland at the Wye River Conference Center and signed at the White House with President Bill Clinton as the official witness On 17 November 1998 Israel s 120 member parliament the Knesset approved the Memorandum by a vote of 75 19 The agreement dealt with further redeployments in the West Bank security issues and other concerns Camp David 2000 Summit Clinton s Parameters and the Taba talks Main article 2000 Camp David Summit In 2000 US President Bill Clinton convened a peace summit between Palestinian President Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak In May of that year according to Nathan Thrall Israel had offered Palestinians 66 of the West Bank with 17 annexed to Israel and a further 17 not annexed but under Israeli control and no compensating swap of Israeli territory 38 The Israeli prime minister offered the Palestinian leader between 91 note 1 and 95 39 40 sources differ on the exact percentage of the West Bank and the entire Gaza Strip if 69 Jewish settlements which comprise 85 of the West Bank s Jewish settlers be ceded to Israel East Jerusalem would have fallen for the most part 41 under Israeli sovereignty with the exception of most suburbs with heavy non Jewish populations surrounded by areas annexed to Israel 42 The issue of the Palestinian right of return would be solved through significant monetary reparations 43 Arafat rejected this offer and did not propose a counter offer 44 45 46 No tenable solution was crafted which would satisfy both Israeli and Palestinian demands even under intense U S pressure 44 Clinton blamed Arafat for the failure of the Camp David Summit 44 46 In the months following the summit Clinton appointed former US Senator George J Mitchell to lead a fact finding committee that later published the Mitchell Report Proposed in the fall of 2000 following the collapse of the Camp David talks The Clinton Parameters included a plan on which the Palestinian State was to include 94 96 of the West Bank and around 80 of the settlers were to become under Israeli sovereignty and in exchange for that Israel would concede some territory so called Territory Exchange or Land Swap within the Green Line 1967 borders The swap would consist of 1 3 of Israeli territory such that the final borders of the West Bank part of the Palestinian state would include 97 of the land of the original borders 47 At the Taba summit at Taba in January 2001 talks continued based on the Clinton Parameters The Israeli negotiation team presented a new map The proposition removed the temporarily Israeli controlled areas from the West Bank and offered a few thousand more refugees than they offered at Camp David to settle into Israel and hoped that this would be considered implementation of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194 48 49 The Palestinian side accepted this as a basis for further negotiation However Barak did not conduct further negotiations at that time the talks ended without an agreement and the following month the right wing Likud party candidate Ariel Sharon was elected Israeli prime minister in February 2001 The Arab peace initiative and the Roadmap 2002 3 Main articles Arab Peace Initiative Road map for peace and Beirut Summit The Beirut summit of Arab government leaders took place in March 2002 under the aegis of the Arab League The summit concluded by presenting a plan to end the Israeli Palestinian conflict Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres welcomed it and said the details of every peace plan must be discussed directly between Israel and the Palestinians and to make this possible the Palestinian Authority must put an end to terror the horrifying expression of which we witnessed just last night in Netanya 50 referring to the Netanya suicide attack perpetrated on the previous evening which the Beirut Summit failed to address Israel was not prepared to enter negotiations as called for by the Arab League plan on the grounds that it did not wish for full withdrawal to 1967 borders and the right of return for the Palestinian refugees 51 President George W Bush center discusses the peace process with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel left and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in Aqaba Jordan 4 June 2003 In July 2002 the quartet of the United States the European Union the United Nations and Russia outlined the principles of a road map for peace including an independent Palestinian state The road map was released in April 2003 after the appointment of Mahmoud Abbas AKA Abu Mazen as the first ever Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Both the US and Israel called for a new Prime Minister position as both refused to work with Arafat anymore The plan called for independent actions by Israel and the Palestinian Authority with disputed issues put off until a rapport can be established In the first step the Palestinian Authority must undertake visible efforts on the ground to arrest disrupt and restrain individuals and groups conducting and planning violent attacks on Israelis anywhere and a rebuilt and refocused Palestinian Authority security apparatus must begin sustained targeted and effective operations aimed at confronting all those engaged in terror and dismantlement of terrorist capabilities and infrastructure Israel was then required to dismantle settlements established after March 2001 freeze all settlement activity remove its army from Palestinian areas occupied after 28 September 2000 end curfews and ease restrictions on movement of persons and goods Israeli Palestinian talks in 2007 and 2008 From December 2006 to mid September 2008 Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority met 36 times there were also lower level talks In 2007 Olmert welcomed the Arab League s re endorsement of the Arab Peace Initiative In his bid to negotiate a peace accord and establish a Palestinian state Olmert proposed a plan to the Palestinians 52 The centerpiece of Olmert s detailed proposal is the suggested permanent border which would be based on an Israeli withdrawal from most of the West Bank Olmert proposed annexing at least 6 3 of Palestinian territory in exchange for 5 8 of Israeli land with Palestinians receiving alternative land in the Negev adjacent to the Gaza Strip as well as territorial link under Israeli sovereignty for free passage between Gaza and the West Bank Israel insisted on retaining an armed presence in the future Palestinian state 38 53 Under Abbas s offer more than 60 percent of settlers would stay in place Olmert for his part was presenting a plan in which the most sparsely populated settlements would be evacuated Olmert and Abbas both acknowledged that reciprocal relations would be necessary not hermetic separation They also acknowledged the need to share a single business ecosystem while cooperating intensively on water security bandwidth banking tourism and much more Regarding Jerusalem the leaders agreed that Jewish neighborhoods should remain under Israeli sovereignty while Arab neighborhoods would revert to Palestinian sovereignty 52 The Palestinians asked for clarifications of the territorial land swap since they were unable to ascertain what land his percentages affected since Israeli and Palestinian calculations of the West Bank differ by several hundred square kilometres For them in lieu of such clarifications Olmert s 6 3 6 8 annexation might work out closer to 8 5 4 times the 1 9 limit the Palestinians argued a swap should not exceed 38 The talks ended with both sides claiming the other side dropped follow up contacts 38 53 Following the conflict that erupted between the two main Palestinian parties Fatah and Hamas Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip splintering the Palestinian Authority into two polities each claiming to be the true representatives of the Palestinian people Fatah controlled the Palestinian National Authority in the West Bank and Hamas governed in Gaza Hostilities between Gaza and Israel increased citation needed Egypt brokered the 2008 Israel Hamas ceasefire which lasted half a year beginning on 19 June 2008 and lasted until 19 December 2008 54 The collapse of the ceasefire led to the Gaza War on 27 December 2008 2010 direct talks Main article 2010 2011 Israeli Palestinian peace talks See also 2010 Palestinian militancy campaign In June 2009 reacting to US President Barack Obama s Cairo Address 38 Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared for the first time 55 conditional support for a future Palestinian state 56 but insisted that the Palestinians would need to make reciprocal gestures and accept several principles recognition of Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people demilitarization of a future Palestinian state along with additional security guarantees including defensible borders for Israel 57 Palestinian would also have to accept that Jerusalem would remain the united capital of Israel and renounce their claim to a right of return He also claimed that Israeli settlements retain a right to growth and expansion in the West Bank Palestinians rejected the proposals immediately 58 In September 2010 the Obama administration pushed to revive the stalled peace process by getting the parties involved to agree to direct talks for the first time in about two years 59 While U S President Barack Obama was the orchestrator of the movement U S Secretary of State Hillary Clinton went through months of cajoling just to get the parties to the table and helped convince the reluctant Palestinians by getting support for direct talks from Egypt and Jordan 59 60 The aim of the talks was to forge the framework of a final agreement within one year although general expectations of a success were fairly low The talks aimed to put the Israeli Palestinian conflict to an official end by forming a two state solution for the Jewish and Palestinian peoples promoting the idea of everlasting peace and putting an official halt to any further land claims as well as accepting the rejection of any forceful retribution if violence should reoccur Hamas and Hezbollah however threatened violence especially if either side seemed likely to compromise in order to reach an agreement As a result the Israeli government publicly stated that peace couldn t exist even if both sides signed the agreement due to the stance taken by Hamas and Hezbollah The US was therefore compelled to re focus on eliminating the threat posed by the stance of Hamas and Hezbollah as part of the direct talk progress Israel for its part was skeptical that a final agreement was reached that the situation would change as Hamas and Hezbollah would still get support to fuel new violence In addition the Israeli government rejected any possible agreement with Palestine as long as it refuses to recognize Israel as a Jewish state This is in accordance with the principle of the two state solution first proposed in the 1980s The mainstream within the PLO have taken the concept of territorial and diplomatic compromise seriously and have showed serious interest in this 61 During the 2010 talks Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas said that the Palestinians and Israel have agreed on the principle of a land swap but Israel has yet to confirm The issue of the ratio of land Israel would give to the Palestinians in exchange for keeping settlement blocs is an issue of dispute with the Palestinians demanding that the ratio be 1 1 and Israel offering less 62 In April 2012 Mahmoud Abbas sent a letter to Benjamin Netanyahu reiterating that for peace talks to resume Israel must stop settlement building in the West Bank including East Jerusalem and accept the 1967 borders as a basis for a two state solution 63 64 In May 2012 Abbas reiterated his readiness to engage with the Israelis if they propose anything promising or positive 65 Netanyahu replied to Abbas April letter less than a week later and for the first time officially recognised the right for Palestinians to have their own state though as before 66 he declared it would have to be demilitarised 67 and said his new national unity government furnished a new opportunity to renew negotiations and move forward 68 2013 14 talks Main article 2013 2014 Israeli Palestinian peace talks Direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians began on 29 July 2013 following an attempt by United States Secretary of State John Kerry to restart the peace process Martin Indyk of the Brookings Institution in Washington D C was appointed by the US to oversee the negotiations Indyk served as U S ambassador to Israel and assistant secretary of state for Near East affairs during the Clinton administration 69 Hamas the Palestinian government in Gaza rejected Kerry s announcement stating that Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas has no legitimacy to negotiate in the name of the Palestinian people 70 The negotiations were scheduled to last up to nine months to reach a final status to the Palestinian Israeli conflict by mid 2014 The Israeli negotiating team was led by veteran negotiator Justice Minister Tzipi Livni while the Palestinian delegation was led by Saeb Erekat also a former negotiator Negotiations started in Washington DC 71 and were slated to move to the King David Hotel in Jerusalem and finally to Hebron 72 A deadline was set for establishing a broad outline for an agreement by 29 April 2014 On the expiry of the deadline negotiations collapsed with the US Special Envoy Indyk reportedly assigning blame mainly to Israel while the US State Department insisting no one side was to blame but that both sides did things that were incredibly unhelpful 73 Israel reacted angrily to the Fatah Hamas Gaza Agreement of 23 April 2014 whose main purpose was reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas the formation of a Palestinian unity government and the holding of new elections 74 Israel halted peace talks with the Palestinians saying it will not negotiate with a Palestinian government backed by Hamas a terrorist organization that calls for Israel s destruction and threatened sanctions against the Palestinian Authority 75 76 including a previously announced Israeli plan to unilaterally deduct Palestinian debts to Israeli companies from the tax revenue Israel collects for the PA 77 Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused Abbas of sabotaging peace efforts He said that Abbas cannot have peace with both Hamas and Israel and has to choose 78 79 Abbas said the deal did not contradict their commitment to peace with Israel on the basis of a two state solution 80 and assured reporters that any unity government would recognize Israel be non violent and bound to previous PLO agreements 81 Shortly after Israel began implementing economic sanctions against Palestinians and canceled plans to build housing for Palestinians in Area C of the West Bank 82 Abbas also threatened to dissolve the PA leaving Israel fully responsible for both the West Bank and Gaza 83 a threat that the PA has not put into effect 84 Notwithstanding Israeli objections and actions the new Palestinian Unity Government was formed on 2 June 2014 85 Abbas 2014 peace plan On 3 September 2014 Abbas presented a new proposal for the peace process to John Kerry 86 87 The plan called for nine months of direct talks followed by a three year plan for Israel to withdraw to the 1967 lines leaving East Jerusalem as Palestine s capital 88 The resumption of talks was contingent on an Israeli freeze on construction in the West Bank and east Jerusalem 89 as well as release the final batch of prisoners from the previous talks 90 The first three months of the plan would revolve around the borders and potential land swaps for the 1967 lines The following six months would focus on issues including refugees Jerusalem settlements security and water 91 The US administration rejected the initiative saying it was opposed to any unilateral move that could negatively impact the Israeli Palestinian peace process 87 Abbas stated that if Israel rejected the claim he would push for charges against Israel in the International Criminal Court over the 2014 Israel Gaza conflict 89 Additionally if rejected Abbas stated he would turn to the UN Security Council for a unilateral measure for a Palestinian State 87 On 1 October 2014 Abbas stated he would be presenting his plan to the UNSC within two to three weeks with an application to the ICC to follow if it failed to pass the UNSC 92 In December 2014 Jordan submitted the proposal to the UNSC which failed when voted on later that month citation needed Later that month as previously threatened Abbas signed the treaty to join the ICC 93 Israel responded by freezing NIS 500 million US 127 million in Palestinian tax revenues 94 in response to which the PA banned the sale in the Palestinian territories of products of six major Israeli companies 95 Trump plan Trump plan map Further information Trump peace plan Following the inauguration of US President Donald Trump in January 2017 a period of uncertainty regarding a new peace initiative began In early 2018 some media sources reported the new administration was preparing a new peace initiative for an Israeli Palestinian deal The White House unveiled the economic part of the Trump initiative titled Peace to Prosperity The Economic Plan in June 2019 96 and the political portion of the plan in January 2020 Palestinian leaders boycotted and condemned the Bahrain conference in late June 2019 at which the economic plan was unveiled In December 2017 Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas cut ties with the Trump administration after United States recognition of Jerusalem as capital of Israel The Trump administration further raised Palestinians ire when it moved the US embassy to Jerusalem in May 2018 and cut hundreds of millions of dollars in annual aid to the Palestinians citing the PA s refusal to take part in the administration s peace initiative 97 Munich group In February 2020 on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference the foreign ministers of Egypt France German and Jordan the Munich Group together discussed peace efforts 98 In July the same quartet issued a statement declaring that any annexation of Palestinian territories occupied in 1967 would be a violation of international law and would have serious consequences for the security and stability of the region and would constitute a major obstacle to efforts aimed at achieving a comprehensive and just peace The foreign ministers said they discussed how to restart a fruitful engagement between the Israeli and the Palestinian side and offer our support in facilitating a path to negotiations 99 100 Meeting in Jordan on 24 September the four again called for a resumption of negotiations between the two sides There will be no comprehensive and lasting peace without solving the conflict on the basis of the two state solution Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman al Safadi told reporters following the meeting The four also praised recent deals establishing ties between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain Egypt s Sameh Shoukry said the deals are an important development that would lead to more support and interaction in order to reach a comprehensive peace However Palestinians see the two accords as a betrayal 101 102 On 11 January 2021 the group met in Cairo to discuss possible steps to advance the peace process in the Middle East and create an environment conducive to the resumption of dialogue between the Palestinians and the Israelis A joint statement of the quartet confirmed its intention to work with the incoming administration of President elect Joe Biden A further meeting is set to be held in Paris 103 104 The four met in Paris on 11 March 2021 with United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Tor Wennesland and the European Union Special Representative for the Middle East Peace Process Susanna Terstal Their statement emphasized the importance of confidence building measures to promote dialogue support for the two state solution and stated that settlement activities violate international law 105 On 19 February 2021 at the Munich Security Conference as well as reaffirming support for a two state solution the group condemned the expansion of Israeli settlements and the ongoing Palestinian displacement in East Jerusalem in particular in Sheikh Jarrah 106 On 22 September 2022 the group met with Josep Borrell High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process Tor Wennesland and in a statement said with a view to advancing the Middle East Peace Process towards a just comprehensive and lasting peace on the basis of the two state solution 107 Quartet developments Main article Quartet on the Middle East This article or section appears to be slanted towards recent events Please try to keep recent events in historical perspective and add more content related to non recent events March 2021 Learn how and when to remove this template message In July 2016 the Quartet reported The continuing policy of settlement construction and expansion in the West Bank and East Jerusalem designation of land for exclusive Israeli use and denial of Palestinian development including the recent high rate of demolitions is steadily eroding the viability of the two state solution This raises legitimate questions about Israel s long term intentions which are compounded by the statements of some Israeli ministers that there should never be a Palestinian state In fact the transfer of greater powers and responsibilities to Palestinian civil authority has effectively been stopped It was within this context that the United Nations passed Security Council Resolution 2334 in December 2016 in another bid to address the settlement question 108 109 The report was significantly altered to appease Israel and as well as urging Israel to stop its settlement policy urged Palestine to end incitement to violence 110 111 In a speech to the UN General Assembly in September 2018 Mahmoud Abbas called Donald Trump s policies towards Palestinians an assault on international law He said the US is too biased towards Israel indicating that others could broker talks and that the US could participate as a member of the Middle East peace Quartet 112 Abbas reiterated this position at a UN Security Council meeting on 11 February 2020 113 99 As of 16 September 2020 the UN has not been able to gather the consensus necessary for the Quartet or a group of countries linked to the Quartet to meet 114 115 On 25 September 2020 at the UN Abbas called for an international conference early in 2021 to launch a genuine peace process 116 On 15 February 2021 the quartet envoys met virtually and agreed to meet on a regular basis to continue their engagement 117 On 23 March 2021 the Quartet discussed the reviving of meaningful negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians who both need to refrain from unilateral actions that make a two state solution more difficult to achieve 118 119 Alternative peace proposalsAnother approach was taken by a team of negotiators led by former Israeli Justice Minister Yossi Beilin and former Palestinian Information Minister Yasser Abed Rabbo following two and a half years of secret negotiations On 1 December 2003 the two parties signed an unofficial suggested plan for peace in Geneva dubbed the Geneva Accord In sharp contrast to the road map it is not a plan for a temporary ceasefire but a comprehensive and detailed solution aiming at all the issues at stake in particular Jerusalem the settlements and the refugee problem 120 It was met with bitter denunciation by the Israeli government and many Palestinians with the Palestinian Authority staying non committal but it was warmly welcomed by many European governments and some significant elements of the Bush Administration including Secretary of State Colin Powell Yet another approach was proposed by a number of parties inside and outside Israel a binational solution whereby Israel would formally annex the Palestinian territories but would make the Palestinian Arabs citizens in a unitary secular state Championed by Edward Said and New York University professor Tony Judt the suggestion aroused both interest and condemnation It was not actually a new idea dating back as far as the 1920s but it was given extra prominence by the growing demographic issues raised by a rapidly expanding Arab population in Israel and the territories Considering the huge political and demographic issues that it would raise however it seems an improbable solution to the problem The Elon Peace Plan is a solution for the Arab Israeli conflict proposed in 2002 by former minister Binyamin Elon The plan advocates the formal annexation of West Bank and Gaza by Israel and that Palestinians will become either Jordanian citizens or permanent residents in Israel so long as they remained peaceful and law abiding residents All these actions should be done in agreement with Jordan and the Palestinian population This solution is tied to the demographics of Jordan where it s claimed that Jordan is essentially already the Palestinian state as it has so many Palestinian refugees and their descendants 121 Some difficulties with past peace processesA common feature of all attempts to create a path which would lead to peace is the fact that more often than not promises to carry out good will measures were not carried out by both sides 122 Furthermore negotiations to attain agreement on the final status have been interrupted due to outbreak of hostilities The result is that both Israelis and Palestinians have grown weary of the process Israelis point out the fact that the Gaza Strip is fully controlled by the Hamas who do not want peace with Israel 123 According to the Israeli view this limits the ability of the Palestinians to make peace with Israel and enforce it over the long term Furthermore in the Israeli view a violent overtake of the West Bank by the Hamas as a result of the creation of an unstable new state is likely 124 Lastly rhetoric from high ranking Fatah officials promising a full literal Palestinian right of return into Israel a position no Israeli government can accept without destroying the Jewish character of Israel makes peace negotiations more difficult for both sides 125 page needed The Palestinians point out to the extensive and continuing Israeli settlement effort in the West Bank restricting the area available to the Palestinian state 126 An attempt to change the rules was made by Condoleezza Rice and Tzipi Livni when they brought forth the concept of a shelf agreement 127 The idea was to disengage the linkage between negotiations and actions on the ground In theory this would allow negotiations until a shelf agreement defining peace would be obtained Such an agreement would not entail implementation It would just describe what peace is It would stay on the shelf but eventually will guide the implementation The difficulty with this notion is that it creates a dis incentive for Israel to reach such an agreement The lack of clarity about what happens after agreement is reached will result in insurmountable pressures on Abbas to demand immediate implementation However from the Israeli point of view the Palestinians are not ready to create a stable state such an implementation process will almost guarantee instability in the Palestinian areas with a possible Hamas takeover as happened in Gaza 128 As things stand now this brings the process to another impasse To avoid it some definition of what happens after a shelf agreement is needed One possible idea by this essay is to agree ahead of time that following attainment of a final status agreement there will be a negotiated detailed and staged implementation agreement which would define a process which would allow the creation of a stable functional Palestinian state in stages and over time 129 In Aug 2013 an indication that such an idea can be acceptable to the Palestinians was given by Mahmud Abbas in a meeting with Meretz MK s 130 In the meeting Abbas stated that there cannot be an interim agreement but only a final status deal that can be implemented in stages Joint economic effort and developmentMain article Projects working for peace among Israelis and Palestinians Despite the long history of conflict between Israelis and Palestinians there are many people working on peaceful solutions that respect the rights of peoples on both sides In March 2007 Japan proposed a plan for peace based on common economic development and effort rather than on continuous wrangling over land Both sides stated their support 131 This became the Peace Valley plan a joint effort of the Israeli Palestinian and Jordanian governments to promote economic cooperation and new business initiatives which can help both sides work together and create a better diplomatic atmosphere and better economic conditions It is mainly designed to foster efforts in the private sector once governments provide the initial investment and facilities See alsoIsrael Palestine relations Cold peace Israeli transfer of Palestinian militant bodies 2012 The Land of the Settlers Peace Now OneVoice Movement Women Wage Peace Movement Tolerance Monument Arab League and the Arab Israeli conflict Americans for Peace Now Seeds of Peace The Case for Peace PeaceMaker computer game Projects working for peace among Arabs and Israelis List of Middle East peace proposals The Environmental Provisions of Oslo II Accords Israeli Palestinian economic peace efforts History of the State of Palestine Paris Peace Conference 1919 1920 Faisal Weizmann Agreement 1919 Peel Commission International law and the Arab Israeli conflictNotes The 91 land offer was based on the Israeli definition of the West Bank but this differs by approximately 5 percentage points from the Palestinian definition Palestinians use a total area of 5 854 square kilometers Israel however omits the area known as No Man s Land 50 sq km near Latrun post 1967 East Jerusalem 71 sq km and the territorial waters of the Dead Sea 195 sq km which reduces the total to 5 538 sq km Thus an Israeli offer of 91 of 5 538 sq km of the West Bank translates into only 86 from the Palestinian perspective Jeremy Pressman International Security vol 28 no 2 Fall 2003 Visions in Collision What Happened at Camp David and Taba On 1 See pp 16 17References Eran Oded Arab Israel Peacemaking The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East Ed Avraham Sela New York Continuum 2002 p 121 Quandt William 2005 Peace process American diplomacy and the Arab Israeli conflict since 1967 Washington DC Brookings Institution and University of California Press ISBN 0 520 22374 8 Accessible at Google Books a b Pappe I 2004 A History of Modern Palestine One Land Two Peoples Cambridge Cambridge University Press Slater J 2001 What Went Wrong The Collapse of the Israeli Palestinian Peace Process Political Science Volume 116 Issue 2 pp 171 199 p 176 a b c d Slater J 2001 What Went Wrong The Collapse of the Israeli Palestinian Peace Process Political Science Volume 116 Issue 2 pp 171 199 Bregman A amp El Tahri J 1998 The Sixty Year War Israel and the Arabs London Penguin Books LeVine Mark 23 September 2011 Why Palestinians have a right to return home Al Jazeera Retrieved 21 June 2015 Facts About Israel Jerusalem Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2010 p 52 Saletan William 9 July 2014 Gaza civilian casualties While Hamas targets innocent people Israel tries to spare them Slate Retrieved 4 January 2016 It Hamas has been firing the new longer range missiles at cities anyway Hamas has also flatly rejected the principle of sparing civilians According to a Hamas spokesman All Israelis have now become legitimate targets Azulay Moran Peres to Ynet Abbas not Hamas is the partner Ynetnews 23 November 2012 23 November 2012 Peretz Martin Letter The New York Times 6 August 2020 6 August 2020 Oren Michael Hamas Left Israel No Choice but to Strike The New York Times 20 November 2012 20 November 2012 Pedahzur A 2005 Suicide Terrorism Cambridge Polity Press p 65 Levy Elior PA challenges Netanyahu to accept 1967 lines Ynetnews 22 May 2011 22 May 2011 Kessler Glenn 5 October 2005 Talking Points Aside Bush Stance on Palestinian State Is Not a First The Washington Post Nasaw Daniel 18 May 2009 Obama restates support for Palestinian state during Netanyahu visit The Guardian London Clinton laments counter productive U N vote on Palestine Jewish Journal 29 November 2012 29 November 2012 Kaplan Rebecca Obama Differences with Netanyahu are not personality clashes CBS News 24 March 2015 25 March 2015 F Verbit Mervin American Jews More Right than Left on the Peace Process erusalem Center for Public Affairs JCPA Berman Jewish Policy Archive Retrieved 4 January 2014 Mishal S and Sela A The Palestinian Hamas Vision Violence and Coexistence Columbia University Press 2006 p 275 Nathan Thrall 14 October 2010 Our Man in Palestine The New York Review of Books Retrieved 30 September 2010 Senker C the ArAb Israeli Conflict UK 2004 pp 4 9 Halliday F The Middle East in International Relations Cambridge 2005 p 307 Sayigh R The Palestinians From Peasants to Revolutionaries New York 2007 p 200 Chakrabarti Ran Palestine and International Law Fair Observer 30 January 2013 Cook J Disappearing Palestine London 2008 pp 244 246 Middle East News The Jerusalem Post The Jerusalem Post Retrieved 19 March 2018 Rachel Shabi The death of the Israel Palestine two state solution brings fresh hope The Guardian 23 October 2012 Retrieved 17 December 2013 David Poort The threat of a one state solution Al Jazeera 26 January 2011 Retrieved 17 December 2013 Pearson Education 1 October 2006 The Changing Dynamics of Energy in the Middle East Two Volumes Greenwood Publishing Group pp 66 ISBN 978 0 313 08364 8 Yezid Sayigh Avi Shlaim 22 May 1997 The Cold War and the Middle East Clarendon Press pp 4 ISBN 978 0 19 157151 0 Sela Avraham Arab Israeli Conflict The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East Ed Avraham Sela New York Continuum 2002 pp 58 121 Benny Morris 25 May 2011 Righteous Victims A History of the Zionist Arab Conflict 1881 1998 Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group p 354 ISBN 978 0 307 78805 4 The Israeli cabinet publicly rejected the plan in communiques issued on December 10 and 22 calling it an attempt to appease the Arabs at the expense of Israel But it was Egypt and the USSR who in fact definitively shot down the plan The Soviets dismissed it as one sided and pro Israeli Nasser rejected a separate deal with Israel even if he recovered all of Sinai as well as demilitarization of the peninsula after Israeli withdrawal freedom of maritime passage for Israeli vessels and various security arrangements all stipulated in the Rogers Plan as part of the quid pro quo Report of the Secretary General Under Security Council Resolution 331 1973 of 20 April 1973 United Nations Security Council 18 May 1973 Archived from the original on 7 April 2014 The Search for a Settlement from 1967 to date Eran Oded Arab Israel Peacemaking The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East Ed Avraham Sela New York Continuum 2002 p 137 Eran Oded Arab Israel Peacemaking The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East Ed Avraham Sela New York Continuum 2002 p 138 Facts About Israel Jerusalem Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2010 p 53 a b c d e Nathan Thrall What Future for Israel New York Review of Books 15 August 2013 pp 64 67 Mr Clinton s Mideast Peace Plan The New York Times 27 December 2000 10 December 2019 Camp David Summit 2000 ADL 10 December 2019 History of failed peace talks BBC 26 November 2007 Gold Dore The Fight for Jerusalem Radical Islam the West and the Future of the Holy City Washington DC Regnery Publishing Inc 2007 p 1 Oren Michael B Power Faith and Fantasy American in the Middle East 1776 to the Present New York W W Norton amp Company 2007 p 579 a b c Ross Dennis Doomed to Succeed The U S Israel Relationship From Truman to Obama New York Farrar Starus and Giroux 2015 p 293 Ben Meir Alon The Palestinian Refugees A Reassessment and a Solution Palestine Israel Journal of Politics Economics and Culture vol 15 16 no 4 2009 pp 65 71 ProQuest a b Hirsh Michael Clinton To Arafat it s All Your Newsweek 26 June 2001 17 November 2020 Clinton Parameters Archived 17 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine The Jewish Peace Lobby website full text English Beilin Yossi What really happened at Taba Palestinian Refugee ResearchNet 16 July 2002 10 December 2020 Salem Tanja Palestinian Refugees Centre for European Policy Studies July 2003 Response of FM Peres to the decisions of the Arab Summit in Beirut 28 Mar 2002 Archived from the original on 10 January 2006 Eran Oded Arab Israel Peacemaking The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East Ed Avraham Sela New York Continuum 2002 p 147 a b A Plan for Peace That Still Could Be New York Times Magazine 13 February 2011 a b PA rejects Olmert s offer to withdraw from 93 of West Bank Haaretz 12 August 2008 Israel Agrees to Truce with Hamas on Gaza The New York Times 18 June 2008 Mark Tessler The Israeli Palestinian Conflict in Ellen Lust ed The Middle East SAGE Publications 2013 pp 287 366 p 364 Netanyahu s revolution Haaretz 18 June 2009 Full text of Netanyahu s foreign policy speech at Bar Ilan Haaretz 14 June 2009 Dan Cohn Sherbok Dawoud El Alami The Palestine Israeli Conflict A Beginner s Guide Oneworld Publications 2015 p 87 a b Burns Robert 1 September 2010 Obama Opens Long Shot Talks on Mideast Peace ABC News Associated Press Landler Mark 5 September 2010 In Middle East Peace Talks Clinton Faces a Crucial Test The New York Times p A1 Tessler Mark A A History of the Israeli Palestinian Conflict Google Books Originally published in 1994 1 January 2011 p 718 Inhabitants of the occupied territories and other Palestinians had shown interest in a two state solution since the mid 1970s and the mainstream of the PLO had since the 1982 Arab summit Abu Toameh Khaled Abbas Land swap principle reached The Jerusalem Post Bronner Ethan 17 April 2012 Palestinians Restate Demands to Netanyahu The New York Times Retrieved 18 April 2012 Mahmoud Abbas 15 April 2012 Text of Abbas s letter to Netanyahu The Times of Israel Retrieved 18 April 2012 Stott Michael Nakhoul Samia 9 May 2012 Abbas ready to engage with Israel but says settlement building destroying hope Al Arabiya News Reuters Retrieved 9 May 2012 Netanyahu backs demilitarized Palestinian state Haaretz 14 June 2009 Retrieved 14 May 2012 Winer Stuart Ahren Raphael 14 May 2012 PM promises Abbas a demilitarized Palestinian state The Times of Israel Retrieved 14 May 2012 Ravid Barak 14 May 2012 Netanyahu to Abbas Israeli unity cabinet is a new opportunity for Mideast peace Haaretz Retrieved 14 May 2012 Ravid Barak 29 July 2013 Obama welcomes renewal of Israeli Palestinian talks but says hard choices lie ahead Haaretz Retrieved 7 February 2014 Hamas rejects Kerry s announcement Abbas has no authority to negotiate Ynetnews Ynet 20 July 2013 Retrieved 23 July 2013 Booth William 29 July 2013 Peace talks set to begin after Israel agrees to free 104 Palestinian prisoners The Washington Post Berman Lazar 7 August 2013 US peace envoy to come to Israel next week The Times of Israel Retrieved 14 August 2013 AFP US denies dismantling peace negotiators team Ynet 6 May 2014 Hamas and Fatah unveil Palestinian reconciliation deal BBC 23 April 2014 Sanctions and suspended talks Israel responds to Palestinian reconciliation Ynet News 24 April 2014 Israel suspends peace talks with Palestinians after Fatah Hamas deal The Guardian 24 April 2014 Israel suspends peace talks with Palestinians Batsheva Sobelman Los Angeles Times 24 April 2014 Fatah and Hamas agree landmark pact after seven year rift Peter Beaumont and Paul Lewis The Guardian 24 April 2014 The rival Palestinian leaderships of Fatah and Hamas made a fresh attempt Archived 24 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine France 24 AP 23 April 2014 Hamas and Fatah unveil Palestinian reconciliation deal 23 April 2014 PLO Hamas unity constitute reuniting West Bank and Gaza Ban Ki moon 29 April 2014 Archived from the original on 24 September 2015 Retrieved 1 May 2014 Israel begins implementing economic sanctions against Palestinians Ynet News 29 April 2014 New York Times 22 April 2014 Abbas Renews Threat to Dissolve Palestinian Authority if Peace Talks Fail Rasgon Adam Palestinian Leadership Considers The Jerusalem Post 23 August 2017 4 November 2019 Sanctions and suspended talks Israel responds to Palestinian reconciliation Retrieved 4 September 2014 Abbas to Submit Surprising Proposal to Kerry Retrieved 4 September 2014 a b c US rejected Abbas s peace plan PA says Retrieved 4 September 2014 Abbas Peace Plan Calls for Israeli Withdrawal Within 3 Years Retrieved 4 September 2014 a b Report Abbas peace plan calls for Israeli withdrawal from West Bank Retrieved 4 September 2014 Abbas peace plan Israeli withdrawal from West Bank within three years Retrieved 4 September 2014 Abu Mazen s Three Year Peace Plan for Israel Retrieved 4 September 2014 Abbas If Security Council bid fails we may end security cooperation with Israel Retrieved 1 October 2014 Palestinians sign up to join ICC BBC News 31 December 2014 Retrieved 19 March 2018 Staff Israel freezes Palestinian funds in response to ICC bid The Times of Israel Retrieved 7 February 2015 Palestinians to ban sale of products from 6 major Israeli companies The Jerusalem Post Retrieved 19 March 2018 Peace to Prosperity The Economic Plan Times of Israel 26 September 2019 At UN Abbas threatens to nix agreements with Israel if West Bank land annexed etrangeres Ministere de l Europe et des Affaires Participation of Jean Yves Le Drian in the Munich Security Conference Declaration by the Spokesperson of the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs 15 16 Feb 20 France Diplomacy Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs a b A New Quartet for Israeli Palestinian Peace 20 July 2020 Retrieved 18 September 2020 etrangeres Ministere de l Europe et des Affaires Joint Statement of the Foreign Ministers of France Germany Egypt and Jordan 7 Jul 20 France Diplomatie Ministere de l Europe et des Affaires etrangeres Arab European states call Israel and Palestine to restart talks Al Jazeera 24 September 2020 Retrieved 24 September 2020 Amman s closing statement on the Middle East Peace Process Roya news 24 September 2020 Retrieved 24 September 2020 Egypt Germany France Jordan meet to revive Mideast talks WAPO 11 January 2021 Retrieved 11 January 2021 dead link Arab European foreign ministers discuss Palestinian Israeli Occupation peace process in Cairo RoyaNews 11 January 2021 Retrieved 11 January 2021 The Middle East including the Palestinian Question Briefing and Consultations SecurityCouncilReport 24 March 2021 Retrieved 24 March 2021 Staff The New Arab 20 February 2022 Egypt France Germany Jordan FMs condemn Israel settlement expansion evictions english alaraby co uk Foreign ministers of Egypt France Germany and Jordan reiterate commitment to a just peace in the Middle East WAFA 22 September 2022 Shahram Akbarzadeh Kylie Baxter 13 June 2018 Middle East Politics and International Relations Taylor amp Francis pp 77 78 ISBN 978 1 351 67715 8 Report of the Middle East Quartet United Nations 1 July 2016 Retrieved 25 March 2021 Israel Palestine Parameters for a Two State Settlement International Crisis Group 28 November 2016 Retrieved 25 March 2021 Diplomatic Quartet releases report on advancing two state solution to Israel Palestine conflict United Nations 1 July 2016 Retrieved 25 March 2021 Rejecting Trump Abbas at UN says US is too biased to mediate peace talks 27 September 2018 Retrieved 18 September 2020 Security Council Report PDF UN unable to convene Quartet to discuss annexation MEMO 27 June 2020 Retrieved 25 September 2020 Abraham Accord Quartet Press Conference by Secretary General Antonio Guterres at UN Headquarters SG SM 20258 Excerpts United Nations 25 September 2020 Retrieved 25 September 2020 Palestinian leader calls for new peace process in UN speech WAPO 25 September 2020 Retrieved 25 September 2020 A New Tune From The Middle East Quartet OpEd Eurasia review 26 February 2021 Retrieved 24 March 2021 Mideast Quartet Discusses Reviving Meaningful Israel Palestinian Peace Talks Haaretz 24 March 2021 Retrieved 24 March 2021 Statement by the Middle East Quartet Envoys UNSCO 23 March 2021 Retrieved 24 March 2021 Brynen Rex The Geneva Accord and the Palestinian Refugee Issue ResearchGate 29 February 2004 Amishav Medved Yael Jordan as the Palestinian Arab state Israel Science and Technology Retrieved 4 January 2014 ZOA Palestinian Arab Violations of Road Map IMRA Retrieved 4 January 2014 Hamas Encyclopaedia Britannica 17 January 2019 6 December 2020 al Mughrabi Nidal 9 November 2007 Hamas leader sees W Bank takeover if Israel leaves Reuters Schwartz Adi and Einat Wilf The War of Return Google Books 28 April 2020 7 December 2020 Palestinian official We re ready for talks with U S but not Israel Haaretz Israel News Haaretz Archived from the original on 22 October 2009 Retrieved 11 January 2022 Al Tamimi Jumana 26 August 2008 Rice discusses shelf agreement Gulf News Retrieved 4 January 2014 Shelf Agreement Attempt to Anchor the Two State Solution may Bury PDF Reut Institute Retrieved 4 January 2014 A better route to Israeli Palestinian peace MideastWeb Middle East Web Log Retrieved 4 January 2014 Abbas tells Meretz MKs No progress in peace talks with Israel The Jerusalem Post Retrieved 4 January 2014 Israelis Palestinians applaud Japanese development plan Associated Press via Haaretz com 15 March 2007 External linksIsrael Palestinian Negotiations Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs The Reut Institute BBC News History of Mid East peace talks Palestinian Israeli Relations MyJewishLearning com Netanyahu s two state mask has slipped by Henry Siegman The Arab Israeli Peace Process Is Over Enter the Era of Chaos by Lee Smith Netanyahu lowers expectations for Israeli Palestinian peace by Lahav Harkov A presentation of the Lubavitcher Rebbe s views on the Jewish people s connection with the Holy Land the Arab Israeli conflict and the so called Land for Peace issue The Israel Project Timeline of Israeli Arab Peace Initiatives since 1977 The History of the Peace Process in the Context of the 2013 John Kerry Peace Efforts Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Palestinian Territories August 2013 Beyond Intractability A Free Knowledge Base on More Constructive Approaches to Destructive Conflict The Jerusalem Fund Resources Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Israeli Palestinian peace process amp oldid 1139918405, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

article

, read, download, free, free download, mp3, video, mp4, 3gp, jpg, jpeg, gif, png, picture, music, song, movie, book, game, games.