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Aonghus Óg of Islay

January 01, 1970

Aonghus Óg Mac Domhnaill (died 1314 × 1318/c. 1330), or Angus Og MacDonald, was a fourteenth-century Scottish magnate and chief of Clann Domhnaill.[note 1] He was a younger son of Aonghus Mór mac Domhnaill, Lord of Islay. After the latter's apparent death, the chiefship of the kindred was assumed by Aonghus Óg's elder brother, Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill.

Aonghus Óg Mac Domhnaill
Lord of Islay
Aonghus Óg's name as it appears in a facsimile of correspondence between him and his feudal overlord, Edward I, King of England: "Engus de Yle".[1]
PredecessorAlasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill?
Died1314 × 1318/c. 1330
BuriedIona
Noble familyClann Domhnaill
Spouse(s)Áine Ní Chatháin
IssueEóin (John of Islay)
Máire
Áine?
Eóin (illegitimate)
FatherAonghus Mór mac Domhnaill

Most of the documentation regarding Aonghus Óg's career concerns his support of Edward I, King of England against supporters of John, King of Scotland. The latter's principal adherents on the western seaboard of Scotland were Clann Dubhghaill, regional rivals of Clann Domhnaill. Although there is much uncertainty concerning the Clann Domhnaill chiefship at this period in history, at some point after Alasdair Óg's apparent death at the hands of Clann Dubhghaill in 1299, Aonghus Óg seems to have taken up the chiefship as Lord of Islay.

Pressure from Clann Domhnaill and other supporters of the English Crown evidently compelled Clann Dubhghaill into coming onside with the English in the first years of the fourteenth century. However, when Robert Bruce VII, Earl of Carrick murdered the Scottish claimant John Comyn of Badenoch in 1306, and subsequently made himself King of Scotland (as Robert I), Clann Domhnaill seems to have switched their allegiance to Robert I in an effort to gain leverage against Clann Dubhghaill. Members of Clann Domhnaill almost certainly harboured the latter in 1306, when he was doggedly pursued by adherents of the English Crown.

Following Robert I's successful consolidation of the Scottish kingship, Aonghus Óg and other members of his kindred were rewarded with extensive grants of territories formerly held by their regional opponents. According to the late fourteenth-century Bruce, Aonghus Óg participated in the Battle of Bannockburn in 1314, Robert I's greatest victory over the English. It is uncertain when Aonghus Óg died. It could have been before or after the death of an unknown member of the clan at the Battle of Faughart in 1318—a man who seems to have held the chiefship at the time. Certainly, Eóin Mac Domhnaill—Aonghus Óg's lawful son by Áine Ní Chatháin—held the chiefship by the 1330s, and became the first member of Clann Domhnaill to rule as Lord of the Isles.

Familial background edit

Aonghus Óg was a younger[18] son of Aonghus Mór mac Domhnaill, Lord of Islay, chief of Clann Domhnaill.[19][note 2] The latter last appears on record in 1293, when he was listed as one of the principal landholders in Argyll. At about this period, the territories possessed by the clan comprised Kintyre, Islay, southern Jura, and perhaps Colonsay and Oronsay.[21] Clann Domhnaill was a branch of Clann Somhairle. Other branches included Clann Dubhghaill—the senior-most—and Clann Ruaidhrí.[22]

Aonghus Óg's mother was a member of the Caimbéalaigh kindred (the Campbells).[23] According to Hebridean tradition preserved by the seventeenth-century Sleat History, she was a daughter of Cailéan Mór Caimbéal, a leading member of the Caimbéalaigh.[24][note 3] Aonghus Óg had a sister who married Domhnall Óg Ó Domhnaill, King of Tír Chonaill;[26] another sister who married Hugh Bisset;[27] an older brother, Alasdair Óg,[28] who appears to have succeeded their father by 1296;[29] and another brother, Eóin Sprangach, ancestor of the Ardnamurchan branch of Clann Domhnaill.[30]

In English service against King John Balliol edit

 
The seal of Aonghus Mór, father of Alasdair Óg and Aonghus Óg.[31][note 4]

When Alexander III, King of Scotland died in 1286, his acknowledged heir was his granddaughter, Margaret. Although this Norwegian girl was accepted by the magnates of the realm, and betrothed to the heir of Edward I, King of England, she perished on her journey to Scotland, and her death triggered a succession crisis.[35]

The leading claimants to kingship were John Balliol, Lord of Galloway and Robert Bruce V, Lord of Annandale. By common consent, Edward I was invited to arbitrate the dispute. In 1292, John Balliol's claims were accepted, and he was duly inaugurated as King of Scotland.[36] Unfortunately for this king, his ambitious English counterpart systematically undermined his royal authority, and John's reign lasted only about four years.[37] In 1296, after John ratified a military treaty with France, and refused to hand over Scottish castles to Edward I's control, the English marched north and crushed the Scots at Dunbar. Edward I's forces proceeded forward virtually unopposed, whereupon Scotland fell under English control.[38]

 
The arms of the Lord of Argyll depicted in the fourteenth-century Balliol Roll.[39][note 5]

The chief of Clann Dubhghaill in the last quarter of the thirteenth century and first decade of the next was Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, Lord of Argyll.[44] The wife of this pre-eminent magnate—and mother of Eóin Mac Dubhghaill, his son and successor—was almost certainly a member of the Comyn kindred, a family closely bound to the Balliol family.[45]

During the short Balliol regime, Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill had been appointed Sheriff of Lorn, a position which made him the Scottish Crown's representative throughout much of the western seaboard, including Clann Domhnaill and Caimbéalaigh territories.[46] If tradition preserved by the seventeenth-century Ane Accompt of the Genealogie of the Campbells is to be believed, Clann Dubhghaill overcame and slew Cailéan Mór in the 1290s.[47] Certainly, Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill came into bloody conflict with his Clann Domhnaill counterpart during the decade.[48]

 
The seal of Aonghus Óg's elder brother, Alasdair Óg, chief of Clann Domhnaill.[49]

This Clann Somhairle infighting appears to have stemmed from Alasdair Óg's marriage to an apparent member of Clann Dubhghaill, and seems to have concerned this woman's territorial claims.[50] Although the opposing chiefs swore to postpone their disagreement in 1292, and uphold the peace in the "isles and outlying territories", the struggle continued throughout the 1290s.[51]

Clann Dubhghaill authority along the western seaboard was seriously threatened by about 1296, when Alasdair Óg was acting as Edward I's royal representative in the region.[52] Certainly, Alasdair Óg appealed to the English king regarding Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill's ravaging of Clann Domhnaill territories in 1297,[53] and may well be identical to the like-named Clann Domhnaill dynast who was recorded slain against Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill two years later.[54] If this identification is indeed correct, this could have been the point when Aonghus Óg succeeded Alasdair Óg as chief.[55]

Shift of allegiance to the Bruce cause edit

 
A thirteenth-century illumination of Edward I on folio 6v of British Library Cotton Vitellius A XIII.[56]

In February 1306, Robert the Bruce, a claimant to the Scottish throne, killed his chief rival to the kingship, John Comyn of Badenoch.[57] Although Bruce was crowned King of Scots by March, the English Crown immediately struck back, defeating his forces in June. By September, Robert was a fugitive, and escaped into the Hebrides.[58] There is no certain record of Aonghus Óg between 1301 and 1306.[59] According to the highly reliable fourteenth-century poem The Brus, Aonghus Óg played an instrumental part in Robert's survival and was ever loyal to the Bruce. Specifically, this source relates that, after Robert was defeated at Methven and Dalrigh in the summer of 1306, the king fled into the mountains and made for the coast of Kintyre, where he was protected by Aonghus Óg himself at Dunaverty Castle.[60] Although the Bruce maintains that Aonghus Óg harboured the king at Dunaverty Castle,[61] contemporary evidence reveals that Robert I's men were already in possession of the fortress by March, having acquired it from a certain Malcolm le fitz l'Engleys.[62] In fact, in the immediate aftermath of John Comyn's death, Robert secured control of several western fortresses (including that of Dunaverty), seemingly in an effort to keep a lane open for military assistance from Ireland or the Hebrides.[63][note 6]

 
Now-ruinous Dunyvaig Castle. It is conceivable that Robert I found refuge at this Clann Domhnaill fortress in 1306.[66] Whether he was harboured at the hands of Aonghus Óg himself or some other rival chieftain is uncertain.[67]

Penman's speculation is at odds with sources that speak of the Turnberry Band in 1286 that bound the Macdonalds to the Bruces and the long-standing friendship of Angus Og and Robert Bruce, as a result of which Angus Og fought with Robert Bruce in many of his battles from 1306 to Bannockburn.[68]

According to the Bruce, Robert I stayed at the castle for three days before fleeing to Rathlin Island.[69] There is reason to suspect that this account instead masks an historical incident in which the king fled from Kintyre to a Clann Domhnaill castle on Islay—perhaps Dunyvaig Castle—the next northernmost island.[70][note 7] If the account of Rathlin given by the Bruce actually refers to Islay, it is still uncertain if Aonghus Óg played any part in the king's salvation.[66] In any case, contemporary sources reveal that Dunaverty Castle succumbed to an English-backed siege in September.[73] Quite where Robert I fled after leaving Kinytre is uncertain. He could have spent time in the Hebrides, Ulster, or Orkney.[74] Certainly, the fourteenth-century Gesta Annalia II states that the king was assisted by Cairistíona Nic Ruaidhrí—an heiress with Hebridean connections[75]—and it is possible that the king indeed set sail for a Clann Ruaidhrí or Clann Domhnaill island.[76] Moreover, Edward I himself thought that Robert I was hidden somewhere amongst the islands on the western seaboard.[77][note 8]

 
The seal of John Menteith,[81] one of several leading Scottish noblemen who were tasked to sweep the western seaboard with their galley fleets in search of the fugitive Robert I.

The catalyst behind Clann Domhnaill's shift of allegiance from Edward I to Robert I likely lies in local Hebridean politics as well as Scottish patriotism and loyalty to Robert Bruce.[82] Whilst Edward I's destruction of the Balliol regime in 1296 resulted in Clann Dubhghaill finding itself out of favour with the English regime, Clann Domhnaill seems to have sided with the English Crown in an effort to earn royal support in its localised power struggle with Clann Dubhghaill.[83] To the leading clans on the western seaboard, internecine rivalries appear to have been more of a concern than the greater war over the Scottish Crown.[84] Aonghus Óg's documented service to the English Crown in the years after Alasdair Óg's apparent death was almost certainly undertaken in the context of pursuing his kindred's struggle against Clann Dubhghaill.[59] Pressure from Clann Domhnaill and other supporters of the English Crown evidently compelled Clann Dubhghaill into coming onside with the English in the first years of the fourteenth century.[85][note 9] Whilst Robert I's subsequent murder of John Comyn undoubtedly galvanised Clann Dubhghaill's new-found alignment with Edward I, it also precipitated Clann Domhnaill's realignment of support from the English Crown to the Bruce cause.[88][note 10] Although Edward I ordered Hugh and John Menteith to sweep the western seaboard with their fleets in 1307,[90] the evanescent Scottish monarch remained at large, seemingly harboured by Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhrí.[91]

Rewarded service to the Scottish Crown, and a contested chiefship edit

 
The seal of Robert I.[92] After seizing the throne for himself, this embattled king appears to have partly owed his survival to efforts of Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhrí.[91]

In 1307, at about the time of Edward I's death in July, Robert I mounted a remarkable return to power, first striking into Carrick in about February.[93] By 1309, Robert I's opponents had been largely overcome, and he held his first parliament as king.[94] Clann Domhnaill clearly benefited from their support of the Bruce cause. Although no royal charters associated with the kindred exist from this period, there are seventeenth-century charter indices that note several undated royal grants.[95] For instance, Aonghus Óg was granted the former Comyn lordship of Lochaber and the adjacent regions of Ardnamurchan, Morvern, Duror, and Glencoe;[96] whilst a certain Alasdair of the Isles received the former Clann Dubhghaill islands of Mull and Tiree.[97][note 11]

Although the indices fail to note any Clann Domhnaill grants concerning Islay and Kintyre it is not inconceivable that the kindred received grants of these territories as well.[99] Later in the fourteenth century, Aonghus Óg's son, Eóin Mac Domhnaill, was granted the territories of Ardnamurchan, Colonsay, Gigha, Glencoe, Jura, Kintyre, Knapdale, Lewis, Lochaber, Morvern, Mull, and Skye. It is possible that the basis for many of these grants laid in the clan's military support of the Bruce cause, and stemmed from concessions gained from the embattled king in about 1306.[100] If this was indeed the case, the fact that Robert I later granted a significant portion of these territories (Lochaber, Kintyre, Skye, and lands in Argyll) to other magnates suggests that his conceivable concessions to Clann Domhnaill may have been undertaken with some reluctance.[101]

 
Image a
 
Image b
 
Image c
Facsimiles of correspondence between Clann Domhnaill and the English Crown: a letter from Aonghus Mór and Alasdair Óg (image a),[102] one to which was attached the seal of Alasdair Óg (image b),[103] and one from Aonghus Óg (image c).[1]

There is reason to suspect that the Clann Domhnaill chiefship was contested during this period.[104] For example, the royal grants to Aonghus Óg and Alasdair of the Isles—a man whose identity is uncertain — could be evidence that these two were competitors.[105] Another apparent claimant to the chiefship, a certain Domhnall of Islay[106] — whose identity is likewise uncertain—was present at the parliament of 1309.[107][note 12] Furthermore, the Bruce states that when Robert I fled to Dunaverty Castle in 1306 he was fearful of treason during his stay.[109][note 13] One possibility is that this statement preserves a record of the king's vulnerability to competing regional factions. Although the Bruce specifies that the Clann Domhnaill dynast to whom the king owed his salvation was Aonghus Óg, there is reason to question this claim.[67] If Robert I indeed found protection at a Clann Domhnaill fortress—like Dunyvaig Castle—the attestations of Domhnall of Islay could indicate that it was he who assisted the king.[66]

The Bruce was certainly influenced by later political realities,[111] and was composed during the reign of Robert II, King of Scotland (reigned 1371–1390), the father-in-law of Eóin Mac Domhnaill.[112] The fact that this son of Aonghus Óg ruled as chief when the poem was composed could account for the remarkably favourable light in which Aonghus Óg is portrayed.[113] If the account of Rathlin Island given by the Bruce actually refers to Islay and Dunyvaig Castle, the description of the island's reluctant inhabitants being forced to assist the king could indicate that he did not trust the Clann Domhnaill lord.[66]

Furthermore, the claim that Aonghus Óg was Lord of Kintyre during this period could stem from the fact that, by the time the Bruce was composed, Eóin Mac Domhnaill was married to a daughter of the Robert II, and had gained this contested lordship by way of her tocher.[114][note 14]

Seemingly in 1310, whilst in the service of the English Crown, Aonghus Óg inquired of Edward II, King of England as to whether Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill was within the king's peace, and entreated the king on behalf of several unnamed members of Clann Ruaidhrí—men were then aiding Aonghus Óg's English-aligned forces—to grant these Clann Ruaidhrí clansmen feu of their ancestral lands.[117] An indication of the military might at Clann Dubhghaill's disposal may be Aonghus Óg's expressed opinion that, if he were able to join forces with Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, Edward II would have nothing to fear from his enemies.[118] The fact that Aonghus Óg styled himself "of Islay" in his letter could be evidence that he was indeed acting as chief at this point.[119] Another letter—this one from Hugh to Edward II — reveals that Hugh, Eóin Mac Suibhne, and Aonghus Óg himself, were engaged in maritime operations on behalf of the English Crown, and were enquiring of the king about the status of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill.[120][note 15]

Participation in the Battle of Bannockburn edit

 
An imaginative nineteenth-century depiction of Aonghus Óg at the Battle of Bannockburn.[126]

In the summer of 1313, Robert I's brother, Sir Edward Bruce, made an agreement with Sir Philip Mowbray, the English commander at Stirling Castle, that gave the English one year to relieve the English garrison or they would surrender the castle. In consequence of this agreement, Edward II announced a massive invasion of Scotland.[127] On 23–24 June, the English and Scottish royal armies clashed near Stirling at what became known as the Battle of Bannockburn. Although there are numerous accounts of the battle, one of the most important sources is the Bruce,[128] which specifies that the Scottish army was divided into several battalions. According to this source, the king's battalion was composed of men from Carrick, Argyll, Kintyre, the Hebrides (all of Angus Og Macdonald's Islesmen), and the Scottish Lowlands.[129][note 16] Although the size of the opposing armies is uncertain,[131] the Scottish force was undoubtedly smaller than that of English,[128] and may well have numbered somewhere between five thousand[132] and ten thousand.[133] The battle resulted in one of the worst military defeats suffered by the English.[134] Amongst the Hebridean contingent, the Bruce notes Aonghus Óg himself, who commanded the Islesmen and men of Argyll.[135] According to this source, the king's battalion played a significant part in the conflict: for although it had hung back during the onset of hostilities, the battalion engaged the English at critical point in the fray.[136] In any event, just as with the episode at Dunaverty, John Barbour's association of Aonghus Óg with Bannockburn could well be influenced by later political realities.[137] However, John Barbour's account is recognised as highly accurate, and there is no evidence giving a reason to question the point and much to suggest Angus Og's support meant much, as witnessed by the many isles and lands a grateful King Robert bestowed on Angus Og.

Clann Domhnaill's part in the Bruce campaign in Ireland edit

 
The arms of the Earl of Carrick depicted in Balliol Roll.[138]

Aonghus Óg—or at least a close relative—may have played a part in the Scottish Crown's later campaigning against the Anglo-Irish in Ireland.[139] In 1315, Robert I's younger brother, Edward Bruce, Earl of Carrick, launched an invasion of Ireland and claimed the high-kingship of Ireland. For three years, the Scots and their Irish allies campaigned on the island against the Anglo-Irish and their allies.[140][note 17] Although every other pitched-battle between the Scots and the Anglo-Irish resulted in a Scottish victory,[146] the utter catastrophe at the Battle of Faughart cost Edward his life and brought an end to the Bruce regime in Ireland.[147]

According to the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé, a certain "Mac Ruaidhri ri Innsi Gall" and a "Mac Domnaill, ri Oirir Gaidheal" were slain in the onslaught.[148] This source is mirrored by several other Irish annals including the fifteenth - to sixteenth-century Annals of Connacht,[149] the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters,[150] the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster,[151] and the seventeenth-century Annals of Clonmacnoise.[152][note 18] The precise identities of these men are unknown for certain, although they could well have been the heads of Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill.[154] Whilst the slain member of Clann Ruaidhrí seems to have been Ruaidhrí,[155] the identity of the Clann Domhnaill dynast is much less certain. He could have been Alasdair Óg (if this man was not the one who had been killed in 1299),[156] or perhaps a son of Alasdair Óg.[157] Another possibility is that he was Aonghus Óg himself,[139] or perhaps a son of his.[158] An after-effect of the continued support of Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhrí to the Bruce cause was the destruction of their regional rivals like Clann Dubhghaill.[159] In fact, the albeit exaggerated title "King of Argyll" accorded to the slain Clann Domhnaill dynast in many of these annal-entries exemplifies the catastrophic effect that the rise of the Bruce regime had on its opponents like Clann Dubhghaill.[160] By the mid-part of the century, Clann Domhnaill, under the leadership of Aonghus Óg's succeeding son, was undoubtedly the most powerful branch of Clann Somhairle.[159]

Death and descendants edit

 
Facsimile of the arms of "The lord of ye Ilis" in the sixteenth-century Sir David Lindsay's Armorial.[161] A son of Aonghus Óg was the first member of Clann Domhnaill to bear the title Lord of the Isles.

Aonghus Óg died at some point after the Battle of Bannockburn—notwithstanding the Hebridean tradition preserved by the eighteenth-century Book of Clanranald and the Sleat History that dates his death to about 1300.[162] Henry Lee, in his "History of the Clan Donald" states that Angus Og died at his castle in Finlaggan on Islay in 1330 and was buried at Iona.[163] One possibility is that he died between 1314 and 1318.[164] This could well have been the case if the slain Clann Domhnaill chieftain at Faughart was indeed his son and successor.[165] After 1330, the Clann Domhnaill lordship seems to have taken up by his son, Eóin Mac Domhnaill.[166]

The political situation in the Hebrides is murky between this man's accession and the disaster at Faughart,[167] and it is possible that an after-effect of this defeat was a period of Clann Ruaidhrí dominance in the region.[168] In 1325, a certain "Roderici de Ylay", Ruaidhrí of Islay, suffered the forfeiture of his possessions by Robert I.[169] Although this record could refer to a member of Clann Ruaidhrí[170]—perhaps Raghnall Mac Ruaidhrí[171]—another possibility is that the individual actually refers to a member of Clann Domhnaill[172]—perhaps a son of either Alasdair Óg[173] or Aonghus Óg.[174]

If Ruaidhrí of Islay was indeed a member of Clann Domhnaill, and a son of Alasdair Óg, his expulsion may have marked the downfall of Alasdair Óg's descendants—Clann Alasdair—and may account for the fact that this branch of Clann Domhnaill failed to hold power in Hebrides after this date. As such, Ruaidhrí of Islay's expulsion could well mark the date upon which Clann Alasdair relocated overseas.[175] The eclipse of Alasdair Óg's line—the senior branch of Clann Domhnaill—may explain the rise of Aonghus Óg's line. If Ruaidhrí of Islay indeed represented the line of Alasdair Óg, his forfeiture evidently paved the way for the rise of Eóin Mac Domhnaill.[176] In fact, before the end of Robert I's reign, this son of Aonghus Óg appears to have administered Islay on behalf of the Scottish Crown,[177] and eventually came to be the first[178] Clann Domhnaill dynast to bear the title dominus insularum ("Lord of the Isles").[179]

If Aonghus Óg was still alive in 1325, he would have witnessed Robert I's apparent show of force into Argyll within the same year. Although Aonghus Óg's tenure as chief is remarkable in regard to his close support of the Bruce cause, the later career of Eóin Mac Domhnaill saw a conspicuous cooling of relations with the Bruce regime—a distancing which may well have contributed to the latter's adoption of the title "Lord of the Isles".[180][note 19]

 
A grave-slab sometimes thought to be that of Aonghus Óg, but may be that of a later like-named man.[182][note 20]

Aonghus Óg married Áine Ní Chatháin, an Irish woman from Ulster.[185] According to the Sleat History, Áine Ní Chatháin's tocher consisted of one hundred and forty men from each surname that dwelt in the territory of her father, Cú Maighe na nGall Ó Catháin.[186] The Book of Clanranald numbers the men at eighty.[187] The Uí Catháin of Ciannachta were a major branch of the Uí Néill kindred,[188] and the léine chneas or "train of followers" that is said to have accompanied Áine Ní Chatháin is the most remarkable retinue to have arrived through a marriage from Ireland in Scottish tradition.[189] In any case, this tocher appears similar to an historical one dating almost a century earlier, when a Clann Ruaidhrí bride brought over one hundred and sixty warriors to her Irish husband.[190] The tradition of the Clann Domhnaill–Uí Catháin union is corroborated by the record of an English safe-conduct instrument granted to Áine Ní Chatháin, identified as the mother of Eóin Mac Domhnaill in 1338.[191] At a later date, Áine Ní Chatháin appears to have remarried a member of Clann Aodha Buidhe,[192] a branch of the Ó Néill kindred.[193][note 21]

Aonghus Óg and Áine Ní Chatháin were the parents of Eóin Mac Domhnaill.[199] Another child of the couple may be the Áine Nic Domhnaill noted in the Clann Lachlainn pedigree preserved by the fifteenth-century manuscript National Library of Scotland Advocates' 72.1.1 (MS 1467). This source reveals that this woman was the wife of Lachlann Óg Mac Lachlainn, and mother of his son, Eóin Mac Lachlainn.[200] Whatever the case, a certain daughter of Aonghus Óg was Máire, a woman who married William III, Earl of Ross.[201] Aonghus Óg appears to have also had another son named Eóin,[202] a man from whom descended the Glencoe branch of Clann Domhnaill.[203]

Although the parentage of Alasdair of the Isles is uncertain, one possibility is that he was another son of Aonghus Óg.[204] Domhnall of Islay could have also been his son.[205]

According to the seventeenth-century Macintosh History, an ancestor of Clann Mhic an Tóisigh named Fearchar married a daughter of Aonghus Óg named "Moram". As Fearchar died in 1274, it suggests this source has confused Aonghus Óg and Aonghus Mór.[206] According to the Sleat History, an illegitimate daughter of Aonghus Mór was the mother of an early chiefly ancestor of Clann Mhic an Tóisigh. The father of this ancestor is stated to have fled to Aonghus Mór whilst on the run for committing manslaughter. Having fathered a son with Aonghus Mór's daughter, the man is stated to have campaigned with Edward Bruce in Ireland where he was slain. The Sleat History also claims that the slain man's son—the ancestor of later Clann Mhic an Tóisigh chiefs—was brought up in Clann Domhnaill territory and endowed by the kindred with lands in Lochaber and Moray.[207] Alexander Mackintosh Shaw also confirms the father of Moran to be Aonghus Mór; "Ferquhard's intercourse with the fair Mora of Isla was at first of an unauthorised character, and that, this being discovered, the lover fled to avoid the wrath of the powerful father. He took refuge in Ireland, but before he had been there long he was recalled, and on his return made Mora his wife."[208]

Ancestry edit

In media edit

Aonghus Óg appears as a character in the 2018 historical drama film Outlaw King, where he is portrayed by Scottish actor Tony Curran.[215]

Notes edit

  1. ^ Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Aonghus Óg various patronyms in English secondary sources: Áengus Óc Mac Domnaill,[2] Aengus Óg Mac Domnaill,[3] Aengus Óg MacDomhnaill,[4] Angus Macdonald,[5] Angus MacDonald,[6] Angus Og mac Donald,[7] Angus Og macDonald,[7] Angus Óg MacDonald,[8] Angus Og Macdonald,[9] Angus Og MacDonald,[10] Angus Òg MacDonald,[11] Aonghas Óg MacDhomhnaill,[12] Aonghas Óg MacDòmhnaill,[13] Aonghas Óg MacDomhnaill,[14] Aonghas Óg MacDonald,[15] Aonghus Óg Mac Domhnaill,[16] and Aonghus Óg MacDomnaill.[17]
  2. ^ The Gaelic Óg and Mór mean "young" and "big" respectively.[20]
  3. ^ The identity of this woman is unsupported by traditional genealogies of the Caimbéalaigh.[25]
  4. ^ The device appears to be similar to that which was ascribed to Aonghus Mór's paternal grandfather in the fifteenth century.[32] The seals of Aonghus Mór and Alasdair Óg are the earliest examples of heraldry utilised by Clann Domhnaill.[33] The legend reads "S' ENGVS DE YLE FILII DOMNALDI", whilst the seal itself is blazoned on waves, a lymphad bearing four men, not on a shield.[34]
  5. ^ The escutcheon is blazoned: or, a galley sable with dragon heads at prow and stern and flag flying gules, charged on the hull with four portholes argent.[40] The coat of arms corresponds to the seal of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill.[41] Since the galley (lymphad) was a symbol of Clann Dubhghaill and seemingly Raghnall mac Somhairle—ancestor of Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill—it is conceivable that it was also a symbol of the Clann Somhairle progenitor, Somhairle mac Giolla Brighde.[42] It was also a symbol of the Crovan dynasty, which could mean that it passed to Somhairle's family through his wife.[43]
  6. ^ This procurement of west coast castles could be evidence that he had also arranged for maritime support from kindreds like Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhrí.[64] The entire episode of Aonghus Óg aiding Robert at Dunaverty, as alleged by The Brus, is absent from the account of the king's flight given by the fourteenth-century Gesta Annalia II.[65]
  7. ^ The Bruce declares that, when Robert I landed on Rathlin, the inhabitants fled to a "rycht stalwart castell". Whether such a castle existed on Rathlin is questionable, and the claim that the islanders promised to render daily provisions for three hundred of the king's supporters could be evidence that the text refers to a larger island in the Hebrides.[71] Furthermore, the lord of Rathlin at about the time of the supposed landing was Hugh. The fact that this man was then in the midst of serving the English Crown's maritime forces in the region suggests that he was unlikely to have assented to the Scottish king's use of the island.[72]
  8. ^ There is reason to suspect that Robert I had been fostered by a family in either Ireland or the west coast of Scotland.[78] Candidates include Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhrí.[79] According to the fourteenth-century Guisborough Chronicle, the king was supported by Scots and Irishmen in Kintyre, and was able to draw rents from Carrick in November 1306.[80]
  9. ^ At some point, by 1304, Robert Bruce VII married a daughter of Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster.[86] One possibility is that Edward I allowed or arranged for this union with the hope that the two families would counter the threat posed by Clann Dubhghaill and Clann Ruaidhrí.[87]
  10. ^ John Comyn may well have been a first cousin of Eóin Mac Dubhghaill.[89]
  11. ^ The date of these grants is unknown.[98]
  12. ^ This man is attested by numerous contemporary records. Several of these reveal that Eóin Mac Dubhghaill was commissioned to bring him—and an apparent brother of Domhnall named Gofraidh—into the peace of the English king.[108]
  13. ^ Although the less than non-partisan Sleat History declares that Aonghus Óg was "always a follower of King Robert Bruce in all his wars", there is reason to suspect that this statement may betray a degree of insecurity on the historian's part.[110]
  14. ^ Earlier, during the tenure of Alasdair Óg, Clann Domhnaill appears to have vied for control of swathes of Kintyre with Malcolm.[115] This man appears to be identical to the Lord of Kintyre who was slain in 1307 campaigning with two of Robert I's brothers in Galloway.[116]
  15. ^ Although these letters of Aonghus Óg and Hugh are sometimes assumed to date to 1301,[121] another letter associated with them concerns the continued English service of Hugh and Eóin Mac Suibhne. The fact that this piece of correspondence identifies John Menteith as an opponent of the English Crown suggests that all three may instead date to 1310.[122] According to this letter, Eóin Mac Suibhne was unable to regain his promised territories of Knapdale primarily because of the forces of Eóin Mac Dubhghaill.[123] Ostensibly, Eóin Mac Suibhne, Eóin Mac Dubhghaill, and John Menteith, were all supporters of the English Crown during this period.[124] However, the latter was present at Robert I's parliament of 1309,[125] and it is possible that this Clann Dubhghaill occupation of Knapdale prompted John Menteith to switch his allegiance to the Bruce cause.[124]
  16. ^ The composition of the other Scottish battalions is unrecorded and uncertain. Although the Bruce states that there were four Scottish battalions, other sources—such as the fourteenth-century Vita Edwardi Secundi, the fourteenth-century Lanercost Chronicle, and the fourteenth-century Scalacronica—state that there were only three.[130]
  17. ^ Edward Bruce's forces made landfall in Ireland late in May 1315.[141] Charter evidence suggests that Robert I was at Tarbert earlier that month, conceivably collecting a fleet for his brother's invasion.[142] According to the Bruce, at about this time the king had his fleet dragged across the Tarbert peninsula. The poem further claims that the Islesmen were dejected after this, on account of an old prophecy foretelling that whoever could sail their ships across the peninsula would hold dominion in the Isles that no other would be able to withstand.[143] It is probable that, whilst in the region, Robert I collected submissions from competing members of Clann Domhnaill. The king's visit may have also been intended to counter advances made by Clann Dubhghaill.[144] According to the Bruce, whilst Robert I was in the region, a certain John of Lorn resisted the king before his was imprisoned and died in captivity. Although this individual is unlikely to represent Eóin Mac Dubhghaill, it is possible that he is identical to Eóin Mac Neacail, a man who was evidently contemplating siding with Edward II at about this time.[145]
  18. ^ The Annals of Clonmacnoise exists only in an early modern translation and gives: "mcRory king of the islands and mcDonnell prince of the Irish of Scotland".[152] The eleventh- to fourteenth-century Annals of Inisfallen also notes the fall of Edward Bruce and a certain "Alexander M", a man who could be identical to the Clann Domhnaill dynast referred to by the aforesaid sources.[153]
  19. ^ The adoption of the title further evidences the kindred's new-found dominance over the other branches of Clann Somhairle.[181]
  20. ^ The stone appears to have been engraved: "HIC [IA]CET CO[R]PVS / [EN]G[VS]II [FI]LII DOMINI / ENGVSII MAC / DOMNILL / DE YLE". This has been translated to: "Here lies the body of Angusius, son of Lord Angusius MacDonald of Islay".[183] One possibility is that the stone commemorates Aonghus Mac Domhnaill, a son of the fifteenth-century claimant to the lordship of the Isles, Aonghus Óg Mac Domhnaill.[184]
  21. ^ Although Áine Ní Chatháin is not named by the Book of Clanranald, and accorded the name "Margaret" by the Sleat History, she is named "Any" by another early modern account of the marriage.[194] One of the Scottish families that may have originated from the retinue was the Mac Beathadh medical kindred.[195] In fact, the earliest member of this family on record was a physician of Robert I, which may have bearing upon the king's close association with Clann Domhnaill.[196] Another family said to have owed its origin in Scotland to the retinue, according to the Sleat History, is the Rothaigh kindred (the Munros).[197] The eighteenth-century Munro Tree also associates the early Rothaigh with Clann Domhnaill, stating: "Robert Munro of Fowlis assisted his Sovereign King Malcolm in his wars against his unnatural subjects he married and left a son Donald and a daughter Anna married to Angus McDonald of Yla and Dying A D 1164".[198]
  22. ^ Giolla Easbuig is the first member of the Caimbéalaigh to appear in contemporary sources.[211]
  23. ^ Such a relationship could mean that the mother of Cailéan Mór was a first cousin of the mother of Robert Bruce VII, Mairghréad, daughter of Niall, Earl of Carrick.[213] Another possibility is that Cailéan Mór's mother was one of the four known daughters of Niall. If correct, this relationship would mean that Cailéan Mór was a first cousin of Robert Bruce VII.[214] In any case, the shared kingship could well explain the consistent support that the Caimbéalaigh gave to the Bruce cause.[213]

Citations edit

  1. ^ a b List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1254; Stevenson, J (1870) p. 436 § 615; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 80–81; Document 3/31/0 (n.d.c).
  2. ^ Duffy (1993).
  3. ^ Duffy (2002b).
  4. ^ Boardman, S (2007).
  5. ^ Gledhill (2015); Barrow (2005).
  6. ^ Munro, RW; Munro, J (2004); Watson (1991).
  7. ^ a b Roberts (1999).
  8. ^ Cameron (2014); McNamee (2012a); McNamee (2012b); Boardman, S (2006); Munro, RW; Munro, J (2004); Sellar (2000); McDonald (1997).
  9. ^ Daniels (2013); Barrow (2005).
  10. ^ Penman, M (2014); Prestwich (2012); Cathcart (2006); Macdougall (2001); Woolf (2001); Campbell of Airds (2000); Roberts (1999); Sellar; Maclean (1999); Sellar (1990).
  11. ^ Petre, JS (2014).
  12. ^ Bateman; McLeod (2007).
  13. ^ MacDonald, IG (2014).
  14. ^ Stevenson, K (2014).
  15. ^ MacGregor (2000).
  16. ^ McLeod (2005).
  17. ^ Macdougall (2001); Woolf (2001).
  18. ^ Barrow (2005) p. 211; McDonald (2004) p. 186; McDonald (1997) p. 141.
  19. ^ Holton (2017) p. viii fig. 2; Petre, J (2015) p. 602 fig. 1; Petre, JS (2014) p. 268 tab.; McNamee (2012a) ch. Genealogical tables § 6; Fisher (2005) p. 86 fig. 5.2; Raven (2005) fig. 13; Brown (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab.; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; Roberts (1999) p. 99 fig. 5.2; McDonald (1997) p. 257 genealogical tree i; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 279 tab. 1.
  20. ^ Hickey (2011) p. 182.
  21. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 130.
  22. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 128–131.
  23. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 66; Roberts (1999) p. 131; Maclean-Bristol (1995) p. 168; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 6.
  24. ^ Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 51; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 6; Macphail (1914) p. 17.
  25. ^ Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 6.
  26. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 16; Duffy (2002b) p. 61; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; Walsh (1938) p. 377.
  27. ^ Murray (2002) pp. 222–223, 226; Bain (1887) pp. 232 § 1272, 233 § 1276.
  28. ^ Petre, JS (2014) p. 268 tab.; Barrow (2005) p. 211; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; McDonald (1997) pp. 130, 141.
  29. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 159.
  30. ^ Petre, JS (2014) p. 268 tab.; Addyman; Oram (2012) § 2.4; Coira (2012) pp. 76 tab. 3.3, 334 n. 71; Caldwell, D (2008) pp. 49, 52, 70; Roberts (1999) p. 99 fig. 5.2.
  31. ^ Caldwell, DH (2016) p. 352; Caldwell, DH (2008) p. 21; McDonald (2007) p. 56; McAndrew (2006) pp. 66–67; Caldwell, DH (2004) pp. 73–74, 74 fig. 2b; McAndrew (1999) p. 750 § 3631; McDonald (1995) pp. 131–132, 132 n. 12; Rixson (1982) pp. 125, 128, 130, 218 n. 4, pl. 3a; McKean (1906) p. 33; Macdonald, WR (1904) p. 227 § 1792; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 102–103; Birch (1895) p. 437 § 16401; Bain (1884) p. 559 § 631; Laing, H (1850) p. 79 § 450.
  32. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 75–76; McDonald (1995) pp. 131–132.
  33. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 66.
  34. ^ McAndrew (2006) pp. 66–67; McAndrew (1999) p. 750 § 3631; McDonald (1995) pp. 131–132; McKean (1906) p. 33; Macdonald, WR (1904) p. 227 § 1792; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 102–103; Birch (1895) p. 437 § 16401; Bain (1884) p. 559 § 631; Laing, H (1850) p. 79 § 450.
  35. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 160.
  36. ^ Stell (2005); McDonald (1997) p. 160.
  37. ^ Stell (2005); McDonald (1997) pp. 160–161.
  38. ^ Stell (2005).
  39. ^ Woodcock; Flower; Chalmers et al. (2014) p. 419; Campbell of Airds (2014) p. 204; McAndrew (2006) p. 66; McAndrew (1999) p. 693 § 1328; McAndrew (1992); The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  40. ^ Woodcock; Flower; Chalmers et al. (2014) p. 419; McAndrew (2006) p. 66; The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  41. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 66; McAndrew (1999) p. 693 § 1328; McAndrew (1992).
  42. ^ Campbell of Airds (2014) pp. 202–203.
  43. ^ Johns (2003) p. 139.
  44. ^ Sellar (2000) pp. 208–215.
  45. ^ Young; Stead (2010) p. 23; Brown (2004) p. 256; Sellar (2004a); Sellar (2004b); Sellar (2000) pp. 209 tab. iii, 210; McDonald (1997) p. 162; Reid, NH (1984) pp. 111–112 tab., 467.
  46. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 49–50; Young; Stead (2010) p. 40; Brown (2004) p. 258; Sellar (2000) p. 212; McDonald (1997) pp. 131–134, 163.
  47. ^ Boardman, S (2006) pp. 21, 33 n. 67; Sellar (2004a); Sellar (2004b); Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 52–53; Sellar (2000) p. 212, 212 n. 130; McDonald (1997) p. 165, 165 n. 22; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1975) p. 118 § 227; Macphail (1916) pp. 84–85, 85 n. 1.
  48. ^ Sellar (2004a); Sellar (2000) p. 212.
  49. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 67; McDonald (1995) p. 132; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5; Rixson (1982) pp. 128, 219 n. 2; Macdonald, WR (1904) p. 227 § 1793; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 88–89; Laing, H (1866) p. 91 § 536.
  50. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2; Brown (2011) p. 16; McDonald (2006) p. 78; Barrow (2005) pp. 75–76, 437 n. 10; Brown (2004) p. 258, 258 n. 1; Sellar (2000) p. 212, 212 n. 128; McDonald (1997) pp. 163–164, 171; Lamont (1981) pp. 160, 162–163; Rymer; Sanderson (1816) p. 761; Bain (1884) p. 145 § 621; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) p. 21; Document 3/33/0 (n.d.).
  51. ^ Barrow (2005) pp. 75–76, 437 n. 10; Brown (2004) p. 258; Sellar (2000) p. 212; Bain (1884) p. 145 §§ 622–623; Rymer; Sanderson (1816) p. 761; Document 3/31/0 (n.d.a); Document 3/31/0 (n.d.b).
  52. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2; McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Young; Stead (2010) pp. 50–51; Brown (2004) p. 259; McDonald (1997) p. 166; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 217; Bain (1884) p. 225 § 853; Stevenson, J (1870) pp. 187–188 § 444; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 22–23, 40; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.b).
  53. ^ Holton (2017) pp. 152–153; Watson (2013) ch. 2, ch. 2 n. 52; Barrow (2005) pp. 141, 450 n. 104; Fisher (2005) p. 93; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; Sellar (2000) p. 212; McDonald (1997) pp. 154, 165, 190; Rixson (1982) pp. 13–16, 208 nn. 2, 4, 208 n. 6; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 193; Bain (1884) pp. 235–236 §§ 903–904; Stevenson, J (1870) pp. 187–188 § 444, 189–191 § 445; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.b); Document 3/0/0 (n.d.c).
  54. ^ Holton (2017) p. 152; Sellar (2016) p. 104; Petre, J (2015) p. 606; Penman, MA (2014) p. 65, 65 n. 7; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1299.3; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1299.3; McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1299.2; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1299.2; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1299.1; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1295.1; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1299.1; Barrow (2005) p. 211; Brown (2004) pp. 77 tab. 4.1, 260; Sellar (2004a); Annala Uladh (2003) § 1295.1; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 61; Sellar (2000) pp. 212–213; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; McDonald (1997) pp. 168–169, 168–169 n. 36; Lamont (1981) p. 168; Alexander mac Domhnaill (n.d.); Alexander mac Dubghaill and Alexander mac Domhnaill (n.d.); Alexander mac Dubghaill (n.d.); AU, 129/9, p. 393 (n.d.); AU, 1295/9, p. 393 (n.d.).
  55. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; McDonald (1997) p. 169.
  56. ^ Collard (2007) pp. 2, 10 fig. 8.
  57. ^ Young; Stead (2010) p. 80; Barrow (2008); Barrow (2005) pp. 181–183; Young (2004); Boardman, S (2001); McDonald (1997) p. 169.
  58. ^ Barrow (2008); McDonald (1997) pp. 170–174.
  59. ^ a b McDonald (1997) p. 171.
  60. ^ McNamee (2012b) ch. 1 ¶ 31; McDonald (2006) p. 78; Duncan (2007) pp. 142–147 bk. 3; McDonald (1997) pp. 171–174; Mackenzie (1909) pp. 52–54 bk. 3; Eyre-Todd (1907) p. 50 bk. 3.
  61. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 102–103; Penman, MA (2014) p. 102; McNamee (2012a) ch. 5; McNamee (2012b) ch. 1 ¶ 31; Duncan (2007) pp. 142–147 bk. 3; McDonald (2006) p. 78; Duffy (1993) p. 181; Lamont (1981) p. 164, 164 n. 3; Mackenzie (1909) pp. 52–54 bk. 3; Eyre-Todd (1907) p. 50 bk. 3.
  62. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 356 n. 3; Caldwell, DH (2012) p. 284; McNamee (2012a) ch. 5, 5 n. 26; McNamee (2012b) chs. 1 ¶ 23, 2 ¶ 4; Duncan (2007) p. 144 n. 659–78; Duffy (1993) p. 180; Barrow (2005) pp. 191–193; 437–438 n. 11, 459 n. 9; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) pp. 4–5; Johnston (1918); Riley (1873) pp. 347–353; Document 5/3/0 (n.d.).
  63. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 92; Caldwell, DH (2012) p. 284; McNamee (2012b) ch. 1 ¶ 23; Duncan (1992) p. 136; Document 5/3/0 (n.d.).
  64. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 92–93.
  65. ^ Boardman, S (2007) p. 105.
  66. ^ a b c d Duncan (2007) p. 148 n. 725–62.
  67. ^ a b Penman, MA (2014) pp. 68–69; Duncan (2007) p. 148 n. 725–62.
  68. ^ Chrome, Sarah, Scotland's First War of Independence 1999
  69. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 68–69; McNamee (2012a) ch. 5; McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 ¶ 4; Young; Stead (2010) p. 90; Duncan (2007) pp. 144–145, 144–145 n. 677; McDonald (1997) p. 173; Duffy (1993) p. 180.
  70. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 68–69; McNamee (2012a) ch. 5; McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 ¶ 4; Duncan (2007) pp. 144 n. 659–78, 145 n. 680, 148 n. 725–62; Duffy (2002); McDonald (1997) p. 173 n. 49.
  71. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 5; Duncan (2007) pp. 148–149 bk. 3; Mackenzie (1909) p. 55 bk. 3; Eyre-Todd (1907) pp. 51–52 bk. 3.
  72. ^ McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 ¶ 3.
  73. ^ McNamee (2012b) chs. introduction ¶ 2, 1 ¶ 31; Strickland (2008) p. 100; Prestwich (1988) p. 507; Reid, NH (1984) p. 292; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 209; Bain (1888) p. 488 § 5; Bain (1884) p. 491 §§ 1833, 1834; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) pp. 195 § 457, 196 § 465.
  74. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 103; McNamee (2012b) chs. introduction ¶¶ 2–5, 1 ¶ 32, 2 ¶¶ 3–4; Young; Stead (2010) pp. 90–92; Barrow (2005) pp. 215–217; Boardman, S (2001); McDonald (1997) p. 174; Duffy (1993) p. 181.
  75. ^ Caldwell, DH (2016) p. 360; Penman, M (2014) pp. 104, 359 n. 82; Caldwell, DH (2012) p. 284; Young; Stead (2010) p. 92; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 49 n. 6, 55 n. 61; McDonald (2006) p. 79; Barrow (2005) p. 219; Duffy (2002b) p. 60; McDonald (1997) pp. 174, 189, 196; Goldstein (1991) p. 279 n. 32; Reid, NH (1984) pp. 293–294; Barrow (1973) pp. 380–381; Skene (1872) p. 335 ch. 121; Skene (1871) p. 343 ch. 121.
  76. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 103.
  77. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 104; Young; Stead (2010) pp. 89–90; McDonald (1997) p. 174; Reid, NH (1984) p. 292; Calendar of the Close Rolls (1908) p. 482; Sweetman; Handcock (1886) pp. 171–172 § 610; Bain (1884) pp. 502–503 § 1888, 504 §§ 1893, 1895, 1896.
  78. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 19, 24, 164.
  79. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 19.
  80. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 359 n. 78; Chronicon Domini Walteri de Hemingburgh (1849) p. 251.
  81. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 136; McAndrew (1999) p. 702 § 3011; Macdonald, WR (1904) p. 247 § 1950; Fraser (1888b) pp. 455, 461 fig. 3; Laing, H (1866) p. 120 § 722.
  82. ^ McDonald (2006) p. 78; Brown (2004) pp. 261–262; Roberts (1999) p. 131; McDonald (1997) pp. 171–172.
  83. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Young; Stead (2010) p. 42.
  84. ^ Brown (2004) p. 260.
  85. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 72; Watson (2013) ch. 4; McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Brown (2004) pp. 260–261; McDonald (1997) p. 171.
  86. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 72; Penman, MA (2014) p. 64; Duffy (2013) p. 134; McNamee (2012b) ch. introduction ¶ 15; Duffy (2004).
  87. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 72.
  88. ^ McNamee (2012a) chs. 2, 5; McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 ¶ 4; Grant (2006) p. 371; Barrow (2005) pp. 211, 378; Brown (2004) pp. 261–262; Oram (2004) p. 123; McDonald (1997) pp. 171–172; Lamont (1981) p. 163.
  89. ^ McNamee (2012a) chs. 5, notes on sources n. 5; Young; Stead (2010) p. 23 tab.
  90. ^ McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 ¶ 5; Barrow (2005) p. 217; Brown (2004) p. 262; Watson (2004); Duffy (1993) p. 189; Reid, NH (1984) p. 292; Rixson (1982) p. 20; Reid, WS (1960) p. 16; Calendar of the Close Rolls (1908) p. 482; Sweetman; Handcock (1886) pp. 171–172 § 610, 183 § 627; Bain (1884) pp. 502–503 § 1888, 516 § 1941.
  91. ^ a b Brown (2004) p. 262.
  92. ^ Birch (1905) p. 135 pl. 20.
  93. ^ Young; Stead (2010) pp. 92–93; Barrow (2008); Barrow (2005) pp. 220–224; McDonald (1997) pp. 174–175.
  94. ^ Barrow (2008).
  95. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 66.
  96. ^ MacDonald, IG (2014) p. 48 n. 136; Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Petre, JS (2014) p. 272; Penman, MA (2014) p. 66; Daniels (2013) p. 25; McNamee (2012a) ch. 10 ¶ 25; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 45, 54 n. 52; Barrow (2005) p. 378; Brown (2004) p. 263; Munro, RW; Munro, J (2004); Oram (2004) p. 124; Duffy (2002b) p. 62; Murray (2002) p. 223; McDonald (1997) p. 184, 184 n. 104; Duffy (1993) p. 207 n. 77; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 282 n. 6; Lamont (1981) p. 168; Thomson (1912) p. 512 §§ 56–58.
  97. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 67–68; Boardman, S (2006) p. 45; Barrow (2005) p. 378; Brown (2004) p. 263; Murray (2002) p. 224; McDonald (1997) p. 184; Duffy (1993) p. 207 n. 77; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Lamont (1981) p. 168; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203; Thomson (1912) p. 553 § 653.
  98. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102.
  99. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 10; Barrow (2005) p. 378.
  100. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 66–67; Thomson (1912) pp. 482 § 114; 561 § 752; Bain (1887) pp. 213–214 § 1182; Robertson (1798) p. 48 § 1.
  101. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 66–67.
  102. ^ MacDonald; MacDonald (1900) pp. 82–83.
  103. ^ MacDonald; MacDonald (1900) pp. 88–89.
  104. ^ Duncan (2007) p. 148 n. 725–62; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 67–68.
  105. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 67–68.
  106. ^ Sellar (2016) p. 104; Penman, M (2014) p. 189; Duncan (2007) p. 148 n. 725–62; Murray (2002) p. 228 n. 32.
  107. ^ Sellar (2016) p. 104; Penman, M (2014) pp. 102, 110–111, 157, 358 n. 67; Penman, MA (2014) p. 68, 68 n. 17; McNamee (2012a) ch. 6 n. 42; McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 n. 37; Barrow (2005) pp. 240, 378, 465 n. 125; Brown (2004) p. 263; Murray (2002) p. 229 n. 35; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 282 n. 10; Reid, NH (1984) p. 342 n. 121; Lamont (1981) pp. 165, 167; The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 459; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.a); RPS, 1309/1 (n.d.a); RPS, 1309/1 (n.d.b).
  108. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 72, 72 n. 98; Penman, M (2014) p. 157, 358 n. 67; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 68 n. 17, 70; McNamee (2012b) ch. 5 ¶ 21; Barrow (2005) p. 465 n. 125; Brown (2004) p. 263; Sellar; Maclean (1999) p. 7; Duffy (1991) p. 311; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 282 n. 10; Reid, NH (1984) p. 342 n. 121; Lamont (1981) pp. 165–166; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 209; Bain (1888) p. 377 § 1822; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 121, 139; Document 1/27/0 (n.d.).
  109. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 102–103; Penman, MA (2014) p. 68; McNamee (2012a) ch. 5 ¶¶ 25–31; McNamee (2012b) ch. 1 ¶ 31; Duncan (2007) p. 144–145 bk. 3; Mackenzie (1909) p. 53 bk. 3; Eyre-Todd (1907) p. 50 bk. 3.
  110. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 358 n. 68; Penman, MA (2014) p. 68 n. 20; McDonald (1997) p. 159; Macphail (1914) p. 14.
  111. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 68, 69 n. 21; Cornell (2009) p. xi; Boardman, S (2007) pp. 105–106, 105 nn. 65, 66; Duncan (2007) p. 148 n. 725–62; Boardman, S (2006) p. 49 n. 6.
  112. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 69 n. 21.
  113. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 68, 69 n. 21; Duncan (2007) p. 148 n. 725–762.
  114. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) p. 66; Boardman, S (2007) p. 105 n. 65; Duncan (2007) pp. 144–145 bk. 3; Mackenzie (1909) p. 53 bk. 3; Eyre-Todd (1907) p. 50 bk. 3.
  115. ^ Duncan (2007) p. 144 n. 659–78; Barrow (2005) pp. 191–193, 437–438 n. 11, 460 n. 10; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) pp. 3–5, 16–17; Bain (1884) p. 225 § 853; Rotuli Scotiæ' (1814) pp. 22–23; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 152 § 152; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.d).
  116. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 104–105; Duncan (2007) p. 152 n. 36–38.
  117. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 59; Cameron (2014) p. 153; Nicholls (2007) p. 92; Barrow (2005) pp. 217, 450 n. 104; McDonald (1997) pp. 167, 169, 190–191; Duffy (1993) pp. 202–203, 203 n. 49, 206; Watson (1991) pp. 256, 271; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 6; Lamont (1981) pp. 161, 164; Barrow (1973) p. 381; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Reid, WS (1960) pp. 10–11; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1254; Stevenson, J (1870) p. 436 § 615; Document 3/31/0 (n.d.c).
  118. ^ Watson (1991) p. 256; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1254; Stevenson, J (1870) p. 436 § 615; Document 3/31/0 (n.d.c).
  119. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 169.
  120. ^ Nicholls (2007) p. 92; Barrow (2005) pp. 76, 217; McDonald (1997) p. 167; Duffy (1993) pp. 202–203, 203 n. 49; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1992) p. 258; Watson (1991) pp. 256, 271; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Reid, WS (1960) pp. 10–11; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1253; Stevenson, J (1870) p. 435 § 614; Document 3/90/11 (n.d.).
  121. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 59; Cameron (2014) p. 153; Barrow (2005) p. 217; Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 60–61; McDonald (1997) pp. 167, 169, 190–191; Watson (1991) pp. 256–257, 271; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 6; Lamont (1981) pp. 161, 164; Barrow (1973) p. 381; Reid, WS (1960) pp. 10–11.
  122. ^ Burke (2015) p. ii; Nicholls (2007) p. 92, 92 n. 47; Watson (2004); Duffy (2002b) p. 61; Duffy (1993) pp. 202–203, 203 n. 49; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1992) p. 258; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 6; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1255; Stevenson, J (1870) p. 437 § 616; Document 3/381/0 (n.d.).
  123. ^ Nicholls (2007) p. 92; Barrow (2005) p. 76; Brown (2004) p. 260; Watson (2004); Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 60–61; McDonald (1997) pp. 165–166; Watson (1991) p. 256; Lamont (1981) p. 162; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1255; Stevenson, J (1870) p. 437 § 616; Fraser (1888a) pp. 438–439; Document 3/381/0 (n.d.).
  124. ^ a b Watson (2004).
  125. ^ Watson (2004); The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 459; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.a); RPS, 1309/1 (n.d.a); RPS, 1309/1 (n.d.b).
  126. ^ MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 96–97.
  127. ^ McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 ¶ 61, 2 n. 136; Young; Stead (2010) p. 124; Duncan (1992) pp. 149–150.
  128. ^ a b Gledhill (2015).
  129. ^ MacGregor (2018); Gledhill (2015); Penman, M (2014) p. 140; Penman, MA (2014) p. 69; McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 n. 28; Brown (2008) p. 118; Duncan (2007) pp. 421–423 bk. 11; Barrow (2005) p. 275; McDonald (1997) p. 183; Mackenzie (1909) p. 201 bk. 11; Eyre-Todd (1907) p. 191 bk. 11.
  130. ^ McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 ¶ 71, 2 n. 158; Young; Stead (2010) p. 132; Brown (2008) p. 118.
  131. ^ Gledhill (2015); King (2015).
  132. ^ McNamee (2012b) ch. 2 ¶ 63; Young; Stead (2010) p. 129.
  133. ^ Gledhill (2015); Barrow (2008); Barrow (2005) p. 273.
  134. ^ King (2015).
  135. ^ Brown (2008) p. 118; Boardman, S (2007) p. 105; Duncan (2007) p. 421 bk. 11; McDonald (1997) pp. 183–184; Mackenzie (1909) p. 201 bk. 11; Eyre-Todd (1907) p. 191 bk. 11.
  136. ^ Duncan (2007) pp. 486–487 bk. 13; Barrow (2005) pp. 297–298, 478 n. 132; McDonald (1997) p. 183; Mackenzie (1909) pp. 229–231 bk. 13; Eyre-Todd (1907) pp. 219–220 bk. 13.
  137. ^ Boardman, S (2007) p. 105, 105 n. 66.
  138. ^ Woodcock; Flower; Chalmers et al. (2014) p. 381; Grant (2013) p. 36, 36 n. 225; McAndrew (2006) pp. 55, 138; The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  139. ^ a b Brown (2008) p. 153; Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; Brown (2004) p. 265.
  140. ^ Duncan (2010); Young; Stead (2010) pp. 144, 146–147; Brown (2008) pp. 143–153; Duffy (2005); Brown (2004) pp. 264–265; Frame (1998) pp. 71–98; Lydon (1992) pp. 3–5.
  141. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 165.
  142. ^ Duncan (2007) p. 564 n. 276.
  143. ^ MacGregor (2018); Penman, M (2014) p. 166; Penman, MA (2014) p. 70; Duncan (2007) pp. 564–565 bk. 15; Duffy (2002b) pp. 59, 193 n. 55; Mackenzie (1909) pp. 268–270 bk. 15; Eyre-Todd (1907) pp. 259–260 bk. 15.
  144. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 166; Penman, MA (2014) p. 70.
  145. ^ Duncan (2007) pp. 564–566 bk. 15, 564–565 n. 305–310; Mackenzie (1909) pp. 270 bk. 15, 456–457 § 299; Eyre-Todd (1907) p. 260 bk. 15.
  146. ^ Lydon (1992) p. 3.
  147. ^ Duncan (2010); Duffy (2005).
  148. ^ Hill (2014) pp. 219–220; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1318.7; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1318.7; Barrow (2005) p. 488 n. 104; Caldwell, DH (2004) p. 72; McDonald (1997) p. 191.
  149. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1318.8; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1318.8; McLeod (2002) p. 31; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 77; Davies (2000) p. 175 n. 14; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Dundalk (n.d.); Mac Domhnaill, King of Argyll (n.d.); The Annals of Connacht, p. 253 (n.d.).
  150. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1318.5; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1318.5; McLeod (2002) p. 31; Duffy (1998) pp. 79, 102.
  151. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1315.5; Barrow (2005) pp. 466 n. 15, 488 n. 104; Boardman, SI (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 217 n. 155; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1315.5; McLeod (2002) p. 31; Roberts (1999) p. 181; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Lydon (1992) p. 5; Lamont (1981) p. 166; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 205 n. 9; Dundalk (n.d.); Mac Ruaidhri, King of the Hebrides (n.d.); AU, 1315 (n.d.).
  152. ^ a b Barrow (2005) p. 488 n. 104; McLeod (2002) p. 31, 31 n. 24; Murphy (1896) p. 281.
  153. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; Annals of Inisfallen (2010) § 1318.4; Annals of Inisfallen (2008) § 1318.4; Duffy (1998) p. 79; McDonald (1997) pp. 186–187, 187 n. 112; Duffy (1991) p. 312, 312 n. 51; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  154. ^ Duffy (2002b) pp. 61, 194 n. 64; McQueen (2002) p. 287 n. 18; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  155. ^ Hill (2014) p. 219; Daniels (2013) p. 94; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 45–46; Barrow (2005) p. 488 n. 104; Brown (2004) p. 265; Boardman, SI (2004); Caldwell, DH (2004) p. 72; Duffy (2002b) pp. 61, 194 n. 64; Roberts (1999) pp. 144, 181; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  156. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 65 n. 7, 70–71; Duffy (2002b) p. 194 n. 64; Duffy (1991) p. 312, 312 n. 52.
  157. ^ Cameron (2014) p. 153; Penman, MA (2014) p. 71.
  158. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; McNamee (2012a) ch. genealogical tables tab. 6; Barrow (2005) p. 466 n. 15; Roberts (1999) p. 181; Duffy (1991) p. 312 n. 52; McDonald (1997) pp. 186–187; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  159. ^ a b Brown; Boardman (2005) pp. 73–74; Munro, RW; Munro, J (2004).
  160. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 8; McNamee (2012b) ch. 5 ¶ 63; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 77; Duffy (1993) p. 207.
  161. ^ Laing, D (1878) pl. 50; Sir David Lindsay's Armorial (n.d.).
  162. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 186; Macphail (1914) p. 17; Macbain; Kennedy (1894) pp. 158–159.
  163. ^ Lee, Henry, History of the Clan Donald: The Families of MacDonald, McDonald and McDonnell, p. 25, and Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 250 § 12; Macphail (1914) p. 17.
  164. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. genealogical tables tab. 6; Munro, RW; Munro, J (2004); Roberts (1999) p. 181; McDonald (1997) p. 186; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  165. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 186; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  166. ^ Daniels (2013) p. 25.
  167. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 187–188.
  168. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 188; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  169. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 259–260, 391 n. 166; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 74–75, 74–75 n. 42; Petre, JS (2014) p. 272; Barrow (2005) p. 389; Brown (2004) p. 267 n. 18; McQueen (2002) p. 287; Murray (2002) p. 224; Roberts (1999) p. 181; McDonald (1997) p. 187; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203, 203 n. 12; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 205 n. 9; Thomson, JM (1912) p. 557 § 699; The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 483; RPS, A1325/2 (n.d.a); RPS, A1325/2 (n.d.b).
  170. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 259–260, 391 n. 166; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 74–75; Petre, JS (2014) p. 272; Penman, M (2008); Penman, MA (2005) pp. 28, 84.
  171. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 259–260.
  172. ^ Cameron (2014) pp. 153–154; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 74–75 n. 42; Petre, JS (2014) pp. 272, 268 tab.; McQueen (2002) p. 287 n. 18; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab., 224; McDonald (1997) p. 187; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203, 203 n. 12.
  173. ^ Petre, JS (2014) pp. 272, 268 tab.; McQueen (2002) p. 287 n. 18; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab., 224; McDonald (1997) p. 187.
  174. ^ McQueen (2002) p. 287 n. 18; McDonald (1997) p. 187.
  175. ^ Petre, JS (2014) pp. 272–273; Murray (2002) p. 224;.
  176. ^ Petre, JS (2014) pp. 272–273; Murray (2002) p. 224.
  177. ^ Murray (2002) p. 225; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 286.
  178. ^ Oram (2014) p. 3; Petre, JS (2014) p. 272; Stevenson, K (2014) p. 73; Caldwell, D (2008) pp. 49–50; Munro, RW; Munro, J (2004).
  179. ^ Oram (2014) p. 3; Penman, MA (2014) p. 62; Petre, JS (2014) p. 272; Stevenson, K (2014) p. 73; Daniels (2013) p. 25; Caldwell, D (2008) pp. 49–50; Smith (2007) p. 160; Munro, RW; Munro, J (2004); Oram (2004) p. 123; Murray (2002) pp. 225, 230 n. 59; Macdougall (2001); Sellar (2000) p. 195 n. 37; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 286.
  180. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 261.
  181. ^ Macdougall (2001).
  182. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 187; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 224 § 150; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 110; McKean (1906) p. 33; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 102–103.
  183. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 187; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 224 § 150; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 110; McKean (1906) p. 33.
  184. ^ Munro; Munro (1986) p. 314 n. 3; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 224 § 150; Barrow (1981) p. 314 n. 58; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 110.
  185. ^ Kenny (2007) p. 68; Kenny (2005) pp. 103–104; McLeod (2005) p. 43; Kingston (2004) p. 47, 47 nn. 89–90; Brown (2004) p. 265 n. 14; Munro, RW; Munro, J (2004); Hamlin (2002) p. 129; MacGregor (2000) pp. 15–16; Sellar (2000) p. 206; Ó Mainnín (1999) p. 28, 28 n. 95; Maclean-Bristol (1995) p. 168; Bannerman (1986) p. 10; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  186. ^ Kingston (2004) p. 47, 47 nn. 89–90; MacGregor (2000) pp. 15–16; Bannerman (1986) p. 10; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203, 203 n. 3; Macphail (1914) p. 20.
  187. ^ McLeod (2005) p. 43; Kingston (2004) p. 47, 47 nn. 89–90; MacGregor (2000) pp. 15–16; Ó Mainnín (1999) p. 28 n. 95; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203, 203 n. 3; Macbain; Kennedy (1894) pp. 158–159.
  188. ^ Kingston (2004) p. 47, 47 n. 89.
  189. ^ Sellar (1990).
  190. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 206.
  191. ^ Kingston (2004) p. 47 n. 90; MacGregor (2000) p. 15; Bannerman (1986) p. 10; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) p. 534.
  192. ^ Brown (2004) p. 272 n. 27; Kingston (2004) p. 47 n. 90.
  193. ^ Byrne (2008) p. 18; Brown (2004) p. 272 n. 27.
  194. ^ Bannerman (1986) p. 10 n. 46; Macphail (1914) p. 20; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) p. 570; Macbain; Kennedy (1894) pp. 158–159.
  195. ^ Coira (2012) p. 246; MacGregor (2000) p. 19; Ó Mainnín (1999) p. 28 n. 95; Bannerman (1986) pp. 10–11.
  196. ^ Bannerman (1986) pp. 10–11.
  197. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 28; Coira (2012) p. 246; Macphail (1914) p. 20.
  198. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 28.
  199. ^ Daniels (2013) p. 90; Brown (2004) p. 272 n. 27.
  200. ^ Munro; Munro (1986) p. 282 n. 7; Sellar (1971) p. 31; Black; Black (n.d.).
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External links edit

  • "Angus MacDonald of the Isles (d.1314×18)". People of Medieval Scotland, 1093–1371.
  •   Media related to Aonghus Óg Mac Domhnaill at Wikimedia Commons

January 01, 1970
aonghus, islay, this, article, technical, most, readers, understand, please, help, improve, make, understandable, experts, without, removing, technical, details, december, 2022, learn, when, remove, this, message, aonghus, domhnaill, died, 1314, 1318, 1330, an. This article may be too technical for most readers to understand Please help improve it to make it understandable to non experts without removing the technical details December 2022 Learn how and when to remove this message Aonghus og Mac Domhnaill died 1314 1318 c 1330 or Angus Og MacDonald was a fourteenth century Scottish magnate and chief of Clann Domhnaill note 1 He was a younger son of Aonghus Mor mac Domhnaill Lord of Islay After the latter s apparent death the chiefship of the kindred was assumed by Aonghus og s elder brother Alasdair og Mac Domhnaill Aonghus og Mac DomhnaillLord of IslayAonghus og s name as it appears in a facsimile of correspondence between him and his feudal overlord Edward I King of England Engus de Yle 1 PredecessorAlasdair og Mac Domhnaill Died1314 1318 c 1330BuriedIonaNoble familyClann DomhnaillSpouse s Aine Ni ChathainIssueEoin John of Islay Maire Aine Eoin illegitimate FatherAonghus Mor mac Domhnaill Most of the documentation regarding Aonghus og s career concerns his support of Edward I King of England against supporters of John King of Scotland The latter s principal adherents on the western seaboard of Scotland were Clann Dubhghaill regional rivals of Clann Domhnaill Although there is much uncertainty concerning the Clann Domhnaill chiefship at this period in history at some point after Alasdair og s apparent death at the hands of Clann Dubhghaill in 1299 Aonghus og seems to have taken up the chiefship as Lord of Islay Pressure from Clann Domhnaill and other supporters of the English Crown evidently compelled Clann Dubhghaill into coming onside with the English in the first years of the fourteenth century However when Robert Bruce VII Earl of Carrick murdered the Scottish claimant John Comyn of Badenoch in 1306 and subsequently made himself King of Scotland as Robert I Clann Domhnaill seems to have switched their allegiance to Robert I in an effort to gain leverage against Clann Dubhghaill Members of Clann Domhnaill almost certainly harboured the latter in 1306 when he was doggedly pursued by adherents of the English Crown Following Robert I s successful consolidation of the Scottish kingship Aonghus og and other members of his kindred were rewarded with extensive grants of territories formerly held by their regional opponents According to the late fourteenth century Bruce Aonghus og participated in the Battle of Bannockburn in 1314 Robert I s greatest victory over the English It is uncertain when Aonghus og died It could have been before or after the death of an unknown member of the clan at the Battle of Faughart in 1318 a man who seems to have held the chiefship at the time Certainly Eoin Mac Domhnaill Aonghus og s lawful son by Aine Ni Chathain held the chiefship by the 1330s and became the first member of Clann Domhnaill to rule as Lord of the Isles Contents 1 Familial background 2 In English service against King John Balliol 3 Shift of allegiance to the Bruce cause 4 Rewarded service to the Scottish Crown and a contested chiefship 5 Participation in the Battle of Bannockburn 6 Clann Domhnaill s part in the Bruce campaign in Ireland 7 Death and descendants 8 Ancestry 9 In media 10 Notes 11 Citations 12 References 12 1 Primary sources 12 2 Secondary sources 13 External linksFamilial background editAonghus og was a younger 18 son of Aonghus Mor mac Domhnaill Lord of Islay chief of Clann Domhnaill 19 note 2 The latter last appears on record in 1293 when he was listed as one of the principal landholders in Argyll At about this period the territories possessed by the clan comprised Kintyre Islay southern Jura and perhaps Colonsay and Oronsay 21 Clann Domhnaill was a branch of Clann Somhairle Other branches included Clann Dubhghaill the senior most and Clann Ruaidhri 22 Aonghus og s mother was a member of the Caimbealaigh kindred the Campbells 23 According to Hebridean tradition preserved by the seventeenth century Sleat History she was a daughter of Cailean Mor Caimbeal a leading member of the Caimbealaigh 24 note 3 Aonghus og had a sister who married Domhnall og o Domhnaill King of Tir Chonaill 26 another sister who married Hugh Bisset 27 an older brother Alasdair og 28 who appears to have succeeded their father by 1296 29 and another brother Eoin Sprangach ancestor of the Ardnamurchan branch of Clann Domhnaill 30 In English service against King John Balliol edit nbsp The seal of Aonghus Mor father of Alasdair og and Aonghus og 31 note 4 When Alexander III King of Scotland died in 1286 his acknowledged heir was his granddaughter Margaret Although this Norwegian girl was accepted by the magnates of the realm and betrothed to the heir of Edward I King of England she perished on her journey to Scotland and her death triggered a succession crisis 35 The leading claimants to kingship were John Balliol Lord of Galloway and Robert Bruce V Lord of Annandale By common consent Edward I was invited to arbitrate the dispute In 1292 John Balliol s claims were accepted and he was duly inaugurated as King of Scotland 36 Unfortunately for this king his ambitious English counterpart systematically undermined his royal authority and John s reign lasted only about four years 37 In 1296 after John ratified a military treaty with France and refused to hand over Scottish castles to Edward I s control the English marched north and crushed the Scots at Dunbar Edward I s forces proceeded forward virtually unopposed whereupon Scotland fell under English control 38 nbsp The arms of the Lord of Argyll depicted in the fourteenth century Balliol Roll 39 note 5 The chief of Clann Dubhghaill in the last quarter of the thirteenth century and first decade of the next was Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill Lord of Argyll 44 The wife of this pre eminent magnate and mother of Eoin Mac Dubhghaill his son and successor was almost certainly a member of the Comyn kindred a family closely bound to the Balliol family 45 During the short Balliol regime Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill had been appointed Sheriff of Lorn a position which made him the Scottish Crown s representative throughout much of the western seaboard including Clann Domhnaill and Caimbealaigh territories 46 If tradition preserved by the seventeenth century Ane Accompt of the Genealogie of the Campbells is to be believed Clann Dubhghaill overcame and slew Cailean Mor in the 1290s 47 Certainly Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill came into bloody conflict with his Clann Domhnaill counterpart during the decade 48 nbsp The seal of Aonghus og s elder brother Alasdair og chief of Clann Domhnaill 49 This Clann Somhairle infighting appears to have stemmed from Alasdair og s marriage to an apparent member of Clann Dubhghaill and seems to have concerned this woman s territorial claims 50 Although the opposing chiefs swore to postpone their disagreement in 1292 and uphold the peace in the isles and outlying territories the struggle continued throughout the 1290s 51 Clann Dubhghaill authority along the western seaboard was seriously threatened by about 1296 when Alasdair og was acting as Edward I s royal representative in the region 52 Certainly Alasdair og appealed to the English king regarding Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill s ravaging of Clann Domhnaill territories in 1297 53 and may well be identical to the like named Clann Domhnaill dynast who was recorded slain against Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill two years later 54 If this identification is indeed correct this could have been the point when Aonghus og succeeded Alasdair og as chief 55 Shift of allegiance to the Bruce cause edit nbsp A thirteenth century illumination of Edward I on folio 6v of British Library Cotton Vitellius A XIII 56 In February 1306 Robert the Bruce a claimant to the Scottish throne killed his chief rival to the kingship John Comyn of Badenoch 57 Although Bruce was crowned King of Scots by March the English Crown immediately struck back defeating his forces in June By September Robert was a fugitive and escaped into the Hebrides 58 There is no certain record of Aonghus og between 1301 and 1306 59 According to the highly reliable fourteenth century poem The Brus Aonghus og played an instrumental part in Robert s survival and was ever loyal to the Bruce Specifically this source relates that after Robert was defeated at Methven and Dalrigh in the summer of 1306 the king fled into the mountains and made for the coast of Kintyre where he was protected by Aonghus og himself at Dunaverty Castle 60 Although the Bruce maintains that Aonghus og harboured the king at Dunaverty Castle 61 contemporary evidence reveals that Robert I s men were already in possession of the fortress by March having acquired it from a certain Malcolm le fitz l Engleys 62 In fact in the immediate aftermath of John Comyn s death Robert secured control of several western fortresses including that of Dunaverty seemingly in an effort to keep a lane open for military assistance from Ireland or the Hebrides 63 note 6 nbsp Now ruinous Dunyvaig Castle It is conceivable that Robert I found refuge at this Clann Domhnaill fortress in 1306 66 Whether he was harboured at the hands of Aonghus og himself or some other rival chieftain is uncertain 67 Penman s speculation is at odds with sources that speak of the Turnberry Band in 1286 that bound the Macdonalds to the Bruces and the long standing friendship of Angus Og and Robert Bruce as a result of which Angus Og fought with Robert Bruce in many of his battles from 1306 to Bannockburn 68 According to the Bruce Robert I stayed at the castle for three days before fleeing to Rathlin Island 69 There is reason to suspect that this account instead masks an historical incident in which the king fled from Kintyre to a Clann Domhnaill castle on Islay perhaps Dunyvaig Castle the next northernmost island 70 note 7 If the account of Rathlin given by the Bruce actually refers to Islay it is still uncertain if Aonghus og played any part in the king s salvation 66 In any case contemporary sources reveal that Dunaverty Castle succumbed to an English backed siege in September 73 Quite where Robert I fled after leaving Kinytre is uncertain He could have spent time in the Hebrides Ulster or Orkney 74 Certainly the fourteenth century Gesta Annalia II states that the king was assisted by Cairistiona Nic Ruaidhri an heiress with Hebridean connections 75 and it is possible that the king indeed set sail for a Clann Ruaidhri or Clann Domhnaill island 76 Moreover Edward I himself thought that Robert I was hidden somewhere amongst the islands on the western seaboard 77 note 8 nbsp The seal of John Menteith 81 one of several leading Scottish noblemen who were tasked to sweep the western seaboard with their galley fleets in search of the fugitive Robert I The catalyst behind Clann Domhnaill s shift of allegiance from Edward I to Robert I likely lies in local Hebridean politics as well as Scottish patriotism and loyalty to Robert Bruce 82 Whilst Edward I s destruction of the Balliol regime in 1296 resulted in Clann Dubhghaill finding itself out of favour with the English regime Clann Domhnaill seems to have sided with the English Crown in an effort to earn royal support in its localised power struggle with Clann Dubhghaill 83 To the leading clans on the western seaboard internecine rivalries appear to have been more of a concern than the greater war over the Scottish Crown 84 Aonghus og s documented service to the English Crown in the years after Alasdair og s apparent death was almost certainly undertaken in the context of pursuing his kindred s struggle against Clann Dubhghaill 59 Pressure from Clann Domhnaill and other supporters of the English Crown evidently compelled Clann Dubhghaill into coming onside with the English in the first years of the fourteenth century 85 note 9 Whilst Robert I s subsequent murder of John Comyn undoubtedly galvanised Clann Dubhghaill s new found alignment with Edward I it also precipitated Clann Domhnaill s realignment of support from the English Crown to the Bruce cause 88 note 10 Although Edward I ordered Hugh and John Menteith to sweep the western seaboard with their fleets in 1307 90 the evanescent Scottish monarch remained at large seemingly harboured by Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhri 91 Rewarded service to the Scottish Crown and a contested chiefship edit nbsp The seal of Robert I 92 After seizing the throne for himself this embattled king appears to have partly owed his survival to efforts of Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhri 91 In 1307 at about the time of Edward I s death in July Robert I mounted a remarkable return to power first striking into Carrick in about February 93 By 1309 Robert I s opponents had been largely overcome and he held his first parliament as king 94 Clann Domhnaill clearly benefited from their support of the Bruce cause Although no royal charters associated with the kindred exist from this period there are seventeenth century charter indices that note several undated royal grants 95 For instance Aonghus og was granted the former Comyn lordship of Lochaber and the adjacent regions of Ardnamurchan Morvern Duror and Glencoe 96 whilst a certain Alasdair of the Isles received the former Clann Dubhghaill islands of Mull and Tiree 97 note 11 Although the indices fail to note any Clann Domhnaill grants concerning Islay and Kintyre it is not inconceivable that the kindred received grants of these territories as well 99 Later in the fourteenth century Aonghus og s son Eoin Mac Domhnaill was granted the territories of Ardnamurchan Colonsay Gigha Glencoe Jura Kintyre Knapdale Lewis Lochaber Morvern Mull and Skye It is possible that the basis for many of these grants laid in the clan s military support of the Bruce cause and stemmed from concessions gained from the embattled king in about 1306 100 If this was indeed the case the fact that Robert I later granted a significant portion of these territories Lochaber Kintyre Skye and lands in Argyll to other magnates suggests that his conceivable concessions to Clann Domhnaill may have been undertaken with some reluctance 101 nbsp Image a nbsp Image b nbsp Image cFacsimiles of correspondence between Clann Domhnaill and the English Crown a letter from Aonghus Mor and Alasdair og image a 102 one to which was attached the seal of Alasdair og image b 103 and one from Aonghus og image c 1 There is reason to suspect that the Clann Domhnaill chiefship was contested during this period 104 For example the royal grants to Aonghus og and Alasdair of the Isles a man whose identity is uncertain could be evidence that these two were competitors 105 Another apparent claimant to the chiefship a certain Domhnall of Islay 106 whose identity is likewise uncertain was present at the parliament of 1309 107 note 12 Furthermore the Bruce states that when Robert I fled to Dunaverty Castle in 1306 he was fearful of treason during his stay 109 note 13 One possibility is that this statement preserves a record of the king s vulnerability to competing regional factions Although the Bruce specifies that the Clann Domhnaill dynast to whom the king owed his salvation was Aonghus og there is reason to question this claim 67 If Robert I indeed found protection at a Clann Domhnaill fortress like Dunyvaig Castle the attestations of Domhnall of Islay could indicate that it was he who assisted the king 66 The Bruce was certainly influenced by later political realities 111 and was composed during the reign of Robert II King of Scotland reigned 1371 1390 the father in law of Eoin Mac Domhnaill 112 The fact that this son of Aonghus og ruled as chief when the poem was composed could account for the remarkably favourable light in which Aonghus og is portrayed 113 If the account of Rathlin Island given by the Bruce actually refers to Islay and Dunyvaig Castle the description of the island s reluctant inhabitants being forced to assist the king could indicate that he did not trust the Clann Domhnaill lord 66 Furthermore the claim that Aonghus og was Lord of Kintyre during this period could stem from the fact that by the time the Bruce was composed Eoin Mac Domhnaill was married to a daughter of the Robert II and had gained this contested lordship by way of her tocher 114 note 14 Seemingly in 1310 whilst in the service of the English Crown Aonghus og inquired of Edward II King of England as to whether Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill was within the king s peace and entreated the king on behalf of several unnamed members of Clann Ruaidhri men were then aiding Aonghus og s English aligned forces to grant these Clann Ruaidhri clansmen feu of their ancestral lands 117 An indication of the military might at Clann Dubhghaill s disposal may be Aonghus og s expressed opinion that if he were able to join forces with Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill Edward II would have nothing to fear from his enemies 118 The fact that Aonghus og styled himself of Islay in his letter could be evidence that he was indeed acting as chief at this point 119 Another letter this one from Hugh to Edward II reveals that Hugh Eoin Mac Suibhne and Aonghus og himself were engaged in maritime operations on behalf of the English Crown and were enquiring of the king about the status of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill 120 note 15 Participation in the Battle of Bannockburn edit nbsp An imaginative nineteenth century depiction of Aonghus og at the Battle of Bannockburn 126 In the summer of 1313 Robert I s brother Sir Edward Bruce made an agreement with Sir Philip Mowbray the English commander at Stirling Castle that gave the English one year to relieve the English garrison or they would surrender the castle In consequence of this agreement Edward II announced a massive invasion of Scotland 127 On 23 24 June the English and Scottish royal armies clashed near Stirling at what became known as the Battle of Bannockburn Although there are numerous accounts of the battle one of the most important sources is the Bruce 128 which specifies that the Scottish army was divided into several battalions According to this source the king s battalion was composed of men from Carrick Argyll Kintyre the Hebrides all of Angus Og Macdonald s Islesmen and the Scottish Lowlands 129 note 16 Although the size of the opposing armies is uncertain 131 the Scottish force was undoubtedly smaller than that of English 128 and may well have numbered somewhere between five thousand 132 and ten thousand 133 The battle resulted in one of the worst military defeats suffered by the English 134 Amongst the Hebridean contingent the Bruce notes Aonghus og himself who commanded the Islesmen and men of Argyll 135 According to this source the king s battalion played a significant part in the conflict for although it had hung back during the onset of hostilities the battalion engaged the English at critical point in the fray 136 In any event just as with the episode at Dunaverty John Barbour s association of Aonghus og with Bannockburn could well be influenced by later political realities 137 However John Barbour s account is recognised as highly accurate and there is no evidence giving a reason to question the point and much to suggest Angus Og s support meant much as witnessed by the many isles and lands a grateful King Robert bestowed on Angus Og Clann Domhnaill s part in the Bruce campaign in Ireland edit nbsp The arms of the Earl of Carrick depicted in Balliol Roll 138 Aonghus og or at least a close relative may have played a part in the Scottish Crown s later campaigning against the Anglo Irish in Ireland 139 In 1315 Robert I s younger brother Edward Bruce Earl of Carrick launched an invasion of Ireland and claimed the high kingship of Ireland For three years the Scots and their Irish allies campaigned on the island against the Anglo Irish and their allies 140 note 17 Although every other pitched battle between the Scots and the Anglo Irish resulted in a Scottish victory 146 the utter catastrophe at the Battle of Faughart cost Edward his life and brought an end to the Bruce regime in Ireland 147 According to the sixteenth century Annals of Loch Ce a certain Mac Ruaidhri ri Innsi Gall and a Mac Domnaill ri Oirir Gaidheal were slain in the onslaught 148 This source is mirrored by several other Irish annals including the fifteenth to sixteenth century Annals of Connacht 149 the seventeenth century Annals of the Four Masters 150 the fifteenth to sixteenth century Annals of Ulster 151 and the seventeenth century Annals of Clonmacnoise 152 note 18 The precise identities of these men are unknown for certain although they could well have been the heads of Clann Ruaidhri and Clann Domhnaill 154 Whilst the slain member of Clann Ruaidhri seems to have been Ruaidhri 155 the identity of the Clann Domhnaill dynast is much less certain He could have been Alasdair og if this man was not the one who had been killed in 1299 156 or perhaps a son of Alasdair og 157 Another possibility is that he was Aonghus og himself 139 or perhaps a son of his 158 An after effect of the continued support of Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhri to the Bruce cause was the destruction of their regional rivals like Clann Dubhghaill 159 In fact the albeit exaggerated title King of Argyll accorded to the slain Clann Domhnaill dynast in many of these annal entries exemplifies the catastrophic effect that the rise of the Bruce regime had on its opponents like Clann Dubhghaill 160 By the mid part of the century Clann Domhnaill under the leadership of Aonghus og s succeeding son was undoubtedly the most powerful branch of Clann Somhairle 159 Death and descendants edit nbsp Facsimile of the arms of The lord of ye Ilis in the sixteenth century Sir David Lindsay s Armorial 161 A son of Aonghus og was the first member of Clann Domhnaill to bear the title Lord of the Isles Aonghus og died at some point after the Battle of Bannockburn notwithstanding the Hebridean tradition preserved by the eighteenth century Book of Clanranald and the Sleat History that dates his death to about 1300 162 Henry Lee in his History of the Clan Donald states that Angus Og died at his castle in Finlaggan on Islay in 1330 and was buried at Iona 163 One possibility is that he died between 1314 and 1318 164 This could well have been the case if the slain Clann Domhnaill chieftain at Faughart was indeed his son and successor 165 After 1330 the Clann Domhnaill lordship seems to have taken up by his son Eoin Mac Domhnaill 166 The political situation in the Hebrides is murky between this man s accession and the disaster at Faughart 167 and it is possible that an after effect of this defeat was a period of Clann Ruaidhri dominance in the region 168 In 1325 a certain Roderici de Ylay Ruaidhri of Islay suffered the forfeiture of his possessions by Robert I 169 Although this record could refer to a member of Clann Ruaidhri 170 perhaps Raghnall Mac Ruaidhri 171 another possibility is that the individual actually refers to a member of Clann Domhnaill 172 perhaps a son of either Alasdair og 173 or Aonghus og 174 If Ruaidhri of Islay was indeed a member of Clann Domhnaill and a son of Alasdair og his expulsion may have marked the downfall of Alasdair og s descendants Clann Alasdair and may account for the fact that this branch of Clann Domhnaill failed to hold power in Hebrides after this date As such Ruaidhri of Islay s expulsion could well mark the date upon which Clann Alasdair relocated overseas 175 The eclipse of Alasdair og s line the senior branch of Clann Domhnaill may explain the rise of Aonghus og s line If Ruaidhri of Islay indeed represented the line of Alasdair og his forfeiture evidently paved the way for the rise of Eoin Mac Domhnaill 176 In fact before the end of Robert I s reign this son of Aonghus og appears to have administered Islay on behalf of the Scottish Crown 177 and eventually came to be the first 178 Clann Domhnaill dynast to bear the title dominus insularum Lord of the Isles 179 If Aonghus og was still alive in 1325 he would have witnessed Robert I s apparent show of force into Argyll within the same year Although Aonghus og s tenure as chief is remarkable in regard to his close support of the Bruce cause the later career of Eoin Mac Domhnaill saw a conspicuous cooling of relations with the Bruce regime a distancing which may well have contributed to the latter s adoption of the title Lord of the Isles 180 note 19 nbsp A grave slab sometimes thought to be that of Aonghus og but may be that of a later like named man 182 note 20 Aonghus og married Aine Ni Chathain an Irish woman from Ulster 185 According to the Sleat History Aine Ni Chathain s tocher consisted of one hundred and forty men from each surname that dwelt in the territory of her father Cu Maighe na nGall o Cathain 186 The Book of Clanranald numbers the men at eighty 187 The Ui Cathain of Ciannachta were a major branch of the Ui Neill kindred 188 and the leine chneas or train of followers that is said to have accompanied Aine Ni Chathain is the most remarkable retinue to have arrived through a marriage from Ireland in Scottish tradition 189 In any case this tocher appears similar to an historical one dating almost a century earlier when a Clann Ruaidhri bride brought over one hundred and sixty warriors to her Irish husband 190 The tradition of the Clann Domhnaill Ui Cathain union is corroborated by the record of an English safe conduct instrument granted to Aine Ni Chathain identified as the mother of Eoin Mac Domhnaill in 1338 191 At a later date Aine Ni Chathain appears to have remarried a member of Clann Aodha Buidhe 192 a branch of the o Neill kindred 193 note 21 Aonghus og and Aine Ni Chathain were the parents of Eoin Mac Domhnaill 199 Another child of the couple may be the Aine Nic Domhnaill noted in the Clann Lachlainn pedigree preserved by the fifteenth century manuscript National Library of Scotland Advocates 72 1 1 MS 1467 This source reveals that this woman was the wife of Lachlann og Mac Lachlainn and mother of his son Eoin Mac Lachlainn 200 Whatever the case a certain daughter of Aonghus og was Maire a woman who married William III Earl of Ross 201 Aonghus og appears to have also had another son named Eoin 202 a man from whom descended the Glencoe branch of Clann Domhnaill 203 Although the parentage of Alasdair of the Isles is uncertain one possibility is that he was another son of Aonghus og 204 Domhnall of Islay could have also been his son 205 According to the seventeenth century Macintosh History an ancestor of Clann Mhic an Toisigh named Fearchar married a daughter of Aonghus og named Moram As Fearchar died in 1274 it suggests this source has confused Aonghus og and Aonghus Mor 206 According to the Sleat History an illegitimate daughter of Aonghus Mor was the mother of an early chiefly ancestor of Clann Mhic an Toisigh The father of this ancestor is stated to have fled to Aonghus Mor whilst on the run for committing manslaughter Having fathered a son with Aonghus Mor s daughter the man is stated to have campaigned with Edward Bruce in Ireland where he was slain The Sleat History also claims that the slain man s son the ancestor of later Clann Mhic an Toisigh chiefs was brought up in Clann Domhnaill territory and endowed by the kindred with lands in Lochaber and Moray 207 Alexander Mackintosh Shaw also confirms the father of Moran to be Aonghus Mor Ferquhard s intercourse with the fair Mora of Isla was at first of an unauthorised character and that this being discovered the lover fled to avoid the wrath of the powerful father He took refuge in Ireland but before he had been there long he was recalled and on his return made Mora his wife 208 Ancestry editAncestors of Aonghus og of Islay16 Somhairle mac Giolla Brighde died 1164 209 8 Raghnall mac Somhairle died 1191 1192 c 1210 1227 209 17 Ragnhildr olafsdottir 209 4 Domhnall mac Raghnaill2 Aonghus Mor mac Domhnaill died c 1293 1 Aonghus og Mac Domhnaill died 1314 1318 c 1330 12 Giolla Easbuig Caimbeal fl 1266 210 note 22 6 Cailean Mor Caimbeal died c 1296 26 Cailean mac Donnchaidh 212 13 Oighrig inghean Cailein 212 note 23 3 unknownIn media editAonghus og appears as a character in the 2018 historical drama film Outlaw King where he is portrayed by Scottish actor Tony Curran 215 Notes edit Since the 1990s academics have accorded Aonghus og various patronyms in English secondary sources Aengus oc Mac Domnaill 2 Aengus og Mac Domnaill 3 Aengus og MacDomhnaill 4 Angus Macdonald 5 Angus MacDonald 6 Angus Og mac Donald 7 Angus Og macDonald 7 Angus og MacDonald 8 Angus Og Macdonald 9 Angus Og MacDonald 10 Angus Og MacDonald 11 Aonghas og MacDhomhnaill 12 Aonghas og MacDomhnaill 13 Aonghas og MacDomhnaill 14 Aonghas og MacDonald 15 Aonghus og Mac Domhnaill 16 and Aonghus og MacDomnaill 17 The Gaelic og and Mor mean young and big respectively 20 The identity of this woman is unsupported by traditional genealogies of the Caimbealaigh 25 The device appears to be similar to that which was ascribed to Aonghus Mor s paternal grandfather in the fifteenth century 32 The seals of Aonghus Mor and Alasdair og are the earliest examples of heraldry utilised by Clann Domhnaill 33 The legend reads S ENGVS DE YLE FILII DOMNALDI whilst the seal itself is blazoned on waves a lymphad bearing four men not on a shield 34 The escutcheon is blazoned or a galley sable with dragon heads at prow and stern and flag flying gules charged on the hull with four portholes argent 40 The coat of arms corresponds to the seal of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill 41 Since the galley lymphad was a symbol of Clann Dubhghaill and seemingly Raghnall mac Somhairle ancestor of Clann Ruaidhri and Clann Domhnaill it is conceivable that it was also a symbol of the Clann Somhairle progenitor Somhairle mac Giolla Brighde 42 It was also a symbol of the Crovan dynasty which could mean that it passed to Somhairle s family through his wife 43 This procurement of west coast castles could be evidence that he had also arranged for maritime support from kindreds like Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhri 64 The entire episode of Aonghus og aiding Robert at Dunaverty as alleged by The Brus is absent from the account of the king s flight given by the fourteenth century Gesta Annalia II 65 The Bruce declares that when Robert I landed on Rathlin the inhabitants fled to a rycht stalwart castell Whether such a castle existed on Rathlin is questionable and the claim that the islanders promised to render daily provisions for three hundred of the king s supporters could be evidence that the text refers to a larger island in the Hebrides 71 Furthermore the lord of Rathlin at about the time of the supposed landing was Hugh The fact that this man was then in the midst of serving the English Crown s maritime forces in the region suggests that he was unlikely to have assented to the Scottish king s use of the island 72 There is reason to suspect that Robert I had been fostered by a family in either Ireland or the west coast of Scotland 78 Candidates include Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhri 79 According to the fourteenth century Guisborough Chronicle the king was supported by Scots and Irishmen in Kintyre and was able to draw rents from Carrick in November 1306 80 At some point by 1304 Robert Bruce VII married a daughter of Richard de Burgh Earl of Ulster 86 One possibility is that Edward I allowed or arranged for this union with the hope that the two families would counter the threat posed by Clann Dubhghaill and Clann Ruaidhri 87 John Comyn may well have been a first cousin of Eoin Mac Dubhghaill 89 The date of these grants is unknown 98 This man is attested by numerous contemporary records Several of these reveal that Eoin Mac Dubhghaill was commissioned to bring him and an apparent brother of Domhnall named Gofraidh into the peace of the English king 108 Although the less than non partisan Sleat History declares that Aonghus og was always a follower of King Robert Bruce in all his wars there is reason to suspect that this statement may betray a degree of insecurity on the historian s part 110 Earlier during the tenure of Alasdair og Clann Domhnaill appears to have vied for control of swathes of Kintyre with Malcolm 115 This man appears to be identical to the Lord of Kintyre who was slain in 1307 campaigning with two of Robert I s brothers in Galloway 116 Although these letters of Aonghus og and Hugh are sometimes assumed to date to 1301 121 another letter associated with them concerns the continued English service of Hugh and Eoin Mac Suibhne The fact that this piece of correspondence identifies John Menteith as an opponent of the English Crown suggests that all three may instead date to 1310 122 According to this letter Eoin Mac Suibhne was unable to regain his promised territories of Knapdale primarily because of the forces of Eoin Mac Dubhghaill 123 Ostensibly Eoin Mac Suibhne Eoin Mac Dubhghaill and John Menteith were all supporters of the English Crown during this period 124 However the latter was present at Robert I s parliament of 1309 125 and it is possible that this Clann Dubhghaill occupation of Knapdale prompted John Menteith to switch his allegiance to the Bruce cause 124 The composition of the other Scottish battalions is unrecorded and uncertain Although the Bruce states that there were four Scottish battalions other sources such as the fourteenth century Vita Edwardi Secundi the fourteenth century Lanercost Chronicle and the fourteenth century Scalacronica state that there were only three 130 Edward Bruce s forces made landfall in Ireland late in May 1315 141 Charter evidence suggests that Robert I was at Tarbert earlier that month conceivably collecting a fleet for his brother s invasion 142 According to the Bruce at about this time the king had his fleet dragged across the Tarbert peninsula The poem further claims that the Islesmen were dejected after this on account of an old prophecy foretelling that whoever could sail their ships across the peninsula would hold dominion in the Isles that no other would be able to withstand 143 It is probable that whilst in the region Robert I collected submissions from competing members of Clann Domhnaill The king s visit may have also been intended to counter advances made by Clann Dubhghaill 144 According to the Bruce whilst Robert I was in the region a certain John of Lorn resisted the king before his was imprisoned and died in captivity Although this individual is unlikely to represent Eoin Mac Dubhghaill it is possible that he is identical to Eoin Mac Neacail a man who was evidently contemplating siding with Edward II at about this time 145 The Annals of Clonmacnoise exists only in an early modern translation and gives mcRory king of the islands and mcDonnell prince of the Irish of Scotland 152 The eleventh to fourteenth century Annals of Inisfallen also notes the fall of Edward Bruce and a certain Alexander M a man who could be identical to the Clann Domhnaill dynast referred to by the aforesaid sources 153 The adoption of the title further evidences the kindred s new found dominance over the other branches of Clann Somhairle 181 The stone appears to have been engraved HIC IA CET CO R PVS EN G VS II FI LII DOMINI ENGVSII MAC DOMNILL DE YLE This has been translated to Here lies the body of Angusius son of Lord Angusius MacDonald of Islay 183 One possibility is that the stone commemorates Aonghus Mac Domhnaill a son of the fifteenth century claimant to the lordship of the Isles Aonghus og Mac Domhnaill 184 Although Aine Ni Chathain is not named by the Book of Clanranald and accorded the name Margaret by the Sleat History she is named Any by another early modern account of the marriage 194 One of the Scottish families that may have originated from the retinue was the Mac Beathadh medical kindred 195 In fact the earliest member of this family on record was a physician of Robert I which may have bearing upon the king s close association with Clann Domhnaill 196 Another family said to have owed its origin in Scotland to the retinue according to the Sleat History is the Rothaigh kindred the Munros 197 The eighteenth century Munro Tree also associates the early Rothaigh with Clann Domhnaill stating Robert Munro of Fowlis assisted his Sovereign King Malcolm in his wars against his unnatural subjects he married and left a son Donald and a daughter Anna married to Angus McDonald of Yla and Dying A D 1164 198 Giolla Easbuig is the first member of the Caimbealaigh to appear in contemporary sources 211 Such a relationship could mean that the mother of Cailean Mor was a first cousin of the mother of Robert Bruce VII Mairghread daughter of Niall Earl of Carrick 213 Another possibility is that Cailean Mor s mother was one of the four known daughters of Niall If correct this relationship would mean that Cailean Mor was a first cousin of Robert Bruce VII 214 In any case the shared kingship could well explain the consistent support that the Caimbealaigh gave to the Bruce cause 213 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MacGregor M 2000 Lan Mara s Mile Seol Floodtide and a Thousand Sails Gaelic Scotland and Gaelic Ireland in the Later Middle Ages A Chomhdhail Cheilteach Eadarniseanta Congress 99 Cultural Contacts Within the Celtic Community Inverness Celtic Congress pp 77 97 MacGregor M 2018 In Search of Robert Bruce History Teaching Review Yearbook 2018 10 31 ISSN 2513 8952 Maclean Bristol N 1995 Warriors and Priests The History of the Clan Maclean 1300 1570 East Linton Tuckwell Press McAndrew BA 1992 Some Ancient Scottish Arms The Heraldry Society Retrieved 5 February 2014 McAndrew BA 1999 The Sigillography of the Ragman Roll PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 129 663 752 doi 10 9750 PSAS 129 663 752 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 202524449 McAndrew BA 2006 Scotland s Historic Heraldry Woodbridge Boydell Press ISBN 9781843832614 McDonald RA 1995 Images of Hebridean Lordship in the Late Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries The Seal of Raonall Mac Sorley Scottish 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2002 Ri Innsi Gall Ri Fionnghall Ceannas nan Gaidheal Sovereignty and Rhetoric in the Late Medieval Hebrides Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 43 25 48 ISSN 1353 0089 McLeod W 2005 2004 Political and Cultural Background Divided Gaels Gaelic Cultural Identities in Scotland and Ireland 1200 1650 Oxford Oxford University Press pp 14 54 doi 10 1093 acprof oso 9780199247226 003 0002 ISBN 0 19 924722 6 via Oxford Scholarship Online McNamee C 2012a 2006 Robert Bruce Our Most Valiant Prince King and Lord Edinburgh Birlinn Limited ISBN 978 0 85790 496 6 McNamee C 2012b 1997 The Wars of the Bruces Scotland England and Ireland 1306 1328 EPUB Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 978 0 85790 495 9 McQueen AAB 2002 The Origins and Development of the Scottish Parliament 1249 1329 PhD thesis University of St Andrews hdl 10023 6461 Munro J 1981 The Lordship of the Isles In Maclean L ed The Middle Ages in the Highlands Inverness Inverness Field Club Munro J 1986 The Earldom of Ross and the Lordship of the Isles 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na Gaidhlig 2000 Papers Read at the Conference Scottish Gaelic Studies 2000 Held at the University of Aberdeen 2 4 August 2000 Aberdeen An Clo Gaidhealach pp 221 230 ISBN 0952391171 Nicholls K 2007 Scottish Mercenary Kindreds in Ireland 1250 1600 In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 86 105 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 Oram RD 2004 The Lordship of the Isles 1336 1545 In Omand D ed The Argyll Book Edinburgh Birlinn pp 123 139 ISBN 1 84158 253 0 Oram RD 2014 Introduction A Celtic Dirk at Scotland s Back The Lordship of the Isles in Mainstream Scottish Historiography since 1828 In Oram RD ed The Lordship of the Isles The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 1 39 doi 10 1163 9789004280359 002 ISBN 978 90 04 28035 9 ISSN 1569 1462 o Mainnin MB 1999 The Same in Origin and in Blood Bardic Windows on the Relationship between Irish and Scottish Gaels in the Period c 1200 1650 Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 38 1 52 ISSN 1353 0089 Penman M 2008 Robert I 1306 1329 In Brown M Tanner R eds Scottish Kingship 1306 1542 Essays in Honour of Norman Macdougall Edinburgh John Donald pp 20 48 doi 10 3366 shr 2011 0008 hdl 1893 731 ISBN 9781904607823 Penman M 2014 Robert the Bruce King of the Scots New Haven CT Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 14872 5 Penman MA 2005 2004 David II 1329 71 Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 978 0 85976 603 6 Penman MA 2014 The MacDonald Lordship and the Bruce Dynasty c 1306 c 1371 In Oram RD ed The Lordship of the Isles PDF The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 62 87 doi 10 1163 9789004280359 004 hdl 1893 20883 ISBN 978 90 04 28035 9 ISSN 1569 1462 Petre J 2015 Donald Balloch the Treaty of Ardtornish Westminster and the MacDonald Raids of 1461 3 Historical Research 88 242 599 628 doi 10 1111 1468 2281 12106 eISSN 1468 2281 Petre JS 2014 Mingary in Ardnamurchan A Review of who Could Have Built the Castle PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 144 265 276 doi 10 9750 PSAS 144 265 276 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 258758433 Prestwich M 1988 Edward I English Monarchs Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California Press ISBN 0 520 06266 3 Prestwich M 2012 The Wars of Independence 1296 1328 In Spiers EM Crang JA Strickland MJ eds A Military History of Scotland Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press pp 133 157 ISBN 978 0 7486 3204 6 Raven JA 2005 Medieval Landscapes and Lordship in South Uist PhD thesis Vol 2 University of Glasgow Reid NH 1984 The Political Role of the Monarchy in Scotland 1249 1329 PhD thesis University of Edinburgh hdl 1842 7144 Reid WS 1960 Sea Power in the Anglo Scottish War 1296 1328 The Mariner s Mirror 46 1 7 23 doi 10 1080 00253359 1960 10658467 ISSN 0025 3359 Rixson D 1982 The West Highland Galley Edinburgh Birlinn ISBN 1 874744 86 6 Roberts JL 1999 Lost Kingdoms Celtic Scotland and the Middle Ages Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press ISBN 0 7486 0910 5 Ross A 2014 Ghille Chattan Mhor and Clann Mhic an Toisich Lands in the Clann Dhomhnail Lordship of Lochaber In Oram RD ed The Lordship of the Isles The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 101 122 doi 10 1163 9789004280359 006 ISBN 978 90 04 28035 9 ISSN 1569 1462 Sellar WDH 1971 Family Origins in Cowal and Knapdale Scottish Studies The Journal of the School of Scottish Studies University of Edinburgh 15 21 37 ISSN 0036 9411 Sellar WDH 1973 The Earliest Campbells Norman Briton or Gael Scottish Studies 17 109 125 Sellar WDH 1990 Review of K Simms From Kings to Warlords The Changing Political Structure of Gaelic Ireland in the Later Middle Ages Irish Historical Studies 27 106 165 167 doi 10 1017 s0021121400018344 eISSN 2056 4139 ISSN 0021 1214 JSTOR 30006517 S2CID 163744469 Sellar WDH 2000 Hebridean Sea Kings The Successors of Somerled 1164 1316 In Cowan EJ McDonald RA eds Alba Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages East Linton Tuckwell Press pp 187 218 ISBN 1 86232 151 5 Sellar WDH 2004a MacDougall Alexander Lord of Argyll d 1310 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 49385 Subscription or UK public library membership required Sellar WDH 2004b MacDougall John Lord of Argyll d 1316 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 54284 Subscription or UK public library membership required Sellar WDH 2016 Review of RD Oram The Lordship of the Isles Northern Scotland 7 1 103 107 doi 10 3366 nor 2016 0114 eISSN 2042 2717 ISSN 0306 5278 Sellar WDH Maclean A 1999 The Highland Clan MacNeacail MacNicol A History of the Nicolsons of Scorrybreac Lochbay Maclean Press ISBN 1 899272 02 X Smith B 2007 Lordship in the British Isles c 1320 c 1360 The Ebb Tide of the English Empire In Pryce H Watts J eds Power and Identity in the Middle Ages Oxford Oxford University Press pp 153 163 ISBN 978 0 19 928546 4 Steer KA Bannerman JW Collins GH 1977 Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture in the West Highlands Edinburgh Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland ISBN 0114913838 Stell GP 2005 John John de Balliol c 1248x50 1314 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography October 2005 ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 1209 Subscription or UK public library membership required Stevenson K 2014 Power and Propaganda Scotland 1306 1488 The New History of Scotland Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press ISBN 978 0 7486 9419 8 Strickland M 2008 Treason Feud and the Growth of State Violence Edward I and the War of the Earl of Carrick 1306 7 In Given Wilson C Kettle A Scales L eds War Government and Aristocracy in the British Isles c 1150 Woodbridge The Boydell Press pp 84 113 ISBN 978 1 84383 389 5 Watson F 1991 Edward I in Scotland 1296 1305 PhD thesis University of Glasgow Watson F 2004 Menteith Sir John d 1323 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 18562 Subscription or UK public library membership required Watson F 2013 1998 Under the Hammer Edward I and Scotland 1286 1306 EPUB Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 978 1 907909 19 1 Woolf A 2001 Isles Kingdom of the In Lynch M ed The Oxford Companion to Scottish History Oxford Companions Oxford Oxford University Press pp 346 347 ISBN 0 19 211696 7 Young A 2004 Comyn Sir John Lord of Badenoch d 1306 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 6046 Subscription or UK public library membership required Young A Stead MJ 2010 1999 In the Footsteps of Robert Bruce in Scotland Northern England and Ireland Brimscombe Port The History Press ISBN 978 0 7524 5642 3 External links edit Angus MacDonald of the Isles d 1314 18 People of Medieval Scotland 1093 1371 nbsp Media related to Aonghus og Mac Domhnaill at Wikimedia Commons 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