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Alasdair Óg of Islay

May 03, 2024

Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill (died probably 1299) was Lord of Islay and chief of Clann Domhnaill.[note 1] He was the eldest son of Aonghus Mór mac Domhnaill, Lord of Islay. Alasdair Óg seems to first appear on record in 1264, when he was held as a hostage of the Scottish Crown for his father's good behaviour. During Alasdair Óg's career, the Scottish realm endured a succession crisis as a result of the unexpected death of Margaret, Maid of Norway, heir to the Scottish throne, in 1290. One of several factions that staked a claim to the throne was the Bruce kindred. Both Alasdair Óg and his father were cosignatories of the Turnberry Band, a pact that may have partly concerned the Bruces' royal aspirations.

Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill
Lord of Islay
The seal of Alasdair Óg.[1] The device shows a galley manned by two men attending the ropes.[2] The seal's legend reads "S' ALEXANDRI DE ISLE".[3]
PredecessorAonghus Mór mac Domhnaill
SuccessorAonghus Óg Mac Domhnaill?
Diedprobably 1299
Noble familyClann Domhnaill
Spouse(s)Juliana
FatherAonghus Mór mac Domhnaill

Aonghus Mór last appears on record in 1293, which seems to have been about the time that Alasdair Óg succeeded him as chief of Clann Domhnaill. Alasdair Óg's wife was apparently a member of Clann Dubhghaill. This marital alliance evidently brought Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill into a territorial conflict. The chief of the latter kindred, Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, was a close adherent to the successful claimant to the kingship, John Balliol. Following the latter's defeat and overthrow by Edward I, King of England, Alasdair Óg aligned his kindred with the English in an attempt to contend with Clann Dubhghaill. As such, Alasdair Óg was employed as the agent of English authority in the west, and Clann Domhnaill appears on record throughout the 1290s campaigning against Clann Dubhghaill, Clann Ruaidhrí, and the Comyn kindred.

Alasdair Óg's rivalry with Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill apparently brought about his own demise, as Alasdair Óg appears to be identical to the like-named man slain by Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill of Clann Dubhghaill in 1299. The Clann Domhnaill succession is uncertain following this date, as several men appear on record accorded the territorial designation "of Islay", a style that corresponded to the lordship of the Isles. Alasdair Óg is known to have had at least six sons. He was the brother of the Clann Domhnaill chief (Aonghus Óg) who was slain campaigning in Ireland in 1318. Over the succeeding decades, the Clann Domhnaill chiefship came to be permanently occupied by the descendants of Aonghus Óg. As a result, Alasdair Óg's reputation suffered within early modern Clann Domhnaill tradition, and the history of his descendants—Clann Alasdair—was largely ignored. Nevertheless, the most prominent Clann Domhnaill gallowglass families in Ireland descended from him. Members of Clann Alasdair claimed the Clann Domhnaill chiefship into the last half of the fourteenth century. Alasdair Óg may also be the eponymous ancestor of Clann Alasdair of Loup.

Parentage edit

 
Locations relating to Alasdair Óg's life and times.

Alasdair Óg was an elder[17] son of Aonghus Mór mac Domhnaill, Lord of Islay.[18][note 2] The latter was a son of Domhnall mac Raghnaill,[21] eponym of Clann Domhnaill.[22] As such, Aonghus Mór can be regarded as the first Mac Domhnaill.[23] Clann Domhnaill was the junior-most of three main branches of Clann Somhairle. The other two branches were Clann Dubhghaill and Clann Ruaidhrí—families respectively descended from (Domhnall's uncle) Dubhghall mac Somhairle and (Domhnall's elder brother) Ruaidhrí mac Raghnaill.[24] Alasdair Óg had a sister who married Domhnall Óg Ó Domhnaill, King of Tír Chonaill;[25] a younger brother, Aonghus Óg;[26] another brother, Eóin Sprangach, ancestor of the Ardnamurchan branch of Clann Domhnaill;[27] and a sister who married Hugh Bisset.[28]

The personal name Alasdair is a Gaelic equivalent of Alexander.[29] Aonghus Mór, and his Clann Somhairle kinsman Eóghan Mac Dubhghaill, evidently named their eldest sons after the kings of Scotland. Both Eóghan's son, Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, and Alasdair Óg himself, appear to have been named after Alexander III, King of Scotland as both are unlikely to have been born during the reign of the latter's father, Alexander II, King of Scotland.[30] Before Alexander II, virtually no Scots are known to have borne the name Alexander. Very quickly, however, leading families within the Scottish realm began to emulate the royal family.[31] The use of the name by leading members of Clann Somhairle appears to reflect the spread of Scottish influence into its own orbit,[32] and could be evidence of the kindred's attempt to align itself closer to the Scottish Crown.[33][note 3]

Clann Domhnaill under Aonghus Mór edit

Hostage of the Scottish Crown edit

 
The seal of Alexander III. The device is similar to that of his English contemporaries, Henry III and Edward I.[35]

In the midpoint of the thirteenth century, Alexander II, and his son and successor Alexander III, made several attempts to incorporate the Hebrides into the Scottish realm.[36] Forming a part of the Kingdom of the Isles, these islands were a component of the far-flung Norwegian commonwealth.[37] The independence of the Islesmen, and the lurking threat of their nominal overlord, the formidable Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway, constituted a constant source of concern for the Scottish Crown.[36] In 1261, Alexander III sent an embassy to Norway attempting to negotiate the purchase of the Isles from the Norwegian Crown. When mediation came to nought, Alexander III evidently orchestrated an invasion into the Isles as means to openly challenge his Norwegian counterpart's authority.[38]

Thus provoked, Hákon assembled an enormous fleet to reassert Norwegian sovereignty along the north and west coasts of Scotland.[39] Having rendezvoused with his vassals in the Isles—one of whom was Aonghus Mór himself—Hákon secured several castles, oversaw raids into the surrounding mainland.[40] A series of inconclusive skirmishes upon the Ayrshire coast, coupled with ever-worsening weather, discouraged the Norwegians and convinced them to turn for home. Hákon died that December.[41] As a result of his failure to break Scottish power, Alexander III seized the initiative the following year, and oversaw a series of invasions into the Isles and northern Scotland. Recognising this dramatic shift in royal authority, Magnús Óláfsson, King of Mann and the Isles submitted to the Scots within the year,[42] and in so doing, symbolised the complete collapse of Norwegian sovereignty in the Isles.[43]

In the wake of the Norwegian withdrawal, and the violent extension of Scottish royal authority into the Isles, Aonghus Mór had no choice but to submit to the Scots. He was forced to hand over his son[44]—seemingly Alasdair Óg—who was consequently held at Ayr as a hostage of the Scottish Crown for Aonghus Mór's good behaviour.[45] The fact that his son was accompanied by a nurse suggests that he was merely a young child at the time.[46]

The Turnberry Band edit

 
The seal of Robert Bruce VI.[47] The Turnberry Band was concluded at this man's principal residence, Turnberry Castle.[48]

Alasdair Óg next appears on record in about 1284/1285/1286, when he confirmed his father's grant of the church of St Ciarán to the Cistercian monastery of Paisley.[49] The witness lists of Clann Somhairle charters spanning the thirteenth century reveal that, as time wore on, the kindred increasingly surrounded itself with men drawn from a Scottish background as opposed to that of men mainly of a Hebridean milieu.[50] In fact, Alasdair Óg's transaction with the Cistercians marks the first record of Robert Bruce VII, a future King of Scotland.[51][note 4]

Other evidence of the kindred's incorporation within Scotland concerns the formation of alliances with various factions within the realm.[54] Whilst Clann Dubhghall forged ties with the dominant Comyn kindred, Clann Domhnaill evidently aligned itself to the Bruce kindred.[55] The latter partnership appears to owe itself to the unsettled period immediately after Alexander III's unexpected demise in March 1286. Although the leading magnates of the realm had previously recognised Alexander III's granddaughter, Margaret, as his legitimate heir, there were two major factions in the realm that possessed competing claims to the kingship. At the beginning of April, Robert Bruce V, Lord of Annandale announced his claim to the throne, whilst John Balliol—a magnate backed by the Comyns—seems to have declared a claim of his own before the end of the month.[56]

 
The seal of Alasdair Óg's father, Aonghus Mór.[57][note 5]

It is possible that the Bruce faction regarded its claim to be weaker to that of Comyn-Balliol faction.[61] In September, members of the faction concluded a pact, known as the Turnberry Band, in which certain Scottish and Anglo-Irish magnates—including Alasdair Óg and his father—pledged to support one another.[62] One possibility is that Alasdair Óg's confirmation charter was granted immediately before or after the conclusion of the Turnberry pact. Certainly, two of the men who witnessed the grant to Paisley were members of monastery of Crossraguel, a religious house within the Bruce lordship of Carrick. This could be evidence that the charter was issued within the earldom as well.[63] In any event, although the precise purpose of the Turnberry pact is uncertain, it is conceivable that it was somehow connected to the Bruce faction's claim to the throne.[64] One possibility is that that involvement of Clann Domhnaill may have been intended to counter the threat of Clann Dubhghaill whilst the Bruces and their allies contended with the Balliols in Galloway.[65]

In accordance to the pact, the participating Scottish magnates swore to support two prominent Anglo-Irish magnates: Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster and Thomas de Clare, Lord of Thomond.[62] Thomas' father-in-law died the same year leaving him with claims in Connacht and Ulster.[66] This could indicate that one of the purposes of the bond was to further the ambitions of Richard and Thomas in north-west Ireland, and enable the latter to secure possession of his northern inheritance from the clutches of his chief competitor, John fitz Thomas, and the numerous native kindreds of the region.[67] One aspect of the pact, therefore, could have concerned the curtailment of overseas connections between Clann Domhnaill and Irish kindreds opposed to the earl, such as the Uí Domhnaill and the Uí Néill.[68] In fact, the bond coincided with an immense show of force by Richard in Connacht and Ulster. This campaign saw the earl's exaction of hostages from Cineál Chonaill and Cineál Eoghain, the deposition of Domhnall Ó Néill from the kingship of Tír Chonaill, and the subsequent replacement of the latter with a more palatable candidate.[69] The bond's Anglo-Irish cosignatories may have sought maritime support from Clann Domhnaill,[70] and it is possible that Aonghus Mór contributed to the earl's operation.[71]

 
The seal of James Stewart,[72] one of the cosignatories of the Turnberry Band, and Alasdair Óg's sometime opponent.

Other cosignatories included members of the Stewart/Menteith kindred. The Bruces and Stewarts also had a stake in north-west Ireland, with the latter kindred eventually possessing claims to territories that had formerly been held by predecessors of John Balliol.[73][note 6] The participation of the Stewart/Menteith kindred in the band could have also concerned its part in the hostile annexation of the Clann Suibhne lordship in Argyll. Forced from its Scottish homeland, Clann Suibhne evidently found a safe haven in Tír Chonaill on account of an alliance forged with Domhnall Óg.[76] Not only was the latter's son and successor, Aodh, the product of a union with a member of Clann Suibhne,[77] but Domhnall Óg himself had been fostered by the kindred.[78] The fact that Murchadh Mac Suibhne is known to have died imprisoned by Richard's father could in turn indicate that the earls of Ulster were opposed to Clann Suibhne's resettlement in the region.[79][note 7] Clann Domhnaill's part in Aodh's 1290 defeat at the hands of his paternal half-brother, Toirdhealbhach, meant that the forces of Clann Domhnaill were engaged supporting the cause of Aonghus Mór's maternal grandson (Toirdhealbhach) against a maternal descendant of Clann Suibhne (Aodh). Whether this clash was a direct result of the bond is uncertain, although it seems likely that Aonghus Mór's part in the pact concerned the value of his kindred's military might.[82] Alasdair Óg may well have overseen Clann Domhnaill's overseas support of Toirdhealbhach.[65][note 8]

Under the Balliol regime edit

 
The seal of John, King of Scotland,[85] a monarch closely connected with Alasdair Óg's neighbouring rival, Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill.

By the death of Alexander III, the Clann Domhnaill holdings seem to have included Kintyre, Islay, southern Jura, and perhaps Colonsay and Oronsay.[86] Whilst Aonghus Mór is regularly described with a patronymic referring to his father, Alasdair Óg and Aonghus Óg tend to be accorded the territorial designation "of Islay".[87] In 1292, the English Crown granted Aonghus Mór and Alasdair Óg safe conduct to travel and trade between Scotland and Ireland.[88] 1292 is also the year in which a violent feud between Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill is first attested. The infighting appears to have stemmed from Alasdair Óg's marriage to an apparent member of Clann Dubhghaill, and seems to have concerned a dispute over this woman's territorial claims.[89] The parentage of Alasdair Óg's wife, Juliana, is unknown. Whilst she could have been a daughter or sister of the Clann Dubhghaill chief Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill,[90] she certainly possessed a claim to a portion of Lismore.[91]

 
Image a
 
Image b
Facsimiles of correspondence between Clann Domhnaill and the English Crown: a letter from Aonghus Mór and Alasdair Óg (image a),[92] and one which was attached to Alasdair Óg's seal (image b).[93]

Although Aonghus Mór, Alasdair Óg, and Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, swore to Edward I, King of England that they would postpone the feud, and pledged to uphold the peace in the "isles and outlying territories", the bitter internecine struggle continued throughout the 1290s.[94] Edward directed that two of the Guardians of Scotland to be guarantors of the peace. One was the steward, whilst the other was John Comyn II, Lord of Badenoch. The fact that the latter was a brother-in-law of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill could indicate that the steward and Clann Domhnaill were politically aligned.[95]

In February 1293, at the first parliament of John, King of Scotland, three new sheriffdoms were erected in the western reaches of the realm.[96] In the north-west, William II, Earl of Ross was made Sheriff of Skye, with a jurisdiction that appears to correspond to the territories formerly held by the Crovan dynasty before 1266. In the central-west, Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill was made Sheriff of Lorn, with a jurisdiction over much of Argyll. In the south-west, the steward was made Sheriff of Kintyre.[97] The creation of these divisions dramatically evidences the steady consolidation of royal authority in the west in since 1266.[98][note 9] Despite the king's intentions of increased authority, stability, and peace, his new sheriffs seem to have used their elevated positions to exploit royal power against their own local rivals. Whereas Clann Ruaidhrí appears to have fallen afoul of the neighbouring Earl of Ross, Clann Domhnaill was forced to deal with its powerful Clann Dubhghaill rivals.[104]

Clann Domhnaill under Alasdair Óg edit

Aligned with the English regime edit

 
The seal of Alexander Stewart.[105] Like Alasdair Óg, Alexander Stewart was employed by the English Crown against Clann Dubhghaill.

Aonghus Mór is last attested in 1293,[106] and appears to have died at about this date.[107][note 10] Alasdair Óg's undated renewal of his father's grant of St Ciarán seems to be evidence that Aonghus Mór had been succeeded by the date of its issue.[109] Certainly, Alasdair Óg appears to have succeeded Aonghus Mór by the mid 1290s.[110] The record of Alasdair Óg serving as a young hostage in 1264 suggests that he would have been in his thirties at the time of his succession.[111]

In an effort to curb the principal representative of the Comyn-Balliol faction in the north-west, Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, Edward turned to Alasdair Óg.[112] The latter was evidently serving the English Crown by March,[113] and is attested in April as an English-aligned bailiff in Kintyre, tasked to seize control of Kintyre and hand it over to a certain Malcolm le fitz l'Engleys.[114] As such, Alasdair Óg was given jurisdiction over an area formerly under the authority of the steward,[115] a man who had briefly taken up arms against the English in 1296 but quickly capitulated when resistance proved futile.[116]

By 10 September, however, Edward turned to Alexander Stewart, Earl of Menteith, who was appointed authority over an expansive territory stretching from Ross to Rutherglen. The earl was ordered to take into custody the property of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill and Eóin Mac Dubhghaill;[117] his was given authority over specific magnates such as the steward, (the keeper of Ross) William Hay, John Comyn II, and Niall Caimbéal; as well as the burghs of Ayr, Renfrew, Dumbarton; and given authority over the men of Argyll and Ross.[118] It is unknown what prompted the king to turn towards the earl. The latter had been captured following the Scottish defeat at Dunbar in April,[119] and had been released from custody in June.[120] One possibility is that the English Crown sought to rely upon a power that was less personally involved in the politics of the region. It is also possible that the English orchestrated this delegation of authority in the context of adopting a divide-and-rule policy in the region as a way to offset Alasdair Óg's influence.[121]

 
Either Skipness Castle (pictured) or Dunaverty Castle could have been the principal seat of the steward in Kintyre.[122] Either may have been the fortress that Alasdair Óg was on verge of storming in September 1296 when he informed the English Crown of his progress in securing control of Kintyre.

In an undated letter that appears to date to about the summer of 1296, Alasdair Óg reported to the English king that he had secured possession of the steward's lands in Kintyre, and was on verge of taking control of a particular castle.[123] Although this fortress is unnamed, it may have been either Dunaverty Castle[124] of Skipness Castle[125]—either of which could have been the steward's principal stronghold in Kintyre.[122] Alasdair Óg also advanced the opinion that, under the Scottish and English law, no tenant-in-chief should lose his heritage without first being impleaded by writ in their name.[123] However, the fact that Malcolm is on record in possession of Dunaverty Castle a decade later suggests that Alasdair Óg's letter was an insincere—and unsuccessful—attempt to prevent Malcolm from gaining a foothold in Kintyre.[126] By early May, the steward duly submitted to the English Crown.[127] Whether Alasdair Óg was aware of the steward's submition is unknown. As a result, his castle could have been seized by Alasdair Óg or merely handed over to him.[128] In September 1296, Edward ordered that Alasdair Óg be granted £100 of lands and rent for his services to the English Crown.[129]

Clann Somhairle kin-strife edit

 
The arms of the Lord of Argyll depicted in the fourteenth-century Balliol Roll.[130][note 11]

It is evident that, from about 1296 to 1301, Clann Dubhghaill was out of favour of the English Crown. The efforts of Edward's adherents in Argyll were evidently successful since the next record of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill reveals that the latter had been imprisoned at some point[135]—presumably in an attempt to pacify his family[136]—and was released by Edward in May 1297.[137][note 12] With the Clann Dubhghaill chief's liberation, Edward may have hoped to reign in his disaffected son, Donnchadh,[140] a man who—unlike his father—had not sworn allegiance to the English Crown,[141] and who was evidently spearheading his family's resistance to Clann Domhnaill.[142]

The struggle between Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill is documented in two undated letters from Alasdair Óg to Edward. In the first, Alasdair Óg complained to the king that Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill had ravaged his lands. Although Alasdair Óg further noted that he had overcome Ruaidhrí Mac Ruaidhrí and thereby brought him to heel,[143] the fealty that Ruaidhrí swore to the English Crown appears to have been rendered merely as a stalling tactic,[144] since the letter reveals that Ruaidhrí's brother, Lachlann Mac Ruaidhrí, then attacked Alasdair Óg, and both of these Clann Ruaidhrí brothers proceeded to ravage Skye and Lewis and Harris. At the end of the letter, Alasdair Óg related that he was in the midst of organising a retaliatory operation, and implored upon Edward to instruct the other noblemen of Argyll and Ross to aid him in his struggle against the king's enemies.[143] In a writ dated 9 April 1297, Edward ordered that the men of Argyll and Ross assist Alasdair Óg, who was thereby appointed as the king's bailiff in Lorn, Ross, and the Hebrides.[145] As such, Alasdair Óg was granted authority in Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill's former sheriffdom.[146] If the royal command was a response to Alasdair Óg's letter, as seems the case, it would suggest that he composed his correspondence to the king in the midpart of March.[147]

 
Now-ruinous Inverlochy Castle was once a stronghold of the Comyn kindred. In 1297, Alasdair Óg pursued his opponents to the castle, where he attempted to capture the largest warships on the western seaboard.

In the second letter, Alasdair Óg again appealed to the English Crown, complaining that he faced a united front from Donnchadh, Lachlann, Ruaidhrí, and the Comyns. According to Alasdair Óg, the men of Lochaber had sworn allegiance to Lachlann and Donnchadh. In one instance Alasdair Óg reported that, although he had been able to force Lachlann's supposed submission, he was thereupon attacked by Ruaidhrí. Alasdair Óg further related a specific expedition in which he pursued his opponents to the Comyn stronghold of Inverlochy Castle[148]—the principal fortress in Lochaber[149]—where he was unable to capture—but nevertheless destroyed—two massive galleys which he described as the largest warships in the Western Isles.[148][note 13] Alasdair Óg also reported that, on account of the steward's disloyalty to the king, he seized control of the castle and barony of "Glasrog" (probably Glassary).[148] There is only one other reference to a castle in the barony of Glassary—presumably Fincharn Castle—in 1374.[152] How the steward came to hold any authority in these Argyllian lands is uncertain. One possibility is that he capitalised upon the conflict between Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill.[153] In any event, much like in the first letter, Alasdair Óg called upon the English king for financial support in combating his mounting opponents. Specifically, he reminded the English Crown that he had received nothing of the £500 that he had been promised the year before, nor had he received any revenue from his duties as bailiff.[148]

 
The seal that Alasdair Óg's English overlord, Edward I, used in Scotland in 1296–1306.[154][note 14]

Alasdair Óg's dispatches seem to show that Lachlann and Ruaidhrí were focused upon seizing control of Skye and Lewis and Harris from the absentee Earl of Ross. Whilst the first communiqué reveals that the initial assault upon the islands concerned pillage, the second letter appears to indicate that the islands were subjected to further invasions by Clann Ruaidhrí, suggesting that the acquisition of these islands was the family's goal. The bitter strife between Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill depicted by these letters seems to indicate that both kindreds sought to capitalise on the earl's absence, and that both families sought to incorporate the islands into their own lordships. In specific regard to Clann Ruaidhrí, it is likely this kindred's campaigning was an extension of the conflict originating from the creation of the shrievalty of Skye.[156] The correspondence also reveals that the Lachlann and Ruaidhrí were able to split their forces and operate somewhat independently of each other. Although Alasdair Óg was evidently able to overcome one of the brothers at a time, he was nevertheless vulnerable to a counterattack from the other.[157]

Alasdair Óg's second letter appears to date to after his reception of the king's writ of 9 April.[158] Whether the Clann Somhairle kin-strife continued after Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill's May release is uncertain, although it would seem highly probable given the remarkable animosity between the concerned parties.[159] If Edward did not intend for this liberated clan chief to reign in his family, another possibility is that his release was instead envisaged as a counterbalance to Alasdair Óg's power, to ensure that the latter was kept in check.[160] The correspondence between Alasdair Óg and the English also reveals that, notwithstanding Edward's 1296 grant of administrative powers to Alexander Stewart in the northwest, it was actually Alasdair Óg who was implementing English royal authority in the region.[161] Nevertheless, although Alasdair Óg was ostensibly working on the king's behalf, it is evident that local rivalries and self-interest laid behind the region's political alignments, not anti-Englishness.[162][note 15] Certainly, the English Crown's elevation of Alasdair Óg at the expense of the steward and Clann Dubhghaill would have been a cause of apprehension and resentment.[165] In fact, it is apparent that little authority could be expected by Edward without bringing these two disaffected parties onside.[166]

Death edit

 
Alasdair Óg's apparent name as it appears on folio 71v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 (the Annals of Ulster).[167] The excerpt forms part of the annal-entry recording his death at the hands of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill.

In 1299, several Irish annals report a clash between Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill in which Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill slew a member of Clann Domhnaill named Alasdair.[168][note 16] According to the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters, this man was "the best man of his tribe in Ireland and Scotland for hospitality and prowess"; whilst the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster states that he was killed "together with a countless number of his own people ... around him".[173] The slain man appears to have been Alasdair Óg himself.[174] The accounts of his demise suggest that his final fall took place in the context of his ongoing dispute with Clann Dubhghaill.[175]

[Note: According to the annals of Clan Donald, Alasdair Og (Alexander of Islay) was fighting against Robert the Bruce in 1308 in Galloway where he was defeated on the banks of the Dee by Edward, brother of King Robert the Bruce. Edward took prisoner "the prince of the Isles" but Alexander escaped to Castle Sween in Knapdale. Edward pursued him and captured Alexander there. He was taken to Dundonald Castle in Ayrshire where he was held prisoner and died soon after.][176] But this is widely disputed.

If the seventeenth-century Ane Accompt of the Genealogie of the Campbells is to be believed, Clann Dubhghaill successfully dispatched another rival during the 1290s, as this source claims that Eóin Mac Dubhghaill overcame and slew Cailéan Mór Caimbéal.[177] The latter's death took place after his recognition as bailiff of Loch Awe and Ardscotnish by Edward in September 1296, suggesting that he too was employed by the English against Clann Dubhghaill.[178][note 17] Accordingly, both Alasdair Óg and Cailéan Mór appear to have succumbed to Clann Dubhghaill whilst attempting to extend Edward's authority into Argyll and bring the clan to heel.[180][note 18]

 
The Dublin city seal of 1297.[183] The Clann Domhnaill seals show no trace of the forecastle and aftercastle depicted upon this device, indicating that the galleys utilised by the Highlanders and Hebrideans were smaller than vessels used elsewhere in Britain and Ireland.[184][note 19]

Alasdair Óg's death in 1299 seems to account for the recorded actions of his younger brother, Aonghus Óg, against Clann Dubhghaill.[175][note 20] In either 1301 or 1310 for example, whilst in the service of the English Crown, Aonghus Óg inquired of the king as to whether he and Hugh were authorised to conduct military operations against Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, and further entreated the king on behalf of Lachlann and Ruaidhrí—who were then aiding Aonghus Óg's English-aligned military forces—to grant the Clann Ruaidhrí brothers feu of their ancestral lands.[187] Another letter—this one from Hugh to Edward—reveals that Hugh, Eóin Mac Suibhne, and Aonghus Óg himself, were engaged in maritime operations against Clann Dubhghaill that year.[188][note 21]

The fact that Aonghus Óg styled himself "of Islay" in his letter could be evidence that he was acting as chief of Clann Domhnaill,[175] and that he succeeded Alasdair Óg as chief.[190] Nevertheless, the precise succession of Clann Domhnaill is uncertain. For example, the record of a certain Domhnall in attendance of the 1309 parliament of Robert I, with the territorial designation "of Islay", could indicate that this particular man then held the chiefship.[191] As with the succession, the identity of this man is uncertain. One possibility is that he was an elder brother of Aonghus Óg;[192] other possibilities are that he was either a cousin of Alasdair Óg and Aonghus Óg,[193] or else a son of either two.[194][note 22]

 
The name and title of a Clann Domhnaill dynast as they appear on folio 82v (part 2) of Royal Irish Academy P 6 (the Annals of the Four Masters).[198] The annal-entry records this man's death in 1318 at Faughart. He could have been a son of Alasdair Óg, and appears to have occupied the chiefship at the time of his fall.

Further evidence of a contentious family succession may be the record of a certain Alasdair of the Isles,[199] who received a grant of the former Clann Dubhghaill islands of Mull and Tiree from Robert I.[200] This man could have been a son of Aonghus Óg,[201] or else a nephew of the latter[202]—presumably a son of Alasdair Óg himself.[203] Certainly, Alasdair of the Isles's royal grant comprised former Clann Dubhghaill islands, a fact which could be evidence that he was indeed a son of Alasdair Óg, and possessed a claim to these territories by right of his maternal descent from Clann Dubhghaill.[204][note 23] Remarkably, this is no evidence of a royal charter to the lordship of Islay. This could reveal that, upon Alasdair Óg's death, the lordship was automatically inherited by a son, possibly Alasdair of the Isles.[206] The latter may be identical to the apparent Clann Domhnaill chief slain in 1318 supporting the Bruce campaign in Ireland.[204] The sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé records his name as "Mac Domnaill, ri Oirir Gaidheal".[207] This source is mirrored by several other Irish annals,[208][note 24] and the eleventh- to fourteenth-century Annals of Inisfallen seems to refer to the same man, calling him "Alexander M" in an only partially-decipherable entry.[213] The albeit exaggerated title "King of Argyll" accorded to this slain Clann Domhnaill dynast appears to exemplify the catastrophic effect that the rise of the Bruce regime had on its opponents like Clann Dubhghaill.[214] Until its downfall in 1309, Clann Dubhghaill was closely associated with the lordship of Argyll.[215] In consequence, this Argyllian title could be evidence that a son of Alasdair Óg possessed the inheritance of both Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill.[204]

Descendants edit

 
The partially-decipherable name of "Alexander M" as it appears on folio 57r of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 503 (the Annals of Inisfallen).[216] This man was slain campaigning in Ireland in 1318, and appears to have been chief of Clann Domhnaill. He could be identical to Alasdair of the Isles, and a son of Alasdair Óg.[204]

Alasdair Óg is the eponymous ancestor of the Clann Alasdair branch of Clann Domhnaill.[217][note 25] Surviving genealogical sources reveal that he had at least six sons:[222] Eóin Dubh, Raghnall, Toirdhealbhach, Aonghus, Gofraidh, and Somhairle.[223] Following his death, Alasdair Óg's sons evidently established themselves as gallowglass commanders in Ireland.[224] In fact, three are recorded as commanders in contemporary Irish annalistic sources, and all founded prominent Irish gallowglass families.[223] As such, Alasdair Óg's descendants formed the major gallowglass families of Clann Domhnaill.[225][note 26] The first to be recorded in such a capacity is Eóin Dubh, a man whose violent demise is reported in 1349.[229]

 
The name of Alasdair Óg's son, Eóin Dubh, as it appears on folio 76v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489.[230] Eóin Dubh's son, Somhairle, was Constable of Ulster, and was described as heir to the kingship of the Hebrides in 1365.[231] Eóin Dubh's brother, Raghnall, was described as heir of Clann Alasdair in 1366.[232]

Other than Alasdair of the Isles, another possible son of Alasdair Óg is Ruaidhrí of Islay,[233] a man who suffered the forfeiture of his possessions by Robert I in 1325.[234] The parentage of this man is uncertain, and it is conceivable that was a member of either Clann Ruaidhrí[235] or Clann Domhnaill.[236] The downfall of Alasdair Óg's lineage in the Clann Domhnaill heartland seems to account for the kindred's relocation to Ireland as mercenary commanders.[5] If Ruaidhrí of Islay was indeed a member of Clann Domhnaill, and a son of Alasdair Óg, his expulsion may have marked the downfall of Clann Alasdair in Scotland, and may account for the fact that Alasdair Óg's descendants failed to hold power in Hebrides after this date. As such, Ruaidhrí of Islay's expulsion could well mark the date upon which Clann Alasdair relocated overseas.[237] Another family descended from Alasdair Óg is probably Clann Alasdair of Loup in Kintyre.[238][note 27]

The eclipse of Alasdair Óg's line—the senior branch of Clann Domhnaill—may explain the rise of Aonghus Óg's line. If Ruaidhrí of Islay indeed represented the line of Alasdair Óg by 1325, his forfeiture evidently paved the way for the rise of Aonghus Óg's son, Eóin.[241] In fact, before the end of Robert I's reign, this Eóin appears to have administered Islay on behalf of the Scottish Crown,[242] and eventually came to style himself Lord of the Isles.[243]

 
The name of Alasdair Óg's like-named grandson, Alasdair Óg mac Toirdhealbhaigh, as it appears on folio 78v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489.[244] This man was Constable of Ulster, and was described as heir of Clann Domhnaill.[245]

Some of the accounts of Alasdair Óg, preserved by seventeenth-century Sleat History, have little in common with the man recorded by other, more contemporary and perhaps more accurate accounts.[246][247] For example, according to the Sleat History, Alasdair Óg was "always" an enemy of Robert I, and consistently fought alongside Eóin Mac Dubhghaill against this king. At one point, Alasdair Óg is said to have been besieged by the king within Castle Sween, where he was captured and later died there as a prisoner, however, the better reasoned view is that he was always loyal to the Bruces. His younger brother, Aonghus Óg, likewise always supported Robert I in "all his wars".[248][note 28] This skewed view of Alasdair Óg seems to have been constructed as a means to glorify the branch of Clann Domhnaill descended from Aonghus Mor's younger brother Alasdair Mor at the expense of Alasdair Óg and his reputation. As such, the history of the Clann Alasdair branch of the clan is ignored by the Sleat History.[250]

Notes edit

  1. ^ Since the 1980s, academics have accorded Alasdair Óg various patronyms in English secondary sources: Alastair MacDonald,[4] Alastair Óg MacDomhnaill,[5] Alexander Mac Domnaill,[6] Alexander Mac Donald,[7] Alexander macDonald,[8] Alexander MacDonald,[9] Alexander Macdonald,[10] and Alexander Og MacDonald.[11] Likewise, with an epithet, Alasdair Óg's name has been rendered: Alasdair Óg,[12] Alasdair Òg,[13] Alastair Óg,[5] Alexander Og,[14] Alexander Òg,[15] and Alexander Óg.[16]
  2. ^ The Gaelic Óg and Mór mean "young" and "big" respectively.[19] The epithet Óg accorded to Alasdair Óg appears to differentiate him from his like-named elder uncle, Alasdair Mór mac Domhnaill.[20]
  3. ^ The adoption of such names by the clan contrasts that of the neighbouring Crovan dynasty, a related kindred that retained its Scandinavian personal names.[34]
  4. ^ There is reason to suspect that Robert I had been fostered by a family in either Ireland or the west coast of Scotland.[52] Candidates include Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhrí.[53]
  5. ^ The device appears to be similar to that which was ascribed to Aonghus Mór's paternal grandfather in the fifteenth century.[58] The seals of Alasdair Óg and Aonghus Mór are the earliest examples of heraldry utilised by Clann Domhnaill.[59] The legend reads "S' ENGVS DE YLE FILII DOMNALDI", whilst the seal itself is blazoned on waves, a lymphad bearing four men, not on a shield.[60]
  6. ^ In time, both the Bruces and Stewarts would possess personal connections with the earl. By 1296, Richard was certainly a brother-in-law of James Stewart, Steward of Scotland[74]—himself a party to the bond—whilst Richard became a father-in-law of Robert Bruce V's like-named grandson (a future King of Scotland) in 1304.[75]
  7. ^ Murchadh is the first member of Clann Suibhne recorded in Ireland,[80] and by the Irish annals.[81]
  8. ^ The notice of Clann Domhnaill's part in Aodh's defeat to Toirdhealbhach is the first specific record of the term "gallowglass" (gallóglach).[83] Although this is certainly not the first time such overseas warriors were utilised in Ireland, it is the first time they are recorded to have been used to topple an Irish king.[84]
  9. ^ Remarkably, representatives of Clann Domhnaill failed to attend the king's inaugural parliament.[99] Only a few months later, Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill—the Scottish Crown's leading representative in the west—was commanded to bring Alasdair Óg's father and two other regional landholders to do homage before the king.[100] Although it is unknown if Aonghus Mór obeyed the summons, the pledge by the barons of Argyll—to rise up against him in the event of his infidelity—may date to about this time.[101] The document preserving the summons directed at Aonghus Mór describes him as a "miles" ("knight"), which could be evidence that he had been knighted.[102] Unlike the latter, and certain other leading members of Clann Somhairle like Eóghan and Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, Alasdair Óg is not addressed as a knight by any surviving source. Whilst it is certainly conceivable that he was knighted at some point in his career, clear corroborating evidence is nonexistent.[103]
  10. ^ If Aonghus Mór was indeed dead by this date it would explain why there is no record of him swearing allegiance to the king.[108]
  11. ^ The escutcheon is blazoned: or, a galley sable with dragon heads at prow and stern and flag flying gules, charged on the hull with four portholes argent.[131] The coat of arms corresponds to the seal of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill.[132] Since the galley (also known as a lymphad) was a symbol of Clann Dubhghaill and seemingly Raghnall mac Somhairle—ancestor of Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill—it is conceivable that it was also a symbol of the Clann Somhairle progenitor, Somhairle mac Giolla Brighde.[133] It was also a symbol of the Crovan dynasty, which could mean that it passed to Somhairle's family through his wife.[134]
  12. ^ Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill is recorded to have sworn allegiance to Edward in July 1296.[138] Within the month as his release, Eóin Mac Dubhghaill was invited to partake in the king's campaign against the French in Flanders. It is possible that the former's presence was requested as a means to ensure the cooperation of his father. In any event, it appears that Eóin Mac Dubhghaill declined to accompany the English expedition.[139]
  13. ^ As far as known, the largest Highland galleys were built on the mainland. The largest—a forty-oared vessel—appears on record within two decades in possession of Cailéan Óg Caimbéal (in the former Clann Dubhghaill lands of Loch Awe and Ardscotnish).[150] A galley of this size would appear to have allowed the transport of over one hundred men upon command.[151]
  14. ^ The seal's legend reads "ET. DVCIS. AQUITANIE. AD. REGIMEN. REGNI. SOCIE. DEPVTATVM".[155]
  15. ^ Edward appears to have enacted a similar policy in regard to contention between Alexander Comyn and John Strathbogie, Earl of Atholl,[163] and between the latter and the Earl of Ross.[164]
  16. ^ These sources include the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Connacht[169] the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé,[170] the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters,[171] and the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster.[172]
  17. ^ The notice of Cailéan Mór possessing the bailiary is the first record of the Caimbéalaigh (the Campbells) holding authority in Loch Awe.[179]
  18. ^ The record of Alasdair Óg's fall may also be the first certain attestation of the Clann Dubhnaill surname.[181] If Alasdair Óg is not identical to the man slain by Clann Dubhghaill in 1299, another candidate may be his uncle, Alasdair Mór.[182]
  19. ^ There is no evidence that Hebridean galleys had forecastles, topcastles, or aftercastles.[185] The closest evidence for Islesmen with vessels so-equipped is a passage preserved by the thirteenth- to fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann which makes note of a vessel with upper and lower decks in 1238.[186]
  20. ^ The fact that the fourteenth-century historian John Barbour fails to make note of Alasdair Óg, as opposed to his brother Aonghus Óg, suggests that Alasdair Óg had indeed died by the turn of the century.[175]
  21. ^ Although these letters of Aonghus Óg and Hugh are generally assumed to date to 1301, another letter associated with them concerns the continued English service of Hugh and Eóin Mac Suibhne. The fact that this piece of correspondence identifies John Menteith as an opponent of the English Crown suggests that all three may instead date to 1310.[189]
  22. ^ No extant genealogical source specifically accords Aonghus Mór and Alasdair Óg with a son named Domhnall.[195] The fifteenth-century National Library of Scotland Advocates' 72.1.1 (MS 1467) appears to show that Alasdair Mór did have a son by this name.[111] However, Domhnall of Islay is elsewhere recorded to have had a brother named Gofraidh,[196] and whilst Alasdair Óg is recorded to have had a son by this name, Alasdair Mór is not.[197]
  23. ^ If Alasdair Óg was not slain in 1299, however, another possibility is that he himself is identical to Alasdair of the Isles.[205]
  24. ^ According to the same annal-entry, the slain Clann Domhnaill dynast is reported to have died along with a certain "Mac Ruaidhri ri Innsi Gall".[207] Sources that mirror this annal-entry include the Annals of Connacht,[209] the Annals of the Four Masters,[210] the Annals of Ulster,[211] and the seventeenth-century Annals of Clonmacnoise.[212]
  25. ^ This family is also known as Clan Alexander,[218] Clann Alaxandair,[219] Clann Alexandair,[220] and Clann Alasdair Mhic Dhomhnaill.[221]
  26. ^ For example, Eóin Dubh (attested in 1349),[226] Raghnall (attested in 1366),[227] and Toirdhealbhach (attested in 1365[228] and 1366).[227]
  27. ^ The first record of this clan's surname appears to be that of Alasdair Óg's grandson, Gofraidh mac Aonghusa, who—along with his own son, Eóin—is accorded a surname referring to Alasdair Óg in a papal document dating to 1395.[239] The seventeenth-century Sleat History attributes another origin of Clann Alasdair of Loup, stating that the family's projenitor was Alasdair, an illegitimate son of Aonghus Óg.[240]
  28. ^ The account of Alasdair Óg at Castle Sween may be related to the equally erroneous account of Eóin Mac Dubhghaill preserved by the fourteenth-century Bruce, a source which claims that Robert I imprisoned this man in Loch Leven Castle where he died.[249]

Citations edit

  1. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 67; McDonald (1995) p. 132; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 1; Rixson (1982) pp. 128, 219 n. 2; Macdonald (1904) p. 227 § 1793; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 88–89; Laing (1866) p. 91 § 536.
  2. ^ Rixson (1982) p. 128.
  3. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 67; Laing (1866) p. 91 § 536.
  4. ^ Watson (2013).
  5. ^ a b c Boardman, S (2006).
  6. ^ Duffy (1993).
  7. ^ Holton (2017).
  8. ^ Roberts (1999).
  9. ^ Simpson (2016); Taylor (2016); Cochran-Yu (2015); Penman, M (2014); McNamee (2012a); James (2009); Barrow (2008); Barrow (2006); Boardman, S (2006); Barrow (2005); Fisher (2005); Sellar (2004a); Campbell of Airds (2000); Sellar (2000); Roberts (1999); McDonald (1997); Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1992); Watson (1991).
  10. ^ Young; Stead (2010a); Young; Stead (2010b); Barrow; Royan (2004); Traquair (1998); Jones (1994); Rixson (1982); Barrow (1973); Duncan; Brown (1956–1957).
  11. ^ Brown, M (2004).
  12. ^ McLeod (2002).
  13. ^ Petre, J (2015).
  14. ^ Caldwell, D (2008); Macniven (2006); Brown, M (2004); McQueen (2002).
  15. ^ Petre, JS (2014).
  16. ^ Cameron (2014); McNamee (2012a); Murray (2002); McDonald (1997); Duffy (1991).
  17. ^ Petre, J (2015) p. 606; Penman, M (2014) p. 25; Murray (2002) p. 221.
  18. ^ Holton (2017) p. viii fig. 2; Petre, J (2015) p. 602 fig. 1; Petre, JS (2014) p. 268 tab.; McNamee (2012a) ch. Genealogical tables § 6; Fisher (2005) p. 86 fig. 5.2; Brown, M (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab.; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; Roberts (1999) p. 99 fig. 5.2; McDonald (1997) p. 257 genealogical tree i; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 279 tab. 1.
  19. ^ Hickey (2011) p. 182.
  20. ^ Lamont (1981) p. 168.
  21. ^ Petre, JS (2014) p. 268 tab.; Fisher (2005) p. 86 fig. 5.2; Raven (2005) fig. 13; Brown, M (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; Roberts (1999) p. 99 fig. 5.2.
  22. ^ Holton (2017) p. 126; Coira (2012) p. 58; Duffy (2007) p. 16; Raven (2005) fig. 13; Duffy (2002) p. 56.
  23. ^ Coira (2012) pp. 10, 58; Sellar (2000) p. 207.
  24. ^ Holton (2017) pp. 126–127; Beuermann (2010) p. 108 n. 28; McDonald (2006) p. 77; McDonald (2004) pp. 180–181.
  25. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 16; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; Walsh (1938) p. 377.
  26. ^ Petre, J (2015) p. 602 fig. 1; McNamee (2012a) ch. Genealogical tables § 6; Brown, M (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; Roberts (1999) p. 99 fig. 5.2.
  27. ^ Petre, JS (2014) p. 268 tab.; Addyman; Oram (2012) § 2.4; Coira (2012) pp. 76 tab. 3.3, 334 n. 71; Caldwell, D (2008) pp. 49, 52, 70; Roberts (1999) p. 99 fig. 5.2.
  28. ^ Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab., 226; Bain (1887) pp. 232 § 1272, 233 § 1276.
  29. ^ Hanks; Hardcastle; Hodges (2006) pp. 8, 399.
  30. ^ Stringer (2005) p. 55; McDonald (2004) p. 186; McDonald (1997) p. 140.
  31. ^ Hammond (2007) p. 89.
  32. ^ Holton (2017) p. 140; McDonald (2004) pp. 186–187; McDonald (1997) pp. 109, 140–141.
  33. ^ McDonald (2004) p. 186; McDonald (1997) pp. 109, 140–141; Cowan (1990) p. 119.
  34. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 338; McDonald (2004) pp. 186–187.
  35. ^ Birch (1905) pp. 28–29, 119 fig. 12.
  36. ^ a b Oram (2011) chs. 13–14; Reid (2011).
  37. ^ Beuermann (2010); Brown, M (2004) p. 68.
  38. ^ Crawford (2013); Wærdahl (2011) p. 49; Brown, M (2004) p. 56; McDonald (2003a) p. 43; Alexander; Neighbour; Oram (2002) p. 18; McDonald (1997) pp. 105–106; Cowan (1990) pp. 117–118; Reid, NH (1984) pp. 18–19; Crawford or Hall (1971) p. 106; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 212.
  39. ^ Reid, NH (2011); Reid, NH (1984) p. 19.
  40. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 257–258.
  41. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 258–261.
  42. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 261–262; McDonald (1997) pp. 115–116; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) pp. 213–214.
  43. ^ Brown, M (2004) p. 84.
  44. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 63–64 n. 3, 84 n. 85; Roberts (1999) pp. 112–113; McDonald (1997) pp. 109–110, 159, 159 n. 5; Duncan (1996) p. 581; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Cowan (1990) p. 120; Munro; Munro (1986) pp. 280–281 nn. 4–5; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) pp. 214–215.
  45. ^ Penman, MA (2014) pp. 63–64 n. 3, 84 n. 85; Murray (2002) p. 221; Roberts (1999) pp. 112–113; McDonald (1997) pp. 109–110, 159, 159 n. 5; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Munro; Munro (1986) pp. 280–281 nn. 4–5; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 214; Bremner (1912) p. 247 n. 3; Munch; Goss (1874) p. 211; Thomson, T (1836) p. *9; Dillon (1822) p. 367.
  46. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 159 n. 5.
  47. ^ Stevenson, JH (1914) pp. 196–197 pl. xxx fig. 6.
  48. ^ Duffy (2013) p. 125.
  49. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 19; Penman, MA (2014) p. 63 n. 12; McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Barrow (2008); Murray (2002) pp. 221–222, 227 n. 10; McDonald (1997) pp. 149, 162; Duffy (1993) p. 206; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 488–489; Howson (1841) p. 81; Registrum Monasterii (1832) pp. 128–129; Document 3/31/4 (n.d.).
  50. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 149.
  51. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 19; Penman, MA (2014) p. 63 n. 12; McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Barrow (2008); Barrow (2005) p. 35; Duffy (1993) p. 206.
  52. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 19, 24, 164.
  53. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 19.
  54. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 141–142.
  55. ^ Duffy (2013).
  56. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Duncan (1966) pp. 185–186.
  57. ^ Caldwell, DH (2016) p. 352; Caldwell, DH (2008) p. 21; McDonald (2007) p. 56; McAndrew (2006) pp. 66–67; Caldwell, DH (2004) pp. 73–74, 74 fig. 2b; McAndrew (1999) p. 750 § 3631; McDonald (1995) pp. 131–132, 132 n. 12; Rixson (1982) pp. 125, 128, 130, 218 n. 4, pl. 3a; McKean (1906) p. 33; Macdonald (1904) p. 227 § 1792; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 102–103; Birch (1895) p. 437 § 16401; Bain (1884) p. 559 § 631; Laing (1850) p. 79 § 450.
  58. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 75–76; McDonald (1995) pp. 131–132.
  59. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 66.
  60. ^ McAndrew (2006) pp. 66–67; McAndrew (1999) p. 750 § 3631; McDonald (1995) pp. 131–132; McKean (1906) p. 33; Macdonald (1904) p. 227 § 1792; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 102–103; Birch (1895) p. 437 § 16401; Bain (1884) p. 559 § 631; Laing (1850) p. 79 § 450.
  61. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 2.
  62. ^ a b Holton (2017) pp. 148–149; Petre, J (2015) p. 606; Penman, M (2014) pp. 25–26; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 63–64, 63 n. 2; Duffy (2013); McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; McNamee (2012b) ch. introduction ¶ 15; Young; Stead (2010a) p. 30; Young; Stead (2010b) p. 48; Hartland (2007) pp. 343–344; Barrow (2005) pp. 24–26, 75–76; Barrow; Royan (2004) pp. 172–173; Brown, M (2004) p. 256; Duffy (2004); Blakely (2003) p. 110, 110 nn. 55–56; Murray (2002) p. 221; Roberts (1999) p. 129; McDonald (1997) pp. 161–162; Duffy (1993) pp. 151, 154, 206; Barrow (1990) p. 129; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5; Reid, NH (1984) pp. 57–58; Reid, N (1982) pp. 76–78; Lamont (1981) p. 160; Duncan (1966) p. 188; Fraser (1888b) pp. xxxi § 12, 219–220; Stevenson, J (1870a) pp. 22–23 § 12; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.d).
  63. ^ Murray (2002) pp. 221–222.
  64. ^ Duffy (2013) p. 125; McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Young; Stead (2010a) p. 30; Young; Stead (2010b) p. 48; Barrow (2005) pp. 24, 429 n. 47; Oram (1992) p. 31; Reid, NH (1984) p. 57; Reid, N (1982) p. 77.
  65. ^ a b Murray (2002) p. 222.
  66. ^ Duffy (2013) pp. 128–131; Ó Cléirigh (2008); Hartland (2007) pp. 341 fig. 2, 343; Frame (2005); Ó Cléirigh (2005); Duffy (2004); Frame (2004); Duffy (1993) p. 152.
  67. ^ Duffy (2013) p. 131; Hartland (2007) p. 343; Duffy (2004); Duffy (1993) pp. 152–153.
  68. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 26; Penman, MA (2014) p. 63; Brown, M (2004) p. 256; Blakely (2003) p. 110 n. 55.
  69. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 342 n. 76; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 63–64 n. 3; Duffy (2013) p. 132; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1286.2; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1286.2; Duffy (2005); Simms (2005); Duffy (2004).
  70. ^ Oram (1992) p. 31.
  71. ^ Duffy (2013) p. 132.
  72. ^ Hewison (1895) p. 58 fig. 2.
  73. ^ Duffy (2013) pp. 133–135.
  74. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 51; Duffy (2013) p. 134; McNamee (2012b) ch. introduction ¶ 15; Barrow; Royan (2004) p. 168; Duffy (2004).
  75. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 72; Penman, MA (2014) p. 64; Duffy (2013) p. 134; McNamee (2012b) ch. introduction ¶ 15; Duffy (2004).
  76. ^ Duffy (2013) pp. 131–132.
  77. ^ Duffy (2013) pp. 131–132; Simms (2008) pp. 166, 171 fig. 1; Nicholls (2007) p. 93, 93 n. 49; Duffy (2002) p. 61; Simms (2000a) p. 122; Duffy (1993) p. 153; Walsh (1938) p. 377.
  78. ^ Duffy (2013) p. 131; Simms (2008) p. 166; Duffy (2007) p. 20; Simms (2007) p. 107; Parkes (2006) p. 368 n. 19; McLeod (2005) pp. 42–43; Duffy (1993) pp. 127, 153; McKenna (1946) pp. 40, 42 § 22, 44 § 22.
  79. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1267.2; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1267.2; Duffy (2013) p. 132; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1267.3; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1267.3; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) §§ 1265.15, 1267.2; Nicholls (2007) p. 92; Simms (2007) p. 107; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) §§ 1265.15, 1267.2.
  80. ^ Duffy (2007) p. 20.
  81. ^ Simms (2007) p. 107.
  82. ^ Duffy (2013) pp. 132–133.
  83. ^ Duffy (2013) pp. 132–133; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1290.7; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1290.7; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1290.6; Duffy (2007) pp. 1–2; Macniven (2006) p. 148; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1286.5; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1290.6; McLeod (2005) p. 44; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1286.5; McDonald (1997) p. 155; Duffy (1993) pp. 154–155, 172; Lydon (1992) pp. 6–7; AU, 1290, p. 373 (n.d.); Succession Dispute (n.d.); The Annals of Connacht (n.d.a); The Annals of Connacht (n.d.b).
  84. ^ Duffy (2013) p. 133; Duffy (1993) p. 155.
  85. ^ Birch (1905) pp. 34–36, 127 pl. 16.
  86. ^ McDonald (2006) p. 77; McDonald (1997) p. 130.
  87. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 130.
  88. ^ Cameron (2014) p. 152; Sellar (2000) p. 208; McDonald (1997) p. 154; Duffy (1993) pp. 164–165; Rixson (1982) p. 32; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) p. 489; Calendar of the Patent Rolls (1895) p. 52; Bain (1884) p. 148 § 635; Sweetman (1879) p. 495 § 1137; Stevenson, J (1870a) p. 337 § 276.
  89. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 52; Brown, M (2011) p. 16; McDonald (2006) p. 78; Barrow (2005) pp. 75–76, 437 n. 10; Brown, M (2004) p. 258, 258 n. 1; McQueen (2002) p. 110; Murray (2002) p. 222, 228 n. 19; Sellar (2000) p. 212, 212 n. 128; McDonald (1997) pp. 163–164; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5; Lamont (1981) pp. 160, 162–163; Bain (1884) p. 145 § 621; Rymer; Sanderson (1816) p. 761; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) p. 21; Document 3/33/0 (n.d.).
  90. ^ Barrow (2005) p. 76; Sellar (2004a); Murray (2002) p. 222, 228 n. 18; Sellar (2000) pp. 194 tab. ii, 212 n. 128; McDonald (1997) pp. 163–164; Rixson (1982) pp. 14 fig. 1, 19, 208 n. 5; Lamont (1981) pp. 162–163.
  91. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 212 n. 128.
  92. ^ MacDonald; MacDonald (1900) pp. 82–83.
  93. ^ MacDonald; MacDonald (1900) pp. 88–89.
  94. ^ Holton (2017) p. 149; Cameron (2014) p. 152; Brown, M (2011) p. 16, 16 n. 70; Barrow (2005) pp. 75–76, 437 n. 10; Brown, M (2004) p. 258; McQueen (2002) p. 110; Sellar (2000) p. 212; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 489–490; Bain (1884) p. 145 §§ 621–623; Rymer; Sanderson (1816) p. 761; Document 3/31/0 (n.d.a); Document 3/31/0 (n.d.b); Document 3/33/0 (n.d.).
  95. ^ Brown, M (2011) p. 16 n. 70; Bain (1884) p. 145 § 621; Rymer; Sanderson (1816) p. 761; Document 3/33/0 (n.d.).
  96. ^ Cameron (2014) p. 152; Penman, M (2014) p. 38; Petre, JS (2014) pp. 270–272; Watson (2013) ch. 1 ¶ 43; Brown, M (2011) p. 15, 15 n. 68; Young; Stead (2010b) pp. 43, 53; Boardman, S (2006) p. 12; Murray (2002) p. 222; McDonald (1997) pp. 131–134; Watson (1991) pp. 29 n. 27, 241, 248–249; Reid, NH (1984) pp. 114, 148 n. 16, 413; Macphail (1916) p. 115; The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 447; RPS, 1293/2/16 (n.d.a); RPS, 1293/2/16 (n.d.b); RPS, 1293/2/17 (n.d.a); RPS, 1293/2/17 (n.d.b); RPS, 1293/2/18 (n.d.a); RPS, 1293/2/18 (n.d.b).
  97. ^ Holton (2017) p. 151; Young; Stead (2010a) p. 40; Young; Stead (2010b) pp. 43, 53; McDonald (1997) pp. 131–134; Watson (1991) pp. 248–249; Reid, NH (1984) pp. 114, 148 n. 16.
  98. ^ Cameron (2014) p. 152; Watson (2013) ch. 1 ¶ 43; McDonald (1997) pp. 131–134, 163.
  99. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Brown, M (2011) p. 16; Barrow (2005) p. 75; Murray (2002) p. 222; McDonald (1997) p. 163; Lamont (1981) pp. 160, 165; The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 447; RPS, 1293/2/20 (n.d.a); RPS, 1293/2/20 (n.d.b).
  100. ^ Holton (2017) pp. 149, 152, 161; Brown, M (2011) p. 16; Barrow (2005) p. 74; Murray (2002) p. 222; McDonald (1997) pp. 133–134, 146, 163; Lamont (1914) p. 6 § 8; Brown, A (1889) pp. 192–194; The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 448; Rymer; Sanderson (1816) p. 787; Document 1/51/4 (n.d.); RPS, 1293/2/8 (n.d.a); RPS, 1293/2/8 (n.d.b).
  101. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 134.
  102. ^ Holton (2017) p. 161; McDonald (1997) p. 146; Lamont (1914) p. 6 § 8; The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 448; Rymer; Sanderson (1816b) p. 787; RPS, 1293/2/8 (n.d.a); RPS, 1293/2/8 (n.d.b).
  103. ^ Holton (2017) pp. 160–161.
  104. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 50–51; Brown, M (2011) pp. 15–16; Boardman, S (2006) p. 19; Brown, M (2004) p. 258.
  105. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 51; McAndrew (1999) p. 703 § 3030; Macdonald (1904) p. 322 § 2554; Fraser (1888a) pp. li, 89; Fraser (1888b) pp. 455, 461 fig. 2; Bain (1884) p. 538 § 30; Laing (1850) p. 129 § 785.
  106. ^ Murray (2002) p. 222; McDonald (1997) p. 130.
  107. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii.
  108. ^ Murray (2002) p. 228 n. 17.
  109. ^ Lamont (1981) p. 160; Origines Parochiales Scotiae (1854) p. 13; Registrum Monasterii (1832) pp. 128–129; Document 3/31/4 (n.d.).
  110. ^ Brown, M (2011) p. 16; McDonald (1997) p. 159; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Lamont (1981) p. 160.
  111. ^ a b Duffy (1991) p. 312.
  112. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 64; Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 18; McNamee (2012a) ch. 3; Young; Stead (2010a) pp. 50–52; Brown, M (2004) pp. 258–259; Watson (1991) p. 243.
  113. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 18; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) pp. 3, 16–17; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 152 § 152; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.e).
  114. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 64; Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 18; Young; Stead (2010a) pp. 52–53; Young; Stead (2010b) pp. 43, 66; Barrow (2005) pp. 437–438 n. 11; Brown, M (2004) pp. 258–259; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; McDonald (1997) p. 166; Watson (1991) p. 243; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) p. 3; Bain (1884) p. 225 § 853; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 22–23.
  115. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 51; Young; Stead (2010a) pp. 52–53; Young; Stead (2010b) pp. 43, 66; Watson (1991) p. 243.
  116. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 51.
  117. ^ Holton (2017) p. 152; Penman, M (2014) pp. 51, 379 n. 122; Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 18; Boardman, S (2006) p. 20; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; McDonald (1997) p. 164; Duffy (1993) p. 170; Watson (1991) p. 244; Fraser (1888b) pp. xxxii § 16, 222–223 § 16; Bain (1884) p. 225 § 853; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 31–32; Document 1/27/0 (n.d.a).
  118. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 51; Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 18; Boardman, S (2006) p. 20; McDonald (1997) p. 164; Watson (1991) p. 244; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 31–32.
  119. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 18; Watson (1991) pp. 244, 246.
  120. ^ Watson (1991) p. 244.
  121. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 18; Watson (1991) p. 244.
  122. ^ a b Young; Stead (2010b) p. 43.
  123. ^ a b Holton (2017) p. 152; Simpson (2016) pp. 223–224; Taylor (2016) p. 267, 267 n. 6; Barrow (2005) pp. 386, 437–438 n. 11, 489 n. 119; Barrow; Royan (2004) p. 183 n. 24; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; McDonald (1997) p. 166; Jones (1994) p. 169; Watson (1991) p. 243; MacQueen (1982) p. 62; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) pp. 3–5, 16–17; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 152 § 152; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.e).
  124. ^ Barrow; Royan (2004) p. 183 n. 24; McDonald (1997) p. 166; Watson (1991) p. 243; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) pp. 4–5.
  125. ^ Barrow; Royan (2004) p. 183 n. 24.
  126. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 356 n. 3; McNamee (2012a) ch. 5, 5 n. 26; McNamee (2012b) chs. 1 ¶ 23, 2 ¶ 4; Duncan (2007) p. 144 n. 659–78; Barrow (2005) pp. 191–193; 437–438 n. 11, 459 n. 9; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) pp. 4–5; Riley (1873) pp. 347–353; Document 5/3/0 (n.d.).
  127. ^ Watson (1991) p. 243; Bain (1884) pp. 175–176 § 737; Palgrave (1837) pp. 152–153.
  128. ^ Watson (1991) p. 243.
  129. ^ Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 491–492; Calendar of the Patent Rolls (1895) p. 200; Stevenson, J (1870b) p. 101 § 390; Document 1/27/0 (n.d.b).
  130. ^ Woodcock; Flower; Chalmers et al. (2014) p. 419; Campbell of Airds (2014) p. 204; McAndrew (2006) p. 66; McAndrew (1999) p. 693 § 1328; McAndrew (1992); The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  131. ^ Woodcock; Flower; Chalmers et al. (2014) p. 419; McAndrew (2006) p. 66; The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  132. ^ McAndrew (2006) p. 66; McAndrew (1999) p. 693 § 1328; McAndrew (1992).
  133. ^ Campbell of Airds (2014) pp. 202–203.
  134. ^ Johns (2003) p. 139.
  135. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 164.
  136. ^ Holton (2017) p. 152; Young; Stead (2010a) p. 52; Young; Stead (2010b) p. 69.
  137. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 51; Young; Stead (2010b) p. 77; Young (1999) p. 216; McDonald (1997) p. 164; Watson (1991) p. 248; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) p. 40; Document 5/1/0 (n.d.b).
  138. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 49; Watson (1991) p. 246; Bain (1884) p. 195 § 823.
  139. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 165; Bain (1884) pp. 232–233 § 884; Stevenson, J (1870b) pp. 167–169 § 429.
  140. ^ Watson (2013) chs. 2 ¶ 52, 8 ¶ 12; Young; Stead (2010a) p. 52; Young; Stead (2010b) pp. 69, 77; Young (1999) p. 216; Watson (1991) p. 248.
  141. ^ Young; Stead (2010a) p. 52; Young; Stead (2010b) p. 69; Watson (1991) p. 246.
  142. ^ Young; Stead (2010a) p. 52; Young; Stead (2010b) pp. 69, 77, 92; Watson (1991) p. 254 n. 52.
  143. ^ a b Holton (2017) pp. 152–153; Barrow (2005) pp. 141, 450 n. 104; Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 56–57; Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶ 49, 2 n. 52; Barrow (2006) p. 147; Brown, M (2004) pp. 259–260; Murray (2002) p. 222; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; McDonald (1997) pp. 165, 190; Watson (1991) pp. 245–246; Rixson (1982) pp. 13–15, 208 n. 2, 208 n. 4; Barrow (1973) p. 381; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 193; Bain (1884) pp. 235–236 § 904; Stevenson, J (1870b) pp. 187–188 § 444; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.b).
  144. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 56.
  145. ^ Young; Stead (2010a) p. 52; Young; Stead (2010b) p. 69; Murray (2002) p. 228 n. 24; Watson (1991) pp. 243, 246; Reid, NH (1984) p. 161; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) p. 491; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) p. 40; Document 5/1/0 (n.d.a).
  146. ^ Young; Stead (2010a) p. 52; Young; Stead (2010b) p. 69; Watson (1991) p. 243.
  147. ^ Watson (1991) p. 246.
  148. ^ a b c d Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 56–57, 60; Watson (2013) ch. 2 ¶¶ 49–51, 2 n. 52; Brown, M (2009) pp. 10–11; James (2009) p. 87; Barrow (2005) p. 141, 450 n. 104; Fisher (2005) p. 93; Barrow; Royan (2004) pp. 168, 177; Brown, M (2004) p. 260; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; Sellar (2000) p. 212; Traquair (1998) p. 68; McDonald (1997) pp. 154, 165; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1992) p. 286 § 130; Watson (1991) pp. 246–249, 297; Rixson (1982) pp. 15–16, 208 n. 4, 208 n. 6; Barrow (1980) pp. 69, 69 n. 51, 138 n. 105; Barrow (1973) p. 381; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 193; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 492–494; Bain (1884) p. 235 § 903; Stevenson, J (1870b) pp. 189–191 § 445; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.c).
  149. ^ Young; Stead (2010a) pp. 24, 102.
  150. ^ Boardman, S (2012) pp. 241–242; McWhannell (2002) p. 28; Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 72, 119, 193–194; Munro; Munro (1986) p. lxii; Rixson (1982) pp. 16, 212 n. 14; Thomson, JM (1912) pp. 479–480 § 106; Roger (1857) p. 87; Origines Parochiales Scotiae (1854) pp. 92–93, 122; Robertson (1798) p. 26 § 18.
  151. ^ Boardman, S (2012) pp. 241–242.
  152. ^ Watson (1991) p. 248 n. 21; Macphail (1916) pp. 148–151, 149 n. 1.
  153. ^ Watson (2013) ch. 2 n. 54; Watson (1991) p. 248 n. 21.
  154. ^ Birch (1905) pp. 38–39, 133 pl. 19.
  155. ^ Birch (1905) p. 39.
  156. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 57, 95–96.
  157. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 57–58.
  158. ^ Watson (1991) pp. 247, 249.
  159. ^ Watson (1991) pp. 248–249.
  160. ^ Watson (1991) p. 254 n. 52, 388.
  161. ^ Watson (1991) pp. 249, 252, 269, 406.
  162. ^ Watson (1991) pp. 242, 249, 262.
  163. ^ Watson (1991) pp. 253–254, 254 n. 52, 388–389.
  164. ^ Watson (1991) pp. 388–389.
  165. ^ Young; Stead (2010a) pp. 50–53; Young; Stead (2010b) p. 69.
  166. ^ Watson (1991) p. 249.
  167. ^ Annala Uladh (2005) § 1295.1; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1295.1; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489 (n.d.).
  168. ^ Holton (2017) p. 152, 152 n. 116; Brown, M (2004) p. 260; Murray (2002) p. 223; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 61; Sellar (2000) pp. 212–213; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; McDonald (1997) pp. 168–169; Duffy (1993) p. 174; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5; Lamont (1981) p. 168; Alexander mac Domhnaill (n.d.); Alexander mac Dubghaill and Alexander mac Domhnaill (n.d.); Alexander mac Dubghaill (n.d.).
  169. ^ Holton (2017) p. 152, 152 n. 116; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1299.2; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1299.2; Brown, M (2004) p. 260; Murray (2002) p. 223; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 61; Sellar (2000) pp. 212–213; Duffy (1993) p. 174; Duffy (1991) p. 312.
  170. ^ Holton (2017) p. 152, 152 n. 116; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1299.1; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1299.1; Murray (2002) p. 223; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5; Lamont (1981) p. 168.
  171. ^ Holton (2017) p. 152, 152 n. 116; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1299.3; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1299.3; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 61.
  172. ^ Holton (2017) p. 152, 152 n. 116; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1295.1; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1295.1; Murray (2002) p. 223; Sellar (2000) pp. 212–213; McDonald (1997) pp. 168–169; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5; Duffy (1993) p. 174; Alexander mac Domhnaill (n.d.); Alexander mac Dubghaill and Alexander mac Domhnaill (n.d.); Alexander mac Dubghaill (n.d.); AU, 129/9, p. 393 (n.d.); AU, 1295/9, p. 393 (n.d.).
  173. ^ Annala Uladh (2005) § 1295.1; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1295.1; Sellar (2000) pp. 212–213; McDonald (1997) p. 168; AU, 129/9, p. 393 (n.d.); AU, 1295/9, p. 393 (n.d.).
  174. ^ Sellar (2016) p. 104; Addyman; Oram (2012) § 2.3; Barrow (2006) p. 147; Barrow (2005) p. 211; Brown, M (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Sellar (2004a); Murray (2002); Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 61; Sellar (2000) pp. 212–213; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; McDonald (1997) pp. 168–169, 168–169 n. 36; Duffy (1991) p. 312 n. 52; Lamont (1981) p. 168.
  175. ^ a b c d McDonald (1997) p. 169.
  176. ^ See Clan Donald by Donald J. Macdonald of Castleton, 1978, MacDonald Publishers, Scotland.
  177. ^ Addyman; Oram (2012) § 2.3; Boardman, S (2006) p. 21; Sellar (2004a); Sellar (2004b); Murray (2002) p. 228 n. 21; Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 52–53; Sellar (2000) p. 212, 212 n. 130; McDonald (1997) p. 165, 165 n. 22; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1975) p. 118 § 227; Macphail (1916) pp. 84–85, 85 n. 1.
  178. ^ Boardman, S (2006) pp. 20–21, 33 n. 67; Origines Parochiales Scotiae (1854) pp. 92, 121–122; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 31–32.
  179. ^ Boardman, S (2006) p. 20.
  180. ^ James (2009) p. 106; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 20–21, 37.
  181. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 213.
  182. ^ Sellar (2000) pp. 212–213; Boardman, S (2006) p. 33 n. 68; McDonald (1997) pp. 168–169 n. 36; Duffy (1991) pp. 311 tab., 312.
  183. ^ Rixson (1982) pl. 4; Brindley (1913).
  184. ^ Rixson (1982) p. 130.
  185. ^ Rixson (1982) p. 219 n. 7.
  186. ^ Rixson (1982) p. 219 n. 7; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 96–97.
  187. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 59; Cameron (2014) p. 153; Nicholls (2007) p. 92; Barrow (2005) pp. 217, 450 n. 104; Murray (2002) p. 223; McDonald (1997) pp. 167, 169, 190–191; Duffy (1993) pp. 202–203, 203 n. 49, 206; Watson (1991) pp. 256, 271; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 6; Lamont (1981) pp. 161, 164; Barrow (1973) p. 381; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Reid, WS (1960) pp. 10–11; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1254; Stevenson, J (1870b) p. 436 § 615; Document 3/31/0 (n.d.c).
  188. ^ Nicholls (2007) p. 92; Barrow (2005) p. 217; McDonald (1997) p. 167; Duffy (1993) pp. 202–203, 203 n. 49; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1992) p. 258; Watson (1991) pp. 256, 271; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Reid, WS (1960) pp. 10–11; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1253; Stevenson, J (1870b) p. 435 § 614; Document 3/90/11 (n.d.).
  189. ^ Burke (2015) p. ii; Nicholls (2007) p. 92, 92 n. 47; Duffy (2002) p. 61; Duffy (1993) pp. 202–203, 203 n. 49; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1992) p. 258; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 6; Lamont (1981) p. 162; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1255; Stevenson, J (1870b) p. 437 § 616; Document 3/381/0 (n.d.).
  190. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 171.
  191. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 68; Sellar (2016) p. 104; Barrow (2005) p. 240; Lamont (1981) pp. 165, 167; The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 459; Document 3/0/0 (n.d.a); RPS, 1309/1 (n.d.a); RPS, 1309/1 (n.d.b).
  192. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) p. 68, 68 n. 17; Duncan (2007) p. 148 n. 725–62; Barrow (2005) p. 211; Murray (2002) p. 228 n. 32; McDonald (1997) pp. 187–188; Duffy (1991) p. 311; Munro; Munro (1986) pp. 282–283 n. 10; Lamont (1981) p. 165.
  193. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 102, 358 n. 67; Penman, MA (2014) p. 68 n. 17; McDonald (1997) pp. 187–188; Duffy (1991) pp. 311–312; Munro; Munro (1986) pp. 279 tab. 1, 282–283 n. 10.
  194. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 358 n. 67; Penman, MA (2014) p. 68 n. 18; McDonald (1997) pp. 187–188.
  195. ^ McDonald (1997) pp. 187–188; Duffy (1991) p. 311.
  196. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 70; Sellar; Maclean (1999) p. 7; Duffy (1991) p. 311; Lamont (1981) pp. 165–166; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 209; Bain (1888) p. 377 § 1822; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 121, 139; Document 1/27/0 (n.d.c).
  197. ^ Duffy (1991) pp. 311–312.
  198. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1318.5; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1318.5; Royal Irish Academy (n.d.).
  199. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 67–68.
  200. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 66, 67–68; McNamee (2012a) ch. 10 ¶ 25; Boardman, S (2006) p. 45; Barrow (2005) p. 378; Brown, M (2004) p. 263; Murray (2002) p. 224; McDonald (1997) p. 184, 184 n. 104; Duffy (1993) p. 207 n. 77; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5; Lamont (1981) p. 168; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203; Thomson, JM (1912) p. 553 § 653.
  201. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 67–68; Boardman, S (2006) p. 45; Murray (2002) p. 224; McDonald (1997) p. 184; Duffy (1991) p. 312 n. 52; Lamont (1981) pp. 168–169; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  202. ^ Barrow (2005) p. 378; Murray (2002) p. 229 n. 41; Lamont (1981) p. 168.
  203. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 67–68; Murray (2002) p. 224.
  204. ^ a b c d Murray (2002) p. 224.
  205. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 102; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 67–68; Murray (2002) p. 224; Duffy (1991) p. 312.
  206. ^ Murray (2002) pp. 223–224.
  207. ^ a b Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1318.7; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1318.7; Barrow (2005) p. 488 n. 104; Caldwell, DH (2004) p. 72; McDonald (1997) p. 191.
  208. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; Barrow (2005) pp. 466 n. 15, 488 n. 104; Boardman, SI (2004); McLeod (2002) p. 31, 31 n. 24; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 77; Sellar (2000) p. 217 n. 155; Davies (2000) p. 175 n. 14; Roberts (1999) p. 181; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; Duffy (1998) pp. 79, 102; Duffy (1993) pp. 206–207; Lydon (1992) p. 5; Lamont (1981) p. 166; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 205 n. 9; Dundalk (n.d.); Mac Ruaidhri, King of the Hebrides (n.d.); Mac Domhnaill, King of Argyll (n.d.).
  209. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1318.8; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1318.8; McLeod (2002) p. 31; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 77; Davies (2000) p. 175 n. 14; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Duffy (1993) pp. 206–207; Dundalk (n.d.); Mac Domhnaill, King of Argyll (n.d.); The Annals of Connacht, p. 253 (n.d.).
  210. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1318.5; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1318.5; McLeod (2002) p. 31; Duffy (1998) pp. 79, 102.
  211. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1315.5; Barrow (2005) p. 488 n. 104; Boardman, SI (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 217 n. 155; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1315.5; McLeod (2002) p. 31; Roberts (1999) p. 181; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Lydon (1992) p. 5; Lamont (1981) p. 166; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 205 n. 9; Dundalk (n.d.); Mac Ruaidhri, King of the Hebrides (n.d.); AU, 1315 (n.d.).
  212. ^ Barrow (2005) p. 488 n. 104; McLeod (2002) p. 31, 31 n. 24; Murphy (1896) p. 281.
  213. ^ Penman, MA (2014) p. 71; Annals of Inisfallen (2010) § 1318.4; Annals of Inisfallen (2008) § 1318.4; Murray (2002) pp. 224, 229 n. 42; Duffy (1998) p. 79; McDonald (1997) pp. 186–187, 187 n. 112; Duffy (1991) p. 312, 312 n. 51; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  214. ^ McNamee (2012a) ch. 8; McNamee (2012b) ch. 5 ¶ 65; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 77; Duffy (1993) p. 207.
  215. ^ McLeod (2002) p. 39 n. 52; Murray (2002) p. 224; Munro; Munro (1986) p. lxi.
  216. ^ Annals of Inisfallen (2010) § 1318.4; Annals of Inisfallen (2008) § 1318.4; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 503 (n.d.).
  217. ^ Murray (2002) p. 221.
  218. ^ Sellar (1966).
  219. ^ Nicholls (2007).
  220. ^ Caldwell; Stell; Turner (2015) p. 368 n. 5; Murray (2002) p. 221.
  221. ^ Simms (2000a) pp. 139, 183, 186.
  222. ^ Murray (2002) p. 223; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii.
  223. ^ a b Murray (2002) p. 223.
  224. ^ Petre, J (2015) p. 606; Nicholls (2005); Murray (2002) p. 223; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 281 n. 5.
  225. ^ Sellar (2016) p. 104; Caldwell, D (2008) p. 56; Nicholls (2007) p. 97; Boardman, S (2006).
  226. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1349.2; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1349.2; Nicholls (2007) p. 97; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1346.1; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1346.1; Murray (2002) p. 223.
  227. ^ a b Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1366.9; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1366.9; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1366.11; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1366.11; Nicholls (2007) p. 98; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1363.3; Murray (2002) p. 226; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1363.3; Murphy (1896) p. 303.
  228. ^ Nicholls (2007) p. 97; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1362.8; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1362.8.
  229. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1349.2; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1349.2; Nicholls (2007) p. 97; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1346.1; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1346.1; Nicholls (2005); Murray (2002) p. 223.
  230. ^ Annala Uladh (2005) § 1346.1; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1346.1; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489 (n.d.).
  231. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1365.8; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1365.8; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab., 223, 225.
  232. ^ Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1366.9; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1366.9; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1366.11; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1366.11; Nicholls (2007) p. 98; Annala Uladh (2005) § 1363.3; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab., 226; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1363.3.
  233. ^ Petre, JS (2014) pp. 272, 268 tab.; McQueen (2002) p. 287 n. 18; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab., 224; McDonald (1997) p. 187.
  234. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 259–260, 391 n. 166; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 74–75, 74–75 n. 42; Petre, JS (2014) p. 272; Barrow (2005) p. 389; Brown, M (2004) p. 267 n. 18; McQueen (2002) p. 287; Murray (2002) p. 224; Roberts (1999) p. 181; McDonald (1997) p. 187; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203, 203 n. 12; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 205 n. 9; Thomson, JM (1912) p. 557 § 699; The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1844) p. 483; RPS, A1325/2 (n.d.a); RPS, A1325/2 (n.d.b).
  235. ^ Penman, M (2014) pp. 259–260, 391 n. 166; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 74–75; Petre, JS (2014) p. 272; Penman, M (2008); Penman, MA (2005) pp. 28, 84.
  236. ^ Cameron (2014) pp. 153–154; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 74–75 n. 42; Petre, JS (2014) pp. 272, 268 tab.; McQueen (2002) p. 287 n. 18; Murray (2002) p. 224; McDonald (1997) p. 187; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203, 203 n. 12.
  237. ^ Murray (2002) p. 224; Petre, JS (2014) pp. 272–273.
  238. ^ Sellar (2016) p. 104; Nicholls (2007) p. 98; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 61.
  239. ^ Nicholls (2007) p. 98; McGurk (1976) pp. 51, 56.
  240. ^ Nicholls (2007) p. 98 n. 81; Macphail (1914) p. 16.
  241. ^ Petre, JS (2014) pp. 272–273; Murray (2002) p. 224.
  242. ^ Murray (2002) p. 225; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 286.
  243. ^ Petre, JS (2014) p. 272; Murray (2002) pp. 225, 230 n. 59; Munro; Munro (1986) p. 286.
  244. ^ Annala Uladh (2005) § 1365.9; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1365.9; Bodleian Library MS. Rawl. B. 489 (n.d.).
  245. ^ Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1368.13; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1368.13; Murray (2002) pp. 222–223 tab., 225.
  246. ^ See article by Ian Ross Macdonnell, https://www.ionaabbeyandclandonald.com/uploads/1/4/3/2/14329824/alaxandair_og_and_his_uncle_alaster_mor.pdf
  247. ^ Murray (2002) p. 226; Lamont (1981) pp. 161–162.
  248. ^ Penman, M (2014) p. 358 n. 68; Penman, MA (2014) pp. 68–69 n. 20; Murray (2002) p. 226; Lamont (1981) pp. 161–162; Macphail (1914) pp. 13–16.
  249. ^ Duncan (2007) pp. 564–566 bk. 15; Sellar (2000) p. 217 n. 156; Mackenzie (1909) pp. 270 bk. 15, 456–457 § 299; Eyre-Todd (1907) p. 260 bk. 15.
  250. ^ Murray (2002) pp. 226–227.

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External links edit

  • "Alexander MacDonald of the Isles (son of Angus son of Donald)". People of Medieval Scotland, 1093–1371.
  • "Juliana, Wife of Alexander of the Isles". People of Medieval Scotland, 1093–1371.
  •   Media related to Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill at Wikimedia Commons

May 03, 2024
alasdair, islay, alasdair, domhnaill, died, probably, 1299, lord, islay, chief, clann, domhnaill, note, eldest, aonghus, mór, domhnaill, lord, islay, alasdair, seems, first, appear, record, 1264, when, held, hostage, scottish, crown, father, good, behaviour, d. Alasdair og Mac Domhnaill died probably 1299 was Lord of Islay and chief of Clann Domhnaill note 1 He was the eldest son of Aonghus Mor mac Domhnaill Lord of Islay Alasdair og seems to first appear on record in 1264 when he was held as a hostage of the Scottish Crown for his father s good behaviour During Alasdair og s career the Scottish realm endured a succession crisis as a result of the unexpected death of Margaret Maid of Norway heir to the Scottish throne in 1290 One of several factions that staked a claim to the throne was the Bruce kindred Both Alasdair og and his father were cosignatories of the Turnberry Band a pact that may have partly concerned the Bruces royal aspirations Alasdair og Mac DomhnaillLord of IslayThe seal of Alasdair og 1 The device shows a galley manned by two men attending the ropes 2 The seal s legend reads S ALEXANDRI DE ISLE 3 PredecessorAonghus Mor mac DomhnaillSuccessorAonghus og Mac Domhnaill Diedprobably 1299Noble familyClann DomhnaillSpouse s JulianaFatherAonghus Mor mac Domhnaill Aonghus Mor last appears on record in 1293 which seems to have been about the time that Alasdair og succeeded him as chief of Clann Domhnaill Alasdair og s wife was apparently a member of Clann Dubhghaill This marital alliance evidently brought Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill into a territorial conflict The chief of the latter kindred Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill was a close adherent to the successful claimant to the kingship John Balliol Following the latter s defeat and overthrow by Edward I King of England Alasdair og aligned his kindred with the English in an attempt to contend with Clann Dubhghaill As such Alasdair og was employed as the agent of English authority in the west and Clann Domhnaill appears on record throughout the 1290s campaigning against Clann Dubhghaill Clann Ruaidhri and the Comyn kindred Alasdair og s rivalry with Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill apparently brought about his own demise as Alasdair og appears to be identical to the like named man slain by Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill of Clann Dubhghaill in 1299 The Clann Domhnaill succession is uncertain following this date as several men appear on record accorded the territorial designation of Islay a style that corresponded to the lordship of the Isles Alasdair og is known to have had at least six sons He was the brother of the Clann Domhnaill chief Aonghus og who was slain campaigning in Ireland in 1318 Over the succeeding decades the Clann Domhnaill chiefship came to be permanently occupied by the descendants of Aonghus og As a result Alasdair og s reputation suffered within early modern Clann Domhnaill tradition and the history of his descendants Clann Alasdair was largely ignored Nevertheless the most prominent Clann Domhnaill gallowglass families in Ireland descended from him Members of Clann Alasdair claimed the Clann Domhnaill chiefship into the last half of the fourteenth century Alasdair og may also be the eponymous ancestor of Clann Alasdair of Loup Contents 1 Parentage 2 Clann Domhnaill under Aonghus Mor 2 1 Hostage of the Scottish Crown 2 2 The Turnberry Band 2 3 Under the Balliol regime 3 Clann Domhnaill under Alasdair og 3 1 Aligned with the English regime 3 2 Clann Somhairle kin strife 3 3 Death 4 Descendants 5 Notes 6 Citations 7 References 7 1 Primary sources 7 2 Secondary sources 8 External linksParentage edit nbsp Locations relating to Alasdair og s life and times Alasdair og was an elder 17 son of Aonghus Mor mac Domhnaill Lord of Islay 18 note 2 The latter was a son of Domhnall mac Raghnaill 21 eponym of Clann Domhnaill 22 As such Aonghus Mor can be regarded as the first Mac Domhnaill 23 Clann Domhnaill was the junior most of three main branches of Clann Somhairle The other two branches were Clann Dubhghaill and Clann Ruaidhri families respectively descended from Domhnall s uncle Dubhghall mac Somhairle and Domhnall s elder brother Ruaidhri mac Raghnaill 24 Alasdair og had a sister who married Domhnall og o Domhnaill King of Tir Chonaill 25 a younger brother Aonghus og 26 another brother Eoin Sprangach ancestor of the Ardnamurchan branch of Clann Domhnaill 27 and a sister who married Hugh Bisset 28 The personal name Alasdair is a Gaelic equivalent of Alexander 29 Aonghus Mor and his Clann Somhairle kinsman Eoghan Mac Dubhghaill evidently named their eldest sons after the kings of Scotland Both Eoghan s son Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill and Alasdair og himself appear to have been named after Alexander III King of Scotland as both are unlikely to have been born during the reign of the latter s father Alexander II King of Scotland 30 Before Alexander II virtually no Scots are known to have borne the name Alexander Very quickly however leading families within the Scottish realm began to emulate the royal family 31 The use of the name by leading members of Clann Somhairle appears to reflect the spread of Scottish influence into its own orbit 32 and could be evidence of the kindred s attempt to align itself closer to the Scottish Crown 33 note 3 Clann Domhnaill under Aonghus Mor editHostage of the Scottish Crown edit nbsp The seal of Alexander III The device is similar to that of his English contemporaries Henry III and Edward I 35 In the midpoint of the thirteenth century Alexander II and his son and successor Alexander III made several attempts to incorporate the Hebrides into the Scottish realm 36 Forming a part of the Kingdom of the Isles these islands were a component of the far flung Norwegian commonwealth 37 The independence of the Islesmen and the lurking threat of their nominal overlord the formidable Hakon Hakonarson King of Norway constituted a constant source of concern for the Scottish Crown 36 In 1261 Alexander III sent an embassy to Norway attempting to negotiate the purchase of the Isles from the Norwegian Crown When mediation came to nought Alexander III evidently orchestrated an invasion into the Isles as means to openly challenge his Norwegian counterpart s authority 38 Thus provoked Hakon assembled an enormous fleet to reassert Norwegian sovereignty along the north and west coasts of Scotland 39 Having rendezvoused with his vassals in the Isles one of whom was Aonghus Mor himself Hakon secured several castles oversaw raids into the surrounding mainland 40 A series of inconclusive skirmishes upon the Ayrshire coast coupled with ever worsening weather discouraged the Norwegians and convinced them to turn for home Hakon died that December 41 As a result of his failure to break Scottish power Alexander III seized the initiative the following year and oversaw a series of invasions into the Isles and northern Scotland Recognising this dramatic shift in royal authority Magnus olafsson King of Mann and the Isles submitted to the Scots within the year 42 and in so doing symbolised the complete collapse of Norwegian sovereignty in the Isles 43 In the wake of the Norwegian withdrawal and the violent extension of Scottish royal authority into the Isles Aonghus Mor had no choice but to submit to the Scots He was forced to hand over his son 44 seemingly Alasdair og who was consequently held at Ayr as a hostage of the Scottish Crown for Aonghus Mor s good behaviour 45 The fact that his son was accompanied by a nurse suggests that he was merely a young child at the time 46 The Turnberry Band edit nbsp The seal of Robert Bruce VI 47 The Turnberry Band was concluded at this man s principal residence Turnberry Castle 48 Alasdair og next appears on record in about 1284 1285 1286 when he confirmed his father s grant of the church of St Ciaran to the Cistercian monastery of Paisley 49 The witness lists of Clann Somhairle charters spanning the thirteenth century reveal that as time wore on the kindred increasingly surrounded itself with men drawn from a Scottish background as opposed to that of men mainly of a Hebridean milieu 50 In fact Alasdair og s transaction with the Cistercians marks the first record of Robert Bruce VII a future King of Scotland 51 note 4 Other evidence of the kindred s incorporation within Scotland concerns the formation of alliances with various factions within the realm 54 Whilst Clann Dubhghall forged ties with the dominant Comyn kindred Clann Domhnaill evidently aligned itself to the Bruce kindred 55 The latter partnership appears to owe itself to the unsettled period immediately after Alexander III s unexpected demise in March 1286 Although the leading magnates of the realm had previously recognised Alexander III s granddaughter Margaret as his legitimate heir there were two major factions in the realm that possessed competing claims to the kingship At the beginning of April Robert Bruce V Lord of Annandale announced his claim to the throne whilst John Balliol a magnate backed by the Comyns seems to have declared a claim of his own before the end of the month 56 nbsp The seal of Alasdair og s father Aonghus Mor 57 note 5 It is possible that the Bruce faction regarded its claim to be weaker to that of Comyn Balliol faction 61 In September members of the faction concluded a pact known as the Turnberry Band in which certain Scottish and Anglo Irish magnates including Alasdair og and his father pledged to support one another 62 One possibility is that Alasdair og s confirmation charter was granted immediately before or after the conclusion of the Turnberry pact Certainly two of the men who witnessed the grant to Paisley were members of monastery of Crossraguel a religious house within the Bruce lordship of Carrick This could be evidence that the charter was issued within the earldom as well 63 In any event although the precise purpose of the Turnberry pact is uncertain it is conceivable that it was somehow connected to the Bruce faction s claim to the throne 64 One possibility is that that involvement of Clann Domhnaill may have been intended to counter the threat of Clann Dubhghaill whilst the Bruces and their allies contended with the Balliols in Galloway 65 In accordance to the pact the participating Scottish magnates swore to support two prominent Anglo Irish magnates Richard de Burgh Earl of Ulster and Thomas de Clare Lord of Thomond 62 Thomas father in law died the same year leaving him with claims in Connacht and Ulster 66 This could indicate that one of the purposes of the bond was to further the ambitions of Richard and Thomas in north west Ireland and enable the latter to secure possession of his northern inheritance from the clutches of his chief competitor John fitz Thomas and the numerous native kindreds of the region 67 One aspect of the pact therefore could have concerned the curtailment of overseas connections between Clann Domhnaill and Irish kindreds opposed to the earl such as the Ui Domhnaill and the Ui Neill 68 In fact the bond coincided with an immense show of force by Richard in Connacht and Ulster This campaign saw the earl s exaction of hostages from Cineal Chonaill and Cineal Eoghain the deposition of Domhnall o Neill from the kingship of Tir Chonaill and the subsequent replacement of the latter with a more palatable candidate 69 The bond s Anglo Irish cosignatories may have sought maritime support from Clann Domhnaill 70 and it is possible that Aonghus Mor contributed to the earl s operation 71 nbsp The seal of James Stewart 72 one of the cosignatories of the Turnberry Band and Alasdair og s sometime opponent Other cosignatories included members of the Stewart Menteith kindred The Bruces and Stewarts also had a stake in north west Ireland with the latter kindred eventually possessing claims to territories that had formerly been held by predecessors of John Balliol 73 note 6 The participation of the Stewart Menteith kindred in the band could have also concerned its part in the hostile annexation of the Clann Suibhne lordship in Argyll Forced from its Scottish homeland Clann Suibhne evidently found a safe haven in Tir Chonaill on account of an alliance forged with Domhnall og 76 Not only was the latter s son and successor Aodh the product of a union with a member of Clann Suibhne 77 but Domhnall og himself had been fostered by the kindred 78 The fact that Murchadh Mac Suibhne is known to have died imprisoned by Richard s father could in turn indicate that the earls of Ulster were opposed to Clann Suibhne s resettlement in the region 79 note 7 Clann Domhnaill s part in Aodh s 1290 defeat at the hands of his paternal half brother Toirdhealbhach meant that the forces of Clann Domhnaill were engaged supporting the cause of Aonghus Mor s maternal grandson Toirdhealbhach against a maternal descendant of Clann Suibhne Aodh Whether this clash was a direct result of the bond is uncertain although it seems likely that Aonghus Mor s part in the pact concerned the value of his kindred s military might 82 Alasdair og may well have overseen Clann Domhnaill s overseas support of Toirdhealbhach 65 note 8 Under the Balliol regime edit nbsp The seal of John King of Scotland 85 a monarch closely connected with Alasdair og s neighbouring rival Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill By the death of Alexander III the Clann Domhnaill holdings seem to have included Kintyre Islay southern Jura and perhaps Colonsay and Oronsay 86 Whilst Aonghus Mor is regularly described with a patronymic referring to his father Alasdair og and Aonghus og tend to be accorded the territorial designation of Islay 87 In 1292 the English Crown granted Aonghus Mor and Alasdair og safe conduct to travel and trade between Scotland and Ireland 88 1292 is also the year in which a violent feud between Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill is first attested The infighting appears to have stemmed from Alasdair og s marriage to an apparent member of Clann Dubhghaill and seems to have concerned a dispute over this woman s territorial claims 89 The parentage of Alasdair og s wife Juliana is unknown Whilst she could have been a daughter or sister of the Clann Dubhghaill chief Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill 90 she certainly possessed a claim to a portion of Lismore 91 nbsp Image a nbsp Image bFacsimiles of correspondence between Clann Domhnaill and the English Crown a letter from Aonghus Mor and Alasdair og image a 92 and one which was attached to Alasdair og s seal image b 93 Although Aonghus Mor Alasdair og and Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill swore to Edward I King of England that they would postpone the feud and pledged to uphold the peace in the isles and outlying territories the bitter internecine struggle continued throughout the 1290s 94 Edward directed that two of the Guardians of Scotland to be guarantors of the peace One was the steward whilst the other was John Comyn II Lord of Badenoch The fact that the latter was a brother in law of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill could indicate that the steward and Clann Domhnaill were politically aligned 95 In February 1293 at the first parliament of John King of Scotland three new sheriffdoms were erected in the western reaches of the realm 96 In the north west William II Earl of Ross was made Sheriff of Skye with a jurisdiction that appears to correspond to the territories formerly held by the Crovan dynasty before 1266 In the central west Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill was made Sheriff of Lorn with a jurisdiction over much of Argyll In the south west the steward was made Sheriff of Kintyre 97 The creation of these divisions dramatically evidences the steady consolidation of royal authority in the west in since 1266 98 note 9 Despite the king s intentions of increased authority stability and peace his new sheriffs seem to have used their elevated positions to exploit royal power against their own local rivals Whereas Clann Ruaidhri appears to have fallen afoul of the neighbouring Earl of Ross Clann Domhnaill was forced to deal with its powerful Clann Dubhghaill rivals 104 Clann Domhnaill under Alasdair og editAligned with the English regime edit nbsp The seal of Alexander Stewart 105 Like Alasdair og Alexander Stewart was employed by the English Crown against Clann Dubhghaill Aonghus Mor is last attested in 1293 106 and appears to have died at about this date 107 note 10 Alasdair og s undated renewal of his father s grant of St Ciaran seems to be evidence that Aonghus Mor had been succeeded by the date of its issue 109 Certainly Alasdair og appears to have succeeded Aonghus Mor by the mid 1290s 110 The record of Alasdair og serving as a young hostage in 1264 suggests that he would have been in his thirties at the time of his succession 111 In an effort to curb the principal representative of the Comyn Balliol faction in the north west Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill Edward turned to Alasdair og 112 The latter was evidently serving the English Crown by March 113 and is attested in April as an English aligned bailiff in Kintyre tasked to seize control of Kintyre and hand it over to a certain Malcolm le fitz l Engleys 114 As such Alasdair og was given jurisdiction over an area formerly under the authority of the steward 115 a man who had briefly taken up arms against the English in 1296 but quickly capitulated when resistance proved futile 116 By 10 September however Edward turned to Alexander Stewart Earl of Menteith who was appointed authority over an expansive territory stretching from Ross to Rutherglen The earl was ordered to take into custody the property of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill and Eoin Mac Dubhghaill 117 his was given authority over specific magnates such as the steward the keeper of Ross William Hay John Comyn II and Niall Caimbeal as well as the burghs of Ayr Renfrew Dumbarton and given authority over the men of Argyll and Ross 118 It is unknown what prompted the king to turn towards the earl The latter had been captured following the Scottish defeat at Dunbar in April 119 and had been released from custody in June 120 One possibility is that the English Crown sought to rely upon a power that was less personally involved in the politics of the region It is also possible that the English orchestrated this delegation of authority in the context of adopting a divide and rule policy in the region as a way to offset Alasdair og s influence 121 nbsp Either Skipness Castle pictured or Dunaverty Castle could have been the principal seat of the steward in Kintyre 122 Either may have been the fortress that Alasdair og was on verge of storming in September 1296 when he informed the English Crown of his progress in securing control of Kintyre In an undated letter that appears to date to about the summer of 1296 Alasdair og reported to the English king that he had secured possession of the steward s lands in Kintyre and was on verge of taking control of a particular castle 123 Although this fortress is unnamed it may have been either Dunaverty Castle 124 of Skipness Castle 125 either of which could have been the steward s principal stronghold in Kintyre 122 Alasdair og also advanced the opinion that under the Scottish and English law no tenant in chief should lose his heritage without first being impleaded by writ in their name 123 However the fact that Malcolm is on record in possession of Dunaverty Castle a decade later suggests that Alasdair og s letter was an insincere and unsuccessful attempt to prevent Malcolm from gaining a foothold in Kintyre 126 By early May the steward duly submitted to the English Crown 127 Whether Alasdair og was aware of the steward s submition is unknown As a result his castle could have been seized by Alasdair og or merely handed over to him 128 In September 1296 Edward ordered that Alasdair og be granted 100 of lands and rent for his services to the English Crown 129 Clann Somhairle kin strife edit nbsp The arms of the Lord of Argyll depicted in the fourteenth century Balliol Roll 130 note 11 It is evident that from about 1296 to 1301 Clann Dubhghaill was out of favour of the English Crown The efforts of Edward s adherents in Argyll were evidently successful since the next record of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill reveals that the latter had been imprisoned at some point 135 presumably in an attempt to pacify his family 136 and was released by Edward in May 1297 137 note 12 With the Clann Dubhghaill chief s liberation Edward may have hoped to reign in his disaffected son Donnchadh 140 a man who unlike his father had not sworn allegiance to the English Crown 141 and who was evidently spearheading his family s resistance to Clann Domhnaill 142 The struggle between Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill is documented in two undated letters from Alasdair og to Edward In the first Alasdair og complained to the king that Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill had ravaged his lands Although Alasdair og further noted that he had overcome Ruaidhri Mac Ruaidhri and thereby brought him to heel 143 the fealty that Ruaidhri swore to the English Crown appears to have been rendered merely as a stalling tactic 144 since the letter reveals that Ruaidhri s brother Lachlann Mac Ruaidhri then attacked Alasdair og and both of these Clann Ruaidhri brothers proceeded to ravage Skye and Lewis and Harris At the end of the letter Alasdair og related that he was in the midst of organising a retaliatory operation and implored upon Edward to instruct the other noblemen of Argyll and Ross to aid him in his struggle against the king s enemies 143 In a writ dated 9 April 1297 Edward ordered that the men of Argyll and Ross assist Alasdair og who was thereby appointed as the king s bailiff in Lorn Ross and the Hebrides 145 As such Alasdair og was granted authority in Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill s former sheriffdom 146 If the royal command was a response to Alasdair og s letter as seems the case it would suggest that he composed his correspondence to the king in the midpart of March 147 nbsp Now ruinous Inverlochy Castle was once a stronghold of the Comyn kindred In 1297 Alasdair og pursued his opponents to the castle where he attempted to capture the largest warships on the western seaboard In the second letter Alasdair og again appealed to the English Crown complaining that he faced a united front from Donnchadh Lachlann Ruaidhri and the Comyns According to Alasdair og the men of Lochaber had sworn allegiance to Lachlann and Donnchadh In one instance Alasdair og reported that although he had been able to force Lachlann s supposed submission he was thereupon attacked by Ruaidhri Alasdair og further related a specific expedition in which he pursued his opponents to the Comyn stronghold of Inverlochy Castle 148 the principal fortress in Lochaber 149 where he was unable to capture but nevertheless destroyed two massive galleys which he described as the largest warships in the Western Isles 148 note 13 Alasdair og also reported that on account of the steward s disloyalty to the king he seized control of the castle and barony of Glasrog probably Glassary 148 There is only one other reference to a castle in the barony of Glassary presumably Fincharn Castle in 1374 152 How the steward came to hold any authority in these Argyllian lands is uncertain One possibility is that he capitalised upon the conflict between Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill 153 In any event much like in the first letter Alasdair og called upon the English king for financial support in combating his mounting opponents Specifically he reminded the English Crown that he had received nothing of the 500 that he had been promised the year before nor had he received any revenue from his duties as bailiff 148 nbsp The seal that Alasdair og s English overlord Edward I used in Scotland in 1296 1306 154 note 14 Alasdair og s dispatches seem to show that Lachlann and Ruaidhri were focused upon seizing control of Skye and Lewis and Harris from the absentee Earl of Ross Whilst the first communique reveals that the initial assault upon the islands concerned pillage the second letter appears to indicate that the islands were subjected to further invasions by Clann Ruaidhri suggesting that the acquisition of these islands was the family s goal The bitter strife between Clann Ruaidhri and Clann Domhnaill depicted by these letters seems to indicate that both kindreds sought to capitalise on the earl s absence and that both families sought to incorporate the islands into their own lordships In specific regard to Clann Ruaidhri it is likely this kindred s campaigning was an extension of the conflict originating from the creation of the shrievalty of Skye 156 The correspondence also reveals that the Lachlann and Ruaidhri were able to split their forces and operate somewhat independently of each other Although Alasdair og was evidently able to overcome one of the brothers at a time he was nevertheless vulnerable to a counterattack from the other 157 Alasdair og s second letter appears to date to after his reception of the king s writ of 9 April 158 Whether the Clann Somhairle kin strife continued after Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill s May release is uncertain although it would seem highly probable given the remarkable animosity between the concerned parties 159 If Edward did not intend for this liberated clan chief to reign in his family another possibility is that his release was instead envisaged as a counterbalance to Alasdair og s power to ensure that the latter was kept in check 160 The correspondence between Alasdair og and the English also reveals that notwithstanding Edward s 1296 grant of administrative powers to Alexander Stewart in the northwest it was actually Alasdair og who was implementing English royal authority in the region 161 Nevertheless although Alasdair og was ostensibly working on the king s behalf it is evident that local rivalries and self interest laid behind the region s political alignments not anti Englishness 162 note 15 Certainly the English Crown s elevation of Alasdair og at the expense of the steward and Clann Dubhghaill would have been a cause of apprehension and resentment 165 In fact it is apparent that little authority could be expected by Edward without bringing these two disaffected parties onside 166 Death edit nbsp Alasdair og s apparent name as it appears on folio 71v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 the Annals of Ulster 167 The excerpt forms part of the annal entry recording his death at the hands of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill In 1299 several Irish annals report a clash between Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill in which Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill slew a member of Clann Domhnaill named Alasdair 168 note 16 According to the seventeenth century Annals of the Four Masters this man was the best man of his tribe in Ireland and Scotland for hospitality and prowess whilst the fifteenth to sixteenth century Annals of Ulster states that he was killed together with a countless number of his own people around him 173 The slain man appears to have been Alasdair og himself 174 The accounts of his demise suggest that his final fall took place in the context of his ongoing dispute with Clann Dubhghaill 175 Note According to the annals of Clan Donald Alasdair Og Alexander of Islay was fighting against Robert the Bruce in 1308 in Galloway where he was defeated on the banks of the Dee by Edward brother of King Robert the Bruce Edward took prisoner the prince of the Isles but Alexander escaped to Castle Sween in Knapdale Edward pursued him and captured Alexander there He was taken to Dundonald Castle in Ayrshire where he was held prisoner and died soon after 176 But this is widely disputed If the seventeenth century Ane Accompt of the Genealogie of the Campbells is to be believed Clann Dubhghaill successfully dispatched another rival during the 1290s as this source claims that Eoin Mac Dubhghaill overcame and slew Cailean Mor Caimbeal 177 The latter s death took place after his recognition as bailiff of Loch Awe and Ardscotnish by Edward in September 1296 suggesting that he too was employed by the English against Clann Dubhghaill 178 note 17 Accordingly both Alasdair og and Cailean Mor appear to have succumbed to Clann Dubhghaill whilst attempting to extend Edward s authority into Argyll and bring the clan to heel 180 note 18 nbsp The Dublin city seal of 1297 183 The Clann Domhnaill seals show no trace of the forecastle and aftercastle depicted upon this device indicating that the galleys utilised by the Highlanders and Hebrideans were smaller than vessels used elsewhere in Britain and Ireland 184 note 19 Alasdair og s death in 1299 seems to account for the recorded actions of his younger brother Aonghus og against Clann Dubhghaill 175 note 20 In either 1301 or 1310 for example whilst in the service of the English Crown Aonghus og inquired of the king as to whether he and Hugh were authorised to conduct military operations against Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill and further entreated the king on behalf of Lachlann and Ruaidhri who were then aiding Aonghus og s English aligned military forces to grant the Clann Ruaidhri brothers feu of their ancestral lands 187 Another letter this one from Hugh to Edward reveals that Hugh Eoin Mac Suibhne and Aonghus og himself were engaged in maritime operations against Clann Dubhghaill that year 188 note 21 The fact that Aonghus og styled himself of Islay in his letter could be evidence that he was acting as chief of Clann Domhnaill 175 and that he succeeded Alasdair og as chief 190 Nevertheless the precise succession of Clann Domhnaill is uncertain For example the record of a certain Domhnall in attendance of the 1309 parliament of Robert I with the territorial designation of Islay could indicate that this particular man then held the chiefship 191 As with the succession the identity of this man is uncertain One possibility is that he was an elder brother of Aonghus og 192 other possibilities are that he was either a cousin of Alasdair og and Aonghus og 193 or else a son of either two 194 note 22 nbsp The name and title of a Clann Domhnaill dynast as they appear on folio 82v part 2 of Royal Irish Academy P 6 the Annals of the Four Masters 198 The annal entry records this man s death in 1318 at Faughart He could have been a son of Alasdair og and appears to have occupied the chiefship at the time of his fall Further evidence of a contentious family succession may be the record of a certain Alasdair of the Isles 199 who received a grant of the former Clann Dubhghaill islands of Mull and Tiree from Robert I 200 This man could have been a son of Aonghus og 201 or else a nephew of the latter 202 presumably a son of Alasdair og himself 203 Certainly Alasdair of the Isles s royal grant comprised former Clann Dubhghaill islands a fact which could be evidence that he was indeed a son of Alasdair og and possessed a claim to these territories by right of his maternal descent from Clann Dubhghaill 204 note 23 Remarkably this is no evidence of a royal charter to the lordship of Islay This could reveal that upon Alasdair og s death the lordship was automatically inherited by a son possibly Alasdair of the Isles 206 The latter may be identical to the apparent Clann Domhnaill chief slain in 1318 supporting the Bruce campaign in Ireland 204 The sixteenth century Annals of Loch Ce records his name as Mac Domnaill ri Oirir Gaidheal 207 This source is mirrored by several other Irish annals 208 note 24 and the eleventh to fourteenth century Annals of Inisfallen seems to refer to the same man calling him Alexander M in an only partially decipherable entry 213 The albeit exaggerated title King of Argyll accorded to this slain Clann Domhnaill dynast appears to exemplify the catastrophic effect that the rise of the Bruce regime had on its opponents like Clann Dubhghaill 214 Until its downfall in 1309 Clann Dubhghaill was closely associated with the lordship of Argyll 215 In consequence this Argyllian title could be evidence that a son of Alasdair og possessed the inheritance of both Clann Domhnaill and Clann Dubhghaill 204 Descendants edit nbsp The partially decipherable name of Alexander M as it appears on folio 57r of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 503 the Annals of Inisfallen 216 This man was slain campaigning in Ireland in 1318 and appears to have been chief of Clann Domhnaill He could be identical to Alasdair of the Isles and a son of Alasdair og 204 Alasdair og is the eponymous ancestor of the Clann Alasdair branch of Clann Domhnaill 217 note 25 Surviving genealogical sources reveal that he had at least six sons 222 Eoin Dubh Raghnall Toirdhealbhach Aonghus Gofraidh and Somhairle 223 Following his death Alasdair og s sons evidently established themselves as gallowglass commanders in Ireland 224 In fact three are recorded as commanders in contemporary Irish annalistic sources and all founded prominent Irish gallowglass families 223 As such Alasdair og s descendants formed the major gallowglass families of Clann Domhnaill 225 note 26 The first to be recorded in such a capacity is Eoin Dubh a man whose violent demise is reported in 1349 229 nbsp The name of Alasdair og s son Eoin Dubh as it appears on folio 76v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 230 Eoin Dubh s son Somhairle was Constable of Ulster and was described as heir to the kingship of the Hebrides in 1365 231 Eoin Dubh s brother Raghnall was described as heir of Clann Alasdair in 1366 232 Other than Alasdair of the Isles another possible son of Alasdair og is Ruaidhri of Islay 233 a man who suffered the forfeiture of his possessions by Robert I in 1325 234 The parentage of this man is uncertain and it is conceivable that was a member of either Clann Ruaidhri 235 or Clann Domhnaill 236 The downfall of Alasdair og s lineage in the Clann Domhnaill heartland seems to account for the kindred s relocation to Ireland as mercenary commanders 5 If Ruaidhri of Islay was indeed a member of Clann Domhnaill and a son of Alasdair og his expulsion may have marked the downfall of Clann Alasdair in Scotland and may account for the fact that Alasdair og s descendants failed to hold power in Hebrides after this date As such Ruaidhri of Islay s expulsion could well mark the date upon which Clann Alasdair relocated overseas 237 Another family descended from Alasdair og is probably Clann Alasdair of Loup in Kintyre 238 note 27 The eclipse of Alasdair og s line the senior branch of Clann Domhnaill may explain the rise of Aonghus og s line If Ruaidhri of Islay indeed represented the line of Alasdair og by 1325 his forfeiture evidently paved the way for the rise of Aonghus og s son Eoin 241 In fact before the end of Robert I s reign this Eoin appears to have administered Islay on behalf of the Scottish Crown 242 and eventually came to style himself Lord of the Isles 243 nbsp The name of Alasdair og s like named grandson Alasdair og mac Toirdhealbhaigh as it appears on folio 78v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 244 This man was Constable of Ulster and was described as heir of Clann Domhnaill 245 Some of the accounts of Alasdair og preserved by seventeenth century Sleat History have little in common with the man recorded by other more contemporary and perhaps more accurate accounts 246 247 For example according to the Sleat History Alasdair og was always an enemy of Robert I and consistently fought alongside Eoin Mac Dubhghaill against this king At one point Alasdair og is said to have been besieged by the king within Castle Sween where he was captured and later died there as a prisoner however the better reasoned view is that he was always loyal to the Bruces His younger brother Aonghus og likewise always supported Robert I in all his wars 248 note 28 This skewed view of Alasdair og seems to have been constructed as a means to glorify the branch of Clann Domhnaill descended from Aonghus Mor s younger brother Alasdair Mor at the expense of Alasdair og and his reputation As such the history of the Clann Alasdair branch of the clan is ignored by the Sleat History 250 Notes edit Since the 1980s academics have accorded Alasdair og various patronyms in English secondary sources Alastair MacDonald 4 Alastair og MacDomhnaill 5 Alexander Mac Domnaill 6 Alexander Mac Donald 7 Alexander macDonald 8 Alexander MacDonald 9 Alexander Macdonald 10 and Alexander Og MacDonald 11 Likewise with an epithet Alasdair og s name has been rendered Alasdair og 12 Alasdair Og 13 Alastair og 5 Alexander Og 14 Alexander Og 15 and Alexander og 16 The Gaelic og and Mor mean young and big respectively 19 The epithet og accorded to Alasdair og appears to differentiate him from his like named elder uncle Alasdair Mor mac Domhnaill 20 The adoption of such names by the clan contrasts that of the neighbouring Crovan dynasty a related kindred that retained its Scandinavian personal names 34 There is reason to suspect that Robert I had been fostered by a family in either Ireland or the west coast of Scotland 52 Candidates include Clann Domhnaill and Clann Ruaidhri 53 The device appears to be similar to that which was ascribed to Aonghus Mor s paternal grandfather in the fifteenth century 58 The seals of Alasdair og and Aonghus Mor are the earliest examples of heraldry utilised by Clann Domhnaill 59 The legend reads S ENGVS DE YLE FILII DOMNALDI whilst the seal itself is blazoned on waves a lymphad bearing four men not on a shield 60 In time both the Bruces and Stewarts would possess personal connections with the earl By 1296 Richard was certainly a brother in law of James Stewart Steward of Scotland 74 himself a party to the bond whilst Richard became a father in law of Robert Bruce V s like named grandson a future King of Scotland in 1304 75 Murchadh is the first member of Clann Suibhne recorded in Ireland 80 and by the Irish annals 81 The notice of Clann Domhnaill s part in Aodh s defeat to Toirdhealbhach is the first specific record of the term gallowglass galloglach 83 Although this is certainly not the first time such overseas warriors were utilised in Ireland it is the first time they are recorded to have been used to topple an Irish king 84 Remarkably representatives of Clann Domhnaill failed to attend the king s inaugural parliament 99 Only a few months later Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill the Scottish Crown s leading representative in the west was commanded to bring Alasdair og s father and two other regional landholders to do homage before the king 100 Although it is unknown if Aonghus Mor obeyed the summons the pledge by the barons of Argyll to rise up against him in the event of his infidelity may date to about this time 101 The document preserving the summons directed at Aonghus Mor describes him as a miles knight which could be evidence that he had been knighted 102 Unlike the latter and certain other leading members of Clann Somhairle like Eoghan and Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill Alasdair og is not addressed as a knight by any surviving source Whilst it is certainly conceivable that he was knighted at some point in his career clear corroborating evidence is nonexistent 103 If Aonghus Mor was indeed dead by this date it would explain why there is no record of him swearing allegiance to the king 108 The escutcheon is blazoned or a galley sable with dragon heads at prow and stern and flag flying gules charged on the hull with four portholes argent 131 The coat of arms corresponds to the seal of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill 132 Since the galley also known as a lymphad was a symbol of Clann Dubhghaill and seemingly Raghnall mac Somhairle ancestor of Clann Ruaidhri and Clann Domhnaill it is conceivable that it was also a symbol of the Clann Somhairle progenitor Somhairle mac Giolla Brighde 133 It was also a symbol of the Crovan dynasty which could mean that it passed to Somhairle s family through his wife 134 Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill is recorded to have sworn allegiance to Edward in July 1296 138 Within the month as his release Eoin Mac Dubhghaill was invited to partake in the king s campaign against the French in Flanders It is possible that the former s presence was requested as a means to ensure the cooperation of his father In any event it appears that Eoin Mac Dubhghaill declined to accompany the English expedition 139 As far as known the largest Highland galleys were built on the mainland The largest a forty oared vessel appears on record within two decades in possession of Cailean og Caimbeal in the former Clann Dubhghaill lands of Loch Awe and Ardscotnish 150 A galley of this size would appear to have allowed the transport of over one hundred men upon command 151 The seal s legend reads ET DVCIS AQUITANIE AD REGIMEN REGNI SOCIE DEPVTATVM 155 Edward appears to have enacted a similar policy in regard to contention between Alexander Comyn and John Strathbogie Earl of Atholl 163 and between the latter and the Earl of Ross 164 These sources include the fifteenth to sixteenth century Annals of Connacht 169 the sixteenth century Annals of Loch Ce 170 the seventeenth century Annals of the Four Masters 171 and the fifteenth to sixteenth century Annals of Ulster 172 The notice of Cailean Mor possessing the bailiary is the first record of the Caimbealaigh the Campbells holding authority in Loch Awe 179 The record of Alasdair og s fall may also be the first certain attestation of the Clann Dubhnaill surname 181 If Alasdair og is not identical to the man slain by Clann Dubhghaill in 1299 another candidate may be his uncle Alasdair Mor 182 There is no evidence that Hebridean galleys had forecastles topcastles or aftercastles 185 The closest evidence for Islesmen with vessels so equipped is a passage preserved by the thirteenth to fourteenth century Chronicle of Mann which makes note of a vessel with upper and lower decks in 1238 186 The fact that the fourteenth century historian John Barbour fails to make note of Alasdair og as opposed to his brother Aonghus og suggests that Alasdair og had indeed died by the turn of the century 175 Although these letters of Aonghus og and Hugh are generally assumed to date to 1301 another letter associated with them concerns the continued English service of Hugh and Eoin Mac Suibhne The fact that this piece of correspondence identifies John Menteith as an opponent of the English Crown suggests that all three may instead date to 1310 189 No extant genealogical source specifically accords Aonghus Mor and Alasdair og with a son named Domhnall 195 The fifteenth century National Library of Scotland Advocates 72 1 1 MS 1467 appears to show that Alasdair Mor did have a son by this name 111 However Domhnall of Islay is elsewhere recorded to have had a brother named Gofraidh 196 and whilst Alasdair og is recorded to have had a son by this name Alasdair Mor is not 197 If Alasdair og was not slain in 1299 however another possibility is that he himself is identical to Alasdair of the Isles 205 According to the same annal entry the slain Clann Domhnaill dynast is reported to have died along with a certain Mac Ruaidhri ri Innsi Gall 207 Sources that mirror this annal entry include the Annals of Connacht 209 the Annals of the Four Masters 210 the Annals of Ulster 211 and the seventeenth century Annals of Clonmacnoise 212 This family is also known as Clan Alexander 218 Clann Alaxandair 219 Clann Alexandair 220 and Clann Alasdair Mhic Dhomhnaill 221 For example Eoin Dubh attested in 1349 226 Raghnall attested in 1366 227 and Toirdhealbhach attested in 1365 228 and 1366 227 The first record of this clan s surname appears to be that of Alasdair og s grandson Gofraidh mac Aonghusa who along with his own son Eoin is accorded a surname referring to Alasdair og in a papal document dating to 1395 239 The seventeenth century Sleat History attributes another origin of Clann Alasdair of Loup stating that the family s projenitor was Alasdair an illegitimate son of Aonghus og 240 The account of Alasdair og at Castle Sween may be related to the equally erroneous account of Eoin Mac Dubhghaill preserved by the fourteenth century Bruce a source which claims that Robert I imprisoned this man in Loch Leven Castle where he died 249 Citations edit McAndrew 2006 p 67 McDonald 1995 p 132 Munro Munro 1986 p 281 n 1 Rixson 1982 pp 128 219 n 2 Macdonald 1904 p 227 1793 MacDonald 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p 224 McDonald 1997 p 187 Steer Bannerman Collins 1977 p 203 203 n 12 Murray 2002 p 224 Petre JS 2014 pp 272 273 Sellar 2016 p 104 Nicholls 2007 p 98 Campbell of Airds 2000 p 61 Nicholls 2007 p 98 McGurk 1976 pp 51 56 Nicholls 2007 p 98 n 81 Macphail 1914 p 16 Petre JS 2014 pp 272 273 Murray 2002 p 224 Murray 2002 p 225 Munro Munro 1986 p 286 Petre JS 2014 p 272 Murray 2002 pp 225 230 n 59 Munro Munro 1986 p 286 Annala Uladh 2005 1365 9 Annala Uladh 2003 1365 9 Bodleian Library MS Rawl B 489 n d Annala Connacht 2011a 1368 13 Annala Connacht 2011b 1368 13 Murray 2002 pp 222 223 tab 225 See article by Ian Ross Macdonnell https www ionaabbeyandclandonald com uploads 1 4 3 2 14329824 alaxandair og and his uncle alaster mor pdf Murray 2002 p 226 Lamont 1981 pp 161 162 Penman M 2014 p 358 n 68 Penman MA 2014 pp 68 69 n 20 Murray 2002 p 226 Lamont 1981 pp 161 162 Macphail 1914 pp 13 16 Duncan 2007 pp 564 566 bk 15 Sellar 2000 p 217 n 156 Mackenzie 1909 pp 270 bk 15 456 457 299 Eyre Todd 1907 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Scotland and Robert Bruce A Review Scottish Historical Review 45 2 184 201 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25528661 Duncan AAM 1996 1975 Scotland The Making of the Kingdom The Edinburgh History of Scotland Edinburgh Mercat Press ISBN 0 901824 83 6 Duncan AAM Brown AL 1956 1957 Argyll and the Isles in the Earlier Middle Ages PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 90 192 220 doi 10 9750 PSAS 090 192 220 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 189977430 Duffy S 1991 The Continuation of Nicholas Trevet A New Source for the Bruce Invasion Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 91C 303 315 eISSN 2009 0048 ISSN 0035 8991 JSTOR 25516086 Fisher I 2005 The Heirs of Somerled In Oram RD Stell GP eds Lordship and Architecture in Medieval and Renaissance Scotland Edinburgh John Donald pp 85 95 ISBN 978 0 85976 628 9 Forte A Oram RD Pedersen F 2005 Viking Empires Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 82992 2 Frame R 2005 Clare Thomas de 1244x7 1287 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography October 2005 ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 50023 Subscription or UK public library membership required Frame R 2004 Fitzgerald Maurice fitz Maurice called Muiris Mael d 1286 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 9577 Subscription or UK public library membership required Fraser W ed 1888a The Red Book of Menteith Vol 1 Edinburgh a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a CS1 maint location missing publisher link Fraser W ed 1888b The Red Book of Menteith Vol 2 Edinburgh OL 25295262M a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a CS1 maint location missing publisher link Hammond M 2007 Ethnicity Personal Names and Scottish Europeanization In Weiler B Burton J Schofield P Stober K eds Proceedings of the Gregynog Conference 2005 Thirteenth Century England Woodbridge The Boydell Press pp 82 93 ISBN 978 1 84383 285 0 ISSN 0269 6967 Hanks P Hardcastle K Hodges F 2006 1990 A Dictionary of First Names Oxford Paperback Reference 2nd ed Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 861060 1 Hartland B 2007 English Lords in Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Century Ireland Roger Bigod and the de Clare Lords of Thomond English Historical Review 122 496 318 348 doi 10 1093 ehr cem002 eISSN 1477 4534 ISSN 0013 8266 JSTOR 4493806 Hewison JK 1895 The Isle of Bute in the Olden Time Vol 2 Edinburgh William Blackwood and Sons Hickey R 2011 The Dialects of Irish Study of a Changing Landscape Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs Berlin Walter de Gruyter GmbH amp Co KG ISBN 978 3 11 023804 4 ISSN 1861 4302 Holton CT 2017 Masculine Identity in Medieval Scotland Gender Ethnicity and Regionality PhD thesis University of Guelph hdl 10214 10473 Howson JS 1841 Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Argyllshire No II Parochial Chapels Transactions of the Cambridge Camden Society 78 95 hdl 2027 nyp 33433081868675 Individual s Person s Alexander mac Domhnaill The Galloglass Project n d Retrieved 7 September 2017 Individual s Person s Alexander mac Dubghaill The Galloglass Project n d Retrieved 7 September 2017 Individual s Person s Mac Domhnaill King of Argyll Ri Oirir Gaedeal The Galloglass Project n d Retrieved 22 April 2017 Individual s Person s Mac Ruaidhri King of the Hebrides Ri Innsi Gall The Galloglass Project n d Retrieved 22 April 2017 James HF 2009 Medieval Rural Settlement A Study of Mid Argyll Scotland PhD thesis Vol 1 University of Glasgow Johns S 2003 Noblewomen Aristocracy and Power in the Twelfth Century Anglo Norman Realm Gender In History Manchester Manchester University Press ISBN 0 7190 6304 3 Jones NG 1994 Review of HL MacQueen Common Law and Feudal Society in Medieval Scotland The Cambridge Law Journal 53 1 169 171 doi 10 1017 s0008197300096951 eISSN 1469 2139 ISSN 0008 1973 JSTOR 4507909 S2CID 145142817 Laing H 1850 Descriptive Catalogue of Impressions From Ancient Scottish Seals Royal Baronial Ecclesiastical and Municipal Embracing a Period From A D 1094 to the Commonwealth Edinburgh Bannatyne Club OL 24829707M Laing H 1866 Supplemental Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Scottish Seals Royal Baronial Ecclesiastical and Municipal Embracing the Period From A D 1150 to the Eighteenth Century Edinburgh Edmonston and Douglas OL 24829694M Lamont WD 1981 Alexander of Islay Son of Angus Mor Scottish Historical Review 60 2 160 169 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25529420 Lydon J 1992 The Scottish Soldier in Medieval Ireland The Bruce Invasion and the Galloglass In Simpson GG ed The Scottish Soldier Abroad 1247 1967 The Mackie Monographs Edinburgh John Donald Publishers pp 1 15 ISBN 0 85976 341 2 Macdonald WR 1904 Scottish Armorial Seals Edinburgh William Green and Sons OL 23704765M Macniven A 2006 The Norse in Islay A Settlement Historical Case Study for Medieval Scandinavian Activity in Western Maritime Scotland PhD thesis University of Edinburgh hdl 1842 8973 McAndrew BA 1992 Some Ancient Scottish Arms The Heraldry Society Retrieved 29 April 2017 McAndrew BA 1999 The Sigillography of the Ragman Roll PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 129 663 752 doi 10 9750 PSAS 129 663 752 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 202524449 McAndrew BA 2006 Scotland s Historic Heraldry Woodbridge Boydell Press ISBN 9781843832614 MacQueen HL 1982 The Brieve of Right in Scots Law The Journal of Legal History 3 1 52 70 doi 10 1080 01440368208530755 eISSN 1744 0564 ISSN 0144 0365 McDonald RA 1995 Images of Hebridean Lordship in the Late Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries The Seal of Raonall Mac Sorley Scottish Historical Review 74 2 129 143 doi 10 3366 shr 1995 74 2 129 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25530679 McDonald RA 1997 The Kingdom of the Isles Scotland s Western Seaboard c 1100 c 1336 Scottish Historical Monographs East Linton Tuckwell Press ISBN 978 1 898410 85 0 McDonald RA 2003 Old and New in the Far North Ferchar Maccintsacairt and the Early Earls of Ross c 1200 1274 In Boardman S Ross A eds The Exercise of Power in Medieval Scotland 1200 1500 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 23 45 McDonald RA 2004 Coming in From the Margins The Descendants of Somerled and Cultural Accommodation in the Hebrides 1164 1317 In Smith B ed Britain and Ireland 900 1300 Insular Responses to Medieval European Change Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 179 198 ISBN 0 511 03855 0 McDonald RA 2006 The Western Gaidhealtachd in the Middle Ages In Harris B MacDonald AR eds Scotland The Making and Unmaking of the Nation c 1100 1707 Vol 1 Dundee Dundee University Press ISBN 978 1 84586 004 2 McDonald RA 2007 Manx Kingship in its Irish Sea Setting 1187 1229 King Rǫgnvaldr and the Crovan Dynasty Dublin Four Courts Press ISBN 978 1 84682 047 2 McDonald RA 2016 Sea Kings Maritime Kingdoms and the Tides of Change Man and the Isles and Medieval European Change AD c1100 1265 In Barrett JH Gibbon SJ eds Maritime Societies of the Viking and Medieval World The Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph Milton Park Abingdon Routledge pp 333 349 doi 10 4324 9781315630755 ISBN 978 1 315 63075 5 ISSN 0583 9106 McKean FG 1906 McKean Historical Notes Washington DC Gibson Bros OL 7168928M McKenna L 1946 Some Irish Bardic Poems LXXVII Studies An Irish Quarterly Review 35 137 40 44 ISSN 0039 3495 JSTOR 30099620 McLeod W 2002 Ri Innsi Gall Ri Fionnghall Ceannas nan Gaidheal Sovereignty and Rhetoric in the Late Medieval Hebrides Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 43 25 48 ISSN 1353 0089 McLeod W 2005 2004 Political and Cultural Background Divided Gaels Gaelic Cultural Identities in Scotland and Ireland 1200 1650 Oxford Oxford University Press pp 14 54 doi 10 1093 acprof oso 9780199247226 003 0002 ISBN 0 19 924722 6 via Oxford Scholarship Online McNamee C 2012a 2006 Robert Bruce Our Most Valiant Prince King and Lord Edinburgh Birlinn Limited ISBN 978 0 85790 496 6 McNamee C 2012b 1997 The Wars of the Bruces Scotland England and Ireland 1306 1328 EPUB Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 978 0 85790 495 9 McQueen AAB 2002 The Origins and Development of the Scottish Parliament 1249 1329 PhD thesis University of St Andrews hdl 10023 6461 McWhannell DC 2002 The Galleys of Argyll The Mariner s Mirror 88 1 13 32 doi 10 1080 00253359 2002 10656825 ISSN 0025 3359 S2CID 163902973 Munro J Munro RW 1986 The Acts of the Lords of the Isles 1336 1493 Scottish History Society Edinburgh Scottish History Society ISBN 0 906245 07 9 Murray N 2002 A House Divided Against Itself A Brief Synopsis of the History of Clann Alexandair and the Early Career of Good John of Islay c 1290 1370 In McGuire NR o Baoill C eds Rannsachadh na Gaidhlig 2000 Papers Read at the Conference Scottish Gaelic Studies 2000 Held at the University of Aberdeen 2 4 August 2000 Aberdeen An Clo Gaidhealach pp 221 230 ISBN 0952391171 Nicholls K 2005 Mac Domnaill Macdonnell In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 291 292 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Nicholls K 2007 Scottish Mercenary Kindreds in Ireland 1250 1600 In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 86 105 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 Oram RD 1992 Bruce Balliol and the Lordship of Galloway South West Scotland and the Wars of Independence PDF Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society 67 29 47 ISSN 0141 1292 Oram RD 2011 2001 The Kings amp Queens of Scotland Brimscombe Port The History Press ISBN 978 0 7524 7099 3 o Cleirigh C 2005 Fitzgerald In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 173 175 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 o Cleirigh C 2008 Fitzgerald John fitz Thomas First Earl of Kildare d 1316 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography January 2008 ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 9645 Subscription or UK public library membership required Parkes P 2006 Celtic Fosterage Adoptive Kinship and Clientage in Northwest Europe PDF Comparative Studies in Society and History 48 2 359 395 doi 10 1017 S0010417506000144 eISSN 0010 4175 ISSN 1475 2999 JSTOR 3879355 S2CID 146501187 Penman M 2008 Robert I 1306 1329 In Brown M Tanner R eds Scottish Kingship 1306 1542 Essays in Honour of Norman Macdougall Edinburgh John Donald pp 20 48 doi 10 3366 shr 2011 0008 hdl 1893 731 ISBN 9781904607823 Penman M 2014 Robert the Bruce King of the Scots New Haven CT Yale University Press ISBN 978 0 300 14872 5 Penman MA 2005 2004 David II 1329 71 Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 978 0 85976 603 6 Penman MA 2014 The MacDonald Lordship and the Bruce Dynasty c 1306 c 1371 In Oram RD ed The Lordship of the Isles The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 62 87 doi 10 1163 9789004280359 004 hdl 1893 20883 ISBN 978 90 04 28035 9 ISSN 1569 1462 Petre J 2015 Donald Balloch the Treaty of Ardtornish Westminster and the MacDonald Raids of 1461 3 Historical Research 88 242 599 628 doi 10 1111 1468 2281 12106 eISSN 1468 2281 Petre JS 2014 Mingary in Ardnamurchan A Review of who Could Have Built the Castle PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 144 265 276 doi 10 9750 PSAS 144 265 276 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 258758433 Raven JA 2005 Medieval Landscapes and Lordship in South Uist PhD thesis Vol 2 University of Glasgow Reid N 1982 Margaret Maid of Norway and Scottish Queenship Reading Medieval Studies 8 75 96 Reid NH 1984 The Political Role of the Monarchy in Scotland 1249 1329 PhD thesis University of Edinburgh hdl 1842 7144 Reid NH 2011 Alexander III 1241 1286 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography May 2011 ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 323 Subscription or UK public library membership required Reid WS 1960 Sea Power in the Anglo Scottish War 1296 1328 The Mariner s Mirror 46 1 7 23 doi 10 1080 00253359 1960 10658467 ISSN 0025 3359 Rixson D 1982 The West Highland Galley Edinburgh Birlinn ISBN 1 874744 86 6 Roberts JL 1999 Lost Kingdoms Celtic Scotland and the Middle Ages Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press ISBN 0 7486 0910 5 Sellar WDH 1966 The Origins and Ancestry of Somerled Scottish Historical Review 45 2 123 142 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25528658 Sellar WDH 2000 Hebridean Sea Kings The Successors of Somerled 1164 1316 In Cowan EJ McDonald RA eds Alba Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages East Linton Tuckwell Press pp 187 218 ISBN 1 86232 151 5 Sellar WDH 2004a MacDougall Alexander Lord of Argyll d 1310 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 49385 Subscription or UK public library membership required Sellar WDH 2004b MacDougall John Lord of Argyll d 1316 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 54284 Subscription or UK public library membership required Sellar WDH 2016 Review of RD Oram The Lordship of the Isles Northern Scotland 7 1 103 107 doi 10 3366 nor 2016 0114 eISSN 2042 2717 ISSN 0306 5278 Sellar WDH Maclean A 1999 The Highland Clan MacNeacail MacNicol A History of the Nicolsons of Scorrybreac Lochbay Maclean Press ISBN 1 899272 02 X Simms K 2000 1987 From Kings to Warlords Woodbridge The Boydell Press ISBN 978 0 85115 784 9 Simms K 2005 Ua Neill o Neill In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 477 480 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Simms K 2007 Images of the Galloglass in Poems to the MacSweeneys In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 106 123 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 Simms K 2008 Changing Patterns of Regnal Succession in Later Medieval Ireland In Lachaud F Penman M eds Making and Breaking the Rules Succession in Medieval Europe c 1000 c 1600 Histoires de Famille La Parente au Moyen Age Vol 9 Turnhout Brepols Publishers pp 161 172 doi 10 1484 M HIFA EB 3 637 ISBN 978 2 503 52743 7 Simpson ARC 2016 Review of A Taylor The Shape of the State in Medieval Scotland 1124 1290 Comparative Legal History 4 2 215 232 doi 10 1080 2049677X 2016 1243904 S2CID 164829461 Steer KA Bannerman JW Collins GH 1977 Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture in the West Highlands Edinburgh Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland ISBN 0114913838 Stevenson JH 1914 Heraldry in Scotland Vol 1 Glasgow James Maclehose and Sons OL 24871335M Stringer K 2005 The Emergence of a Nation State 1100 1300 In Wormald J ed Scotland A History Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 0 19 820615 1 OL 7397531M Taylor A 2016 The Shape of the State in Medieval Scotland 1124 1290 Oxford Studies in Medieval European History Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 874920 2 Traquair P 1998 Freedom s Sword Niwot Roberts Rinehart ISBN 1 57098 247 3 OL 8730008M Young A 1999 The Comyns and Anglo Scottish Relations 1286 1314 In Prestwich M Britnell R Frame R eds Proceedings of the Durham Conference 1997 Thirteenth Century England Woodbridge The Boydell Press pp 207 222 ISBN 978 0 85115 719 1 ISSN 0269 6967 Young A Stead MJ 2010a 1999 In the Footsteps of Robert Bruce in Scotland Northern England and Ireland Brimscombe Port The History Press ISBN 978 0 7524 5642 3 Young A Stead MJ 2010b 2002 In the Footsteps of William Wallace In Scotland and Northern England Brimscombe Port The History Press ISBN 978 0 7524 5638 6 Watson F 1991 Edward I in Scotland 1296 1305 PhD thesis University of Glasgow Watson F 2013 1998 Under the Hammer Edward I and Scotland 1286 1306 EPUB Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 978 1 907909 19 1 Waerdahl RB 2011 Crozier A ed The Incorporation and Integration of the King s Tributary Lands into the Norwegian Realm c 1195 1397 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill ISBN 978 90 04 20613 7 ISSN 1569 1462 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a journal ignored help External links edit Alexander MacDonald of the Isles son of Angus son of Donald People of Medieval Scotland 1093 1371 Juliana Wife of Alexander of the Isles People of Medieval Scotland 1093 1371 nbsp Media related to Alasdair og Mac Domhnaill at Wikimedia Commons Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Alasdair og of Islay amp oldid 1197998961, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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