fbpx
Wikipedia

Spanish conquest of Yucatán

The Spanish conquest of Yucatán was the campaign undertaken by the Spanish conquistadores against the Late Postclassic Maya states and polities in the Yucatán Peninsula, a vast limestone plain covering south-eastern Mexico, northern Guatemala, and all of Belize. The Spanish conquest of the Yucatán Peninsula was hindered by its politically fragmented state. The Spanish engaged in a strategy of concentrating native populations in newly founded colonial towns. Native resistance to the new nucleated settlements took the form of the flight into inaccessible regions such as the forest or joining neighbouring Maya groups that had not yet submitted to the Spanish. Among the Maya, ambush was a favoured tactic. Spanish weaponry included broadswords, rapiers, lances, pikes, halberds, crossbows, matchlocks, and light artillery. Maya warriors fought with flint-tipped spears, bows and arrows and stones, and wore padded cotton armour to protect themselves. The Spanish introduced a number of Old World diseases previously unknown in the Americas, initiating devastating plagues that swept through the native populations.

The first encounter with the Yucatec Maya may have occurred in 1502, when the fourth voyage of Christopher Columbus came across a large trading canoe off Honduras. In 1511, Spanish survivors of the shipwrecked caravel called Santa María de la Barca sought refuge among native groups along the eastern coast of the peninsula. Hernán Cortés made contact with two survivors, Gerónimo de Aguilar and Gonzalo Guerrero, eight years later. In 1517, Francisco Hernández de Córdoba made landfall on the tip of the peninsula. His expedition continued along the coast and suffered heavy losses in a pitched battle at Champotón, forcing a retreat to Cuba. Juan de Grijalva explored the coast in 1518, and heard tales of the wealthy Aztec Empire further west. As a result of these rumours, Hernán Cortés set sail with another fleet. From Cozumel he continued around the peninsula to Tabasco where he fought a battle at Potonchán; from there Cortés continued onward to conquer the Aztec Empire. In 1524, Cortés led a sizeable expedition to Honduras, cutting across southern Campeche, and through Petén in what is now northern Guatemala. In 1527 Francisco de Montejo set sail from Spain with a small fleet. He left garrisons on the east coast, and subjugated the northeast of the peninsula. Montejo then returned to the east to find his garrisons had almost been eliminated; he used a supply ship to explore southwards before looping back around the entire peninsula to central Mexico. Montejo pacified Tabasco with the aid of his son, also named Francisco de Montejo.

In 1531 the Spanish moved their base of operations to Campeche, where they repulsed a significant Maya attack. After this battle, the Spanish founded a town at Chichen Itza in the north. Montejo carved up the province amongst his soldiers. In mid-1533 the local Maya rebelled and laid siege to the small Spanish garrison, which was forced to flee. Towards the end of 1534, or the beginning of 1535, the Spanish retreated from Campeche to Veracruz. In 1535, peaceful attempts by the Franciscan Order to incorporate Yucatán into the Spanish Empire failed after a renewed Spanish military presence at Champotón forced the friars out. Champotón was by now the last Spanish outpost in Yucatán, isolated among a hostile population. In 1541–42 the first permanent Spanish town councils in the entire peninsula were founded at Campeche and Mérida. When the powerful lord of Tutul-Xiu Maya in Maní converted to the Roman Catholic religion, his submission to Spain and conversion to Christianity encouraged the lords of the western provinces to accept Spanish rule. In late 1546 an alliance of eastern provinces launched an unsuccessful uprising against the Spanish. The eastern Maya were defeated in a single battle, which marked the final conquest of the northern portion of the Yucatán Peninsula.

The polities of Petén in the south remained independent and received many refugees fleeing from Spanish jurisdiction. In 1618 and in 1619 two unsuccessful Franciscan missions attempted the peaceful conversion of the still pagan Itza. In 1622 the Itza slaughtered two Spanish parties trying to reach their capital Nojpetén. These events ended all Spanish attempts to contact the Itza until 1695. Over the course of 1695 and 1696 a number of Spanish expeditions attempted to reach Nojpetén from the mutually independent Spanish colonies in Yucatán and Guatemala. In early 1695 the Spanish began to build a road from Campeche south towards Petén and activity intensified, sometimes with significant losses on the part of the Spanish. Martín de Urzúa y Arizmendi, governor of Yucatán, launched an assault upon Nojpetén in March 1697; the city fell after a brief battle. With the defeat of the Itza, the last independent and unconquered native kingdom in the Americas fell to the Spanish.

Geography edit

 
Satellite view of the Yucatán Peninsula

The Yucatán Peninsula is bordered by the Caribbean Sea to the east and by the Gulf of Mexico to the north and west. It can be delimited by a line running from the Laguna de Términos on the Gulf coast through to the Gulf of Honduras on the Caribbean coast. It incorporates the modern Mexican states of Yucatán, Quintana Roo and Campeche, the eastern portion of the state of Tabasco, most of the Guatemalan department of Petén, and all of Belize.[1] Most of the peninsula is formed by a vast plain with few hills or mountains and a generally low coastline. A 15-kilometre (9.3 mi) stretch of high, rocky coast runs south from the city of Campeche on the Gulf Coast. A number of bays are situated along the east coast of the peninsula, from north to south they are Ascensión Bay, Espíritu Santo Bay, Chetumal Bay and Amatique Bay.[2] The north coast features a wide, sandy littoral zone.[2] The extreme north of the peninsula, roughly corresponding to Yucatán State, has underlying bedrock consisting of flat Cenozoic limestone. To the south of this the limestone rises to form the low chain of Puuc Hills, with a steep initial scarp running 160 kilometres (99 mi) east from the Gulf coast near Champotón, terminating some 50 kilometres (31 mi) from the Caribbean coast near the border of Quintana Roo.[3] The hills reach a maximum altitude of 170 metres (560 ft).[2]

The northwestern and northern portions of the Yucatán Peninsula experience lower rainfall than the rest of the peninsula; these regions feature highly porous limestone bedrock resulting in less surface water.[4] This limestone geology results in most rainwater filtering directly through the bedrock to the phreatic zone, from whence it slowly flows to the coasts to form large submarine springs. Various freshwater springs rise along the coast to form watering holes. The filtering of rainwater through the limestone has caused the formation of extensive cave systems. These cave roofs are subject to collapse forming deep sinkholes; if the bottom of the cave is deeper than the groundwater level then a cenote is formed.[5]

In contrast, the northeastern portion of the peninsula is characterised by forested swamplands.[4] The northern portion of the peninsula lacks rivers, except for the Champotón River – all other rivers are located in the south.[2] The Sibun River flows from west to east from south central Quintana Roo to Lake Bacalar on the Caribbean Coast; the Río Hondo flows northwards from Belize to empty into the same lake.[6] Bacalar Lake empties into Chetumal Bay. The Río Nuevo flows from Lamanai Lake in Belize northwards to Chetumal Bay. The Mopan River and the Macal River flow through Belize and join to form the Belize River, which empties into the Caribbean Sea. In the southwest of the peninsula, the San Pedro, Candelaría, and Mamantel Rivers, which all form a part of the Gulf of Mexico drainage.[5]

The Petén region consists of densely forested low-lying limestone plain featuring karstic topography.[7] The area is crossed by low east–west oriented ridges of Cenozoic limestone and is characterised by a variety of forest and soil types; water sources include generally small rivers and low-lying seasonal swamps known as bajos.[8] A chain of fourteen lakes runs across the central drainage basin of Petén; during the rainy season some of these lakes become interconnected. This drainage area measures approximately 100 kilometres (62 mi) east–west by 30 kilometres (19 mi) north–south.[9] The largest lake is Lake Petén Itza, near the centre of the drainage basin; it measures 32 by 5 kilometres (19.9 by 3.1 mi). A broad savannah extends south of the central lakes. To the north of the lakes region bajos become more frequent, interspersed with forest. In the far north of Petén the Mirador Basin forms another interior drainage region.[10] To the south the plain gradually rises towards the Guatemalan Highlands.[11] The canopy height of the forest gradually decreases from Petén northwards, averaging from 25 to 35 metres (82 to 115 ft).[12] This dense forest covers northern Petén and Belize, most of Quintana Roo, southern Campeche and a portion of the south of Yucatán State. Further north, the vegetation turns to lower forest consisting of dense scrub.[13]

Climate edit

The climate becomes progressively drier towards the north of the peninsula.[13] In the north, the annual mean temperature is 27 °C (81 °F) in Mérida. Average temperature in the peninsula varies from 24 °C (75 °F) in January to 29 °C (84 °F) in July. The lowest temperature on record is 6 °C (43 °F). For the peninsula as a whole, the mean annual precipitation is 1,100 millimetres (43 in). The rainy season lasts from June to September, while the dry season runs from October to May. During the dry season, rainfall averages 300 millimetres (12 in); in the wet season this increases to an average 800 to 900 millimetres (31 to 35 in). The prevailing winds are easterly and have created an east–west precipitation gradient with average rainfall in the east exceeding 1,400 millimetres (55 in) and the north and northwestern portions of the peninsula receiving a maximum of 800 millimetres (31 in). The southeastern portion of the peninsula has a tropical rainy climate with a short dry season in winter.[14]

Petén has a hot climate and receives the highest rainfall in all Mesoamerica.[12] The climate is divided into wet and dry seasons, with the rainy season lasting from June to December,[15] although these seasons are not clearly defined in the south;[16] with rain occurring through most of the year.[12] The climate of Petén varies from tropical in the south to semitropical in the north; temperature varies between 12 and 40 °C (54 and 104 °F), although it does not usually drop beneath 18 °C (64 °F).[15] Mean temperature varies from 24.3 °C (75.7 °F) in the southeast to 26.9 °C (80.4 °F) in the northeast. Highest temperatures are reached from April to June, while January is the coldest month; all Petén experiences a hot dry period in late August. Annual precipitation is high, varying from a mean of 1,198 millimetres (47.2 in) in the northeast to 2,007 millimetres (79.0 in) in central Petén.[16]

Yucatán before the conquest edit

The first large Maya cities developed in the Petén Basin in the far south of the Yucatán Peninsula as far back as the Middle Preclassic (c. 600–350 BC),[17] and Petén formed the heartland of the ancient Maya civilization during the Classic period (c. AD 250–900).[18] The 16th century Maya provinces of northern Yucatán are likely to have evolved out of polities of the Maya Classic period. From the mid-13th century AD through to the mid-15th century, the League of Mayapán united several of the northern provinces; for a time they shared a joint form of government.[19] The great cities that dominated Petén had fallen into ruin by the beginning of the 10th century AD with the onset of the Classic Maya collapse.[20] A significant Maya presence remained in Petén into the Postclassic period after the abandonment of the major Classic period cities; the population was particularly concentrated near permanent water sources.[21]

In the early 16th century, when the Spanish discovered the Yucatán Peninsula, the region was still dominated by the Maya civilization. It was divided into a number of independent provinces referred to as kuchkabal (plural kuchkabaloob) in the Yucatec Maya language. The various provinces shared a common culture but the internal sociopolitical organisation varied from one province to the next, as did access to important resources. These differences in political and economic makeup often led to hostilities between the provinces. The politically fragmented state of the Yucatán Peninsula at the time of conquest hindered the Spanish invasion, since there was no central political authority to be overthrown. However, the Spanish were also able to exploit this fragmentation by taking advantage of pre-existing rivalries between polities. Estimates of the number of kuchkabal in the northern Yucatán vary from sixteen to twenty-four.[19] The boundaries between polities were not stable, being subject to the effects of alliances and wars; those kuchkabaloob with more centralised forms of government were likely to have had more stable boundaries than those of loose confederations of provinces.[22] When the Spanish discovered Yucatán, the provinces of Maní and Sotuta were two of the most important polities in the region. They were mutually hostile; the Xiu Maya of Maní allied themselves with the Spanish, while the Cocom Maya of Sotuta became the implacable enemies of the European colonisers.[23]

At the time of conquest, polities in the north included Maní, Chakan, and Cehpech.[19] Chakan was largely landlocked with a small stretch of coast on the north of the peninsula. Cehpech was a coastal province to its east; further east along the north coast were Ah Kin Chel, Cupul, and Chikinchel.[24] The modern city of Valladolid is situated upon the site of the former capital of Cupul.[25] Cupul and Chinkinchel are known to have been mutually hostile, and to have engaged in wars to control the salt beds of the north coast.[26] Tazes was a small landlocked province south of Chikinchel. Ecab was a large province in the east. Uaymil was in the southeast, and Chetumal was to the south of it; all three bordered on the Caribbean Sea. Cochuah was also in the eastern half of the peninsula; it was southwest of Ecab and northwest of Uaymil. Its borders are poorly understood and it may have been landlocked, or have extended to occupy a portion of the Caribbean coast between the latter two kuchkabaloob. The capital of Cochuah was Tihosuco. Hocabá and Sotuta were landlocked provinces north of Maní and southwest of Ah Kin Chel and Cupul. Ah Canul was the northernmost province on the Gulf of Mexico coast of the peninsula. Canpech (modern Campeche) was to the south of it, followed by Chanputun (modern Champotón). South of Chanputun, and extending west along the Gulf coast was Acalan.[24] This Chontal Maya-speaking province extended east of the Usumacinta River in Tabasco,[27] as far as what is now the southern portion of Campeche state, where their capital was located.[28] In the southern portion of the peninsula, a number of polities occupied the Petén Basin.[17] The Kejache occupied a territory to the north of the Itza and east of Acalan, between the Petén lakes and what is now Campeche,[28] and to the west of Chetumal.[24] The Cholan Maya-speaking Lakandon (not to be confused with the modern inhabitants of Chiapas by that name) controlled territory along the tributaries of the Usumacinta River spanning southwestern Petén in Guatemala and eastern Chiapas.[28] The Lakandon had a fierce reputation amongst the Spanish.[29]

Although there is insufficient data to accurately estimate population sizes at the time of contact with the Spanish, early Spanish reports suggest that sizeable Maya populations existed in Petén, particularly around the central lakes and along the rivers.[30] Before their defeat in 1697 the Itza controlled or influenced much of Petén and parts of Belize. The Itza were warlike, and their martial prowess impressed both neighbouring Maya kingdoms and their Spanish enemies. Their capital was Nojpetén, an island city upon Lake Petén Itzá; it has developed into the modern town of Flores, which is the capital of the Petén department of Guatemala.[28] The Itza spoke a variety of Yucatecan Maya.[31] The Kowoj were the second in importance; they were hostile towards their Itza neighbours. The Kowoj were located to the east of the Itza, around the eastern Petén lakes: Lake Salpetén, Lake Macanché, Lake Yaxhá and Lake Sacnab.[32] The Yalain appear to have been one of the three dominant polities in Postclassic central Petén, alongside the Itza and the Kowoj. The Yalain territory had its maximum extension from the east shore of Lake Petén Itzá eastwards to Tipuj in Belize.[33] In the 17th century the Yalain capital was located at the site of that name on the north shore of Lake Macanché.[34] At the time of Spanish contact the Yalain were allied with the Itza, an alliance cemented by intermarriage between the elites of both groups.[33] In the late 17th century, Spanish colonial records document hostilities between Maya groups in the lakes region, with the incursion of the Kowoj into former Yalain sites including Zacpeten on Lake Macanché and Ixlu on Lake Salpetén.[35] Other groups in Petén are less well known, and their precise territorial extent and political makeup remains obscure; among them were the Chinamita, the Icaiche, the Kejache, the Lakandon Chʼol, the Manche Chʼol, and the Mopan.[36]

Impact of Old World diseases edit

 
European-introduced smallpox devastated the indigenous populations of the Americas

A soldier arriving in Mexico in 1520 was carrying smallpox and caused the plagues that swept through the native populations of the Americas.[37] The European diseases that ravaged the indigenous inhabitants of the Americas also severely affected the various Maya groups of the entire Yucatán Peninsula. Modern estimates of native population decline vary from 75% to 90% mortality. The terrible plagues that swept the peninsula were recorded in Yucatec Maya written histories, which combined with those of neighbouring Maya peoples in the Guatemalan Highlands, suggest that smallpox was rapidly transmitted throughout the Maya area the same year that it arrived in central Mexico with the forces under the command of Pánfilo Narváez. Old World diseases are often mentioned only briefly in indigenous accounts, making it difficult to identify the culprit. Among the most deadly were smallpox, influenza, measles and a number of pulmonary diseases, including tuberculosis; the latter disease was attributed to the arrival of the Spanish by the Maya inhabitants of Yucatán.[38]

These diseases swept through Yucatán in the 1520s and 1530s, with periodic recurrences throughout the 16th century. By the late 16th century, the reports of high fevers suggest the arrival of malaria in the region and yellow fever was first reported in the mid-17th century, with a terse mention in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel for 1648. That particular outbreak was traced back to the island of Guadeloupe in the Caribbean, from whence it was introduced to the port city of Campeche, and from there was transmitted to Mérida. Mortality was high, with approximately 50% of the population of some Yucatec Maya settlements being wiped out. Sixteen Franciscan friars are reported to have died in Mérida, probably the majority of the Franciscans based there and who had probably numbered not much more than twenty before the outbreak.[38] Those areas of the peninsula that experience damper conditions, particularly those possessing swamplands, became rapidly depopulated after the conquest with the introduction of malaria and other waterborne parasites. An example was the one-time well-populated province of Ecab occupying the northeastern portion of the peninsula. In 1528, when Francisco de Montejo occupied the town of Conil for two months, the Spanish recorded approximately 5,000 houses in the town; the adult male population at the time has been conservatively estimated as 3,000. By 1549, Spanish records show that only 80 tributaries were registered to be taxed, indicating a population drop in Conil of more than 90% in 21 years.[4] The native population of the northeastern portion of the peninsula was almost eliminated within fifty years of the conquest.[39]

In the south, conditions conducive to the spread of malaria existed throughout Petén and Belize.[39] At the time of the fall of Nojpetén in 1697, there are estimated to have been 60,000 Maya living around Lake Petén Itzá, including a large number of refugees from other areas. It is estimated that 88% of them died during the first ten years of colonial rule owing to a combination of disease and war.[40] In Tabasco the population of approximately 30,000 was reduced by an estimated 90%, with measles, smallpox, catarrhs, dysentery and fevers being the main culprits.[39]

Weaponry, strategies and tactics edit

The Spanish engaged in a strategy of concentrating native populations in new colonial towns, or reducciones (also known as congregaciones).[41] Native resistance to the new nucleated settlements took the form of the flight of the indigenous inhabitants into inaccessible regions such as the forest or joining neighbouring Maya groups that had not yet submitted to the Spanish.[42] Those that remained behind in the reducciones often fell victim to contagious diseases.[43] An example of the effect on populations of this strategy is the province of Acalan, which occupied an area spanning southern Campeche and eastern Tabasco. When Hernán Cortés passed through Acalan in 1525 he estimated the population size as at least 10,000. In 1553 the population was recorded at around 4,000. In 1557 the population was forcibly moved to Tixchel on the Gulf of Mexico coast, so as to be more easily accessible to the Spanish authorities. In 1561 the Spanish recorded only 250 tribute-paying inhabitants of Tixchel, which probably had a total population of about 1,100. This indicates a 90% drop in population over a 36-year span. Some of the inhabitants had fled Tixchel for the forest, while others had succumbed to disease, malnutrition and inadequate housing in the Spanish reducción. Coastal reducciones, while convenient for Spanish administration, were vulnerable to pirate attacks; in the case of Tixchel, pirate attacks and contagious European diseases led to the eradication of the reducción town and the extinction of the Chontal Maya of Campeche.[39] Among the Maya, ambush was a favoured tactic.[44]

Spanish weaponry and armour edit

The 16th-century Spanish conquistadors were armed with broadswords, rapiers, crossbows, matchlocks and light artillery. Mounted conquistadors were armed with a 3.7-metre (12 ft) lance, that also served as a pike for infantrymen. A variety of halberds and bills were also employed. As well as the one-handed broadsword, a 1.7-metre (5.5 ft) long two-handed version was also used. Crossbows had 0.61-metre (2 ft) arms stiffened with hardwoods, horn, bone and cane, and supplied with a stirrup to facilitate drawing the string with a crank and pulley. Crossbows were easier to maintain than matchlocks, especially in the humid tropical climate of the Caribbean region that included much of the Yucatán Peninsula.[45]

Native weaponry and armour edit

Maya warriors entered battle against the Spanish with flint-tipped spears, bows and arrows and stones. They wore padded cotton armour to protect themselves.[44] Members of the Maya aristocracy wore quilted cotton armour, and some warriors of lesser rank wore twisted rolls of cotton wrapped around their bodies. Warriors bore wooden or animal hide shields decorated with feathers and animal skins.[46]

First encounters: 1502 and 1511 edit

 
Bartholomew Columbus came across a Yucatec Maya canoe in the Gulf of Honduras

On 30 July 1502, during his fourth voyage, Christopher Columbus arrived at Guanaja, one of the Bay Islands off the coast of Honduras. He sent his brother Bartholomew to scout the island. As Bartholomew explored the island with two boats, a large canoe approached from the west, apparently en route to the island. The canoe was carved from one large tree trunk and was powered by twenty-five naked rowers.[47] Curious as to the visitors, Bartholomew Columbus seized and boarded it. He found it was a Maya trading canoe from Yucatán, carrying well-dressed Maya and a rich cargo that included ceramics, cotton textiles, yellow stone axes, flint-studded war clubs, copper axes and bells, and cacao.[48] Also among the cargo were a small number of women and children, probably destined to be sold as slaves, as were a number of the rowers. The Europeans looted whatever took their interest from amongst the cargo and seized the elderly Maya captain to serve as an interpreter; the canoe was then allowed to continue on its way.[49] This was the first recorded contact between Europeans and the Maya.[50] It is likely that news of the piratical strangers in the Caribbean passed along the Maya trade routes – the first prophecies of bearded invaders sent by Kukulkan, the northern Maya feathered serpent god, were probably recorded around this time, and in due course passed into the books of Chilam Balam.[51]

In 1511, the Spanish caravel Santa María de la Barca set sail along the Central American coast under the command of Pedro de Valdivia.[52] The ship was sailing to Santo Domingo from Darién to inform the colonial authorities there of ongoing conflict between conquistadors Diego de Nicuesa and Vasco Nuñez de Balboa in Darién.[53] The ship foundered upon a reef known as Las Víboras ("The Vipers") or, alternatively, Los Alacranes ("The Scorpions"), somewhere off Jamaica.[52] There were just twenty survivors from the wreck, including Captain Valdivia, Gerónimo de Aguilar and Gonzalo Guerrero.[54] They set themselves adrift in one of the ship's boats, with bad oars and no sail; after thirteen days during which half of the survivors died, they made landfall upon the coast of Yucatán.[52] There they were seized by Halach Uinik, a Maya lord. Captain Valdivia was sacrificed with four of his companions, and their flesh was served at a feast. Aguilar and Guerrero were held prisoner and fattened for killing, together with five or six of their shipmates. Aguilar and Guerrero managed to escape their captors and fled to a neighbouring lord who was an enemy of Halach Uinik; he took them prisoner and kept them as slaves. After a time, Gonzalo Guerrero was passed as a slave to the lord Nachan Can of Chetumal. Guerrero became completely Mayanised and served his new lord with such loyalty that he was married to one of Nachan Chan's daughters, Zazil Ha, by whom he had three children. By 1514, Guerrero had achieved the rank of nacom, a war leader who served against Nachan Chan's enemies.[55]

Francisco Hernández de Córdoba, 1517 edit

 
Francisco Hernández de Córdoba

In 1517, Francisco Hernández de Córdoba set sail from Cuba with a small fleet,[56] consisting of two caravels and a brigantine,[57] with the dual intention of exploration and of rounding up slaves.[56] The experienced Antón de Alaminos served as pilot; he had previously served as pilot under Christopher Columbus on his final voyage. Also among the approximately 100-strong expedition members was Bernal Díaz del Castillo.[58] The expedition sailed west from Cuba for three weeks, and weathered a two-day storm a week before sighting the coast of the northeastern tip of the Yucatán Peninsula. The ships could not put in close to the shore due to the shallowness of the coastal waters. However, they could see a Maya city some two leagues inland, upon a low hill. The Spanish called it Gran Cairo (literally "Great Cairo") due to its size and its pyramids.[57] Although the location is not now known with certainty, it is believed that this first sighting of Yucatán was at Isla Mujeres.[59]

The following morning, the Spanish sent the two ships with a shallower draught to find a safe approach through the shallows.[57] The caravels anchored about one league from the shore.[44] Ten large canoes powered by both sails and oars rowed out to meet the Spanish ships. Over thirty Maya boarded the vessels and mixed freely with the Spaniards. The Maya visitors accepted gifts of beads, and the leader indicated with signs that they would return to take the Spanish ashore the following day.[57]

The Maya leader returned the following day with twelve canoes, as promised. The Spanish could see from afar that the shore was packed with natives. The conquistadors put ashore in the brigantine and the ships' boats; a few of the more daring Spaniards boarded the native canoes. The Spanish named the headland Cape Catoche, after some words spoken by the Maya leader, which sounded to the Spanish like cones catoche. Once ashore, the Spaniards clustered loosely together and advanced towards the city along a path among low, scrub-covered hillocks. At this point the Maya leader gave a shout and the Spanish party was ambushed by Maya warriors armed with spears, bows and arrows, and stones. Thirteen Spaniards were injured by arrows in the first assault, but the conquistadors regrouped and repulsed the Maya attack. They advanced to a small plaza bordered by temples upon the outskirts of the city.[44] When the Spaniards ransacked the temples they found a number of low-grade gold items, which filled them with enthusiasm. The expedition captured two Mayas to be used as interpreters and retreated to the ships. Over the following days the Spanish discovered that although the Maya arrows had struck with little force, the flint arrowheads tended to shatter on impact, causing infected wounds and a slow death; two of the wounded Spaniards died from the arrow-wounds inflicted in the ambush.[60]

 
Early 16th century European caravel

Over the next fifteen days the fleet slowly followed the coastline west, and then south.[60] The casks brought from Cuba were leaking and the expedition was now running dangerously low on fresh water; the hunt for more became an overriding priority as the expedition advanced, and shore parties searching for water were left dangerously exposed because the ships could not pull close to the shore due to the shallows.[61] On 23 February 1517,[59] the day of Saint Lazarus, another city was spotted and named San Lázaro by the Spanish – it is now known by its original Maya name, Campeche. A large contingent put ashore in the brigantine and the ships' boats to fill their water casks in a freshwater pool. They were approached by about fifty finely dressed and unarmed Indians while the water was being loaded into the boats; they questioned the Spaniards as to their purpose by means of signs. The Spanish party then accepted an invitation to enter the city.[62] They were led amongst large buildings until they stood before a blood-caked altar, where many of the city's inhabitants crowded around. The Indians piled reeds before the visitors; this act was followed by a procession of armed Maya warriors in full war paint, followed by ten Maya priests. The Maya set fire to the reeds and indicated that the Spanish would be killed if they were not gone by the time the reeds had been consumed. The Spanish party withdrew in defensive formation to the shore and rapidly boarded their boats to retreat to the safety of the ships.[63]

The small fleet continued for six more days in fine weather, followed by four stormy days.[64] By this time water was once again dangerously short.[65] The ships spotted an inlet close to another city,[66] Champotón,[59] and a landing party discovered fresh water. Armed Maya warriors approached from the city while the water casks were being filled. Communication was once again attempted with signs. Night fell by the time the water casks had been filled and the attempts at communication concluded. In the darkness the Spaniards could hear the movements of large numbers of Maya warriors. They decided that a night-time retreat would be too risky; instead, they posted guards and waited for dawn. At sunrise, the Spanish saw that they had been surrounded by a sizeable army. The massed Maya warriors launched an assault with missiles, including arrows, darts and stones; they then charged into hand-to-hand combat with spears and clubs. Eighty of the defenders were wounded in the initial barrage of missiles, and two Spaniards were captured in the frantic mêlée that followed. All of the Spanish party received wounds, including Hernández de Córdoba. The Spanish regrouped in a defensive formation and forced passage to the shore, where their discipline collapsed and a frantic scramble for the boats ensued, leaving the Spanish vulnerable to the pursuing Maya warriors who waded into the sea behind them.[66] Most of the precious water casks were abandoned on the beach.[67] When the surviving Spanish reached the safety of the ships, they realised that they had lost over fifty men, more than half their number.[66] Five men died from their wounds in the following days.[68] The battle had lasted only an hour,[67] and the Spanish named the locale as the Coast of the Disastrous Battle. They were now far from help and low on supplies; too many men had been lost and injured to sail all three ships back to Cuba. They decided to abandon their smallest ship, the brigantine, although it was purchased on credit from Governor Velásquez of Cuba.[67]

 
Governor Diego Velázquez de Cuellar claimed the discovery of wealthy cities and gold in Yucatán

The few men who had not been wounded because they were manning the ships during the battle were reinforced with three men who had suffered relatively minor wounds; they put ashore at a remote beach to dig for water. They found some and brought it back to the ships, although it sickened those who drank it.[69] The two ships sailed through a storm for two days and nights; Alaminos, the pilot, then steered a course for Florida, where they found good drinking water, although they lost one man to the local Indians and another drank so much water that he died. The ships finally made port in Cuba, where Hernández de Cordóba wrote a report to Governor Velázquez describing the voyage, the cities, the plantations, and, most importantly, the discovery of gold. Hernández died soon after from his wounds.[70] The two captured Maya survived the voyage to Cuba and were interrogated; they swore that there was abundant gold in Yucatán.[71]

Based upon Hernández de Córdoba's report and the testimony of the interrogated Indian prisoners, Governor Velázquez wrote to the Council of the Indies notifying it of "his" discovery.[71]

Juan de Grijalva, 1518 edit

Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar, the governor of Cuba, was enthused by Hernández de Córdoba's report of gold in Yucatán.[59] He organised a new expedition consisting of four ships and 240 men.[71] He placed his nephew Juan de Grijalva in command. Francisco de Montejo, who would eventually conquer much of the peninsula, was captain of one of the ships;[72] Pedro de Alvarado and Alonso d'Avila captained the other ships.[73] Bernal Díaz del Castillo served on the crew; he was able to secure a place on the expedition as a favour from the governor, who was his kinsman.[74] Antón de Alaminos once again served as pilot.[75] Governor Velázquez provided all four ships, in an attempt to protect his claim over the peninsula.[71] The small fleet was stocked with crossbows, muskets, barter goods, salted pork and cassava bread.[76] Grijalva also took one of the captured Indians from the Hernández expedition.[74]

 
Juan de Grijalva
 
The coast of Cozumel was Grijalva's first sight of Yucatán.

The fleet left Cuba in April 1518,[75] and made its first landfall upon the island of Cozumel,[74] off the east coast of Yucatán.[75] The Maya inhabitants of Cozumel fled the Spanish and would not respond to Grijalva's friendly overtures. The fleet sailed south from Cozumel, along the east coast of the peninsula.[77] The Spanish spotted three large Maya cities along the coast, one of which was probably Tulum. On Ascension Thursday the fleet discovered a large bay, which the Spanish named Bahía de la Ascensión.[75] Grijalva did not land at any of these cities and turned back north from Ascensión Bay. He looped around the north of the Yucatán Peninsula to sail down the west coast.[77] At Campeche the Spanish tried to barter for water but the Maya refused, so Grijalva opened fire against the city with small cannon; the inhabitants fled, allowing the Spanish to take the abandoned city. Messages were sent with a few Maya who had been too slow to escape but the Maya remained hidden in the forest. The Spanish boarded their ships and continued along the coast.[74]

At Champotón, where the inhabitants had routed Hernández and his men, the fleet was approached by a small number of large war canoes, but the ships' cannon soon put them to flight.[74] At the mouth of the Tabasco River the Spanish sighted massed warriors and canoes but the natives did not approach.[78] By means of interpreters, Grijalva indicated that he wished to trade and bartered wine and beads in exchange for food and other supplies. From the natives they received a few gold trinkets and news of the riches of the Aztec Empire to the west. The expedition continued far enough to confirm the reality of the gold-rich empire,[79] sailing as far north as Pánuco River. As the fleet returned to Cuba, the Spanish attacked Champotón to avenge the previous year's defeat of the Spanish expedition led by Hernández. One Spaniard was killed and fifty were wounded in the ensuing battle, including Grijalva. Grijalva put into the port of Havana five months after he had left.[75]

Hernán Cortés, 1519 edit

 
Hernán Cortés followed the Yucatán coast on his way to conquer the Aztecs.

Juan de Grijalva's return aroused great interest in Cuba, and Yucatán was believed to be a land of riches waiting to be plundered. A new expedition was organised, with a fleet of eleven ships carrying 500 men and some horses. Hernán Cortés was placed in command, and his crew included officers that would become famous conquistadors, including Pedro de Alvarado, Cristóbal de Olid, Gonzalo de Sandoval and Diego de Ordaz. Also aboard were Francisco de Montejo and Bernal Díaz del Castillo, veterans of the Grijalva expedition.[75]

The fleet made its first landfall at Cozumel, and Cortés remained there for several days. Maya temples were cast down and a Christian cross was put up on one of them.[75] At Cozumel, Cortés heard rumours of bearded men on the Yucatán mainland, who he presumed were Europeans.[80] Cortés sent out messengers to them and was able to rescue the shipwrecked Gerónimo de Aguilar, who had been enslaved by a Maya lord. Aguilar had learnt the Yucatec Maya language and became Cortés' interpreter.[81]

From Cozumel, the fleet looped around the north of the Yucatán Peninsula and followed the coast to the Tabasco River, which Cortés renamed as the Grijalva River in honour of the Spanish captain who had discovered it.[82] In Tabasco, Cortés anchored his ships at Potonchán,[83] a Chontal Maya town.[84] The Maya prepared for battle but the Spanish horses and firearms quickly decided the outcome.[83] The defeated Chontal Maya lords offered gold, food, clothing and a group of young women in tribute to the victors.[83] Among these women was a young Maya noblewoman called Malintzin,[83] who was given the Spanish name Marina. She spoke Maya and Nahuatl and became the means by which Cortés was able to communicate with the Aztecs.[82] Marina became Cortés' consort and eventually bore him a son.[83] From Tabasco, Cortés continued to Cempoala in Veracruz, a subject city of the Aztec Empire,[83] and from there on to conquer the Aztecs.[85]

In 1519, Cortés sent the veteran Francisco de Montejo back to Spain with treasure for the king. While he was in Spain, Montejo pleaded Cortés' cause against the supporters of Diego de Velásquez. Montejo remained in Spain for seven years, and eventually succeeded in acquiring the hereditary military title of adelantado.[86]

Hernán Cortés in the Maya lowlands, 1524–25 edit

In 1524,[82] after the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire, Hernán Cortés led an expedition to Honduras over land, cutting across Acalan in southern Campeche and the Itza kingdom in what is now the northern Petén Department of Guatemala.[87] His aim was to subdue the rebellious Cristóbal de Olid, whom he had sent to conquer Honduras; Olid had, however, set himself up independently on his arrival in that territory.[82] Cortés left Tenochtitlan on 12 October 1524 with 140 Spanish soldiers, 93 of them mounted, 3,000 Mexican warriors, 150 horses, a herd of pigs, artillery, munitions and other supplies. He also had with him the captured Aztec emperor Cuauhtemoc, and Cohuanacox and Tetlepanquetzal, the captive Aztec lords of Texcoco and Tlacopan. Cortés marched into Maya territory in Tabasco; the army crossed the Usumacinta River near Tenosique and crossed into the Chontal Maya province of Acalan, where he recruited 600 Chontal Maya carriers. In Acalan, Cortés believed that the captive Aztec lords were plotting against him and he ordered Cuauhtemoc and Tetlepanquetzal to be hanged. Cortés and his army left Acalan on 5 March 1525.[27]

The expedition passed onwards through Kejache territory and reported that the Kejache towns were situated in easily defensible locations and were often fortified.[88] One of these was built on a rocky outcrop near a lake and a river that fed into it. The town was fortified with a wooden palisade and was surrounded by a moat. Cortés reported that the town of Tiac was even larger and was fortified with walls, watchtowers and earthworks; the town itself was divided into three individually fortified districts. Tiac was said to have been at war with the unnamed smaller town.[89] The Kejache claimed that their towns were fortified against the attacks of their aggressive Itza neighbours.[90]

They arrived at the north shore of Lake Petén Itzá on 13 March 1525.[27] The Roman Catholic priests accompanying the expedition celebrated mass in the presence of Aj Kan Ekʼ, the king of the Itza, who was said to be so impressed that he pledged to worship the cross and to destroy his idols.[91] Cortés accepted an invitation from Kan Ekʼ to visit Nojpetén (also known as Tayasal), and crossed to the Maya city with 20 Spanish soldiers while the rest of his army continued around the lake to meet him on the south shore.[92] On his departure from Nojpetén, Cortés left behind a cross and a lame horse that the Itza treated as a deity, attempting to feed it poultry, meat and flowers, but the animal soon died.[93] The Spanish did not officially contact the Itza again until the arrival of Franciscan priests in 1618, when Cortés' cross was said to still be standing at Nojpetén.[87]

From the lake, Cortés continued south along the western slopes of the Maya Mountains, a particularly arduous journey that took 12 days to cover 32 kilometres (20 mi), during which he lost more than two-thirds of his horses. When he came to a river swollen with the constant torrential rains that had been falling during the expedition, Cortés turned upstream to the Gracias a Dios rapids, which took two days to cross and cost him more horses.[91]

On 15 April 1525 the expedition arrived at the Maya village of Tenciz. With local guides they headed into the hills north of Lake Izabal, where their guides abandoned them to their fate. The expedition became lost in the hills and came close to starvation before they captured a Maya boy who led them to safety.[91] Cortés found a village on the shore of Lake Izabal, perhaps Xocolo. He crossed the Dulce River to the settlement of Nito, somewhere on the Amatique Bay,[94] with about a dozen companions, and waited there for the rest of his army to regroup over the next week.[91] By this time the remnants of the expedition had been reduced to a few hundred; Cortés succeeded in contacting the Spaniards he was searching for, only to find that Cristóbal de Olid's own officers had already put down his rebellion. Cortés then returned to Mexico by sea.[95]

Francisco de Montejo, 1527–1528 edit

 
Monument in Mérida to Montejo the Elder and his son, Montejo the Younger

The richer lands of Mexico engaged the main attention of the conquistadors for some years, then in 1526 Francisco de Montejo (a veteran of the Grijalva and Cortés expeditions)[86] successfully petitioned the King of Spain for the right to conquer Yucatán. On 8 December of that year he was issued with the hereditary military title of adelantado and permission to colonise the Yucatán Peninsula.[96] In 1527, he left Spain with 400 men in four ships, with horses, small arms, cannon and provisions.[97] He set sail for Santo Domingo, where more supplies and horses were collected,[98] allowing Montejo to increase his cavalry to fifty.[99] One of the ships was left at Santo Domingo as a supply ship to provide later support; the other ships set sail and reached Cozumel in the second half of September 1527. Montejo was received in peace by the lord of Cozumel, Aj Naum Pat, but the ships only stopped briefly before making for the Yucatán coast. The expedition made landfall somewhere near Xelha in the Maya province of Ekab,[98] in what is now Mexico's Quintana Roo state.[100]

Montejo garrisoned Xelha with 40 soldiers under his second-in-command, Alonso d'Avila , and posted 20 more at nearby Pole.[98] Xelha was renamed Salamanca de Xelha and became the first Spanish settlement on the peninsula. The provisions were soon exhausted and additional food was seized from the local Maya villagers; this too was soon consumed. Many local Maya fled into the forest and Spanish raiding parties scoured the surrounding area for food, finding little.[101] With discontent growing among his men, Montejo took the drastic step of burning his ships; this strengthened the resolve of his troops, who gradually acclimatised to the harsh conditions of Yucatán.[102] Montejo was able to get more food from the still-friendly Aj Nuam Pat, when the latter made a visit to the mainland.[101] Montejo took 125 men and set out on an expedition to explore the north-eastern portion of the Yucatán peninsula. His expedition passed through the towns of Xamanha, Mochis and Belma, none of which survives today.[nb 1] At Belma, Montejo gathered the leaders of the nearby Maya towns and ordered them to swear loyalty to the Spanish Crown. After this, Montejo led his men to Conil, a town in Ekab that was described as having 5,000 houses, where the Spanish party halted for two months.[98]

In the spring of 1528, Montejo left Conil for the city of Chauaca, which was abandoned by its Maya inhabitants under cover of darkness. The following morning, the inhabitants attacked the Spanish party but were defeated. The Spanish then continued to Ake, some 16 kilometres (9.9 mi) north of Tizimín, where they engaged in a major battle against the Maya, killing more than 1,200 of them. After this Spanish victory, the neighbouring Maya leaders all surrendered. Montejo's party then continued to Sisia and Loche before heading back to Xelha.[98] Montejo arrived at Xelha with only 60 of his party, and found that only 12 of his 40-man garrison survived, while the garrison at Pole had been entirely wiped out.[104]

The support ship eventually arrived from Santo Domingo, and Montejo used it to sail south along the coast, while he sent Ávila over land. Montejo discovered the thriving port city of Chaktumal (capital of the Chetumal Province).[105] At Chaktumal, Montejo learnt that shipwrecked Spanish sailor Gonzalo Guerrero was in the region, and Montejo sent messages to him, inviting him to return to join his compatriots, but the Mayanised Guerrero declined.[106]

The Maya at Chaktumal fed false information to the Spanish, and Montejo was unable to find Ávila and link up with him. Ávila returned overland to Xelha, and transferred the fledgling Spanish colony to nearby Xamanha,[106] modern Playa del Carmen, which Montejo considered to be a better port.[107] After waiting for Ávila without result, Montejo sailed south as far as the Ulúa River in Honduras before turning around and heading back up the coast to finally meet up with his lieutenant at Xamanha. Late in 1528, Montejo left Ávila to oversee Xamanha and sailed north to loop around the Yucatán Peninsula and head for the Spanish colony of New Spain in central Mexico.[106]

Francisco de Montejo and Alonso d' Ávila, 1531–1535 edit

Montejo was appointed alcalde mayor (a local colonial governor) of Tabasco in 1529, and pacified that province with the aid of his son, also named Francisco de Montejo. Alonso d' Ávila was sent from eastern Yucatán to conquer Acalan, which extended southeast of the Laguna de Terminos.[106] Montejo the Younger founded Salamanca de Xicalango as a base of operations. In 1530 Ávila established Salamanca de Acalan as a base from which to launch new attempts to conquer Yucatán.[107] Salamanca de Acalan proved a disappointment, with no gold for the taking and with lower levels of population than had been hoped. Ávila soon abandoned the new settlement and set off across the lands of the Kejache to Champotón, arriving there towards the end of 1530.[108] During a colonial power struggle in Tabasco, the elder Montejo was imprisoned for a time. Upon his release, he met up with his son in Xicalango, Tabasco, and they then both rejoined Ávila at Champotón.[106]

In 1531, Montejo moved his base of operations to Campeche.[109] Alonso d' Ávila was sent overland to Chauaca in the east of the peninsula, passing through Maní, where he was well received by the Xiu Maya. Ávila continued southeast to Chetumal where he founded the Spanish town of Villa Real ("Royal Town"). The local Maya fiercely resisted the placement of the new Spanish colony and Ávila and his men were forced to abandon Villa Real and make for Honduras in canoes.[106]

At Campeche, the Maya amassed a strong force and attacked the city; the Spanish were able to fight them off, a battle in which the elder Montejo was almost killed.[110] Aj Canul, the lord of the attacking Maya, surrendered to the Spanish. After this battle, the younger Francisco de Montejo was despatched to the northern Cupul province, where the lord Naabon Cupul reluctantly allowed him to found the Spanish town of Ciudad Real at Chichén Itzá. Montejo carved up the province amongst his soldiers and gave each of his men two to three thousand Maya in encomienda. After six months of Spanish rule, Cupul dissatisfaction could no longer be contained and Naabon Cupul was killed during a failed attempt to kill Montejo the Younger. The death of their lord only served to inflame Cupul anger and, in mid 1533, they laid siege to the small Spanish garrison at Chichén Itzá. Montejo the Younger abandoned Ciudad Real by night after arranging a distraction for their attackers, and he and his men fled west, where the Chel, Pech and Xiu provinces remained obedient to Spanish rule. Montejo the Younger was received in friendship by Namux Chel, the lord of the Chel province, at Dzilam. In the spring of 1534 he rejoined his father in the Chakan province at Dzikabal, near Tʼho (the modern city of Mérida).[111]

While his son had been attempting to consolidate the Spanish control of Cupul, Francisco de Montejo the Elder had met the Xiu ruler at Maní. The Xiu Maya maintained their friendship with the Spanish throughout the conquest and Spanish authority was eventually established over Yucatán in large part due to Xiu support. The Montejos, after reuniting at Dzikabal, founded a new Spanish town at Dzilam, although the Spanish suffered hardships there.[111] Montejo the Elder returned to Campeche, where he was received with friendship by the local Maya. He was accompanied by the friendly Chel lord Namux Chel, who travelled on horseback, and two of the lord's cousins, who were taken in chains.[112] Francisco de Montejo the Younger remained behind in Dzilam to continue his attempts at conquest of the region but, finding the situation too difficult, he soon retreated to Campeche to rejoin his father and Alonso d' Ávila, who had returned to Campeche shortly before Montejo the Younger. Around this time, the news began to arrive of Francisco Pizarro's conquests in Peru and the rich plunder that his soldiers were taking there, undermining the morale of Montejo's already disenchanted band of followers. Montejo's soldiers began to abandon him to seek their fortune elsewhere; in seven years of attempted conquest in the northern provinces of the Yucatán Peninsula, very little gold had been found. Towards the end of 1534 or the beginning of the next year, Montejo the Elder and his son retreated from Campeche to Veracruz, taking their remaining soldiers with them.[113]

Montejo the Elder became embroiled in colonial infighting over the right to rule Honduras, a claim that put him in conflict with Pedro de Alvarado, captain general of Guatemala, who also claimed Honduras as part of his jurisdiction. Alvarado's claim ultimately turned out successful. In Montejo the Elder's absence, first in central Mexico, and then in Honduras, Montejo the Younger acted as lieutenant governor and captain general in Tabasco.[113]

Conflict at Champotón edit

The Franciscan friar Jacobo de Testera arrived in Champotón in 1535 to attempt the peaceful incorporation of Yucatán into the Spanish Empire. Testera had been assured by the Spanish authorities that no military activity would be undertaken in Yucatán, while he was attempting its conversion to the Roman Catholic faith, and that no soldiers would be permitted to enter the peninsula. His initial efforts were proving successful when Captain Lorenzo de Godoy arrived in Champotón at the command of soldiers despatched there by Montejo the Younger. Godoy and Testera were soon in conflict and the friar was forced to abandon Champotón and return to central Mexico.[113]

Godoy's attempt to subdue the Maya around Champotón was unsuccessful and the local Kowoj Maya resisted his attempts to assert Spanish dominance of the region.[114] This resistance was sufficiently tenacious that Montejo the Younger sent his cousin from Tabasco to Champotón to take command. His diplomatic overtures to the Champotón Kowoj were successful and they submitted to Spanish rule. Champotón was the last Spanish outpost in the Yucatán Peninsula; it was increasingly isolated and the situation there became difficult.[115]

Conquest and settlement in northern Yucatán, 1540–1546 edit

 
Ruins of a mission church built by the Spanish in Dzibilchaltún ca. 1590–1600 from the stone taken from the nearby Maya temples
 
Colonial coat of arms of Yucatán

In 1540, Francisco de Montejo the Elder, who was now in his late 60s, turned his royal rights to colonise Yucatán over to his son, Francisco de Montejo the Younger. In early 1541, Montejo the Younger joined his cousin in Champoton; he did not remain there long, and quickly moved his forces to Campeche. Once there, Montejo the Younger, commanding between 300 and 400 Spanish soldiers, established the first permanent Spanish town council in the Yucatán Peninsula. Shortly after establishing the Spanish presence in Campeche, Montejo the Younger summoned the local Maya lords and commanded them to submit to the Spanish Crown. A number of lords submitted peacefully, including the ruler of the Xiu Maya. The lord of the Canul Maya refused to submit and Montejo the Younger sent his cousin against them; Montejo himself remained in Campeche awaiting reinforcements.[115]

Montejo the Younger's cousin met the Canul Maya at Chakan, not far from Tʼho. On 6 January 1542, he founded the second permanent town council, calling the new colonial town Mérida. On 23 January, Tutul-Xiu, the lord of Maní, approached the Spanish encampment at Mérida in peace, bearing sorely needed food supplies. He expressed interest in the Spanish religion and witnessed a Roman Catholic mass celebrated for his benefit. Tutul-Xiu was greatly impressed and converted to the new religion; he was baptised as Melchor and stayed with the Spanish at Mérida for two months, receiving instruction in the Catholic faith. Tutul-Xiu was the ruler of the most powerful province of northern Yucatán and his submission to Spain and conversion to Christianity had repercussions throughout the peninsula, and encouraged the lords of the western provinces of the peninsula to accept Spanish rule.[115] The eastern provinces continued to resist Spanish overtures.[116]

Montejo the Younger next sent his cousin to Chauaca where most of the eastern lords greeted him in peace. The Cochua Maya resisted fiercely but were soon defeated by the Spanish. The Cupul Maya also rose up against the newly imposed Spanish domination, and also their opposition was quickly put down. Montejo continued to the eastern Ekab province, reaching the east coast at Pole. Stormy weather prevented the Spanish from crossing to Cozumel, and nine Spaniards drowned in the attempted crossing. Another Spanish conquistador was killed by hostile Maya. Rumours of this setback grew in the telling and both the Cupul and Cochua provinces once again rose up against their would-be European overlords. The Spanish hold on the eastern portion of the peninsula remained tenuous and a number of Maya polities remained independent, including Chetumal, Cochua, Cupul, Sotuta and the Tazes.[116]

On 8 November 1546, an alliance of eastern provinces launched a coordinated uprising against the Spanish.[116] The provinces of Cupul, Cochua, Sotuta, Tazes, Uaymil, Chetumal and Chikinchel united in a concerted effort to drive the invaders from the peninsula; the uprising lasted four months.[117] Eighteen Spaniards were surprised in the eastern towns, and were sacrificed. A contemporary account described the slaughter of over 400 allied Maya, as well as livestock. Mérida and Campeche were forewarned of the impending attack; Montejo the Younger and his cousin were in Campeche. Montejo the Elder arrived in Mérida from Chiapas in December 1546, with reinforcements gathered from Champotón and Campeche. The rebellious eastern Maya were finally defeated in a single battle, in which twenty Spaniards and several hundred allied Maya were killed. This battle marked the final conquest of the northern portion of the Yucatán Peninsula.[116] As a result of the uprising and the Spanish response, many of the Maya inhabitants of the eastern and southern territories fled to the still unconquered Petén Basin, in the extreme south of the peninsula. The Spanish only achieved dominance in the north and the polities of Petén remained independent and continued to receive many refugees from the north.[118]

Petén Basin, 1618–1697 edit

The Petén Basin covers an area that is now part of Guatemala; in colonial times it originally fell under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Yucatán, before being transferred to the jurisdiction of the Audiencia Real of Guatemala in 1703.[119] The Itza kingdom centred upon Lake Petén Itzá had been visited by Hernán Cortés on his march to Honduras in 1525.[87]

Early 17th century edit

 
17th century entry routes to Petén

Following Cortés' visit, no Spanish attempted to visit the warlike Itza inhabitants of Nojpetén for almost a hundred years. In 1618 two Franciscan friars set out from Mérida on a mission to attempt the peaceful conversion of the still-pagan Itza in central Petén. Bartolomé de Fuensalida and Juan de Orbita were accompanied by some Christianised Maya.[120] After an arduous six-month journey the travellers were well received at Nojpetén by the current Kan Ekʼ. They stayed for some days in an attempt to evangelise the Itza, but the Aj Kan Ekʼ refused to renounce his Maya religion, although he showed interest in the masses held by the Catholic missionaries. Attempts to convert the Itza failed, and the friars left Nojpetén on friendly terms with Kan Ekʼ.[120] The friars returned in October 1619, and again Kan Ekʼ welcomed them in a friendly manner, but this time the Maya priesthood were hostile and the missionaries were expelled without food or water, but survived the journey back to Mérida.[121]

In March 1622, the governor of Yucatán, Diego de Cárdenas, ordered Captain Francisco de Mirones y Lezcano to launch an assault upon the Itza; he set out from Yucatán with 20 Spanish soldiers and 80 Mayas from Yucatán.[122] His expedition was later joined by Franciscan friar Diego Delgado.[121] In May the expedition advanced to Sakalum, southwest of Bacalar, where there was a lengthy delay while they waited for reinforcements.[123] En route to Nojpetén, Delgado believed that the soldiers' treatment of the Maya was excessively cruel, and he left the expedition to make his own way to Nojpetén with eighty Christianised Maya from Tipuj in Belize.[121] In the meantime the Itza had learnt of the approaching military expedition and had become hardened against further Spanish missionary attempts.[124] When Mirones learnt of Delgado's departure, he sent 13 soldiers to persuade him to return or continue as his escort should he refuse. The soldiers caught up with him just before Tipuj, but he was determined to reach Nojpetén.[125] From Tipuj, Delgado sent a messenger to Kan Ekʼ, asking permission to travel to Nojpetén; the Itza king replied with a promise of safe passage for the missionary and his companions. The party was initially received in peace at the Itza capital,[126] but as soon as the Spanish soldiers let their guard down, the Itza seized and bound the new arrivals.[127] The soldiers were sacrificed to the Maya gods.[128] After their sacrifice, the Itza took Delgado, cut his heart out and dismembered him; they displayed his head on a stake with the others.[129] The fortune of the leader of Delgado's Maya companions was no better. With no word from Delgado's escort, Mirones sent two Spanish soldiers with a Maya scout to learn their fate. When they arrived upon the shore of Lake Petén Itzá, the Itza took them across to their island capital and imprisoned them. Bernardino Ek, the scout, escaped and returned to Mirones with the news.[127] Soon afterwards, on 27 January 1624, an Itza war party led by AjKʼin Pʼol caught Mirones and his soldiers off guard and unarmed in the church at Sakalum,[130] and killed them all.[121] Spanish reinforcements arrived too late. A number of local Maya men and women were killed by Spanish attackers, who also burned the town.[131]

Following these killings, Spanish garrisons were stationed in several towns in southern Yucatán, and rewards were offered for the whereabouts of AjKʼin Pʼol. The Maya governor of Oxkutzcab, Fernando Kamal, set out with 150 Maya archers to track the warleader down; they succeeded in capturing the Itza captain and his followers, together with silverware from the looted Sakalum church and items belonging to Mirones. The prisoners were taken back to the Spanish Captain Antonio Méndez de Canzo, interrogated under torture, tried, and condemned to be hanged, drawn and quartered. They were decapitated, and the heads were displayed in the plazas of towns throughout the colonial Partido de la Sierra in what is now Mexico's Yucatán state.[132] These events ended all Spanish attempts to contact the Itza until 1695.[121] In the 1640s internal strife in Spain distracted the government from attempts to conquer unknown lands; the Spanish Crown lacked the time, money or interest in such colonial adventures for the next four decades.[133]

Late 17th century edit

In 1692 Basque nobleman Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi proposed to the Spanish king the construction of a road from Mérida southwards to link with the Guatemalan colony, in the process "reducing" any independent native populations into colonial congregaciones; this was part of a greater plan to subjugate the Lakandon Chʼol and Manche Chʼol of southern Petén and the upper reaches of the Usumacinta River. The original plan was for the province of Yucatán to build the northern section and for Guatemala to build the southern portion, with both meeting somewhere in Chʼol territory; the plan was later modified to pass further east, through the kingdom of the Itza.[134]

As governor of Yucatán (1695-1696) now, Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi, began to build the road from Campeche south towards Petén.[121] At the beginning of March 1695, Captain Alonso García de Paredes led a group of 50 Spanish soldiers, accompanied by native guides, muleteers and labourers.[135] The expedition advanced south into Kejache territory, which began at Chunpich, about 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) north of the modern border between Mexico and Guatemala.[136] He rounded up some natives to be moved into colonial settlements, but met with armed Kejache resistance. García de Paredes decided to retreat around the middle of April.[137]

In March 1695, Captain Juan Díaz de Velasco set out from Cahabón in Alta Verapaz, Guatemala, with 70 Spanish soldiers, accompanied by a large number of Maya archers from Verapaz, native muleteers, and four Dominican friars.[138] The Spanish pressed ahead to Lake Petén Itzá and engaged in a series of fierce skirmishes with Itza hunting parties.[139] At the lakeshore, within sight of Nojpetén, the Spanish encountered such a large force of Itzas that they retreated south, back to their main camp.[140] Interrogation of an Itza prisoner revealed that the Itza kingdom was in a state of high alert to repel the Spanish;[141] the expedition almost immediately withdrew back to Cahabón.[142]

In mid-May 1695 García de Paredes again marched southwards from Campeche,[142] with 115 Spanish soldiers and 150 Maya musketeers, plus Maya labourers and muleteers; the final tally was more than 400 people, which was regarded as a considerable army in the impoverished Yucatán province.[143] Ursúa also ordered two companies of Maya musketeers from Tekʼax and Oxkʼutzkabʼ to join the expedition at Bʼolonchʼen Kawich, some 60 kilometres (37 mi) southeast of the city of Campeche.[144] At the end of May three friars were assigned to join the Spanish force, accompanied by a lay brother. A second group of Franciscans would continue onwards independently to Nojpetén to make contact with the Itzas; it was led by friar Andrés de Avendaño, who was accompanied by another friar and a lay brother.[145] García de Paredes ordered the construction of a fort at Chuntuki, some 25 leagues (approximately 65 miles or 105 km) north of Lake Petén Itzá, which would serve as the main military base for the Camino Real ("Royal Road") project.[146]

A company of native musketeers from the town of Sajkabʼchen (or Sahcabchén) in Campeche, pushed ahead with the road builders from Tzuktzokʼ to the first Kejache town at Chunpich, which the Kejache had fled. The company's officers sent for reinforcements from García de Paredes at Tzuktokʼ but before any could arrive some 25 Kejache returned to Chunpich with baskets to collect their abandoned food. The nervous Sajkabʼchen sentries feared that the residents were returning en masse and discharged their muskets at them, with both groups then retreating. The musketeer company then arrived to reinforce their sentries and charged into battle against approaching Kejache archers. Several musketeers were injured in the ensuing skirmish and the Kejache retreated along a forest path without injury. The Sajkabʼchen company followed the path and found two more deserted settlements with large amounts of abandoned food. They seized the food and retreated back along the path.[147]

Around 3 August García de Paredes moved his entire army forward to Chunpich,[148] and by October Spanish soldiers had established themselves near the source of the San Pedro River.[149] By November Tzuktokʼ was garrisoned with 86 soldiers and more at Chuntuki. In December 1695 the main force was reinforced with 250 soldiers, of which 150 were Spanish and pardo (descendants of Southern Europeans, Amerindians, and West Africans) and 100 were Maya, together with labourers and muleteers.[150]

Avendaño's expedition, June 1695 edit

In May 1695, friar Antonio de Silva, the provincial superior of the Franciscan Order in Yucatán, had appointed two groups of Franciscans to head for Petén; the first group was to join up with García de Parede's military expedition. The second group was to head for Lake Petén Itza independently. This second group was headed by friar Andrés de Avendaño. Avendaño was accompanied by another friar, a lay brother, and six Christian Maya.[151] This latter group left Mérida on 2 June 1695.[152] Avendaño continued south along the course of the new road, finding increasing evidence of Spanish military activity. The Franciscans overtook García de Paredes at Bʼukʼte, about 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) before Tzuktokʼ.[153] On 3 August García de Paredes advanced to Chunpich but tried to persuade Avendaño to stay behind to minister to the prisoners from Bʼukʼte. Avendaño instead split his group and left in secret with just four Christian Maya companions,[154] seeking the Chunpich Kejache that had attacked one of García de Parede's advance companies and had now retreated into the forest.[155] He was unable to find the Kejache but did manage to get information regarding a path that led southwards to the Itza kingdom. Avendaño returned to Tzuktokʼ and reconsidered his plans; the Franciscans were short of supplies, and the forcefully congregated Maya that they were charged with converting were disappearing back into the forest daily.[156] Antonio de Silva ordered Avendaño to return to Mérida, and he arrived there on 17 September 1695.[157] Meanwhile, the other group of Franciscans, led by Juan de San Buenaventura Chávez, continued following the roadbuilders into Kejache territory, through IxBʼam, Bʼatkabʼ and Chuntuki (modern Chuntunqui near Carmelita, Petén).[158]

San Buenaventura among the Kejache, September – November 1695 edit

Juan de San Buenaventura's small group of Franciscans arrived in Chuntuki on 30 August 1695, and found that the army had opened the road southwards for another seventeen leagues (approximately 44.2 miles or 71.1 km), almost half way to Lake Petén Itzá, but returned to Chuntuki due to the seasonal rains.[159] San Buenaventura was accompanied by two friars and a lay brother.[160] With Avendaño's return to Mérida, provincial superior Antonio de Silva despatched two additional friars to join San Buenaventura's group. One of these was to convert the Kejache in Tzuktokʼ, and the other was to do the same at Chuntuki.[161] On 24 October San Buenaventura wrote to the provincial superior reporting that the warlike Kejache were now pacified and that they had told him that the Itza were ready to receive the Spanish in friendship.[162] On that day 62 Kejache men had voluntarily come to Chuntuki from Pakʼekʼem, where another 300 Kejache resided.[163] In early November 1695, friar Tomás de Alcoser and brother Lucas de San Francisco were sent to establish a mission at Pakʼekʼem, where they were well received by the cacique (native chief) and his pagan priest. Pakʼekʼem was sufficiently far from the new Spanish road that it was free from military interference, and the friars oversaw the building of a church in what was the largest mission town in Kejache territory. A second church was built at Bʼatkabʼ to attend to over 100 Kejache refugees who had been gathered there under the stewardship of a Spanish friar;[164] a further church was established at Tzuktokʼ, overseen by another friar.[165]

Avendaño's expedition, December 1695 – January 1696 edit

Franciscan friar Andrés de Avendaño left Mérida on 13 December 1695, and arrived in Nojpetén around 14 January 1696, accompanied by four companions.[166] From Chuntuki they followed an Indian trail that led them past the source of the San Pedro River and across steep karst hills to a watering hole by some ruins.[167] From there they followed the small Acté River to a Chakʼan Itza town called Saklemakal.[168] They arrived at the western end of Lake Petén Itzá to an enthusiastic welcome by the local Itza.[169] The following day, the current Aj Kan Ekʼ travelled across the lake with 80 canoes to greet the visitors at the Chakʼan Itza (a subgroup of the Itza) port town of Chʼichʼ, on the west shore of Lake Petén Itza.[170] The Franciscans returned to Nojpetén with Kan Ekʼ and baptised over 300 Itza children over the following four days. Avendaño tried to convince Kan Ekʼ to convert to Christianity and surrender to the Spanish Crown, without success.[169] The king of the Itza, cited Itza prophecy and said the time was not yet right.[169]

On 19 January AjKowoj, the king of the Kowoj, arrived at Nojpetén and spoke with Avendaño,[171] arguing against the acceptance of Christianity and Spanish rule.[172] The discussions between Avendaño, Kan Ekʼ and AjKowoj exposed deep divisions among the Itza.[173] Kan Ekʼ learnt of a plot by the Kowoj and their allies to ambush and kill the Franciscans, and the Itza king advised them to return to Mérida via Tipuj.[174] The Spanish friars became lost and suffered great hardships, including the death of one of Avendaño's companions,[175] but after a month wandering in the forest found their way back to Chuntuki, and from there returned to Mérida.[176]

Battle at Chʼichʼ, 2 February 1696 edit

By mid-January, Captain García de Paredes had arrived at the advance portion of the Camino Real at Chuntuki.[177] By now he only had 90 soldiers plus labourers and porters.[178] Captain Pedro de Zubiaur, García's senior officer, arrived at Lake Petén Itza with 60 musketeers, two Franciscans, and allied Yucatec Maya warriors.[179] They were also accompanied by about 40 Maya porters.[180] They were approached by about 300 canoes carrying approximately 2,000 Itza warriors.[181] The warriors began to mingle freely with the Spanish party and a scuffle then broke out; a dozen of the Spanish party were forced into canoes, and three of them were killed. At this point the Spanish soldiers opened fire with their muskets, and the Itza retreated across the lake with their prisoners, who included the two Franciscans.[182] The Spanish party retreated from the lake shore and regrouped on open ground where they were surrounded by thousands of Itza warriors. Zubiaur ordered his men to fire a volley that killed between 30 and 40 Itzas. Realising that they were hopelessly outnumbered, the Spanish retreated towards Chuntuki, abandoning their captured companions to their fate.[183]

Martín de Ursúa was now convinced that Kan Ekʼ would not surrender peacefully, and he began to organise an all-out assault on Nojpetén.[184] Work on the road was redoubled and about a month after the battle at Chʼichʼ the Spanish arrived at the lakeshore, now supported by artillery. Again a large number of canoes gathered, and the nervous Spanish soldiers opened fire with cannons and muskets; no casualties were reported among the Itza, who retreated and raised a white flag from a safe distance.[183]

Expedition from Verapaz, February – March 1696 edit

Oidor Bartolomé de Amésqueta led the next Guatemalan expedition against the Itza. He marched his men from Cahabón to Mopán, arriving on 25 February 1696.[185] On 7 March, Captain Díaz de Velasco led a party ahead to the lake; he was accompanied by two Dominican friars and by AjKʼixaw, an Itza nobleman who had been taken prisoner on Díaz's previous expedition.[186] When they drew close to the shore of Lake Petén Itzá, AjKʼixaw was sent ahead as an emissary to Nojpetén.[187] Díaz's party was lured into an Itza trap and the expedition members were killed to a man. The two friars were captured and sacrificed. The Itza killed a total of 87 expedition members, including 50 soldiers, two Dominicans and about 35 Maya helpers.[188]

Amésqueta left Mopán three days after Díaz and followed Díaz's trail to the lakeshore. He arrived at the lake over a week later with 36 men. As they scouted along the south shore near Nojpetén they were shadowed by about 30 Itza canoes and more Itzas approached by land but kept a safe distance.[189] Amésqueta was extremely suspicious of the small canoes being offered by the Itza to transport his party across to Nojpetén; as nightfall approached Amésqueta retreated from the lakeshore and his men took up positions on a small hill nearby.[190] In the early hours of the morning he ordered a retreat by moonlight.[191] At San Pedro Mártir he received news of an Itza embassy to Mérida in December 1695, and an apparent formal surrender of the Itza to Spanish authority.[192] Unable to reconcile the news with the loss of his men, and with appalling conditions in San Pedro Mártir, Amésqueta abandoned his unfinished fort and retreated to Guatemala.[193]

Assault on Nojpetén edit

The Itzas' continued resistance had become a major embarrassment for the Spanish colonial authorities, and soldiers were despatched from Campeche to take Nojpetén once and for all.[194] Martín de Ursúa y Arizmendi arrived on the western shore of Lake Petén Itzá with his soldiers on 26 February 1697, and once there built the heavily armed galeota attack boat.[195] The galeota carried 114 men and at least five artillery pieces.[196] The piragua longboat used to cross the San Pedro River was also transported to the lake to be used in the attack on the Itza capital.[197]

On 10 March a number of Itza and Yalain emissaries arrived at Chʼichʼ to negotiate with Ursúa.[198] Kan Ekʼ then sent a canoe with a white flag raised bearing emissaries, who offered peaceful surrender. Ursúa received the embassy in peace and invited Kan Ekʼ to visit his encampment three days later. On the appointed day Kan Ekʼ failed to arrive; instead Maya warriors amassed both along the shore and in canoes upon the lake.[199]

A waterbourne assault was launched upon Kan Ek's capital on the morning of 13 March.[200] Ursúa boarded the galeota with 108 soldiers, two secular priests, five personal servants, the baptised Itza emissary AjChan and his brother-in-law and an Itza prisoner from Nojpetén. The attack boat was rowed east towards the Itza capital; half way across the lake it encountered a large fleet of canoes spread in an arc across the approach to Nojpetén – Ursúa simply gave the order to row through them. A large number of defenders had gathered along the shore of Nojpetén and on the roofs of the city.[201] Itza archers began to shoot at the invaders from the canoes. Ursúa ordered his men not to return fire but arrows wounded a number of his soldiers; one of the wounded soldiers discharged his musket and at that point the officers lost control of their men. The defending Itza soon fled from the withering Spanish gunfire.[202]

The city fell after a brief but bloody battle in which many Itza warriors died; the Spanish suffered only minor casualties. The Spanish bombardment caused heavy loss of life on the island;[203] the surviving Itza abandoned their capital and swam across to the mainland with many dying in the water.[204] After the battle the surviving defenders melted away into the forests, leaving the Spanish to occupy an abandoned Maya town.[194] Martín de Ursúa planted his standard upon the highest point of the island and renamed Nojpetén as Nuestra Señora de los Remedios y San Pablo, Laguna del Itza ("Our Lady of Remedy and Saint Paul, Lake of the Itza").[205] The Itza nobility fled, dispersing to Maya settlements throughout Petén; in response the Spanish scoured the region with search parties.[206] Kan Ekʼ was soon captured with help from the Yalain Maya ruler Chamach Xulu;[207] The Kowoj king (Aj Kowoj) was also soon captured, together with other Maya nobles and their families.[203] With the defeat of the Itza, the last independent and unconquered native kingdom in the Americas fell to the European colonisers.[208]

See also edit

Notes edit

  1. ^ Belma has been tentatively identified with the modern settlement and Maya archaeological site of El Meco.[103]

Citations edit

  1. ^ Quezada 2011, p. 13.
  2. ^ a b c d Quezada 2011, p. 14.
  3. ^ White and Hood 2004, p. 152.
    Quezada 2011, p. 14.
  4. ^ a b c Thompson 1966, p. 25.
  5. ^ a b Quezada 2011, p. 15.
  6. ^ Quezada 2011, pp. 14–15.
  7. ^ Lovell 2005, p. 17.
  8. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 46.
  9. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 46–47.
  10. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 47.
  11. ^ Rice and Rice 2009, p. 5.
  12. ^ a b c Quezada 2011, p. 16.
  13. ^ a b Quezada 2011, p. 17.
  14. ^ White and Hood 2004, p. 152.
  15. ^ a b Schwartz 1990, p. 17.
  16. ^ a b Schwartz 1990, p. 18.
  17. ^ a b Estrada-Belli 2011, p. 52.
  18. ^ Coe 1999, p. 31.
    Webster 2002, p. 45.
  19. ^ a b c Andrews 1984, p. 589.
  20. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 499–500.
  21. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 613, 616.
  22. ^ Andrews 1984, p. 590.
  23. ^ Caso Barrera 2002, p. 17.
  24. ^ a b c Andrews 1984, p. 591.
  25. ^ Andrews 1984, p. 593.
  26. ^ Andrews 1984, p. 592.
  27. ^ a b c Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 761–762.
  28. ^ a b c d Jones 2000, p. 353.
  29. ^ Houwald 1984, p. 257.
  30. ^ Jones 2000, p. 351.
  31. ^ Jones 2000, p. 352.
  32. ^ Rice and Rice 2009, p. 10.
    Rice 2009, p. 17.
  33. ^ a b Cecil et al. 1999, p. 788.
  34. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 617.
  35. ^ Rice and Rice 2005, p. 149.
  36. ^ Rice 2009, p. 17.
    Feldman 2000, p. xxi.
  37. ^ Smith 2003, p. 279.
  38. ^ a b Thompson 1966, p. 24.
  39. ^ a b c d Thompson 1966, p. 26.
  40. ^ Jones 2000, p. 364.
  41. ^ Rice 2009, p. 83.
  42. ^ Pugh 2009, p. 191.
    Houwald 1984, p. 256.
  43. ^ Houwald 1984, p. 256.
  44. ^ a b c d Clendinnen 2003, p. 7.
  45. ^ Pohl and Hook 2008, pp. 26–27.
  46. ^ Wise and McBride 2008, pp. 33–34.
  47. ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 3.
  48. ^ Perramon 1986, p. 242.
    Clendinnen 2003, p. 3.
  49. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 3–4.
  50. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 758.
  51. ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 4.
  52. ^ a b c de Díos González 2008, p. 25.
    Gómez Martín June 2013, p. 56.
  53. ^ Gómez Martín June 2013, p. 56.
  54. ^ de Díos González 2008, pp. 25–26.
  55. ^ de Díos González 2008, p. 26.
  56. ^ a b Clendinnen 2003, pp. 4–5.
  57. ^ a b c d Clendinnen 2003, pp. 6.
  58. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 5.
  59. ^ a b c d Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 759.
  60. ^ a b Clendinnen 2003, p. 8.
  61. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 8–9.
  62. ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 9.
  63. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 9–10.
  64. ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 10.
  65. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 10–11.
  66. ^ a b c Clendinnen 2003, p. 11.
  67. ^ a b c Clendinnen 2003, p. 12.
  68. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 11–12.
  69. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 12–13.
  70. ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 13.
  71. ^ a b c d Clendinnen 2003, p. 14.
  72. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 759. Recinos 1986, p. 18.
  73. ^ Recinos 1986, p. 18.
  74. ^ a b c d e Clendinnen 2003, p. 15.
  75. ^ a b c d e f g Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 760.
  76. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 14–15.
  77. ^ a b Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 760.
    Clendinnen 2003, p. 15.
  78. ^ Clendinnen 2003, pp. 15–16.
  79. ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 16.
  80. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 760–761.
  81. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 758–759, 760–761.
  82. ^ a b c d Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 761.
  83. ^ a b c d e f Townsend 1995, p. 16.
  84. ^ Hernández et al. 2010, p. 26.
  85. ^ Townsend 1995, pp. 16ff.
  86. ^ a b Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 766.
  87. ^ a b c Jones 2000, p. 358.
  88. ^ Rice and Rice 2009, p. 12.
  89. ^ Rice et al. 2009, p. 127.
  90. ^ Rice and Rice 2005, p. 152.
  91. ^ a b c d Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 762.
  92. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 762.
    Jones 2000, p. 358.
  93. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 773.
    Jones 2000, p. 358.
  94. ^ Feldman 1998, p. 6.
  95. ^ Webster 2002, p. 83.
  96. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 766–767.
  97. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 767. Clendinnen 2003, p. 20.
  98. ^ a b c d e Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 767.
  99. ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 20.
  100. ^ ITMB 2000.
  101. ^ a b Clendinnen 2003, p. 21.
  102. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 767. Clendinnen 1989, 2003, p. 21.
  103. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 767.
    INAH 2010.
  104. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 767–768.
  105. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 768. Clendinnen 2003, p. 21.
  106. ^ a b c d e f Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 768.
  107. ^ a b Quezada 2011, p. 37.
  108. ^ Quezada 2011, pp. 37–38.
  109. ^ Clendinnen 2003, p. 23.
    Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 768.
  110. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 768–769.
  111. ^ a b Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 769.
  112. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 769–770.
  113. ^ a b c Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 770.
  114. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 770–771.
  115. ^ a b c Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 771.
  116. ^ a b c d Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 772.
  117. ^ Caso Barrera 2002, pp. 17, 19.
  118. ^ Caso Barrera 2002, p. 19.
  119. ^ Fialko Coxemans 2003, pp. 72–73.
  120. ^ a b Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 773.
  121. ^ a b c d e f Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 774.
  122. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 774.
    Jones 1998, p. 46.
    Chuchiak IV 2005, p. 131.
  123. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 42, 47.
  124. ^ Chuchiak IV 2005, p. 132.
  125. ^ Means 1917, p. 79.
  126. ^ Means 1917, p. 80.
  127. ^ a b Means 1917, p. 81.
  128. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 774.
    Means 1917, p. 81.
  129. ^ Means 1917, p. 81.
    Jones 1998, pp. 47–48.
  130. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 774.
    Jones 1998, p. 48.
  131. ^ Jones 1998, p. 48.
  132. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 48–49.
  133. ^ Feldman 2000, p. 151.
  134. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 111, 132–133, 145.
  135. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 129–130.
    ITMB 2000.
  136. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 130–131.
    ITMB 2000.
  137. ^ Jones 1998, p. 131.
  138. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 132, 134.
    Means 1917, p. 97.
  139. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 135–136, 139–140.
  140. ^ Jones 1998, p. 141.
  141. ^ Jones 1998, p. 140.
  142. ^ a b Jones 1998, p. 142.
  143. ^ Jones 1998, p. 143.
  144. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 130, 144.
  145. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 148–149.
  146. ^ Jones 1998, p. 147.
  147. ^ Jones 1998, p. 154.
    Means 1917, pp. 117–118.
  148. ^ Jones 1998, p. 154.
  149. ^ Jones 1998, p. 163.
  150. ^ Jones 1998, p. 162.
  151. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 148, 150.
  152. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 130, 151–152.
  153. ^ Jones 1998, p. 152.
  154. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 150, 154.
  155. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 154–155.
  156. ^ Jones 1998, p. 155.
  157. ^ Jones 1998, p. 156.
  158. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 148, 157.
    Quezada 2011, p. 23.
    ITMB 1998.
  159. ^ Jones 1998, p. 157.
  160. ^ Jones 1998, p. 148.
  161. ^ Jones 1998, p. 158.
  162. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 158–159.
  163. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 159–160.
  164. ^ Jones 1998, p. 160.
  165. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 160–161.
  166. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 187, 189.
  167. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 189–190.
    Means 1917, p. 128.
  168. ^ Jones 1998, p. 190.
  169. ^ a b c Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 775.
  170. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 775.
    Jones 1998, p. 192.
  171. ^ Jones 1998, p. 205.
  172. ^ Jones 1998, p. 207.
  173. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 209–210.
  174. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 775.
    Jones 1998, pp. 214–215.
  175. ^ Vayhinger-Scheer 2011, p. 383.
  176. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 775–776.
    Jones 1998, pp. 218–219.
  177. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 189, 226.
  178. ^ Jones 1998, p. 226.
  179. ^ Jones 1998, p. 227.
    Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 776.
  180. ^ Jones 1998, p. 227.
  181. ^ Jones 1998, p. 228.
    Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 776.
  182. ^ Jones 1998, p. 228.
  183. ^ a b Jones 1998, p. 229.
  184. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 776.
  185. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 232–233.
  186. ^ Jones 1998, p. 233.
  187. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 233–234.
  188. ^ Jones 1998, p. 479n59.
  189. ^ Jones 1998, p. 234-235.
  190. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 237–238.
  191. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 238–239.
  192. ^ Jones 1998, p. 240.
  193. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 241–242.
  194. ^ a b Jones 2000, p. 362.
  195. ^ Jones 2009, p. 59.
    Jones 1998, pp. 253, 265–266.
  196. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 268–269.
  197. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 252, 268.
  198. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 269–270.
  199. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 777.
  200. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 777.
    Jones 1998, p. 295.
  201. ^ Jones 1998, p. 297.
  202. ^ Jones 1998, pp. 298–299.
  203. ^ a b Jones 2009, p. 59.
  204. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, pp. 777–778.
  205. ^ Sharer and Traxler 2006, p. 778.
    Jones 2009, p. 59.
  206. ^ Jones 1998, p. 295.
  207. ^ Jones 1998, p. 306.
  208. ^ Jones 1998, p. xix.

References edit

  • Andrews, Anthony P. (Winter 1984). "The Political Geography of the Sixteenth Century Yucatan Maya: Comments and Revisions". Journal of Anthropological Research. Albuquerque, New Mexico, US: University of New Mexico. 40 (4): 589–596. doi:10.1086/jar.40.4.3629799. JSTOR 3629799. S2CID 163743879. (subscription required)
  • Athena Review (1999a). . Athena Review. 2 (1). Archived from the original on 28 June 2006. Retrieved 25 July 2006.
  • Athena Review (1999b). . Athena Review. 2 (1). Archived from the original on 13 July 2006. Retrieved 25 July 2006.
  • Caso Barrera, Laura (2002). Caminos en la selva: migración, comercio y resistencia: Mayas yucatecos e itzaes, siglos XVII–XIX [Roads in the Forest: Migration, Commerce and Resistance: Yucatec and Itza Maya, 17th–19th Centuries] (in Spanish). Mexico City, Mexico: El Colegio de México, Fondo de Cultura Económica. ISBN 978-968-16-6714-6. OCLC 835645038.
  • Cervantes de Salazar, Francisco (n.d.) [ca. 1560]. Crónica de la Nueva España (in Spanish). readme.it. Retrieved 26 July 2006.
  • Cecil, Leslie; Prudence M. Rice; Don S. Rice (1999). J.P. Laporte; H.L. Escobedo (eds.). [The Technological Styles of Postclassic Slipped Ceramics in the Petén Lakes Region] (PDF). Simposio de Investigaciones Arqueológicas en Guatemala (in Spanish). Guatemala City, Guatemala: Museo Nacional de Arqueología y Etnología. XII (1998): 788–795. OCLC 42674202. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 November 2013. Retrieved 26 November 2012.
  • Chamberlain, Robert Stoner (1948). The Conquest and Colonization of Yucatan, 1517–1550. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution. OCLC 459181680.
  • Chuchiak IV, John F. (2005). (PDF). In John F. Schwaller (ed.). Francis in the Americas: Essays on the Franciscan Family in North and South America. Berkeley, California, US: Academy of American Franciscan History. pp. 119–142. ISBN 0-88382-306-3. OCLC 61229653. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 October 2013.
  • Clendinnen, Inga (2003) [1988]. Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517–1570 (2nd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-52731-7. OCLC 50868309.
  • Coe, Michael D. (1987). The Maya (4th edition (revised) ed.). London; New York: Thames & Hudson. ISBN 0-500-27455-X. OCLC 15895415.
  • Coe, Michael D. (1999). The Maya. Ancient Peoples and Places (6th edition, fully revised and expanded ed.). London, UK and New York, US: Thames & Hudson. ISBN 0-500-28066-5. OCLC 59432778.
  • de Dios González, Juan (2008). "Gonzalo Guerrero, primer mexicano por voluntad propia" [Gonzalo Guerrero, First Mexican by his Own Free Will] (PDF). Inventio: La Génesis de la Cultura Universitaria en Morelos (in Spanish). Cuernavaca, Morelos, Mexico: Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos (4): 23–26. OCLC 613144193. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  • Díaz del Castillo, Bernal (1963) [1632]. The Conquest of New Spain. Penguin Classics. J. M. Cohen (trans.) (6th printing (1973) ed.). Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books. ISBN 0-14-044123-9. OCLC 162351797.
  • Estrada-Belli, Francisco (2011). The First Maya Civilization: Ritual and Power Before the Classic Period. Abingdon, Oxfordshire, UK and New York, US: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-42994-8.
  • Feldman, Lawrence H. (1998). Motagua Colonial. Raleigh, North Carolina, US: Boson Books. ISBN 1-886420-51-3. OCLC 82561350.[permanent dead link]
  • Feldman, Lawrence H. (2000). Lost Shores, Forgotten Peoples: Spanish Explorations of the South East Maya Lowlands. Durham, North Carolina, US: Duke University Press. ISBN 0-8223-2624-8. OCLC 254438823.
  • Fialko Coxemans, Vilma (2003). "Domingo Fajardo: vicario y defensor de indios en Petén. 1795–1828" [Domingo Fajardo: Vicar and Defender of Indians in Petén] (PDF). Mayab (in Spanish). Madrid, Spain: Sociedad Española de Estudios Mayas (16): 72–78. ISSN 1130-6157. OCLC 14209890. Retrieved 6 December 2012.
  • Gómez Martín, Jorge Angel (June 2013). "El Descubrimiento del Yucatán" (PDF). Revista de Estudios Colombinos (in Spanish). Tordesillas, Valladolid, Spain: Seminario Iberoamericano de Descubrimientos y Cartografía (9): 53–60. ISSN 1699-3926. OCLC 436472699. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  • Hernández, Christine; Anthony P. Andrews; Gabrielle Vail (2010). "Introduction". In Gabrielle Vail; Christine L. Hernández (eds.). Astronomers, Scribes, and Priests: Intellectual Interchange Between the Northern Maya Lowlands and Highland Mexico in the Late Postclassic Period. Dumbarton Oaks Pre-Columbian symposia and colloquia. Washington, D.C, US: Harvard University Press. pp. 17–36. ISBN 9780884023463. OCLC 845573515.
  • Houwald, Götz von (1984). "Mapa y Descripción de la Montaña del Petén e Ytzá. Interpretación de un documento de los años un poco después de la conquista de Tayasal" [Map and Description of the Jungle of Petén and Itza. Interpretation of a Document from the Years Soon After the Conquest of Tayasal] (PDF). Indiana (in Spanish). Berlin, Germany: Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut (9). ISSN 0341-8642. OCLC 2452883. Retrieved 3 December 2012.
  • INAH (2010). (in Spanish). Mexico City, Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) and Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes (CONACULTA). Archived from the original on 23 August 2013. Retrieved 7 December 2013.
  • Guatemala (Map) (3rd ed.). 1:500000. International Travel Maps. Richmond, British Columbia, Canada: ITMB Publishing. 1998. ISBN 0-921463-64-2. OCLC 421536238.
  • México South East (Map) (2nd ed.). 1:1000000. International Travel Maps. Richmond, British Columbia, Canada: ITMB Publishing. 2000. ISBN 0-921463-22-7. OCLC 46660694.
  • Jones, Grant D. (1998). The Conquest of the Last Maya Kingdom. Stanford, California, US: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-3522-3.
  • Jones, Grant D. (2000). "The Lowland Maya, from the Conquest to the Present". In Richard E.W. Adams; Murdo J. Macleod (eds.). The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas, Vol. II: Mesoamerica, part 2. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 346–391. ISBN 0-521-65204-9. OCLC 33359444.
  • Jones, Grant D. (2009). "The Kowoj in Ethnohistorical Perspective". In Prudence M. Rice; Don S. Rice (eds.). The Kowoj: Identity, Migration, and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Petén, Guatemala. Boulder, Colorado, US: University Press of Colorado. pp. 55–69. ISBN 978-0-87081-930-8. OCLC 225875268.
  • Lovell, W. George (2005). Conquest and Survival in Colonial Guatemala: A Historical Geography of the Cuchumatán Highlands, 1500–1821 (3rd ed.). Montreal, Canada: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-7735-2741-9. OCLC 58051691.
  • Means, Philip Ainsworth (1917). History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas . Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University. Vol. VII. Cambridge, Massachusetts, US: Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. OCLC 681599.
  • Perramon, Francesc Ligorred (1986). "Los primeros contactos lingüísticos de los españoles en Yucatán" (PDF). In Miguel Rivera; Andrés Ciudad (eds.). Los mayas de los tiempos tardíos (in Spanish). Madrid, Spain: Sociedad Española de Estudios Mayas. pp. 241–252. ISBN 9788439871200. OCLC 16268597.
  • Pohl, John; Hook, Adam (2008) [2001]. The Conquistador 1492–1550. Warrior. Vol. 40. Oxford, UK and New York, US: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84176-175-6. OCLC 47726663.
  • Pugh, Timothy W. (2009). "Residential and Domestic Contexts at Zacpetén". In Prudence M. Rice; Don S. Rice (eds.). The Kowoj: Identity, Migration, and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Petén, Guatemala. Boulder, Colorado, US: University Press of Colorado. pp. 141–191. ISBN 978-0-87081-930-8. OCLC 225875268.
  • Quezada, Sergio (2011). [The Colonisation of the Peninsula Maya] (PDF). Biblioteca Básica de Yucatán (in Spanish). Vol. 18. Merida, Yucatan, Mexico: Secretaría de Educación del Gobierno del Estado de Yucatán. ISBN 978-607-7824-27-5. OCLC 796677890. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 November 2013. Retrieved 20 January 2013.
  • Rice, Prudence M.; Don S. Rice (2005). "Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Maya Political Geography". In Susan Kepecs; Rani T. Alexander (eds.). The Postclassic to Spanish-Era Transition in Mesoamerica: Archaeological Perspectives. Albuquerque, New Mexico, US: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 9780826337399. OCLC 60550555. {{cite book}}: External link in |chapter= (help)
  • Rice, Prudence M. (2009). "The Archaeology of the Kowoj: Settlement and Architecture at Zacpetén". In Prudence M. Rice; Don S. Rice (eds.). The Kowoj: Identity, Migration, and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Petén, Guatemala. Boulder, Colorado, US: University Press of Colorado. pp. 81–83. ISBN 978-0-87081-930-8. OCLC 225875268.
  • Rice, Prudence M.; Don S. Rice (2009). "Introduction to the Kowoj and their Petén Neighbors". In Prudence M. Rice; Don S. Rice (eds.). The Kowoj: Identity, Migration, and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Petén, Guatemala. Boulder, Colorado, US: University Press of Colorado. pp. 3–15. ISBN 978-0-87081-930-8. OCLC 225875268.
  • Rice, Prudence M. (2009). "Who were the Kowoj?". In Prudence M. Rice; Don S. Rice (eds.). The Kowoj: Identity, Migration, and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Petén, Guatemala. Boulder, Colorado, US: University Press of Colorado. pp. 17–19. ISBN 978-0-87081-930-8. OCLC 225875268.
  • Rice, Prudence M.; Don S. Rice; Timothy W. Pugh; Rómulo Sánchez Polo (2009). "Defensive architecture and the context of warfare at Zacpetén". In Prudence M. Rice; Don S. Rice (eds.). The Kowoj: identity, migration, and geopolitics in late postclassic Petén, Guatemala. Boulder, Colorado, US: University Press of Colorado. pp. 123–140. ISBN 978-0-87081-930-8. OCLC 225875268.
  • Romero, Rolando J. (1992). (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 March 2009. Retrieved 26 July 2006. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  • Rugeley, Terry L. (1996). Yucatan's Maya Peasantry and the Origins of the Caste War. Austin: University of Texas Press. ISBN 0-292-77078-2.
  • Sharer, Robert J.; Loa P. Traxler (2006). The Ancient Maya (6th (fully revised) ed.). Stanford, California, US: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-4817-9. OCLC 57577446.
  • Smith, Michael E. (2003) [1996]. The Aztecs (2nd ed.). Malden, Massachusetts, US and Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-0-631-23016-8. OCLC 59452395.
  • Thompson, J. Eric S. (1966). "The Maya Central Area at the Spanish Conquest and Later: A Problem in Demography". Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (1966): 23–37. doi:10.2307/3031712. JSTOR 3031712. (subscription required)
  • Townsend, Richard F. (1995) [1992]. The Aztecs. London, UK: Thames and Hudson. ISBN 0-500-27720-6. OCLC 27825022.
  • Vayhinger-Scheer, Temis (2011) [2006]. "Kanekʼ: El Último Rey Maya Itzaj" [Kanekʼ: The Last Itza Maya King]. In Nikolai Grube (ed.). Los Mayas: Una Civilización Milenaria [The Maya: An Ancient Civilization] (in Spanish). Potsdam, Germany: Tandem Verlag. pp. 382–383. ISBN 978-3-8331-6293-0. OCLC 828120761.
  • Webster, David L. (2002). The Fall of the Ancient Maya: Solving the Mystery of the Maya Collapse. London, UK: Thames & Hudson. ISBN 0-500-05113-5. OCLC 48753878.
  • White, D. A.; C. S. Hood (April 2004). "Vegetation Patterns and Environmental Gradients in Tropical Dry Forests of the Northern Yucatan Peninsula". Journal of Vegetation Science. Uppsala, Sweden: Opulus Press. 15 (2): 151–160. doi:10.1111/j.1654-1103.2004.tb02250.x. ISSN 1654-1103. JSTOR 3236749. OCLC 50781866. (subscription required)
  • Wise, Terence; McBride, Angus (2008) [1980]. The Conquistadores. Men-at-Arms. Vol. 101. Oxford, UK and New York, US: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-0-85045-357-7. OCLC 12782941.

Further reading edit

  • Graham, Elizabeth; David M. Pendergast; Grant D. Jones (8 December 1989). "On the Fringes of Conquest: Maya-Spanish Contact in Colonial Belize". Science. New Series. American Association for the Advancement of Science. 246 (4935): 1254–1259. Bibcode:1989Sci...246.1254G. doi:10.1126/science.246.4935.1254. JSTOR 1704619. PMID 17832220. S2CID 8476626. (subscription required)
  • Roukema, E. (1956). "A Discovery of Yucatan Prior to 1503". Imago Mundi. Imago Mundi, Ltd. 13: 30–38. doi:10.1080/03085695608592123. ISSN 0308-5694. JSTOR 1150238. OCLC 4651172881. (subscription required)

spanish, conquest, yucatán, also, spanish, conquest, guatemala, spanish, conquest, petén, campaign, undertaken, spanish, conquistadores, against, late, postclassic, maya, states, polities, yucatán, peninsula, vast, limestone, plain, covering, south, eastern, m. See also Spanish conquest of Guatemala and Spanish conquest of Peten The Spanish conquest of Yucatan was the campaign undertaken by the Spanish conquistadores against the Late Postclassic Maya states and polities in the Yucatan Peninsula a vast limestone plain covering south eastern Mexico northern Guatemala and all of Belize The Spanish conquest of the Yucatan Peninsula was hindered by its politically fragmented state The Spanish engaged in a strategy of concentrating native populations in newly founded colonial towns Native resistance to the new nucleated settlements took the form of the flight into inaccessible regions such as the forest or joining neighbouring Maya groups that had not yet submitted to the Spanish Among the Maya ambush was a favoured tactic Spanish weaponry included broadswords rapiers lances pikes halberds crossbows matchlocks and light artillery Maya warriors fought with flint tipped spears bows and arrows and stones and wore padded cotton armour to protect themselves The Spanish introduced a number of Old World diseases previously unknown in the Americas initiating devastating plagues that swept through the native populations The first encounter with the Yucatec Maya may have occurred in 1502 when the fourth voyage of Christopher Columbus came across a large trading canoe off Honduras In 1511 Spanish survivors of the shipwrecked caravel called Santa Maria de la Barca sought refuge among native groups along the eastern coast of the peninsula Hernan Cortes made contact with two survivors Geronimo de Aguilar and Gonzalo Guerrero eight years later In 1517 Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba made landfall on the tip of the peninsula His expedition continued along the coast and suffered heavy losses in a pitched battle at Champoton forcing a retreat to Cuba Juan de Grijalva explored the coast in 1518 and heard tales of the wealthy Aztec Empire further west As a result of these rumours Hernan Cortes set sail with another fleet From Cozumel he continued around the peninsula to Tabasco where he fought a battle at Potonchan from there Cortes continued onward to conquer the Aztec Empire In 1524 Cortes led a sizeable expedition to Honduras cutting across southern Campeche and through Peten in what is now northern Guatemala In 1527 Francisco de Montejo set sail from Spain with a small fleet He left garrisons on the east coast and subjugated the northeast of the peninsula Montejo then returned to the east to find his garrisons had almost been eliminated he used a supply ship to explore southwards before looping back around the entire peninsula to central Mexico Montejo pacified Tabasco with the aid of his son also named Francisco de Montejo In 1531 the Spanish moved their base of operations to Campeche where they repulsed a significant Maya attack After this battle the Spanish founded a town at Chichen Itza in the north Montejo carved up the province amongst his soldiers In mid 1533 the local Maya rebelled and laid siege to the small Spanish garrison which was forced to flee Towards the end of 1534 or the beginning of 1535 the Spanish retreated from Campeche to Veracruz In 1535 peaceful attempts by the Franciscan Order to incorporate Yucatan into the Spanish Empire failed after a renewed Spanish military presence at Champoton forced the friars out Champoton was by now the last Spanish outpost in Yucatan isolated among a hostile population In 1541 42 the first permanent Spanish town councils in the entire peninsula were founded at Campeche and Merida When the powerful lord of Tutul Xiu Maya in Mani converted to the Roman Catholic religion his submission to Spain and conversion to Christianity encouraged the lords of the western provinces to accept Spanish rule In late 1546 an alliance of eastern provinces launched an unsuccessful uprising against the Spanish The eastern Maya were defeated in a single battle which marked the final conquest of the northern portion of the Yucatan Peninsula The polities of Peten in the south remained independent and received many refugees fleeing from Spanish jurisdiction In 1618 and in 1619 two unsuccessful Franciscan missions attempted the peaceful conversion of the still pagan Itza In 1622 the Itza slaughtered two Spanish parties trying to reach their capital Nojpeten These events ended all Spanish attempts to contact the Itza until 1695 Over the course of 1695 and 1696 a number of Spanish expeditions attempted to reach Nojpeten from the mutually independent Spanish colonies in Yucatan and Guatemala In early 1695 the Spanish began to build a road from Campeche south towards Peten and activity intensified sometimes with significant losses on the part of the Spanish Martin de Urzua y Arizmendi governor of Yucatan launched an assault upon Nojpeten in March 1697 the city fell after a brief battle With the defeat of the Itza the last independent and unconquered native kingdom in the Americas fell to the Spanish Contents 1 Geography 1 1 Climate 2 Yucatan before the conquest 3 Impact of Old World diseases 4 Weaponry strategies and tactics 4 1 Spanish weaponry and armour 4 2 Native weaponry and armour 5 First encounters 1502 and 1511 6 Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba 1517 7 Juan de Grijalva 1518 8 Hernan Cortes 1519 9 Hernan Cortes in the Maya lowlands 1524 25 10 Francisco de Montejo 1527 1528 11 Francisco de Montejo and Alonso d Avila 1531 1535 11 1 Conflict at Champoton 12 Conquest and settlement in northern Yucatan 1540 1546 13 Peten Basin 1618 1697 13 1 Early 17th century 13 2 Late 17th century 13 2 1 Avendano s expedition June 1695 13 2 2 San Buenaventura among the Kejache September November 1695 13 2 3 Avendano s expedition December 1695 January 1696 13 2 4 Battle at Chʼichʼ 2 February 1696 13 2 5 Expedition from Verapaz February March 1696 13 2 6 Assault on Nojpeten 14 See also 15 Notes 16 Citations 17 References 18 Further readingGeography edit nbsp Satellite view of the Yucatan PeninsulaThe Yucatan Peninsula is bordered by the Caribbean Sea to the east and by the Gulf of Mexico to the north and west It can be delimited by a line running from the Laguna de Terminos on the Gulf coast through to the Gulf of Honduras on the Caribbean coast It incorporates the modern Mexican states of Yucatan Quintana Roo and Campeche the eastern portion of the state of Tabasco most of the Guatemalan department of Peten and all of Belize 1 Most of the peninsula is formed by a vast plain with few hills or mountains and a generally low coastline A 15 kilometre 9 3 mi stretch of high rocky coast runs south from the city of Campeche on the Gulf Coast A number of bays are situated along the east coast of the peninsula from north to south they are Ascension Bay Espiritu Santo Bay Chetumal Bay and Amatique Bay 2 The north coast features a wide sandy littoral zone 2 The extreme north of the peninsula roughly corresponding to Yucatan State has underlying bedrock consisting of flat Cenozoic limestone To the south of this the limestone rises to form the low chain of Puuc Hills with a steep initial scarp running 160 kilometres 99 mi east from the Gulf coast near Champoton terminating some 50 kilometres 31 mi from the Caribbean coast near the border of Quintana Roo 3 The hills reach a maximum altitude of 170 metres 560 ft 2 The northwestern and northern portions of the Yucatan Peninsula experience lower rainfall than the rest of the peninsula these regions feature highly porous limestone bedrock resulting in less surface water 4 This limestone geology results in most rainwater filtering directly through the bedrock to the phreatic zone from whence it slowly flows to the coasts to form large submarine springs Various freshwater springs rise along the coast to form watering holes The filtering of rainwater through the limestone has caused the formation of extensive cave systems These cave roofs are subject to collapse forming deep sinkholes if the bottom of the cave is deeper than the groundwater level then a cenote is formed 5 In contrast the northeastern portion of the peninsula is characterised by forested swamplands 4 The northern portion of the peninsula lacks rivers except for the Champoton River all other rivers are located in the south 2 The Sibun River flows from west to east from south central Quintana Roo to Lake Bacalar on the Caribbean Coast the Rio Hondo flows northwards from Belize to empty into the same lake 6 Bacalar Lake empties into Chetumal Bay The Rio Nuevo flows from Lamanai Lake in Belize northwards to Chetumal Bay The Mopan River and the Macal River flow through Belize and join to form the Belize River which empties into the Caribbean Sea In the southwest of the peninsula the San Pedro Candelaria and Mamantel Rivers which all form a part of the Gulf of Mexico drainage 5 The Peten region consists of densely forested low lying limestone plain featuring karstic topography 7 The area is crossed by low east west oriented ridges of Cenozoic limestone and is characterised by a variety of forest and soil types water sources include generally small rivers and low lying seasonal swamps known as bajos 8 A chain of fourteen lakes runs across the central drainage basin of Peten during the rainy season some of these lakes become interconnected This drainage area measures approximately 100 kilometres 62 mi east west by 30 kilometres 19 mi north south 9 The largest lake is Lake Peten Itza near the centre of the drainage basin it measures 32 by 5 kilometres 19 9 by 3 1 mi A broad savannah extends south of the central lakes To the north of the lakes region bajos become more frequent interspersed with forest In the far north of Peten the Mirador Basin forms another interior drainage region 10 To the south the plain gradually rises towards the Guatemalan Highlands 11 The canopy height of the forest gradually decreases from Peten northwards averaging from 25 to 35 metres 82 to 115 ft 12 This dense forest covers northern Peten and Belize most of Quintana Roo southern Campeche and a portion of the south of Yucatan State Further north the vegetation turns to lower forest consisting of dense scrub 13 Climate edit The climate becomes progressively drier towards the north of the peninsula 13 In the north the annual mean temperature is 27 C 81 F in Merida Average temperature in the peninsula varies from 24 C 75 F in January to 29 C 84 F in July The lowest temperature on record is 6 C 43 F For the peninsula as a whole the mean annual precipitation is 1 100 millimetres 43 in The rainy season lasts from June to September while the dry season runs from October to May During the dry season rainfall averages 300 millimetres 12 in in the wet season this increases to an average 800 to 900 millimetres 31 to 35 in The prevailing winds are easterly and have created an east west precipitation gradient with average rainfall in the east exceeding 1 400 millimetres 55 in and the north and northwestern portions of the peninsula receiving a maximum of 800 millimetres 31 in The southeastern portion of the peninsula has a tropical rainy climate with a short dry season in winter 14 Peten has a hot climate and receives the highest rainfall in all Mesoamerica 12 The climate is divided into wet and dry seasons with the rainy season lasting from June to December 15 although these seasons are not clearly defined in the south 16 with rain occurring through most of the year 12 The climate of Peten varies from tropical in the south to semitropical in the north temperature varies between 12 and 40 C 54 and 104 F although it does not usually drop beneath 18 C 64 F 15 Mean temperature varies from 24 3 C 75 7 F in the southeast to 26 9 C 80 4 F in the northeast Highest temperatures are reached from April to June while January is the coldest month all Peten experiences a hot dry period in late August Annual precipitation is high varying from a mean of 1 198 millimetres 47 2 in in the northeast to 2 007 millimetres 79 0 in in central Peten 16 Yucatan before the conquest editThe first large Maya cities developed in the Peten Basin in the far south of the Yucatan Peninsula as far back as the Middle Preclassic c 600 350 BC 17 and Peten formed the heartland of the ancient Maya civilization during the Classic period c AD 250 900 18 The 16th century Maya provinces of northern Yucatan are likely to have evolved out of polities of the Maya Classic period From the mid 13th century AD through to the mid 15th century the League of Mayapan united several of the northern provinces for a time they shared a joint form of government 19 The great cities that dominated Peten had fallen into ruin by the beginning of the 10th century AD with the onset of the Classic Maya collapse 20 A significant Maya presence remained in Peten into the Postclassic period after the abandonment of the major Classic period cities the population was particularly concentrated near permanent water sources 21 In the early 16th century when the Spanish discovered the Yucatan Peninsula the region was still dominated by the Maya civilization It was divided into a number of independent provinces referred to as kuchkabal plural kuchkabaloob in the Yucatec Maya language The various provinces shared a common culture but the internal sociopolitical organisation varied from one province to the next as did access to important resources These differences in political and economic makeup often led to hostilities between the provinces The politically fragmented state of the Yucatan Peninsula at the time of conquest hindered the Spanish invasion since there was no central political authority to be overthrown However the Spanish were also able to exploit this fragmentation by taking advantage of pre existing rivalries between polities Estimates of the number of kuchkabal in the northern Yucatan vary from sixteen to twenty four 19 The boundaries between polities were not stable being subject to the effects of alliances and wars those kuchkabaloob with more centralised forms of government were likely to have had more stable boundaries than those of loose confederations of provinces 22 When the Spanish discovered Yucatan the provinces of Mani and Sotuta were two of the most important polities in the region They were mutually hostile the Xiu Maya of Mani allied themselves with the Spanish while the Cocom Maya of Sotuta became the implacable enemies of the European colonisers 23 At the time of conquest polities in the north included Mani Chakan and Cehpech 19 Chakan was largely landlocked with a small stretch of coast on the north of the peninsula Cehpech was a coastal province to its east further east along the north coast were Ah Kin Chel Cupul and Chikinchel 24 The modern city of Valladolid is situated upon the site of the former capital of Cupul 25 Cupul and Chinkinchel are known to have been mutually hostile and to have engaged in wars to control the salt beds of the north coast 26 Tazes was a small landlocked province south of Chikinchel Ecab was a large province in the east Uaymil was in the southeast and Chetumal was to the south of it all three bordered on the Caribbean Sea Cochuah was also in the eastern half of the peninsula it was southwest of Ecab and northwest of Uaymil Its borders are poorly understood and it may have been landlocked or have extended to occupy a portion of the Caribbean coast between the latter two kuchkabaloob The capital of Cochuah was Tihosuco Hocaba and Sotuta were landlocked provinces north of Mani and southwest of Ah Kin Chel and Cupul Ah Canul was the northernmost province on the Gulf of Mexico coast of the peninsula Canpech modern Campeche was to the south of it followed by Chanputun modern Champoton South of Chanputun and extending west along the Gulf coast was Acalan 24 This Chontal Maya speaking province extended east of the Usumacinta River in Tabasco 27 as far as what is now the southern portion of Campeche state where their capital was located 28 In the southern portion of the peninsula a number of polities occupied the Peten Basin 17 The Kejache occupied a territory to the north of the Itza and east of Acalan between the Peten lakes and what is now Campeche 28 and to the west of Chetumal 24 The Cholan Maya speaking Lakandon not to be confused with the modern inhabitants of Chiapas by that name controlled territory along the tributaries of the Usumacinta River spanning southwestern Peten in Guatemala and eastern Chiapas 28 The Lakandon had a fierce reputation amongst the Spanish 29 Although there is insufficient data to accurately estimate population sizes at the time of contact with the Spanish early Spanish reports suggest that sizeable Maya populations existed in Peten particularly around the central lakes and along the rivers 30 Before their defeat in 1697 the Itza controlled or influenced much of Peten and parts of Belize The Itza were warlike and their martial prowess impressed both neighbouring Maya kingdoms and their Spanish enemies Their capital was Nojpeten an island city upon Lake Peten Itza it has developed into the modern town of Flores which is the capital of the Peten department of Guatemala 28 The Itza spoke a variety of Yucatecan Maya 31 The Kowoj were the second in importance they were hostile towards their Itza neighbours The Kowoj were located to the east of the Itza around the eastern Peten lakes Lake Salpeten Lake Macanche Lake Yaxha and Lake Sacnab 32 The Yalain appear to have been one of the three dominant polities in Postclassic central Peten alongside the Itza and the Kowoj The Yalain territory had its maximum extension from the east shore of Lake Peten Itza eastwards to Tipuj in Belize 33 In the 17th century the Yalain capital was located at the site of that name on the north shore of Lake Macanche 34 At the time of Spanish contact the Yalain were allied with the Itza an alliance cemented by intermarriage between the elites of both groups 33 In the late 17th century Spanish colonial records document hostilities between Maya groups in the lakes region with the incursion of the Kowoj into former Yalain sites including Zacpeten on Lake Macanche and Ixlu on Lake Salpeten 35 Other groups in Peten are less well known and their precise territorial extent and political makeup remains obscure among them were the Chinamita the Icaiche the Kejache the Lakandon Chʼol the Manche Chʼol and the Mopan 36 Impact of Old World diseases edit nbsp European introduced smallpox devastated the indigenous populations of the AmericasA soldier arriving in Mexico in 1520 was carrying smallpox and caused the plagues that swept through the native populations of the Americas 37 The European diseases that ravaged the indigenous inhabitants of the Americas also severely affected the various Maya groups of the entire Yucatan Peninsula Modern estimates of native population decline vary from 75 to 90 mortality The terrible plagues that swept the peninsula were recorded in Yucatec Maya written histories which combined with those of neighbouring Maya peoples in the Guatemalan Highlands suggest that smallpox was rapidly transmitted throughout the Maya area the same year that it arrived in central Mexico with the forces under the command of Panfilo Narvaez Old World diseases are often mentioned only briefly in indigenous accounts making it difficult to identify the culprit Among the most deadly were smallpox influenza measles and a number of pulmonary diseases including tuberculosis the latter disease was attributed to the arrival of the Spanish by the Maya inhabitants of Yucatan 38 These diseases swept through Yucatan in the 1520s and 1530s with periodic recurrences throughout the 16th century By the late 16th century the reports of high fevers suggest the arrival of malaria in the region and yellow fever was first reported in the mid 17th century with a terse mention in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel for 1648 That particular outbreak was traced back to the island of Guadeloupe in the Caribbean from whence it was introduced to the port city of Campeche and from there was transmitted to Merida Mortality was high with approximately 50 of the population of some Yucatec Maya settlements being wiped out Sixteen Franciscan friars are reported to have died in Merida probably the majority of the Franciscans based there and who had probably numbered not much more than twenty before the outbreak 38 Those areas of the peninsula that experience damper conditions particularly those possessing swamplands became rapidly depopulated after the conquest with the introduction of malaria and other waterborne parasites An example was the one time well populated province of Ecab occupying the northeastern portion of the peninsula In 1528 when Francisco de Montejo occupied the town of Conil for two months the Spanish recorded approximately 5 000 houses in the town the adult male population at the time has been conservatively estimated as 3 000 By 1549 Spanish records show that only 80 tributaries were registered to be taxed indicating a population drop in Conil of more than 90 in 21 years 4 The native population of the northeastern portion of the peninsula was almost eliminated within fifty years of the conquest 39 In the south conditions conducive to the spread of malaria existed throughout Peten and Belize 39 At the time of the fall of Nojpeten in 1697 there are estimated to have been 60 000 Maya living around Lake Peten Itza including a large number of refugees from other areas It is estimated that 88 of them died during the first ten years of colonial rule owing to a combination of disease and war 40 In Tabasco the population of approximately 30 000 was reduced by an estimated 90 with measles smallpox catarrhs dysentery and fevers being the main culprits 39 Weaponry strategies and tactics editThe Spanish engaged in a strategy of concentrating native populations in new colonial towns or reducciones also known as congregaciones 41 Native resistance to the new nucleated settlements took the form of the flight of the indigenous inhabitants into inaccessible regions such as the forest or joining neighbouring Maya groups that had not yet submitted to the Spanish 42 Those that remained behind in the reducciones often fell victim to contagious diseases 43 An example of the effect on populations of this strategy is the province of Acalan which occupied an area spanning southern Campeche and eastern Tabasco When Hernan Cortes passed through Acalan in 1525 he estimated the population size as at least 10 000 In 1553 the population was recorded at around 4 000 In 1557 the population was forcibly moved to Tixchel on the Gulf of Mexico coast so as to be more easily accessible to the Spanish authorities In 1561 the Spanish recorded only 250 tribute paying inhabitants of Tixchel which probably had a total population of about 1 100 This indicates a 90 drop in population over a 36 year span Some of the inhabitants had fled Tixchel for the forest while others had succumbed to disease malnutrition and inadequate housing in the Spanish reduccion Coastal reducciones while convenient for Spanish administration were vulnerable to pirate attacks in the case of Tixchel pirate attacks and contagious European diseases led to the eradication of the reduccion town and the extinction of the Chontal Maya of Campeche 39 Among the Maya ambush was a favoured tactic 44 Spanish weaponry and armour edit The 16th century Spanish conquistadors were armed with broadswords rapiers crossbows matchlocks and light artillery Mounted conquistadors were armed with a 3 7 metre 12 ft lance that also served as a pike for infantrymen A variety of halberds and bills were also employed As well as the one handed broadsword a 1 7 metre 5 5 ft long two handed version was also used Crossbows had 0 61 metre 2 ft arms stiffened with hardwoods horn bone and cane and supplied with a stirrup to facilitate drawing the string with a crank and pulley Crossbows were easier to maintain than matchlocks especially in the humid tropical climate of the Caribbean region that included much of the Yucatan Peninsula 45 Native weaponry and armour edit Maya warriors entered battle against the Spanish with flint tipped spears bows and arrows and stones They wore padded cotton armour to protect themselves 44 Members of the Maya aristocracy wore quilted cotton armour and some warriors of lesser rank wore twisted rolls of cotton wrapped around their bodies Warriors bore wooden or animal hide shields decorated with feathers and animal skins 46 First encounters 1502 and 1511 edit nbsp Bartholomew Columbus came across a Yucatec Maya canoe in the Gulf of HondurasOn 30 July 1502 during his fourth voyage Christopher Columbus arrived at Guanaja one of the Bay Islands off the coast of Honduras He sent his brother Bartholomew to scout the island As Bartholomew explored the island with two boats a large canoe approached from the west apparently en route to the island The canoe was carved from one large tree trunk and was powered by twenty five naked rowers 47 Curious as to the visitors Bartholomew Columbus seized and boarded it He found it was a Maya trading canoe from Yucatan carrying well dressed Maya and a rich cargo that included ceramics cotton textiles yellow stone axes flint studded war clubs copper axes and bells and cacao 48 Also among the cargo were a small number of women and children probably destined to be sold as slaves as were a number of the rowers The Europeans looted whatever took their interest from amongst the cargo and seized the elderly Maya captain to serve as an interpreter the canoe was then allowed to continue on its way 49 This was the first recorded contact between Europeans and the Maya 50 It is likely that news of the piratical strangers in the Caribbean passed along the Maya trade routes the first prophecies of bearded invaders sent by Kukulkan the northern Maya feathered serpent god were probably recorded around this time and in due course passed into the books of Chilam Balam 51 In 1511 the Spanish caravel Santa Maria de la Barca set sail along the Central American coast under the command of Pedro de Valdivia 52 The ship was sailing to Santo Domingo from Darien to inform the colonial authorities there of ongoing conflict between conquistadors Diego de Nicuesa and Vasco Nunez de Balboa in Darien 53 The ship foundered upon a reef known as Las Viboras The Vipers or alternatively Los Alacranes The Scorpions somewhere off Jamaica 52 There were just twenty survivors from the wreck including Captain Valdivia Geronimo de Aguilar and Gonzalo Guerrero 54 They set themselves adrift in one of the ship s boats with bad oars and no sail after thirteen days during which half of the survivors died they made landfall upon the coast of Yucatan 52 There they were seized by Halach Uinik a Maya lord Captain Valdivia was sacrificed with four of his companions and their flesh was served at a feast Aguilar and Guerrero were held prisoner and fattened for killing together with five or six of their shipmates Aguilar and Guerrero managed to escape their captors and fled to a neighbouring lord who was an enemy of Halach Uinik he took them prisoner and kept them as slaves After a time Gonzalo Guerrero was passed as a slave to the lord Nachan Can of Chetumal Guerrero became completely Mayanised and served his new lord with such loyalty that he was married to one of Nachan Chan s daughters Zazil Ha by whom he had three children By 1514 Guerrero had achieved the rank of nacom a war leader who served against Nachan Chan s enemies 55 Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba 1517 editMain article Hernandez de Cordoba expedition nbsp Francisco Hernandez de CordobaIn 1517 Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba set sail from Cuba with a small fleet 56 consisting of two caravels and a brigantine 57 with the dual intention of exploration and of rounding up slaves 56 The experienced Anton de Alaminos served as pilot he had previously served as pilot under Christopher Columbus on his final voyage Also among the approximately 100 strong expedition members was Bernal Diaz del Castillo 58 The expedition sailed west from Cuba for three weeks and weathered a two day storm a week before sighting the coast of the northeastern tip of the Yucatan Peninsula The ships could not put in close to the shore due to the shallowness of the coastal waters However they could see a Maya city some two leagues inland upon a low hill The Spanish called it Gran Cairo literally Great Cairo due to its size and its pyramids 57 Although the location is not now known with certainty it is believed that this first sighting of Yucatan was at Isla Mujeres 59 The following morning the Spanish sent the two ships with a shallower draught to find a safe approach through the shallows 57 The caravels anchored about one league from the shore 44 Ten large canoes powered by both sails and oars rowed out to meet the Spanish ships Over thirty Maya boarded the vessels and mixed freely with the Spaniards The Maya visitors accepted gifts of beads and the leader indicated with signs that they would return to take the Spanish ashore the following day 57 The Maya leader returned the following day with twelve canoes as promised The Spanish could see from afar that the shore was packed with natives The conquistadors put ashore in the brigantine and the ships boats a few of the more daring Spaniards boarded the native canoes The Spanish named the headland Cape Catoche after some words spoken by the Maya leader which sounded to the Spanish like cones catoche Once ashore the Spaniards clustered loosely together and advanced towards the city along a path among low scrub covered hillocks At this point the Maya leader gave a shout and the Spanish party was ambushed by Maya warriors armed with spears bows and arrows and stones Thirteen Spaniards were injured by arrows in the first assault but the conquistadors regrouped and repulsed the Maya attack They advanced to a small plaza bordered by temples upon the outskirts of the city 44 When the Spaniards ransacked the temples they found a number of low grade gold items which filled them with enthusiasm The expedition captured two Mayas to be used as interpreters and retreated to the ships Over the following days the Spanish discovered that although the Maya arrows had struck with little force the flint arrowheads tended to shatter on impact causing infected wounds and a slow death two of the wounded Spaniards died from the arrow wounds inflicted in the ambush 60 nbsp Early 16th century European caravelOver the next fifteen days the fleet slowly followed the coastline west and then south 60 The casks brought from Cuba were leaking and the expedition was now running dangerously low on fresh water the hunt for more became an overriding priority as the expedition advanced and shore parties searching for water were left dangerously exposed because the ships could not pull close to the shore due to the shallows 61 On 23 February 1517 59 the day of Saint Lazarus another city was spotted and named San Lazaro by the Spanish it is now known by its original Maya name Campeche A large contingent put ashore in the brigantine and the ships boats to fill their water casks in a freshwater pool They were approached by about fifty finely dressed and unarmed Indians while the water was being loaded into the boats they questioned the Spaniards as to their purpose by means of signs The Spanish party then accepted an invitation to enter the city 62 They were led amongst large buildings until they stood before a blood caked altar where many of the city s inhabitants crowded around The Indians piled reeds before the visitors this act was followed by a procession of armed Maya warriors in full war paint followed by ten Maya priests The Maya set fire to the reeds and indicated that the Spanish would be killed if they were not gone by the time the reeds had been consumed The Spanish party withdrew in defensive formation to the shore and rapidly boarded their boats to retreat to the safety of the ships 63 The small fleet continued for six more days in fine weather followed by four stormy days 64 By this time water was once again dangerously short 65 The ships spotted an inlet close to another city 66 Champoton 59 and a landing party discovered fresh water Armed Maya warriors approached from the city while the water casks were being filled Communication was once again attempted with signs Night fell by the time the water casks had been filled and the attempts at communication concluded In the darkness the Spaniards could hear the movements of large numbers of Maya warriors They decided that a night time retreat would be too risky instead they posted guards and waited for dawn At sunrise the Spanish saw that they had been surrounded by a sizeable army The massed Maya warriors launched an assault with missiles including arrows darts and stones they then charged into hand to hand combat with spears and clubs Eighty of the defenders were wounded in the initial barrage of missiles and two Spaniards were captured in the frantic melee that followed All of the Spanish party received wounds including Hernandez de Cordoba The Spanish regrouped in a defensive formation and forced passage to the shore where their discipline collapsed and a frantic scramble for the boats ensued leaving the Spanish vulnerable to the pursuing Maya warriors who waded into the sea behind them 66 Most of the precious water casks were abandoned on the beach 67 When the surviving Spanish reached the safety of the ships they realised that they had lost over fifty men more than half their number 66 Five men died from their wounds in the following days 68 The battle had lasted only an hour 67 and the Spanish named the locale as the Coast of the Disastrous Battle They were now far from help and low on supplies too many men had been lost and injured to sail all three ships back to Cuba They decided to abandon their smallest ship the brigantine although it was purchased on credit from Governor Velasquez of Cuba 67 nbsp Governor Diego Velazquez de Cuellar claimed the discovery of wealthy cities and gold in YucatanThe few men who had not been wounded because they were manning the ships during the battle were reinforced with three men who had suffered relatively minor wounds they put ashore at a remote beach to dig for water They found some and brought it back to the ships although it sickened those who drank it 69 The two ships sailed through a storm for two days and nights Alaminos the pilot then steered a course for Florida where they found good drinking water although they lost one man to the local Indians and another drank so much water that he died The ships finally made port in Cuba where Hernandez de Cordoba wrote a report to Governor Velazquez describing the voyage the cities the plantations and most importantly the discovery of gold Hernandez died soon after from his wounds 70 The two captured Maya survived the voyage to Cuba and were interrogated they swore that there was abundant gold in Yucatan 71 Based upon Hernandez de Cordoba s report and the testimony of the interrogated Indian prisoners Governor Velazquez wrote to the Council of the Indies notifying it of his discovery 71 Juan de Grijalva 1518 editDiego Velazquez de Cuellar the governor of Cuba was enthused by Hernandez de Cordoba s report of gold in Yucatan 59 He organised a new expedition consisting of four ships and 240 men 71 He placed his nephew Juan de Grijalva in command Francisco de Montejo who would eventually conquer much of the peninsula was captain of one of the ships 72 Pedro de Alvarado and Alonso d Avila captained the other ships 73 Bernal Diaz del Castillo served on the crew he was able to secure a place on the expedition as a favour from the governor who was his kinsman 74 Anton de Alaminos once again served as pilot 75 Governor Velazquez provided all four ships in an attempt to protect his claim over the peninsula 71 The small fleet was stocked with crossbows muskets barter goods salted pork and cassava bread 76 Grijalva also took one of the captured Indians from the Hernandez expedition 74 nbsp Juan de Grijalva nbsp The coast of Cozumel was Grijalva s first sight of Yucatan The fleet left Cuba in April 1518 75 and made its first landfall upon the island of Cozumel 74 off the east coast of Yucatan 75 The Maya inhabitants of Cozumel fled the Spanish and would not respond to Grijalva s friendly overtures The fleet sailed south from Cozumel along the east coast of the peninsula 77 The Spanish spotted three large Maya cities along the coast one of which was probably Tulum On Ascension Thursday the fleet discovered a large bay which the Spanish named Bahia de la Ascension 75 Grijalva did not land at any of these cities and turned back north from Ascension Bay He looped around the north of the Yucatan Peninsula to sail down the west coast 77 At Campeche the Spanish tried to barter for water but the Maya refused so Grijalva opened fire against the city with small cannon the inhabitants fled allowing the Spanish to take the abandoned city Messages were sent with a few Maya who had been too slow to escape but the Maya remained hidden in the forest The Spanish boarded their ships and continued along the coast 74 At Champoton where the inhabitants had routed Hernandez and his men the fleet was approached by a small number of large war canoes but the ships cannon soon put them to flight 74 At the mouth of the Tabasco River the Spanish sighted massed warriors and canoes but the natives did not approach 78 By means of interpreters Grijalva indicated that he wished to trade and bartered wine and beads in exchange for food and other supplies From the natives they received a few gold trinkets and news of the riches of the Aztec Empire to the west The expedition continued far enough to confirm the reality of the gold rich empire 79 sailing as far north as Panuco River As the fleet returned to Cuba the Spanish attacked Champoton to avenge the previous year s defeat of the Spanish expedition led by Hernandez One Spaniard was killed and fifty were wounded in the ensuing battle including Grijalva Grijalva put into the port of Havana five months after he had left 75 Hernan Cortes 1519 edit nbsp Hernan Cortes followed the Yucatan coast on his way to conquer the Aztecs Juan de Grijalva s return aroused great interest in Cuba and Yucatan was believed to be a land of riches waiting to be plundered A new expedition was organised with a fleet of eleven ships carrying 500 men and some horses Hernan Cortes was placed in command and his crew included officers that would become famous conquistadors including Pedro de Alvarado Cristobal de Olid Gonzalo de Sandoval and Diego de Ordaz Also aboard were Francisco de Montejo and Bernal Diaz del Castillo veterans of the Grijalva expedition 75 The fleet made its first landfall at Cozumel and Cortes remained there for several days Maya temples were cast down and a Christian cross was put up on one of them 75 At Cozumel Cortes heard rumours of bearded men on the Yucatan mainland who he presumed were Europeans 80 Cortes sent out messengers to them and was able to rescue the shipwrecked Geronimo de Aguilar who had been enslaved by a Maya lord Aguilar had learnt the Yucatec Maya language and became Cortes interpreter 81 From Cozumel the fleet looped around the north of the Yucatan Peninsula and followed the coast to the Tabasco River which Cortes renamed as the Grijalva River in honour of the Spanish captain who had discovered it 82 In Tabasco Cortes anchored his ships at Potonchan 83 a Chontal Maya town 84 The Maya prepared for battle but the Spanish horses and firearms quickly decided the outcome 83 The defeated Chontal Maya lords offered gold food clothing and a group of young women in tribute to the victors 83 Among these women was a young Maya noblewoman called Malintzin 83 who was given the Spanish name Marina She spoke Maya and Nahuatl and became the means by which Cortes was able to communicate with the Aztecs 82 Marina became Cortes consort and eventually bore him a son 83 From Tabasco Cortes continued to Cempoala in Veracruz a subject city of the Aztec Empire 83 and from there on to conquer the Aztecs 85 In 1519 Cortes sent the veteran Francisco de Montejo back to Spain with treasure for the king While he was in Spain Montejo pleaded Cortes cause against the supporters of Diego de Velasquez Montejo remained in Spain for seven years and eventually succeeded in acquiring the hereditary military title of adelantado 86 Hernan Cortes in the Maya lowlands 1524 25 editIn 1524 82 after the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire Hernan Cortes led an expedition to Honduras over land cutting across Acalan in southern Campeche and the Itza kingdom in what is now the northern Peten Department of Guatemala 87 His aim was to subdue the rebellious Cristobal de Olid whom he had sent to conquer Honduras Olid had however set himself up independently on his arrival in that territory 82 Cortes left Tenochtitlan on 12 October 1524 with 140 Spanish soldiers 93 of them mounted 3 000 Mexican warriors 150 horses a herd of pigs artillery munitions and other supplies He also had with him the captured Aztec emperor Cuauhtemoc and Cohuanacox and Tetlepanquetzal the captive Aztec lords of Texcoco and Tlacopan Cortes marched into Maya territory in Tabasco the army crossed the Usumacinta River near Tenosique and crossed into the Chontal Maya province of Acalan where he recruited 600 Chontal Maya carriers In Acalan Cortes believed that the captive Aztec lords were plotting against him and he ordered Cuauhtemoc and Tetlepanquetzal to be hanged Cortes and his army left Acalan on 5 March 1525 27 The expedition passed onwards through Kejache territory and reported that the Kejache towns were situated in easily defensible locations and were often fortified 88 One of these was built on a rocky outcrop near a lake and a river that fed into it The town was fortified with a wooden palisade and was surrounded by a moat Cortes reported that the town of Tiac was even larger and was fortified with walls watchtowers and earthworks the town itself was divided into three individually fortified districts Tiac was said to have been at war with the unnamed smaller town 89 The Kejache claimed that their towns were fortified against the attacks of their aggressive Itza neighbours 90 They arrived at the north shore of Lake Peten Itza on 13 March 1525 27 The Roman Catholic priests accompanying the expedition celebrated mass in the presence of Aj Kan Ekʼ the king of the Itza who was said to be so impressed that he pledged to worship the cross and to destroy his idols 91 Cortes accepted an invitation from Kan Ekʼ to visit Nojpeten also known as Tayasal and crossed to the Maya city with 20 Spanish soldiers while the rest of his army continued around the lake to meet him on the south shore 92 On his departure from Nojpeten Cortes left behind a cross and a lame horse that the Itza treated as a deity attempting to feed it poultry meat and flowers but the animal soon died 93 The Spanish did not officially contact the Itza again until the arrival of Franciscan priests in 1618 when Cortes cross was said to still be standing at Nojpeten 87 From the lake Cortes continued south along the western slopes of the Maya Mountains a particularly arduous journey that took 12 days to cover 32 kilometres 20 mi during which he lost more than two thirds of his horses When he came to a river swollen with the constant torrential rains that had been falling during the expedition Cortes turned upstream to the Gracias a Dios rapids which took two days to cross and cost him more horses 91 On 15 April 1525 the expedition arrived at the Maya village of Tenciz With local guides they headed into the hills north of Lake Izabal where their guides abandoned them to their fate The expedition became lost in the hills and came close to starvation before they captured a Maya boy who led them to safety 91 Cortes found a village on the shore of Lake Izabal perhaps Xocolo He crossed the Dulce River to the settlement of Nito somewhere on the Amatique Bay 94 with about a dozen companions and waited there for the rest of his army to regroup over the next week 91 By this time the remnants of the expedition had been reduced to a few hundred Cortes succeeded in contacting the Spaniards he was searching for only to find that Cristobal de Olid s own officers had already put down his rebellion Cortes then returned to Mexico by sea 95 Francisco de Montejo 1527 1528 edit nbsp Monument in Merida to Montejo the Elder and his son Montejo the YoungerThe richer lands of Mexico engaged the main attention of the conquistadors for some years then in 1526 Francisco de Montejo a veteran of the Grijalva and Cortes expeditions 86 successfully petitioned the King of Spain for the right to conquer Yucatan On 8 December of that year he was issued with the hereditary military title of adelantado and permission to colonise the Yucatan Peninsula 96 In 1527 he left Spain with 400 men in four ships with horses small arms cannon and provisions 97 He set sail for Santo Domingo where more supplies and horses were collected 98 allowing Montejo to increase his cavalry to fifty 99 One of the ships was left at Santo Domingo as a supply ship to provide later support the other ships set sail and reached Cozumel in the second half of September 1527 Montejo was received in peace by the lord of Cozumel Aj Naum Pat but the ships only stopped briefly before making for the Yucatan coast The expedition made landfall somewhere near Xelha in the Maya province of Ekab 98 in what is now Mexico s Quintana Roo state 100 Montejo garrisoned Xelha with 40 soldiers under his second in command Alonso d Avila and posted 20 more at nearby Pole 98 Xelha was renamed Salamanca de Xelha and became the first Spanish settlement on the peninsula The provisions were soon exhausted and additional food was seized from the local Maya villagers this too was soon consumed Many local Maya fled into the forest and Spanish raiding parties scoured the surrounding area for food finding little 101 With discontent growing among his men Montejo took the drastic step of burning his ships this strengthened the resolve of his troops who gradually acclimatised to the harsh conditions of Yucatan 102 Montejo was able to get more food from the still friendly Aj Nuam Pat when the latter made a visit to the mainland 101 Montejo took 125 men and set out on an expedition to explore the north eastern portion of the Yucatan peninsula His expedition passed through the towns of Xamanha Mochis and Belma none of which survives today nb 1 At Belma Montejo gathered the leaders of the nearby Maya towns and ordered them to swear loyalty to the Spanish Crown After this Montejo led his men to Conil a town in Ekab that was described as having 5 000 houses where the Spanish party halted for two months 98 In the spring of 1528 Montejo left Conil for the city of Chauaca which was abandoned by its Maya inhabitants under cover of darkness The following morning the inhabitants attacked the Spanish party but were defeated The Spanish then continued to Ake some 16 kilometres 9 9 mi north of Tizimin where they engaged in a major battle against the Maya killing more than 1 200 of them After this Spanish victory the neighbouring Maya leaders all surrendered Montejo s party then continued to Sisia and Loche before heading back to Xelha 98 Montejo arrived at Xelha with only 60 of his party and found that only 12 of his 40 man garrison survived while the garrison at Pole had been entirely wiped out 104 The support ship eventually arrived from Santo Domingo and Montejo used it to sail south along the coast while he sent Avila over land Montejo discovered the thriving port city of Chaktumal capital of the Chetumal Province 105 At Chaktumal Montejo learnt that shipwrecked Spanish sailor Gonzalo Guerrero was in the region and Montejo sent messages to him inviting him to return to join his compatriots but the Mayanised Guerrero declined 106 The Maya at Chaktumal fed false information to the Spanish and Montejo was unable to find Avila and link up with him Avila returned overland to Xelha and transferred the fledgling Spanish colony to nearby Xamanha 106 modern Playa del Carmen which Montejo considered to be a better port 107 After waiting for Avila without result Montejo sailed south as far as the Ulua River in Honduras before turning around and heading back up the coast to finally meet up with his lieutenant at Xamanha Late in 1528 Montejo left Avila to oversee Xamanha and sailed north to loop around the Yucatan Peninsula and head for the Spanish colony of New Spain in central Mexico 106 Francisco de Montejo and Alonso d Avila 1531 1535 editMontejo was appointed alcalde mayor a local colonial governor of Tabasco in 1529 and pacified that province with the aid of his son also named Francisco de Montejo Alonso d Avila was sent from eastern Yucatan to conquer Acalan which extended southeast of the Laguna de Terminos 106 Montejo the Younger founded Salamanca de Xicalango as a base of operations In 1530 Avila established Salamanca de Acalan as a base from which to launch new attempts to conquer Yucatan 107 Salamanca de Acalan proved a disappointment with no gold for the taking and with lower levels of population than had been hoped Avila soon abandoned the new settlement and set off across the lands of the Kejache to Champoton arriving there towards the end of 1530 108 During a colonial power struggle in Tabasco the elder Montejo was imprisoned for a time Upon his release he met up with his son in Xicalango Tabasco and they then both rejoined Avila at Champoton 106 In 1531 Montejo moved his base of operations to Campeche 109 Alonso d Avila was sent overland to Chauaca in the east of the peninsula passing through Mani where he was well received by the Xiu Maya Avila continued southeast to Chetumal where he founded the Spanish town of Villa Real Royal Town The local Maya fiercely resisted the placement of the new Spanish colony and Avila and his men were forced to abandon Villa Real and make for Honduras in canoes 106 At Campeche the Maya amassed a strong force and attacked the city the Spanish were able to fight them off a battle in which the elder Montejo was almost killed 110 Aj Canul the lord of the attacking Maya surrendered to the Spanish After this battle the younger Francisco de Montejo was despatched to the northern Cupul province where the lord Naabon Cupul reluctantly allowed him to found the Spanish town of Ciudad Real at Chichen Itza Montejo carved up the province amongst his soldiers and gave each of his men two to three thousand Maya in encomienda After six months of Spanish rule Cupul dissatisfaction could no longer be contained and Naabon Cupul was killed during a failed attempt to kill Montejo the Younger The death of their lord only served to inflame Cupul anger and in mid 1533 they laid siege to the small Spanish garrison at Chichen Itza Montejo the Younger abandoned Ciudad Real by night after arranging a distraction for their attackers and he and his men fled west where the Chel Pech and Xiu provinces remained obedient to Spanish rule Montejo the Younger was received in friendship by Namux Chel the lord of the Chel province at Dzilam In the spring of 1534 he rejoined his father in the Chakan province at Dzikabal near Tʼho the modern city of Merida 111 While his son had been attempting to consolidate the Spanish control of Cupul Francisco de Montejo the Elder had met the Xiu ruler at Mani The Xiu Maya maintained their friendship with the Spanish throughout the conquest and Spanish authority was eventually established over Yucatan in large part due to Xiu support The Montejos after reuniting at Dzikabal founded a new Spanish town at Dzilam although the Spanish suffered hardships there 111 Montejo the Elder returned to Campeche where he was received with friendship by the local Maya He was accompanied by the friendly Chel lord Namux Chel who travelled on horseback and two of the lord s cousins who were taken in chains 112 Francisco de Montejo the Younger remained behind in Dzilam to continue his attempts at conquest of the region but finding the situation too difficult he soon retreated to Campeche to rejoin his father and Alonso d Avila who had returned to Campeche shortly before Montejo the Younger Around this time the news began to arrive of Francisco Pizarro s conquests in Peru and the rich plunder that his soldiers were taking there undermining the morale of Montejo s already disenchanted band of followers Montejo s soldiers began to abandon him to seek their fortune elsewhere in seven years of attempted conquest in the northern provinces of the Yucatan Peninsula very little gold had been found Towards the end of 1534 or the beginning of the next year Montejo the Elder and his son retreated from Campeche to Veracruz taking their remaining soldiers with them 113 Montejo the Elder became embroiled in colonial infighting over the right to rule Honduras a claim that put him in conflict with Pedro de Alvarado captain general of Guatemala who also claimed Honduras as part of his jurisdiction Alvarado s claim ultimately turned out successful In Montejo the Elder s absence first in central Mexico and then in Honduras Montejo the Younger acted as lieutenant governor and captain general in Tabasco 113 Conflict at Champoton edit The Franciscan friar Jacobo de Testera arrived in Champoton in 1535 to attempt the peaceful incorporation of Yucatan into the Spanish Empire Testera had been assured by the Spanish authorities that no military activity would be undertaken in Yucatan while he was attempting its conversion to the Roman Catholic faith and that no soldiers would be permitted to enter the peninsula His initial efforts were proving successful when Captain Lorenzo de Godoy arrived in Champoton at the command of soldiers despatched there by Montejo the Younger Godoy and Testera were soon in conflict and the friar was forced to abandon Champoton and return to central Mexico 113 Godoy s attempt to subdue the Maya around Champoton was unsuccessful and the local Kowoj Maya resisted his attempts to assert Spanish dominance of the region 114 This resistance was sufficiently tenacious that Montejo the Younger sent his cousin from Tabasco to Champoton to take command His diplomatic overtures to the Champoton Kowoj were successful and they submitted to Spanish rule Champoton was the last Spanish outpost in the Yucatan Peninsula it was increasingly isolated and the situation there became difficult 115 Conquest and settlement in northern Yucatan 1540 1546 editSee also 1543 1544 Pachecos entrada nbsp Ruins of a mission church built by the Spanish in Dzibilchaltun ca 1590 1600 from the stone taken from the nearby Maya temples nbsp Colonial coat of arms of YucatanIn 1540 Francisco de Montejo the Elder who was now in his late 60s turned his royal rights to colonise Yucatan over to his son Francisco de Montejo the Younger In early 1541 Montejo the Younger joined his cousin in Champoton he did not remain there long and quickly moved his forces to Campeche Once there Montejo the Younger commanding between 300 and 400 Spanish soldiers established the first permanent Spanish town council in the Yucatan Peninsula Shortly after establishing the Spanish presence in Campeche Montejo the Younger summoned the local Maya lords and commanded them to submit to the Spanish Crown A number of lords submitted peacefully including the ruler of the Xiu Maya The lord of the Canul Maya refused to submit and Montejo the Younger sent his cousin against them Montejo himself remained in Campeche awaiting reinforcements 115 Montejo the Younger s cousin met the Canul Maya at Chakan not far from Tʼho On 6 January 1542 he founded the second permanent town council calling the new colonial town Merida On 23 January Tutul Xiu the lord of Mani approached the Spanish encampment at Merida in peace bearing sorely needed food supplies He expressed interest in the Spanish religion and witnessed a Roman Catholic mass celebrated for his benefit Tutul Xiu was greatly impressed and converted to the new religion he was baptised as Melchor and stayed with the Spanish at Merida for two months receiving instruction in the Catholic faith Tutul Xiu was the ruler of the most powerful province of northern Yucatan and his submission to Spain and conversion to Christianity had repercussions throughout the peninsula and encouraged the lords of the western provinces of the peninsula to accept Spanish rule 115 The eastern provinces continued to resist Spanish overtures 116 Montejo the Younger next sent his cousin to Chauaca where most of the eastern lords greeted him in peace The Cochua Maya resisted fiercely but were soon defeated by the Spanish The Cupul Maya also rose up against the newly imposed Spanish domination and also their opposition was quickly put down Montejo continued to the eastern Ekab province reaching the east coast at Pole Stormy weather prevented the Spanish from crossing to Cozumel and nine Spaniards drowned in the attempted crossing Another Spanish conquistador was killed by hostile Maya Rumours of this setback grew in the telling and both the Cupul and Cochua provinces once again rose up against their would be European overlords The Spanish hold on the eastern portion of the peninsula remained tenuous and a number of Maya polities remained independent including Chetumal Cochua Cupul Sotuta and the Tazes 116 On 8 November 1546 an alliance of eastern provinces launched a coordinated uprising against the Spanish 116 The provinces of Cupul Cochua Sotuta Tazes Uaymil Chetumal and Chikinchel united in a concerted effort to drive the invaders from the peninsula the uprising lasted four months 117 Eighteen Spaniards were surprised in the eastern towns and were sacrificed A contemporary account described the slaughter of over 400 allied Maya as well as livestock Merida and Campeche were forewarned of the impending attack Montejo the Younger and his cousin were in Campeche Montejo the Elder arrived in Merida from Chiapas in December 1546 with reinforcements gathered from Champoton and Campeche The rebellious eastern Maya were finally defeated in a single battle in which twenty Spaniards and several hundred allied Maya were killed This battle marked the final conquest of the northern portion of the Yucatan Peninsula 116 As a result of the uprising and the Spanish response many of the Maya inhabitants of the eastern and southern territories fled to the still unconquered Peten Basin in the extreme south of the peninsula The Spanish only achieved dominance in the north and the polities of Peten remained independent and continued to receive many refugees from the north 118 Peten Basin 1618 1697 editMain article Spanish conquest of Peten The Peten Basin covers an area that is now part of Guatemala in colonial times it originally fell under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Yucatan before being transferred to the jurisdiction of the Audiencia Real of Guatemala in 1703 119 The Itza kingdom centred upon Lake Peten Itza had been visited by Hernan Cortes on his march to Honduras in 1525 87 Early 17th century edit nbsp 17th century entry routes to PetenFollowing Cortes visit no Spanish attempted to visit the warlike Itza inhabitants of Nojpeten for almost a hundred years In 1618 two Franciscan friars set out from Merida on a mission to attempt the peaceful conversion of the still pagan Itza in central Peten Bartolome de Fuensalida and Juan de Orbita were accompanied by some Christianised Maya 120 After an arduous six month journey the travellers were well received at Nojpeten by the current Kan Ekʼ They stayed for some days in an attempt to evangelise the Itza but the Aj Kan Ekʼ refused to renounce his Maya religion although he showed interest in the masses held by the Catholic missionaries Attempts to convert the Itza failed and the friars left Nojpeten on friendly terms with Kan Ekʼ 120 The friars returned in October 1619 and again Kan Ekʼ welcomed them in a friendly manner but this time the Maya priesthood were hostile and the missionaries were expelled without food or water but survived the journey back to Merida 121 In March 1622 the governor of Yucatan Diego de Cardenas ordered Captain Francisco de Mirones y Lezcano to launch an assault upon the Itza he set out from Yucatan with 20 Spanish soldiers and 80 Mayas from Yucatan 122 His expedition was later joined by Franciscan friar Diego Delgado 121 In May the expedition advanced to Sakalum southwest of Bacalar where there was a lengthy delay while they waited for reinforcements 123 En route to Nojpeten Delgado believed that the soldiers treatment of the Maya was excessively cruel and he left the expedition to make his own way to Nojpeten with eighty Christianised Maya from Tipuj in Belize 121 In the meantime the Itza had learnt of the approaching military expedition and had become hardened against further Spanish missionary attempts 124 When Mirones learnt of Delgado s departure he sent 13 soldiers to persuade him to return or continue as his escort should he refuse The soldiers caught up with him just before Tipuj but he was determined to reach Nojpeten 125 From Tipuj Delgado sent a messenger to Kan Ekʼ asking permission to travel to Nojpeten the Itza king replied with a promise of safe passage for the missionary and his companions The party was initially received in peace at the Itza capital 126 but as soon as the Spanish soldiers let their guard down the Itza seized and bound the new arrivals 127 The soldiers were sacrificed to the Maya gods 128 After their sacrifice the Itza took Delgado cut his heart out and dismembered him they displayed his head on a stake with the others 129 The fortune of the leader of Delgado s Maya companions was no better With no word from Delgado s escort Mirones sent two Spanish soldiers with a Maya scout to learn their fate When they arrived upon the shore of Lake Peten Itza the Itza took them across to their island capital and imprisoned them Bernardino Ek the scout escaped and returned to Mirones with the news 127 Soon afterwards on 27 January 1624 an Itza war party led by AjKʼin Pʼol caught Mirones and his soldiers off guard and unarmed in the church at Sakalum 130 and killed them all 121 Spanish reinforcements arrived too late A number of local Maya men and women were killed by Spanish attackers who also burned the town 131 Following these killings Spanish garrisons were stationed in several towns in southern Yucatan and rewards were offered for the whereabouts of AjKʼin Pʼol The Maya governor of Oxkutzcab Fernando Kamal set out with 150 Maya archers to track the warleader down they succeeded in capturing the Itza captain and his followers together with silverware from the looted Sakalum church and items belonging to Mirones The prisoners were taken back to the Spanish Captain Antonio Mendez de Canzo interrogated under torture tried and condemned to be hanged drawn and quartered They were decapitated and the heads were displayed in the plazas of towns throughout the colonial Partido de la Sierra in what is now Mexico s Yucatan state 132 These events ended all Spanish attempts to contact the Itza until 1695 121 In the 1640s internal strife in Spain distracted the government from attempts to conquer unknown lands the Spanish Crown lacked the time money or interest in such colonial adventures for the next four decades 133 Late 17th century edit In 1692 Basque nobleman Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi proposed to the Spanish king the construction of a road from Merida southwards to link with the Guatemalan colony in the process reducing any independent native populations into colonial congregaciones this was part of a greater plan to subjugate the Lakandon Chʼol and Manche Chʼol of southern Peten and the upper reaches of the Usumacinta River The original plan was for the province of Yucatan to build the northern section and for Guatemala to build the southern portion with both meeting somewhere in Chʼol territory the plan was later modified to pass further east through the kingdom of the Itza 134 As governor of Yucatan 1695 1696 now Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi began to build the road from Campeche south towards Peten 121 At the beginning of March 1695 Captain Alonso Garcia de Paredes led a group of 50 Spanish soldiers accompanied by native guides muleteers and labourers 135 The expedition advanced south into Kejache territory which began at Chunpich about 5 kilometres 3 1 mi north of the modern border between Mexico and Guatemala 136 He rounded up some natives to be moved into colonial settlements but met with armed Kejache resistance Garcia de Paredes decided to retreat around the middle of April 137 In March 1695 Captain Juan Diaz de Velasco set out from Cahabon in Alta Verapaz Guatemala with 70 Spanish soldiers accompanied by a large number of Maya archers from Verapaz native muleteers and four Dominican friars 138 The Spanish pressed ahead to Lake Peten Itza and engaged in a series of fierce skirmishes with Itza hunting parties 139 At the lakeshore within sight of Nojpeten the Spanish encountered such a large force of Itzas that they retreated south back to their main camp 140 Interrogation of an Itza prisoner revealed that the Itza kingdom was in a state of high alert to repel the Spanish 141 the expedition almost immediately withdrew back to Cahabon 142 In mid May 1695 Garcia de Paredes again marched southwards from Campeche 142 with 115 Spanish soldiers and 150 Maya musketeers plus Maya labourers and muleteers the final tally was more than 400 people which was regarded as a considerable army in the impoverished Yucatan province 143 Ursua also ordered two companies of Maya musketeers from Tekʼax and Oxkʼutzkabʼ to join the expedition at Bʼolonchʼen Kawich some 60 kilometres 37 mi southeast of the city of Campeche 144 At the end of May three friars were assigned to join the Spanish force accompanied by a lay brother A second group of Franciscans would continue onwards independently to Nojpeten to make contact with the Itzas it was led by friar Andres de Avendano who was accompanied by another friar and a lay brother 145 Garcia de Paredes ordered the construction of a fort at Chuntuki some 25 leagues approximately 65 miles or 105 km north of Lake Peten Itza which would serve as the main military base for the Camino Real Royal Road project 146 A company of native musketeers from the town of Sajkabʼchen or Sahcabchen in Campeche pushed ahead with the road builders from Tzuktzokʼ to the first Kejache town at Chunpich which the Kejache had fled The company s officers sent for reinforcements from Garcia de Paredes at Tzuktokʼ but before any could arrive some 25 Kejache returned to Chunpich with baskets to collect their abandoned food The nervous Sajkabʼchen sentries feared that the residents were returning en masse and discharged their muskets at them with both groups then retreating The musketeer company then arrived to reinforce their sentries and charged into battle against approaching Kejache archers Several musketeers were injured in the ensuing skirmish and the Kejache retreated along a forest path without injury The Sajkabʼchen company followed the path and found two more deserted settlements with large amounts of abandoned food They seized the food and retreated back along the path 147 Around 3 August Garcia de Paredes moved his entire army forward to Chunpich 148 and by October Spanish soldiers had established themselves near the source of the San Pedro River 149 By November Tzuktokʼ was garrisoned with 86 soldiers and more at Chuntuki In December 1695 the main force was reinforced with 250 soldiers of which 150 were Spanish and pardo descendants of Southern Europeans Amerindians and West Africans and 100 were Maya together with labourers and muleteers 150 Avendano s expedition June 1695 edit In May 1695 friar Antonio de Silva the provincial superior of the Franciscan Order in Yucatan had appointed two groups of Franciscans to head for Peten the first group was to join up with Garcia de Parede s military expedition The second group was to head for Lake Peten Itza independently This second group was headed by friar Andres de Avendano Avendano was accompanied by another friar a lay brother and six Christian Maya 151 This latter group left Merida on 2 June 1695 152 Avendano continued south along the course of the new road finding increasing evidence of Spanish military activity The Franciscans overtook Garcia de Paredes at Bʼukʼte about 12 kilometres 7 5 mi before Tzuktokʼ 153 On 3 August Garcia de Paredes advanced to Chunpich but tried to persuade Avendano to stay behind to minister to the prisoners from Bʼukʼte Avendano instead split his group and left in secret with just four Christian Maya companions 154 seeking the Chunpich Kejache that had attacked one of Garcia de Parede s advance companies and had now retreated into the forest 155 He was unable to find the Kejache but did manage to get information regarding a path that led southwards to the Itza kingdom Avendano returned to Tzuktokʼ and reconsidered his plans the Franciscans were short of supplies and the forcefully congregated Maya that they were charged with converting were disappearing back into the forest daily 156 Antonio de Silva ordered Avendano to return to Merida and he arrived there on 17 September 1695 157 Meanwhile the other group of Franciscans led by Juan de San Buenaventura Chavez continued following the roadbuilders into Kejache territory through IxBʼam Bʼatkabʼ and Chuntuki modern Chuntunqui near Carmelita Peten 158 San Buenaventura among the Kejache September November 1695 edit Juan de San Buenaventura s small group of Franciscans arrived in Chuntuki on 30 August 1695 and found that the army had opened the road southwards for another seventeen leagues approximately 44 2 miles or 71 1 km almost half way to Lake Peten Itza but returned to Chuntuki due to the seasonal rains 159 San Buenaventura was accompanied by two friars and a lay brother 160 With Avendano s return to Merida provincial superior Antonio de Silva despatched two additional friars to join San Buenaventura s group One of these was to convert the Kejache in Tzuktokʼ and the other was to do the same at Chuntuki 161 On 24 October San Buenaventura wrote to the provincial superior reporting that the warlike Kejache were now pacified and that they had told him that the Itza were ready to receive the Spanish in friendship 162 On that day 62 Kejache men had voluntarily come to Chuntuki from Pakʼekʼem where another 300 Kejache resided 163 In early November 1695 friar Tomas de Alcoser and brother Lucas de San Francisco were sent to establish a mission at Pakʼekʼem where they were well received by the cacique native chief and his pagan priest Pakʼekʼem was sufficiently far from the new Spanish road that it was free from military interference and the friars oversaw the building of a church in what was the largest mission town in Kejache territory A second church was built at Bʼatkabʼ to attend to over 100 Kejache refugees who had been gathered there under the stewardship of a Spanish friar 164 a further church was established at Tzuktokʼ overseen by another friar 165 Avendano s expedition December 1695 January 1696 edit Franciscan friar Andres de Avendano left Merida on 13 December 1695 and arrived in Nojpeten around 14 January 1696 accompanied by four companions 166 From Chuntuki they followed an Indian trail that led them past the source of the San Pedro River and across steep karst hills to a watering hole by some ruins 167 From there they followed the small Acte River to a Chakʼan Itza town called Saklemakal 168 They arrived at the western end of Lake Peten Itza to an enthusiastic welcome by the local Itza 169 The following day the current Aj Kan Ekʼ travelled across the lake with 80 canoes to greet the visitors at the Chakʼan Itza a subgroup of the Itza port town of Chʼichʼ on the west shore of Lake Peten Itza 170 The Franciscans returned to Nojpeten with Kan Ekʼ and baptised over 300 Itza children over the following four days Avendano tried to convince Kan Ekʼ to convert to Christianity and surrender to the Spanish Crown without success 169 The king of the Itza cited Itza prophecy and said the time was not yet right 169 On 19 January AjKowoj the king of the Kowoj arrived at Nojpeten and spoke with Avendano 171 arguing against the acceptance of Christianity and Spanish rule 172 The discussions between Avendano Kan Ekʼ and AjKowoj exposed deep divisions among the Itza 173 Kan Ekʼ learnt of a plot by the Kowoj and their allies to ambush and kill the Franciscans and the Itza king advised them to return to Merida via Tipuj 174 The Spanish friars became lost and suffered great hardships including the death of one of Avendano s companions 175 but after a month wandering in the forest found their way back to Chuntuki and from there returned to Merida 176 Battle at Chʼichʼ 2 February 1696 edit By mid January Captain Garcia de Paredes had arrived at the advance portion of the Camino Real at Chuntuki 177 By now he only had 90 soldiers plus labourers and porters 178 Captain Pedro de Zubiaur Garcia s senior officer arrived at Lake Peten Itza with 60 musketeers two Franciscans and allied Yucatec Maya warriors 179 They were also accompanied by about 40 Maya porters 180 They were approached by about 300 canoes carrying approximately 2 000 Itza warriors 181 The warriors began to mingle freely with the Spanish party and a scuffle then broke out a dozen of the Spanish party were forced into canoes and three of them were killed At this point the Spanish soldiers opened fire with their muskets and the Itza retreated across the lake with their prisoners who included the two Franciscans 182 The Spanish party retreated from the lake shore and regrouped on open ground where they were surrounded by thousands of Itza warriors Zubiaur ordered his men to fire a volley that killed between 30 and 40 Itzas Realising that they were hopelessly outnumbered the Spanish retreated towards Chuntuki abandoning their captured companions to their fate 183 Martin de Ursua was now convinced that Kan Ekʼ would not surrender peacefully and he began to organise an all out assault on Nojpeten 184 Work on the road was redoubled and about a month after the battle at Chʼichʼ the Spanish arrived at the lakeshore now supported by artillery Again a large number of canoes gathered and the nervous Spanish soldiers opened fire with cannons and muskets no casualties were reported among the Itza who retreated and raised a white flag from a safe distance 183 Expedition from Verapaz February March 1696 edit Oidor Bartolome de Amesqueta led the next Guatemalan expedition against the Itza He marched his men from Cahabon to Mopan arriving on 25 February 1696 185 On 7 March Captain Diaz de Velasco led a party ahead to the lake he was accompanied by two Dominican friars and by AjKʼixaw an Itza nobleman who had been taken prisoner on Diaz s previous expedition 186 When they drew close to the shore of Lake Peten Itza AjKʼixaw was sent ahead as an emissary to Nojpeten 187 Diaz s party was lured into an Itza trap and the expedition members were killed to a man The two friars were captured and sacrificed The Itza killed a total of 87 expedition members including 50 soldiers two Dominicans and about 35 Maya helpers 188 Amesqueta left Mopan three days after Diaz and followed Diaz s trail to the lakeshore He arrived at the lake over a week later with 36 men As they scouted along the south shore near Nojpeten they were shadowed by about 30 Itza canoes and more Itzas approached by land but kept a safe distance 189 Amesqueta was extremely suspicious of the small canoes being offered by the Itza to transport his party across to Nojpeten as nightfall approached Amesqueta retreated from the lakeshore and his men took up positions on a small hill nearby 190 In the early hours of the morning he ordered a retreat by moonlight 191 At San Pedro Martir he received news of an Itza embassy to Merida in December 1695 and an apparent formal surrender of the Itza to Spanish authority 192 Unable to reconcile the news with the loss of his men and with appalling conditions in San Pedro Martir Amesqueta abandoned his unfinished fort and retreated to Guatemala 193 Assault on Nojpeten edit The Itzas continued resistance had become a major embarrassment for the Spanish colonial authorities and soldiers were despatched from Campeche to take Nojpeten once and for all 194 Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi arrived on the western shore of Lake Peten Itza with his soldiers on 26 February 1697 and once there built the heavily armed galeota attack boat 195 The galeota carried 114 men and at least five artillery pieces 196 The piragua longboat used to cross the San Pedro River was also transported to the lake to be used in the attack on the Itza capital 197 On 10 March a number of Itza and Yalain emissaries arrived at Chʼichʼ to negotiate with Ursua 198 Kan Ekʼ then sent a canoe with a white flag raised bearing emissaries who offered peaceful surrender Ursua received the embassy in peace and invited Kan Ekʼ to visit his encampment three days later On the appointed day Kan Ekʼ failed to arrive instead Maya warriors amassed both along the shore and in canoes upon the lake 199 A waterbourne assault was launched upon Kan Ek s capital on the morning of 13 March 200 Ursua boarded the galeota with 108 soldiers two secular priests five personal servants the baptised Itza emissary AjChan and his brother in law and an Itza prisoner from Nojpeten The attack boat was rowed east towards the Itza capital half way across the lake it encountered a large fleet of canoes spread in an arc across the approach to Nojpeten Ursua simply gave the order to row through them A large number of defenders had gathered along the shore of Nojpeten and on the roofs of the city 201 Itza archers began to shoot at the invaders from the canoes Ursua ordered his men not to return fire but arrows wounded a number of his soldiers one of the wounded soldiers discharged his musket and at that point the officers lost control of their men The defending Itza soon fled from the withering Spanish gunfire 202 The city fell after a brief but bloody battle in which many Itza warriors died the Spanish suffered only minor casualties The Spanish bombardment caused heavy loss of life on the island 203 the surviving Itza abandoned their capital and swam across to the mainland with many dying in the water 204 After the battle the surviving defenders melted away into the forests leaving the Spanish to occupy an abandoned Maya town 194 Martin de Ursua planted his standard upon the highest point of the island and renamed Nojpeten as Nuestra Senora de los Remedios y San Pablo Laguna del Itza Our Lady of Remedy and Saint Paul Lake of the Itza 205 The Itza nobility fled dispersing to Maya settlements throughout Peten in response the Spanish scoured the region with search parties 206 Kan Ekʼ was soon captured with help from the Yalain Maya ruler Chamach Xulu 207 The Kowoj king Aj Kowoj was also soon captured together with other Maya nobles and their families 203 With the defeat of the Itza the last independent and unconquered native kingdom in the Americas fell to the European colonisers 208 See also editIndex of Mexico related articles YucatanNotes edit Belma has been tentatively identified with the modern settlement and Maya archaeological site of El Meco 103 Citations edit Quezada 2011 p 13 a b c d Quezada 2011 p 14 White and Hood 2004 p 152 Quezada 2011 p 14 a b c Thompson 1966 p 25 a b Quezada 2011 p 15 Quezada 2011 pp 14 15 Lovell 2005 p 17 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 46 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 46 47 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 47 Rice and Rice 2009 p 5 a b c Quezada 2011 p 16 a b Quezada 2011 p 17 White and Hood 2004 p 152 a b Schwartz 1990 p 17 a b Schwartz 1990 p 18 a b Estrada Belli 2011 p 52 Coe 1999 p 31 Webster 2002 p 45 a b c Andrews 1984 p 589 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 499 500 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 613 616 Andrews 1984 p 590 Caso Barrera 2002 p 17 a b c Andrews 1984 p 591 Andrews 1984 p 593 Andrews 1984 p 592 a b c Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 761 762 a b c d Jones 2000 p 353 Houwald 1984 p 257 Jones 2000 p 351 Jones 2000 p 352 Rice and Rice 2009 p 10 Rice 2009 p 17 a b Cecil et al 1999 p 788 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 617 Rice and Rice 2005 p 149 Rice 2009 p 17 Feldman 2000 p xxi Smith 2003 p 279 a b Thompson 1966 p 24 a b c d Thompson 1966 p 26 Jones 2000 p 364 Rice 2009 p 83 Pugh 2009 p 191 Houwald 1984 p 256 Houwald 1984 p 256 a b c d Clendinnen 2003 p 7 Pohl and Hook 2008 pp 26 27 Wise and McBride 2008 pp 33 34 Clendinnen 2003 p 3 Perramon 1986 p 242 Clendinnen 2003 p 3 Clendinnen 2003 pp 3 4 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 758 Clendinnen 2003 p 4 a b c de Dios Gonzalez 2008 p 25 Gomez Martin June 2013 p 56 Gomez Martin June 2013 p 56 de Dios Gonzalez 2008 pp 25 26 de Dios Gonzalez 2008 p 26 a b Clendinnen 2003 pp 4 5 a b c d Clendinnen 2003 pp 6 Clendinnen 2003 pp 5 a b c d Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 759 a b Clendinnen 2003 p 8 Clendinnen 2003 pp 8 9 Clendinnen 2003 p 9 Clendinnen 2003 pp 9 10 Clendinnen 2003 p 10 Clendinnen 2003 pp 10 11 a b c Clendinnen 2003 p 11 a b c Clendinnen 2003 p 12 Clendinnen 2003 pp 11 12 Clendinnen 2003 pp 12 13 Clendinnen 2003 p 13 a b c d Clendinnen 2003 p 14 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 759 Recinos 1986 p 18 Recinos 1986 p 18 a b c d e Clendinnen 2003 p 15 a b c d e f g Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 760 Clendinnen 2003 pp 14 15 a b Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 760 Clendinnen 2003 p 15 Clendinnen 2003 pp 15 16 Clendinnen 2003 p 16 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 760 761 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 758 759 760 761 a b c d Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 761 a b c d e f Townsend 1995 p 16 Hernandez et al 2010 p 26 Townsend 1995 pp 16ff a b Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 766 a b c Jones 2000 p 358 Rice and Rice 2009 p 12 Rice et al 2009 p 127 Rice and Rice 2005 p 152 a b c d Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 762 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 762 Jones 2000 p 358 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 773 Jones 2000 p 358 Feldman 1998 p 6 Webster 2002 p 83 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 766 767 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 767 Clendinnen 2003 p 20 a b c d e Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 767 Clendinnen 2003 p 20 ITMB 2000 a b Clendinnen 2003 p 21 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 767 Clendinnen 1989 2003 p 21 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 767 INAH 2010 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 767 768 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 768 Clendinnen 2003 p 21 a b c d e f Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 768 a b Quezada 2011 p 37 Quezada 2011 pp 37 38 Clendinnen 2003 p 23 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 768 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 768 769 a b Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 769 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 769 770 a b c Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 770 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 770 771 a b c Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 771 a b c d Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 772 Caso Barrera 2002 pp 17 19 Caso Barrera 2002 p 19 Fialko Coxemans 2003 pp 72 73 a b Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 773 a b c d e f Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 774 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 774 Jones 1998 p 46 Chuchiak IV 2005 p 131 Jones 1998 pp 42 47 Chuchiak IV 2005 p 132 Means 1917 p 79 Means 1917 p 80 a b Means 1917 p 81 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 774 Means 1917 p 81 Means 1917 p 81 Jones 1998 pp 47 48 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 774 Jones 1998 p 48 Jones 1998 p 48 Jones 1998 pp 48 49 Feldman 2000 p 151 Jones 1998 pp 111 132 133 145 Jones 1998 pp 129 130 ITMB 2000 Jones 1998 pp 130 131 ITMB 2000 Jones 1998 p 131 Jones 1998 pp 132 134 Means 1917 p 97 Jones 1998 pp 135 136 139 140 Jones 1998 p 141 Jones 1998 p 140 a b Jones 1998 p 142 Jones 1998 p 143 Jones 1998 pp 130 144 Jones 1998 pp 148 149 Jones 1998 p 147 Jones 1998 p 154 Means 1917 pp 117 118 Jones 1998 p 154 Jones 1998 p 163 Jones 1998 p 162 Jones 1998 pp 148 150 Jones 1998 pp 130 151 152 Jones 1998 p 152 Jones 1998 pp 150 154 Jones 1998 pp 154 155 Jones 1998 p 155 Jones 1998 p 156 Jones 1998 pp 148 157 Quezada 2011 p 23 ITMB 1998 Jones 1998 p 157 Jones 1998 p 148 Jones 1998 p 158 Jones 1998 pp 158 159 Jones 1998 pp 159 160 Jones 1998 p 160 Jones 1998 pp 160 161 Jones 1998 pp 187 189 Jones 1998 pp 189 190 Means 1917 p 128 Jones 1998 p 190 a b c Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 775 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 775 Jones 1998 p 192 Jones 1998 p 205 Jones 1998 p 207 Jones 1998 pp 209 210 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 775 Jones 1998 pp 214 215 Vayhinger Scheer 2011 p 383 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 775 776 Jones 1998 pp 218 219 Jones 1998 pp 189 226 Jones 1998 p 226 Jones 1998 p 227 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 776 Jones 1998 p 227 Jones 1998 p 228 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 776 Jones 1998 p 228 a b Jones 1998 p 229 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 776 Jones 1998 pp 232 233 Jones 1998 p 233 Jones 1998 pp 233 234 Jones 1998 p 479n59 Jones 1998 p 234 235 Jones 1998 pp 237 238 Jones 1998 pp 238 239 Jones 1998 p 240 Jones 1998 pp 241 242 a b Jones 2000 p 362 Jones 2009 p 59 Jones 1998 pp 253 265 266 Jones 1998 pp 268 269 Jones 1998 pp 252 268 Jones 1998 pp 269 270 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 777 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 777 Jones 1998 p 295 Jones 1998 p 297 Jones 1998 pp 298 299 a b Jones 2009 p 59 Sharer and Traxler 2006 pp 777 778 Sharer and Traxler 2006 p 778 Jones 2009 p 59 Jones 1998 p 295 Jones 1998 p 306 Jones 1998 p xix References edit nbsp Wikisource has original text related to this article History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas Andrews Anthony P Winter 1984 The Political Geography of the Sixteenth Century Yucatan Maya Comments and Revisions Journal of Anthropological Research Albuquerque New Mexico US University of New Mexico 40 4 589 596 doi 10 1086 jar 40 4 3629799 JSTOR 3629799 S2CID 163743879 subscription required Athena Review 1999a The Spanish Conquest of Yucatan 1526 46 Athena Review 2 1 Archived from the original on 28 June 2006 Retrieved 25 July 2006 Athena Review 1999b The Valdivia Shipwreck 1511 Athena Review 2 1 Archived from the original on 13 July 2006 Retrieved 25 July 2006 Caso Barrera Laura 2002 Caminos en la selva migracion comercio y resistencia Mayas yucatecos e itzaes siglos XVII XIX Roads in the Forest Migration Commerce and Resistance Yucatec and Itza Maya 17th 19th Centuries in Spanish Mexico City Mexico El Colegio de Mexico Fondo de Cultura Economica ISBN 978 968 16 6714 6 OCLC 835645038 Cervantes de Salazar Francisco n d ca 1560 Cronica de la Nueva Espana in Spanish readme it Retrieved 26 July 2006 Cecil Leslie Prudence M Rice Don S Rice 1999 J P Laporte H L Escobedo eds Los estilos tecnologicos de la ceramica Postclasica con engobe de la region de los lagos de Peten The Technological Styles of Postclassic Slipped Ceramics in the Peten Lakes Region PDF Simposio de Investigaciones Arqueologicas en Guatemala in Spanish Guatemala City Guatemala Museo Nacional de Arqueologia y Etnologia XII 1998 788 795 OCLC 42674202 Archived from the original PDF on 2 November 2013 Retrieved 26 November 2012 Chamberlain Robert Stoner 1948 The Conquest and Colonization of Yucatan 1517 1550 Washington D C Carnegie Institution OCLC 459181680 Chuchiak IV John F 2005 Fide Non Armis Franciscan Reducciones and the Maya Mission Experience on the Colonial Frontier of Yucatan 1602 1640 PDF In John F Schwaller ed Francis in the Americas Essays on the Franciscan Family in North and South America Berkeley California US Academy of American Franciscan History pp 119 142 ISBN 0 88382 306 3 OCLC 61229653 Archived from the original PDF on 15 October 2013 Clendinnen Inga 2003 1988 Ambivalent Conquests Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan 1517 1570 2nd ed Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press ISBN 0 521 52731 7 OCLC 50868309 Coe Michael D 1987 The Maya 4th edition revised ed London New York Thames amp Hudson ISBN 0 500 27455 X OCLC 15895415 Coe Michael D 1999 The Maya Ancient Peoples and Places 6th edition fully revised and expanded ed London UK and New York US Thames amp Hudson ISBN 0 500 28066 5 OCLC 59432778 de Dios Gonzalez Juan 2008 Gonzalo Guerrero primer mexicano por voluntad propia Gonzalo Guerrero First Mexican by his Own Free Will PDF Inventio La Genesis de la Cultura Universitaria en Morelos in Spanish Cuernavaca Morelos Mexico Universidad Autonoma del Estado de Morelos 4 23 26 OCLC 613144193 Retrieved 17 December 2013 Diaz del Castillo Bernal 1963 1632 The Conquest of New Spain Penguin Classics J M Cohen trans 6th printing 1973 ed Harmondsworth England Penguin Books ISBN 0 14 044123 9 OCLC 162351797 Estrada Belli Francisco 2011 The First Maya Civilization Ritual and Power Before the Classic Period Abingdon Oxfordshire UK and New York US Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 42994 8 Feldman Lawrence H 1998 Motagua Colonial Raleigh North Carolina US Boson Books ISBN 1 886420 51 3 OCLC 82561350 permanent dead link Feldman Lawrence H 2000 Lost Shores Forgotten Peoples Spanish Explorations of the South East Maya Lowlands Durham North Carolina US Duke University Press ISBN 0 8223 2624 8 OCLC 254438823 Fialko Coxemans Vilma 2003 Domingo Fajardo vicario y defensor de indios en Peten 1795 1828 Domingo Fajardo Vicar and Defender of Indians in Peten PDF Mayab in Spanish Madrid Spain Sociedad Espanola de Estudios Mayas 16 72 78 ISSN 1130 6157 OCLC 14209890 Retrieved 6 December 2012 Gomez Martin Jorge Angel June 2013 El Descubrimiento del Yucatan PDF Revista de Estudios Colombinos in Spanish Tordesillas Valladolid Spain Seminario Iberoamericano de Descubrimientos y Cartografia 9 53 60 ISSN 1699 3926 OCLC 436472699 Retrieved 17 December 2013 Hernandez Christine Anthony P Andrews Gabrielle Vail 2010 Introduction In Gabrielle Vail Christine L Hernandez eds Astronomers Scribes and Priests Intellectual Interchange Between the Northern Maya Lowlands and Highland Mexico in the Late Postclassic Period Dumbarton Oaks Pre Columbian symposia and colloquia Washington D C US Harvard University Press pp 17 36 ISBN 9780884023463 OCLC 845573515 Houwald Gotz von 1984 Mapa y Descripcion de la Montana del Peten e Ytza Interpretacion de un documento de los anos un poco despues de la conquista de Tayasal Map and Description of the Jungle of Peten and Itza Interpretation of a Document from the Years Soon After the Conquest of Tayasal PDF Indiana in Spanish Berlin Germany Ibero Amerikanisches Institut 9 ISSN 0341 8642 OCLC 2452883 Retrieved 3 December 2012 INAH 2010 Zona Arqueologica El Meco in Spanish Mexico City Mexico Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia INAH and Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes CONACULTA Archived from the original on 23 August 2013 Retrieved 7 December 2013 Guatemala Map 3rd ed 1 500000 International Travel Maps Richmond British Columbia Canada ITMB Publishing 1998 ISBN 0 921463 64 2 OCLC 421536238 Mexico South East Map 2nd ed 1 1000000 International Travel Maps Richmond British Columbia Canada ITMB Publishing 2000 ISBN 0 921463 22 7 OCLC 46660694 Jones Grant D 1998 The Conquest of the Last Maya Kingdom Stanford California US Stanford University Press ISBN 978 0 8047 3522 3 Jones Grant D 2000 The Lowland Maya from the Conquest to the Present In Richard E W Adams Murdo J Macleod eds The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas Vol II Mesoamerica part 2 Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press pp 346 391 ISBN 0 521 65204 9 OCLC 33359444 Jones Grant D 2009 The Kowoj in Ethnohistorical Perspective In Prudence M Rice Don S Rice eds The Kowoj Identity Migration and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Peten Guatemala Boulder Colorado US University Press of Colorado pp 55 69 ISBN 978 0 87081 930 8 OCLC 225875268 Lovell W George 2005 Conquest and Survival in Colonial Guatemala A Historical Geography of the Cuchumatan Highlands 1500 1821 3rd ed Montreal Canada McGill Queen s University Press ISBN 0 7735 2741 9 OCLC 58051691 Means Philip Ainsworth 1917 History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology Harvard University Vol VII Cambridge Massachusetts US Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology OCLC 681599 Perramon Francesc Ligorred 1986 Los primeros contactos linguisticos de los espanoles en Yucatan PDF In Miguel Rivera Andres Ciudad eds Los mayas de los tiempos tardios in Spanish Madrid Spain Sociedad Espanola de Estudios Mayas pp 241 252 ISBN 9788439871200 OCLC 16268597 Pohl John Hook Adam 2008 2001 The Conquistador 1492 1550 Warrior Vol 40 Oxford UK and New York US Osprey Publishing ISBN 978 1 84176 175 6 OCLC 47726663 Pugh Timothy W 2009 Residential and Domestic Contexts at Zacpeten In Prudence M Rice Don S Rice eds The Kowoj Identity Migration and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Peten Guatemala Boulder Colorado US University Press of Colorado pp 141 191 ISBN 978 0 87081 930 8 OCLC 225875268 Quezada Sergio 2011 La colonizacion de los mayas peninsulares The Colonisation of the Peninsula Maya PDF Biblioteca Basica de Yucatan in Spanish Vol 18 Merida Yucatan Mexico Secretaria de Educacion del Gobierno del Estado de Yucatan ISBN 978 607 7824 27 5 OCLC 796677890 Archived from the original PDF on 4 November 2013 Retrieved 20 January 2013 Rice Prudence M Don S Rice 2005 Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Maya Political Geography In Susan Kepecs Rani T Alexander eds The Postclassic to Spanish Era Transition in Mesoamerica Archaeological Perspectives Albuquerque New Mexico US University of New Mexico Press ISBN 9780826337399 OCLC 60550555 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a External link in code class cs1 code chapter code help Rice Prudence M 2009 The Archaeology of the Kowoj Settlement and Architecture at Zacpeten In Prudence M Rice Don S Rice eds The Kowoj Identity Migration and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Peten Guatemala Boulder Colorado US University Press of Colorado pp 81 83 ISBN 978 0 87081 930 8 OCLC 225875268 Rice Prudence M Don S Rice 2009 Introduction to the Kowoj and their Peten Neighbors In Prudence M Rice Don S Rice eds The Kowoj Identity Migration and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Peten Guatemala Boulder Colorado US University Press of Colorado pp 3 15 ISBN 978 0 87081 930 8 OCLC 225875268 Rice Prudence M 2009 Who were the Kowoj In Prudence M Rice Don S Rice eds The Kowoj Identity Migration and Geopolitics in Late Postclassic Peten Guatemala Boulder Colorado US University Press of Colorado pp 17 19 ISBN 978 0 87081 930 8 OCLC 225875268 Rice Prudence M Don S Rice Timothy W Pugh Romulo Sanchez Polo 2009 Defensive architecture and the context of warfare at Zacpeten In Prudence M Rice Don S Rice eds The Kowoj identity migration and geopolitics in late postclassic Peten Guatemala Boulder Colorado US University Press of Colorado pp 123 140 ISBN 978 0 87081 930 8 OCLC 225875268 Romero Rolando J 1992 Texts Pre Texts Con Texts Gonzalo Guerrero in the Chronicles of Indies PDF Archived from the original PDF on 6 March 2009 Retrieved 26 July 2006 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help Rugeley Terry L 1996 Yucatan s Maya Peasantry and the Origins of the Caste War Austin University of Texas Press ISBN 0 292 77078 2 Sharer Robert J Loa P Traxler 2006 The Ancient Maya 6th fully revised ed Stanford California US Stanford University Press ISBN 0 8047 4817 9 OCLC 57577446 Smith Michael E 2003 1996 The Aztecs 2nd ed Malden Massachusetts US and Oxford UK Blackwell Publishing ISBN 978 0 631 23016 8 OCLC 59452395 Thompson J Eric S 1966 The Maya Central Area at the Spanish Conquest and Later A Problem in Demography Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 1966 23 37 doi 10 2307 3031712 JSTOR 3031712 subscription required Townsend Richard F 1995 1992 The Aztecs London UK Thames and Hudson ISBN 0 500 27720 6 OCLC 27825022 Vayhinger Scheer Temis 2011 2006 Kanekʼ El Ultimo Rey Maya Itzaj Kanekʼ The Last Itza Maya King In Nikolai Grube ed Los Mayas Una Civilizacion Milenaria The Maya An Ancient Civilization in Spanish Potsdam Germany Tandem Verlag pp 382 383 ISBN 978 3 8331 6293 0 OCLC 828120761 Webster David L 2002 The Fall of the Ancient Maya Solving the Mystery of the Maya Collapse London UK Thames amp Hudson ISBN 0 500 05113 5 OCLC 48753878 White D A C S Hood April 2004 Vegetation Patterns and Environmental Gradients in Tropical Dry Forests of the Northern Yucatan Peninsula Journal of Vegetation Science Uppsala Sweden Opulus Press 15 2 151 160 doi 10 1111 j 1654 1103 2004 tb02250 x ISSN 1654 1103 JSTOR 3236749 OCLC 50781866 subscription required Wise Terence McBride Angus 2008 1980 The Conquistadores Men at Arms Vol 101 Oxford UK and New York US Osprey Publishing ISBN 978 0 85045 357 7 OCLC 12782941 Further reading editGraham Elizabeth David M Pendergast Grant D Jones 8 December 1989 On the Fringes of Conquest Maya Spanish Contact in Colonial Belize Science New Series American Association for the Advancement of Science 246 4935 1254 1259 Bibcode 1989Sci 246 1254G doi 10 1126 science 246 4935 1254 JSTOR 1704619 PMID 17832220 S2CID 8476626 subscription required Roukema E 1956 A Discovery of Yucatan Prior to 1503 Imago Mundi Imago Mundi Ltd 13 30 38 doi 10 1080 03085695608592123 ISSN 0308 5694 JSTOR 1150238 OCLC 4651172881 subscription required Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Spanish conquest of Yucatan amp oldid 1191981641, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

article

, read, download, free, free download, mp3, video, mp4, 3gp, jpg, jpeg, gif, png, picture, music, song, movie, book, game, games.