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Joan of Arc

January 07, 2023

"Jeanne d'Arc", "Jehanne", and "Saint Joan of Arc" redirect here. For other uses, see Jeanne d'Arc (disambiguation), Joan of Arc (disambiguation), Jehanne (disambiguation), and Saint Joan of Arc (book).

Joan of Arc (French: Jeanne d'Arc pronounced [ʒan daʁk]; c. 1412 – 30 May 1431) is a patron saint of France, honored as a defender of the French nation for her role in the siege of Orléans and her insistence on the coronation of Charles VII of France during the Hundred Years' War. Stating that she was acting under divine guidance, she became a military leader who transcended gender roles and gained recognition as a savior of France.

Saint

Joan of Arc
Historiated initial depicting Joan of Arc (dated to the second half of the 15th century, Archives Nationales, Paris, AE II 2490)[a]
Virgin
Bornc. 1412
Domrémy, Duchy of Bar, Kingdom of France
Died30 May 1431 (c. age 19)
Venerated in
Beatified18 April 1909 by Pope Pius X
Canonized16 May 1920 by Pope Benedict XV
Feast30 May
PatronageFrance

Joan was born to a propertied peasant family at Domrémy in northeast France. In 1428, she requested to be taken to Charles, later testifying that she was guided by visions from the archangel Michael, Saint Margaret, and Saint Catherine to help him save France from English domination.

Convinced of her devotion and purity, Charles sent Joan, who was about seventeen years old, to the siege of Orléans as part of a relief army. She arrived at the city in April 1429, wielding her banner and bringing hope to the demoralized French army. Nine days after her arrival, the English abandoned the siege. Joan encouraged the French to aggressively pursue the English during the Loire Campaign, which culminated in another decisive victory at Patay, opening the way for the French army to advance on Reims unopposed, where Charles was crowned as the King of France with Joan at his side. These victories boosted French morale, paving the way for their final triumph in the Hundred Years' War several decades later.

After Charles's coronation, Joan participated in the unsuccessful siege of Paris in September 1429 and the failed siege of La Charité in November. Her role in these defeats reduced the court's faith in her. In early 1430, Joan organized a company of volunteers to relieve Compiègne, which had been besieged by the Burgundians—French allies of the English. She was captured by Burgundian troops on 23 May. After trying unsuccessfully to escape, she was handed to the English in November. She was put on trial by Bishop Pierre Cauchon on accusations of heresy, which included blaspheming by wearing men's clothes, acting upon visions that were demonic, and refusing to submit her words and deeds to the judgment of the church. She was declared guilty and burned at the stake on 30 May 1431, aged about nineteen.

In 1456, an inquisitorial court reinvestigated Joan's trial and overturned the verdict, declaring that it was tainted by deceit and procedural errors. Joan has been revered as a martyr, and viewed as an obedient daughter of the Roman Catholic Church, an early feminist, and a symbol of freedom and independence. After the French Revolution, she became a national symbol of France. In 1920, Joan of Arc was canonized by the Roman Catholic Church and, two years later, was declared one of the patron saints of France. She is portrayed in numerous cultural works, including literature, paintings, sculptures, and music.

Name

Joan of Arc's name was written in a variety of ways. There is no standard spelling of her name before the sixteenth century; her last name was usually written as "Darc" without an apostrophe, but there are variants such as "Tarc", "Dart" or "Day". Her father's name was written as "Tart" at her trial.[3] She was called "Jeanne d'Ay de Domrémy" in Charles VII's 1429 letter granting her a coat of arms.[4] Joan may never have heard herself called "Jeanne d'Arc". The first written record of her being called by this name is in 1455, 24 years after her death.[3]

She was not taught to read and write in her childhood,[5] and so dictated her letters.[6] She may have later learned to sign her name, as some of her letters are signed, and she may even have learned to read.[7] Joan referred to herself in the letters as "Jeanne la Pucelle" (Joan the Maiden) or as "la Pucelle" (the Maiden), emphasizing her virginity, and she signed "Jehanne". In the sixteenth century, she became known as the "Maid of Orleans".[6]

Birth and historical background

 
France, 1429[8]
  Controlled by Henry VI of England
  Controlled by Philip III of Burgundy
  Controlled by Charles VII of France

Joan of Arc was born around 1412[9] in Domrémy, a small village in the Meuse valley now in the Vosges department in the north-east of France.[10] Her date of birth is unknown and her statements about her age were vague.[11][b] Her parents were Jacques d'Arc and Isabelle Romée. Joan had three brothers and a sister.[15] Her father was a peasant farmer[16] with about 50 acres (20 ha) of land,[17] and he supplemented the family income as a village official, collecting taxes and heading the local watch.[18]

She was born during the Hundred Years' War between England and France, that had begun in 1337[19] over the status of English territories in France and English claims to the French throne.[20] Nearly all the fighting had taken place in France, devastating its economy.[21] At the time of Joan's birth, France was divided politically. The French king Charles VI had recurring bouts of mental illness and was often unable to rule;[22] his brother Louis, Duke of Orléans, and his cousin John the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, quarreled over the regency of France. In 1407, the Duke of Burgundy ordered the assassination of the Duke of Orléans,[23] precipitating a civil war.[24] Charles of Orléans succeeded his father as duke at the age of thirteen, and was placed in the custody of Bernard, Count of Armagnac; his supporters became known as "Armagnacs", while supporters of the Duke of Burgundy became known as "Burgundians".[23] The future French king Charles VII had assumed the title of Dauphin (heir to the throne) after the deaths of his four older brothers,[25] and was associated with the Armagnacs.[26]

Henry V of England exploited France's internal divisions when he invaded in 1415.[27] The Burgundians took Paris in 1418.[28][29] In 1419, the Dauphin offered a truce to negotiate peace with the Duke of Burgundy, but the duke was assassinated by Charles's Armagnac partisans during the negotiations. The new duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, allied with the English.[30] Charles VI accused the Dauphin of murdering the Duke of Burgundy and declared him unfit to inherit the French throne.[29] During a period of illness, Charles's wife Isabeau of Bavaria stood in for him and signed the Treaty of Troyes,[31] which gave their daughter Catherine of Valois in marriage to Henry V, granted the succession of the French throne to their heirs, and effectively disinherited the Dauphin.[32] This caused rumors that the Dauphin was not King Charles VI's son, but the offspring of an adulterous affair between Isabeau and the murdered duke of Orléans.[33] In 1422, Henry V and Charles VI died within two months of each other; the 9-month-old Henry VI of England was the nominal heir of the Anglo-French dual monarchy as agreed in the treaty, but the Dauphin also claimed the French throne.[34]

Early life

 
Earliest extant representation of Joan of Arc,[35] drawing by Clément de Fauquembergue (May 1429, French National Archives)[c]

In her youth, Joan did household chores, spun wool, helped her father in the fields and looked after their animals. Her mother provided Joan's religious education.[37] Much of Domrémy lay in the Duchy of Bar,[38] whose precise feudal status was unclear;[39] though surrounded by pro-Burgundian lands, its people were loyal to the Armagnac cause.[40] By 1419, the war had affected the area,[41] and in 1425, Domrémy was attacked and cattle were stolen.[42] This led to a sentiment among villagers that the English must be expelled from France to achieve peace. Joan had her first vision after this raid.[43]

Joan later testified that when she was thirteen, around 1425, a figure she identified as Saint Michael surrounded by angels appeared to her in the garden.[44] After this vision, she said she wept because she wanted them to take her with them.[45] Throughout her life, she had visions of St. Michael,[46] a patron saint of the Domrémy area who was seen as a defender of France.[47] She stated that she had these visions frequently and that she often had them when the church bells were rung.[48] Her visions also included St. Margaret and St. Catherine; although Joan never specified, they were probably Margaret of Antioch and Catherine of Alexandria—those most known in the area.[49] Both were known as virgin saints who strove against powerful enemies, were tortured and martyred for their beliefs, and preserved their virtue to the death.[50] Joan testified that she swore a vow of virginity to these voices.[51] When a young man from her village alleged that she had broken a promise of marriage, Joan stated that she had made him no promises,[52] and his case was dismissed by an ecclesiastical court.[53]

During Joan's youth, a prophecy circulating in the French countryside, based on the visions of Marie Robine of Avignon [fr], promised an armed virgin would come forth to save France.[54] Another prophecy, attributed to Merlin, stated that a virgin carrying a banner would put an end to France's suffering.[55] Joan implied she was this promised maiden, reminding the people around her that there was a saying that France would be destroyed by a woman but would be restored by a virgin.[56][d] In May 1428,[59] she asked her uncle to take her to the nearby town of Vaucouleurs, where she petitioned the garrison commander, Robert de Baudricourt, for an armed escort to the Armagnac court at Chinon. Baudricourt harshly refused and sent her home.[60] In July, Domrémy was raided by Burgundian forces[61] which set fire to the town, destroyed the crops, and forced Joan, her family and the other townspeople to flee.[62] She returned to Vaucouleurs in January 1429. Her petition was refused again,[63] but by this time she had gained the support of two of Baudricourt's soldiers, Jean de Metz and Bertrand de Poulengy.[64] Meanwhile, she was summoned to Nancy under safe conduct by Charles II, Duke of Lorraine, who had heard about Joan during her stay at Vaucouleurs. The duke was ill and thought she might have supernatural powers that could cure him. She offered no cures, but reprimanded him for living with his mistress.[65]

Henry V's brothers, John of Lancaster, 1st Duke of Bedford and Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester had continued the English conquest of France.[66] Most of northern France, Paris, and parts of southwestern France were under Anglo-Burgundian control. The Burgundians controlled Reims, the traditional site for the coronation of French kings; Charles had not yet been crowned, and doing so at Reims would help legitimize his claim to the throne.[67] In July 1428, the English had started to surround Orléans, and had nearly isolated it from the rest of Charles's territory by capturing many of the smaller bridge towns on the Loire River.[68] Orléans was strategically important as the last obstacle to an assault on the remainder of Charles's territory.[69] According to Joan's later testimony, it was around this period that her visions told her to leave Domrémy to help the Dauphin Charles.[70] Baudricourt agreed to a third meeting with Joan in February 1429, around the time the English captured an Armagnac relief convoy at the Battle of the Herrings during the Siege of Orléans. Their conversations,[71] along with Metz and Poulengy's support,[72] convinced Baudricourt to allow her to go to Chinon for an audience with the Dauphin. Joan traveled with an escort of six soldiers.[73] Before leaving, Joan put on men's clothes,[74] which were provided by her escorts and the people of Vaucouleurs.[75] She continued to wear men's clothes for the remainder of her life.[76]

Chinon

 
Charles VII of France by Jean Fouquet (c. 1444, Louvre, Paris)

Charles VII met Joan for the first time at the Royal Court in Chinon in late February or early March 1429,[77] when she was seventeen[78] and he was twenty-six.[79] She told him that she had come to raise the siege of Orléans and to lead him to Reims for his coronation.[80] They had a private exchange that made a strong impression on Charles; Jean Pasquerel, Joan's confessor, later testified that Joan told him she had reassured the Dauphin that he was Charles VI's son and legitimate king.[81]

Charles and his council needed more assurance,[82] and sent Joan to Poitiers to be examined by a council of theologians, who declared that she was a good person and a good Catholic.[83] They did not render a decision on the source of Joan's inspiration, but agreed that sending her to Orléans could be useful to the king[84] and would test if her inspiration was of divine origin.[85] Joan was then sent to Tours to be physically examined by women directed by Charles's mother-in-law Yolande of Aragon, who verified her virginity.[86] This was to establish if she could indeed be the prophesied virgin savior of France,[87] to show the purity of her devotion,[88] and to ensure she had not consorted with the Devil.[89]

The dauphin, reassured by the results of these tests, commissioned plate armor for her. She designed her own banner, and had a sword brought to her from under the altar in the church at Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois.[90] Around this time she began calling herself "Joan the Maiden", emphasizing her virginity as a sign of her mission.[6]

Before Joan's arrival at Chinon, the Armagnac strategic situation was bad but not hopeless.[91] The Armagnac forces were prepared to endure a prolonged siege at Orléans,[92] the Burgundians had recently withdrawn from the siege due to disagreements about territory,[93] and the English were debating whether to continue.[94] Nonetheless, after almost a century of war, the Armagnacs were demoralized.[95] Once Joan joined the Dauphin's cause, her personality began to raise their spirits[96] inspiring devotion and the hope of divine assistance.[97] Her belief in the divine origin of her mission turned the longstanding Anglo-French conflict over inheritance into a religious war.[94] Before beginning the journey to Orléans, Joan dictated a letter to the Duke of Bedford warning him that she was sent by God to drive him out of France.[98]

Military campaigns

Orléans

 
Joan of Arc enters Orléans by Jean-Jacques Scherrer (1887, Musée des Beaux-Arts d'Orléans)

In the last week of April 1429, Joan set out from Blois as part of an army carrying supplies for the relief of Orléans.[99] She arrived there on 29 April[100] and met the commander Jean de Dunois, the Bastard of Orléans.[101] Orléans was not completely cut off, and Dunois got her into the city, where she was greeted enthusiastically.[102] Joan was initially treated as a figurehead to raise morale,[103] flying her banner on the battlefield.[104] She was not given any formal command[105] or included in military councils,[106] but quickly gained the support of the Armagnac troops. She always seemed to be present where the fighting was most intense, she frequently stayed with the front ranks, and she gave them a sense she was fighting for their salvation.[107] Armagnac commanders would sometimes accept the advice she gave them, such as deciding what position to attack, when to continue an assault, and how to place artillery.[108]

On 4 May, the Armagnacs went on the offensive, attacking the outlying bastille de Saint-Loup (fortress of Saint Loup). Once Joan learned of the attack, she rode out with her banner to the site of the battle, a mile east of Orléans. She arrived as the Armagnac soldiers were retreating after a failed assault. Her appearance rallied the soldiers, who attacked again and took the fortress.[109] On 5 May, no combat occurred since it was Ascension Thursday, a feast day. She dictated another letter to the English warning them to leave France, and had it tied to a bolt which was fired by a crossbowman.[110]

The Armagnacs resumed their offensive on 6 May, capturing Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, which the English had deserted.[111] The Armagnac commanders wanted to stop, but Joan encouraged them to launch an assault on les Augustins, an English fortress built around a monastery.[112] After its capture,[113] the Armagnac commanders wanted to consolidate their gains, but Joan again argued for continuing the offensive.[114] On the morning of 7 May, the Armagnacs attacked the main English stronghold, les Tourelles. Joan was wounded by an arrow between the neck and shoulder while holding her banner in the trench on the south bank of the river, but later returned to encourage the final assault that took the fortress.[115] The English retreated from Orléans on 8 May, ending the siege.[116]

At Chinon, Joan had declared that she was sent by God.[117] At Poitiers, when she was asked to show a sign demonstrating this claim, she replied that it would be given if she were brought to Orléans. The lifting of the siege was interpreted by many people to be that sign.[118] Prominent clergy such as Jacques Gélu [fr], Archbishop of Embrun,[119] and the theologian Jean Gerson[120] wrote treatises in support of Joan after this victory.[121] In contrast, the English saw the ability of this peasant girl to defeat their armies as proof she was possessed by the Devil.[122]

Loire Campaign

  Joan of Arc
AllegianceKingdom of France
ConflictHundred Years' War
Major battles and journeys
[Interactive fullscreen map]
  Joan's journey to Chinon
  Orléans and Loire Campaign
  March to Reims
  Reims and the Siege of Paris
  Campaign against Perrinet Gressard
  Compiègne

After the success at Orléans, Joan insisted that the Armagnac forces should advance promptly toward Reims to crown the Dauphin.[123] Charles allowed her to accompany the army under the command of John II, Duke of Alençon,[124] who collaboratively worked with Joan and regularly heeded her advice.[125] Before advancing toward Reims, the Armagnacs needed to recapture the bridge towns along the Loire: Jargeau, Meung-sur-Loire, and Beaugency. This would clear the way for Charles and his entourage, who would have to cross the Loire near Orléans to get from Chinon to Reims.[126]

The campaign to clear the Loire towns began on 11 June when the Armagnac forces led by Alençon and Joan arrived at Jargeau[127] and forced the English to withdraw inside the town's walls. Joan sent a message to the English to surrender; they refused[128] and she advocated for a direct assault on the walls the next day.[129] By the end of the day, the town was taken. The Armagnac took few prisoners and many of the English who surrendered were killed.[130] During this campaign, Joan continued to serve in the thick of battle. She began scaling a siege ladder with her banner in hand but before she could climb the wall, she was struck by a stone which split her helmet.[131]

Alençon and Joan's army advanced on Meung-sur-Loire. On 15 June, they took control of the town's bridge, and the English garrison withdrew to a castle on the Loire's north bank.[132] Most of the army continued on the south bank of the Loire to besiege the castle at Beaugency.[133]

Meanwhile, the English army from Paris under the command of Sir John Fastolf had linked up with the garrison in Meung and traveled along the north bank of the Loire to relieve Beaugency.[134] Unaware of this, the English garrison at Beaugency surrendered on 18 June.[135] The main English army retreated toward Paris; Joan urged the Armagnacs to pursue them, and the two armies clashed at the Battle of Patay later that day. The English had prepared their forces to ambush an Armagnac attack with hidden archers,[136] but the Armagnac vanguard detected and scattered them. A rout ensued that decimated the English army. Fastolf escaped with a small band of soldiers, but many of the English leaders were captured.[137] Joan arrived at the battlefield too late to participate in the decisive action,[138] but her encouragement to pursue the English had made the victory possible.[139]

Coronation and siege of Paris

 
Coronation of Charles VII in Guillaume de Nangis' Chronicon abbreviatum regum Francorum; Joan of Arc stands holding a banner of France to his right. Unknown author (15th century).

After the destruction of the English army at Patay, some Armagnac leaders argued for an invasion of English-held Normandy, but Joan remained insistent that Charles must be crowned.[140] The Dauphin agreed, and the army left Gien on 29 June to march on Reims.[141] The advance was nearly unopposed.[142] The Burgundian-held town of Auxerre surrendered on 3 July after three days of negotiations,[143] and other towns in the army's path returned to Armagnac allegiance without resistance.[144] Troyes, which had a small garrison of English and Burgundian troops,[145] was the only one to resist. After four days of negotiation, Joan ordered the soldiers to fill the city's moat with wood and directed the placement of artillery. Fearing an assault, Troyes negotiated a surrender.[146]

Reims opened its gates on 16 July 1429. Charles, Joan, and the army entered in the evening, and Charles's consecration took place the following morning.[147] Joan was given a place of honor at the ceremony,[148] and announced that God's will had been fulfilled.[149]

After the consecration, the royal court negotiated a truce of fifteen days with the Duke of Burgundy,[150] who promised he would try to arrange the transfer of Paris to the Armagnacs while continuing negotiations for a definitive peace. At the end of the truce, Burgundy reneged on his promise.[151] Joan and the Duke of Alençon favored a quick march on Paris,[152] but divisions in Charles's court and continued peace negotiations with Burgundy led to a slow advance.[153]

As the Armagnac army approached Paris, many of the towns along the way surrendered without a fight.[154] On 15 August, the English forces under the Duke of Bedford confronted the Armagnacs near Montépilloy in a fortified position that the Armagnac commanders thought was too strong to assault. Joan rode out in front of the English positions to try to provoke them to attack. They refused, resulting in a standoff.[155] The English retreated the following day.[156] The Armagnacs continued their advance and launched an assault on Paris on 8 September.[157] During the fighting, Joan was wounded in the leg by a crossbow bolt. She remained in a trench beneath the city walls until she was rescued after nightfall.[158] The Armagnacs had suffered 1,500 casualties.[159] The following morning, Charles ordered an end to the assault. Joan was displeased[160] and argued that the attack should be continued. She and Alençon had made fresh plans to attack Paris, but Charles dismantled a bridge approaching Paris that was necessary for the attack and the Armagnac army had to retreat.[161]

After the defeat at Paris, Joan's role in the French court diminished. Her aggressive independence did not agree with the court's emphasis on finding a diplomatic solution with Burgundy, and her role in the defeat at Paris reduced the court's faith in her.[162] After the defeat, scholars at the University of Paris argued that she failed to take Paris because her inspiration was not divine.[163] In September, Charles disbanded the army, and Joan was not allowed to work with the Duke of Alençon again.[164]

Campaign against Perrinet Gressart

 
Miniature depicting Jeanne d'Arc from The Lives of Famous Women, by Jean Pichore [fr] (1506, Musée Dobrée, Nantes, France)

In October, Joan was sent as part of a force to attack the territory of Perrinet Gressart [fr], a mercenary who had served the Burgundians and English.[165] The army besieged Saint-Pierre-le-Moûtier, which fell after Joan encouraged a direct assault on 4 November. The army then tried unsuccessfully to take La-Charité-sur-Loire in November and December and had to abandon their artillery during the retreat.[166] This defeat further diminished Joan's reputation.[167]

Joan returned to court at the end of December,[168] where she learned that she and her family had been ennobled by Charles as a reward for her services to him and the kingdom.[169] Before the September attack on Paris, Charles had negotiated a four-month truce with the Burgundians,[170] which was extended until Easter 1430.[171] During this truce, the French court had no need for Joan.[172]

Siege of Compiègne and capture

The Duke of Burgundy began to reclaim towns which had been ceded to him by treaty but had not submitted to him.[173] Compiègne was one such town[174] of many in areas which the Armagnacs had recaptured over the previous few months.[175] Joan set out with a company of volunteers at the end of March 1430 to relieve the town, which was under siege.[176] This expedition did not have the explicit permission of Charles, who was still observing the truce.[177] Some writers suggest that Joan's expedition to Compiègne without documented permission from the court was a desperate and treasonable action,[178] but others have argued that she could not have launched the expedition without the financial support of the court.[179]

In April, Joan arrived at Melun, which had expelled its Burgundian garrison.[180] As Joan advanced, her force grew as other commanders joined her.[181] Joan's troops advanced to Lagny-sur-Marne and defeated an Anglo-Burgundian force commanded by the mercenary Franquet d'Arras who was captured. Typically, he would have been ransomed or exchanged by the capturing force, but Joan allowed the townspeople to execute him after a trial.[182]

 
Mural Joan captured by the Burgundians at Compiègne by Jules-Eugène Lenepveu (c. 1886–1890, Panthéon, Paris)

Joan reached Compiègne on 14 May.[183] After defensive forays against the Burgundian besiegers,[184] she was forced to disband the majority of the army because it had become too difficult for the surrounding countryside to support.[185] Joan and about 400 of her remaining soldiers entered the town.[186]

On 23 May 1430, Joan accompanied an Armagnac force which sortied from Compiègne to attack the Burgundian camp at Margny, northeast of the town. The attack failed, and Joan was captured;[187] She agreed to surrender to a pro-Burgundian nobleman named Lyonnel de Wandomme, a member of Jean de Luxembourg's contingent.[188] who quickly moved her to his castle at Beaulieu-les-Fontaines near Noyes.[189] After her first attempt to escape, she was transferred to Beaurevoir Castle. She made another escape attempt while there, jumping from a window of a 70-foot (21 m) tower and landing in a dry moat; she was injured but survived.[190] In November, she was moved to the Burgundian town of Arras.[191]

The English and Burgundians rejoiced that Joan had been removed as a military threat.[192] The English negotiated with their Burgundian allies to pay Joan's ransom and transfer her to their custody. Bishop Pierre Cauchon of Beauvais, a partisan supporter of the Duke of Burgundy and the English crown,[193] played a prominent part in these negotiations,[194] which were completed in November.[195] The final agreement called for the English to pay 10,000 livres tournois to obtain her from Luxembourg.[196] After the English paid the ransom, they moved Joan to Rouen, their main headquarters in France.[197] There is no evidence that Charles tried to save Joan once she was transferred to the English.[198]

Trials and execution

Trial

Main article: Trial of Joan of Arc
 
The Trial of Joan of Arc, by Louis Maurice Boutet de Monvel (1909–1910, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.)

Joan was put on trial for heresy[199] in Rouen on 9 January 1431.[200] She was accused of having blasphemed by wearing men's clothes, of acting upon visions that were demonic, and of refusing to submit her words and deeds to the church because she claimed she would be judged by God alone.[201] Joan's captors downplayed the secular aspects of her trial by submitting her judgment to an ecclesiastical court, but the trial was politically motivated.[202] Joan testified that her visions had instructed her to defeat the English and crown Charles, and her success was argued to be evidence she was acting on behalf of God.[203] If unchallenged, her testimony would invalidate the English claim to the rule of France[204] and undermine the University of Paris,[205] which supported the dual monarchy ruled by an English king.[206]

The verdict was a foregone conclusion.[207] Joan's guilt could be used to compromise Charles's claims to legitimacy by showing that he had been consecrated by the act of a heretic.[208] Cauchon served as the ordinary judge of the trial.[209] The English subsidized the trial,[210] including payments to Cauchon[211] and Jean Le Maître,[212] who represented the Inquisitor of France.[213] All but 8 of the 131 clergy who participated in the trial were French[214] and two thirds were associated with the University of Paris,[215] but most were pro-Burgundian and pro-English.[216]

 
Miniature of Pierre Cauchon presiding at Joan of Arc's trial, unknown author (15th century, Bibliothèque nationale de France)

Cauchon attempted to follow correct inquisitorial procedure,[217] but the trial had many irregularities.[218] Joan should have been in the hands of the church during the trial and guarded by women,[219] but instead was imprisoned by the English and guarded by male soldiers under the command of the Duke of Bedford.[220] Contrary to canon law, Cauchon had not established Joan's infamy before proceeding with the trial.[221] Joan was not read the charges against her until well after her interrogations began.[222] The procedures were below inquisitorial standards,[223] subjecting Joan to lengthy interrogations[224] without legal counsel.[225] One of the trial clerics stepped down because he felt the testimony was coerced and its intention was to entrap Joan;[226] another challenged Cauchon's right to judge the trial and was jailed.[227] There is evidence that the trial records were falsified.[228]

During the trial, Joan showed great control.[229] She induced her interrogators to ask questions sequentially rather than simultaneously, refer back to their records when appropriate, and end the sessions when she requested.[230] Witnesses at the trial were impressed by her prudence when answering questions.[231] For example, in one exchange she was asked if she knew she was in God's grace. The question was meant as a scholarly trap, as church doctrine held that nobody could be certain of being in God's grace. If she answered positively, she would have been charged with heresy; if negatively, she would have confessed her own guilt. Joan avoided the trap by stating that if she was not in God's grace, she hoped God would put her there, and if she was in God's grace then she hoped she would remain so.[232] One of the court notaries at her trial later testified that the interrogators were stunned by her answer.[233] To convince her to submit, Joan was shown the instruments of torture. When she refused to be intimidated, Cauchon met with about a dozen assessors (clerical jurors) to vote on whether she should be tortured. The majority decided against it.[234]

In early May, Cauchon asked the University of Paris to deliberate on twelve articles summarizing the accusation of heresy. The university approved the charges.[235] On 23 May, Joan was formally admonished by the court.[236] The next day, she was taken out to the churchyard of the abbey of Saint-Ouen for public condemnation. As Cauchon began to read Joan's sentence, she agreed to submit. She was presented with an abjuration document, which included an agreement that she would not bear arms or wear men's clothing.[237] It was read aloud to her,[238] and she signed it.[239][e]

Execution

Public heresy was a capital crime,[242] in which an unrepentant or relapsed heretic could be given over to the judgment of the secular courts and punished by death.[243] Having signed the abjuration, Joan was no longer an unrepentant heretic, but could be executed if convicted of relapsing into heresy.[244]

As part of her abjuration, Joan was required to renounce wearing men's clothes.[245] She exchanged her clothes for a woman's dress and allowed her head to be shaved.[246] She was returned to her cell and kept in chains[247] instead of being transferred to an ecclesiastical prison.[248] Witnesses at the rehabilitation trial stated that Joan was subjected to mistreatment and rape attempts, including one by an English noble,[249] and that guards placed men's clothes in her cell, forcing her to wear them.[250] Cauchon was notified that Joan had resumed wearing male clothing. He sent clerics to admonish her to remain in submission, but the English prevented them from visiting her.[251]

 
Miniature of Joan's Execution from The Vigils of King Charles VII, anonymous (c. 1484, Bibliothèque nationale de France)

On 28 May, Cauchon went to Joan's cell, along with several other clerics. According to the trial record, Joan said that she had gone back to wearing men's clothes because it was more fitting that she dress like a man while being held with male guards, and that the judges had broken their promise to let her go to mass and to release her from her chains. She stated that if they fulfilled their promises and placed her in a decent prison, she would be obedient.[252] When Cauchon asked about her visions, Joan stated that the voices had blamed her for abjuring out of fear, and that she would not deny them again. As Joan's abjuration had required her to deny her visions, this was sufficient to convict her of relapsing into heresy and to condemn her to death.[253] The next day, forty-two assessors were summoned to decide Joan's fate. Two recommended that she be abandoned to the secular courts immediately; the rest recommended that the abjuration be read to her again and explained.[254] In the end, they voted unanimously that Joan was a relapsed heretic, and should be abandoned to the secular power, the English, for punishment.[255]

At about the age of nineteen, Joan was executed on 30 May 1431. In the morning, she was allowed to receive the sacraments despite court process requiring they be denied to heretics.[256] She was then taken to Rouen's Vieux-Marché (Old Marketplace), where she was publicly read her sentence of condemnation.[257] At this point, she should have been turned over to the appropriate authority, the bailiff of Rouen, for secular sentencing, but instead was delivered directly to the English[258] and tied to a tall plastered pillar for execution by burning.[259] She asked to view a cross as she died, and was given one an English soldier made from a stick, which she kissed and placed next to her chest.[260] A processional crucifix was fetched from the church of Saint-Saveur. She embraced it before her hands were bound, and it was held before her eyes during her execution.[261] After her death, her remains were thrown into the Seine River.[262]

Aftermath and rehabilitation trial

Main article: Rehabilitation trial of Joan of Arc
 
Joan in the foreground, facing figures from her rehabilitation trial in the Monument Commemorating the Rehabilitation of Joan of Arc, a plaster work by Émile Pinchon [fr] (1909, Cathédrale Notre-Dame de Noyon)[f]

The military situation was not changed by Joan's execution. Her triumphs had raised Armagnac morale, and the English were not able to regain momentum.[264] Charles remained king of France,[265] despite a rival coronation held for the ten-year-old Henry VI of England at Notre-Dame cathedral in Paris in 1431.[266] In 1435, the Burgundians signed the Treaty of Arras, abandoning their alliance with England.[267] Twenty-two years after Joan's death, the war ended with a French victory at the Battle of Castillon in 1453,[268] and the English were expelled from all of France except Calais.[269]

Joan's execution created a political liability for Charles, implying that his consecration as the king of France had been achieved through the actions of a heretic.[270] On 15 February 1450, a few months after he regained Rouen, Charles ordered Guillaume Bouillé, a theologian and former rector of the University of Paris, to open an inquest.[271] In a brief investigation, Bouillé interviewed seven witnesses of Joan's trial and concluded that the judgment of Joan as a heretic was arbitrary. She had been a prisoner of war treated as a political prisoner, and was put to death without basis.[272] Bouillé's report could not overturn the verdict but it opened the way for the later retrial.[273]

In 1452, a second inquest into Joan's trial was opened by Cardinal Guillaume d'Estouteville, papal legate and relative of Charles, and Jean Bréhal, the recently-appointed Inquisitor of France,[274] who interviewed about 20 witnesses.[275] The inquest was guided by 27 articles describing how Joan's trial had been biased.[276] Immediately after the inquest, d'Estouteville went to Orléans on 9 June and granted an indulgence to those who participated in the ceremonies in Joan's honor on 8 May commemorating the lifting of the siege.[277]

For the next two years d'Estouteville and Bréhal worked on the case.[278] Bréhal forwarded a petition from Joan's mother, Isabelle, and Joan's two brothers Jean and Pierre, to Pope Nicholas V in 1454.[279] Bréhal submitted a summary of his findings to theologians and lawyers in France and Italy,[280] as well as a professor at the University of Vienna,[281] most of whom gave opinions favorable to Joan.[282] After Nicholas V died in early 1455, the new pope Callixtus III gave permission for a rehabilitation trial, and appointed three commissioners to oversee the process: Jean Juvénal des Ursins, archbishop of Reims; Guillaume Chartier, bishop of Paris; and Richard Olivier de Longueil, bishop of Coutances. They chose Bréhal as Inquisitor.[283]

The rehabilitation trial began on 7 November 1455 at Notre Dame Cathedral when Joan's mother publicly delivered a formal request for her daughter's rehabilitation,[284] and ended on 7 July 1456 at Rouen Cathedral, having heard from about 115 witnesses.[285] The court found that the original trial was unjust and deceitful; Joan's abjuration, execution and their consequences were nullified.[286] In his summary of the trial, Bréhal suggested that Cauchon and the assessors who supported him might be guilty of malice and heresy.[287] To emphasize the court's decision, a copy of the Articles of Accusation was formally torn up. The court ordered that a cross should be erected on the site of Joan's execution.[288]

Visions

 
Jeanne d'Arc écoutant les voix by Eugène Thirion (1876, Notre Dame Church, Ville de Chatou)

Joan's visions played an important role in her condemnation, and her admission that she had returned to heeding them led to her execution.[289] Theologians of the era believed that visions could have a supernatural source.[290] The assessors at her trial focused on determining the specific source of Joan's visions,[291] using an ecclesiastical form of discretio spirituum (discernment of spirits).[292] Because she was accused of heresy, they sought to show that her visions were false.[293] The rehabilitation trial nullified Joan's sentence, but did not declare her visions authentic.[294] In 1894, Pope Leo XIII pronounced that Joan's mission was divinely inspired.[295]

Modern scholars have discussed possible neurological and psychiatric causes for her visions.[296] Her visions have been described as hallucinations arising from epilepsy[297] or a temporal lobe tuberculoma.[298] Others have implicated ergot poisoning,[299] schizophrenia,[300] delusional disorder,[301] or creative psychopathy induced by her early childhood rearing.[302] One of the Promoters of the Faith at her 1903 canonization trial argued that her visions may have been manifestations of hysteria.[303] Other scholars argue that Joan created some of the visions' specific details in response to the demands of the interrogators at her trial.[304]

Many of these explanations have been challenged;[g] the trial records designed to demonstrate that Joan was guilty of heresy are unlikely to provide the objective descriptions of symptoms needed to support a medical diagnosis.[306]

Joan's firm belief in the divinity of her visions strengthened her confidence, enabled her to trust herself,[307] and gave her hope during her capture and trial.[308]

Clothing

Joan's cross-dressing was the topic of five of the articles of accusation against her during the trial.[309] In the view of the assessors, it was the emblem of her heresy.[310] Her final condemnation began when she was found to have resumed wearing men's clothes,[311] which was taken as a sign that she had relapsed into heresy.[312]


 
Jeanne d'Arc, a gilded bronze statue by Emmanuel Frémiet (1874, Place des Pyramides)

From the time of her journey to Chinon to her abjuration, Joan usually wore men's clothes[313] and cropped her hair in a male fashion.[314] When she left Vaucouleurs to see the Dauphin in Chinon, Joan was said to have worn a black doublet, a black tunic, and a short black cap.[315] By the time she was captured, she had acquired more elaborate outfits. At her trial, she was accused of wearing breeches, a mantle, a coat of mail, a doublet, hose joined to the doublet with twenty laces, tight boots, spurs, a breastplate, buskins, a sword, a dagger, and a lance. She was also described as wearing furs, a golden surcoat over her armor, and sumptuous riding habits made of precious cloth.[316]

During the trial proceedings, Joan is not recorded as giving a practical reason why she cross-dressed.[317] She stated that it was her own choice to wear men's clothes,[318] and that she did so not at the request of men but by the command of God and his angels.[319] She stated she would return to wearing women's clothes when she fulfilled her calling.[320]

Although Joan's cross-dressing was used to justify her execution, the church's position on it was not clear. In general, it was seen as a sin, but there was no agreement about its severity.[321] Thomas Aquinas stated that a woman may wear a man's clothes to hide herself from enemies or if no other clothes were available,[322] and Joan did both, wearing them in enemy territory to get to Chinon,[323] and in her prison cell after her abjuration when her dress was taken from her.[324] Soon after the siege of Orléans was lifted, Jean Gerson said that Joan's male clothes and haircut were appropriate for her calling, as she was a warrior and men's clothes were more practical.[325]

Cross-dressing may have helped her maintain her virginity by deterring rape[326] and signaling her unavailability as a sexual object;[327] scholars have stated that when she was imprisoned, wearing men's clothes would have only been a minor deterrent to rape as she was shackled most of the time.[328] For most of her active life, Joan did not cross-dress to hide her gender.[329] Rather, it may have functioned to emphasize her unique identity[330] as La Pucelle, a model of virtue that transcends gender roles and inspires people.[331]

Legacy

Joan is one of the most studied people of the Middle Ages,[332] partly because her two trials provided a wealth of documents.[333] Her image, changing over time, has included being the savior of France, an obedient daughter of the Roman Catholic Church, an early feminist, and a symbol of freedom and independence.[334]

Military leader and symbol of France

 
Joan of Arc, statue by Denis Foyatier (1855, Orléans)

Joan's reputation as a military leader who helped drive the English from France began to form before her death. Just after Charles's coronation, Christine de Pizan wrote the poem Ditié de Jehanne D'Arc, celebrating Joan as a supporter of Charles sent by Divine Providence; the poem captured the "surge of optimism" and "sense of wonder and gratitude" that "swept through the whole of the French" after the triumph at Orléans, according to Kennedy and Varty (1977).[335] As early as 1429, Orléans began holding a celebration in honor of the raising of the siege on 8 May.[336]

After Joan's execution, her role in the Orléans victory encouraged popular support for her rehabilitation.[337] Joan became a central part of the annual celebration, and by 1435 a play, Mistère du siège d'Orléans (Mystery of the Siege of Orléans),[338] portrayed her as the vehicle of the divine will that liberated Orléans.[339] The Orléans festival celebrating Joan continues in modern times.[340]

Less than a decade after her rehabilitation trial, Pope Pius II wrote a brief biography describing her as the maid who saved the kingdom of France.[341] Louis XII commissioned a full-length biography of her around 1500.[342]

Joan's early legacy was closely associated with the divine right of the monarchy to rule France.[343] During the French Revolution, her reputation came into question because of her association with the monarchy and religion,[344] and the festival in her honor held at Orléans was suspended in 1793.[345] In 1803, Napoleon Bonaparte authorized its renewal[346] and the creation of a new statue of Joan at Orléans, stating: "The illustrious Joan ... proved that there is no miracle which French genius cannot accomplish when national independence is threatened."[347]

Since then, she has become a prominent symbol as the defender of the French nation. After the French defeat in the Franco-Prussian War, Joan became a rallying point for a new crusade to reclaim Lorraine, the province of her birth.[348] The Third Republic held a patriotic civic holiday in her honor,[349] on 8 May to celebrate her victory at Orléans.[350] During World War I, her image was used to inspire victory.[351] In World War II, all sides of the French cause appealed to her legacy:[352] she was a symbol for Philippe Pétain in Vichy France,[353] a model for Charles de Gaulle's leadership of the Free French,[354] and an example for the Communist resistance.[355] More recently, her association with the monarchy and national liberation has made her a symbol for the French far right, including the monarchist movement Action Française[356] and the National Front Party.[357] Joan's image has been used by the entire spectrum of French politics,[358] and she is an important reference in political dialogue about French identity and unity.[359]

Saint and heroic woman

 
Illustration by Albert Lynch (1903, in Figaro Illustré magazine)

Joan is a saint in the Roman Catholic Church. She was viewed as a religious figure in Orléans after the siege was lifted and an annual panegyric was pronounced there on her behalf until the 1800s.[360] In 1849, the Bishop of Orlėans Félix Dupanloup delivered an oration that attracted international attention,[361] and in 1869 petitioned Rome to begin beatification proceedings.[362] She was beatified by Pope Pius X in 1909, and canonized on 16 May 1920 by Pope Benedict XV.[363] Her feast day is 30 May, the anniversary of her execution.[364] In an apostolic letter, Pope Pius XI declared Joan one of the patron saints of France on 2 March 1922.[365]

Joan was canonized as a Virgin,[366] not as a Christian martyr[367] because she had been put to death by a canonically constituted court,[368] which did not execute for her faith in Christ,[369] but for her private revelation.[370] Nevertheless, she has been popularly venerated as a martyr since her death:[371] one who suffered for her modesty and purity,[372] her country,[373] and the strength of her convictions.[374] Joan is also remembered as a visionary in the Church of England with a commemoration on 30 May.[2] She is revered in the pantheon of the Cao Dai religion.[375]

While Joan was alive, she was already being compared to biblical women heroes, such as Esther, Judith, and Deborah.[376] Her claim of virginity, which signified her virtue and sincerity,[377] was upheld by women of status from both the Armagnac and Burgundian-English sides of the Hundred Years' War: Yolande of Aragon, Charles's mother-in-law, and Anne of Burgundy, Duchess of Bedford.[378]

Joan has been described as a model of an autonomous woman who challenged traditions of masculinity and femininity[379] to be heard as an individual[380] in a patriarchal culture[380]—setting her own course by heeding the voices of her visions.[381] She fulfilled the traditionally male role of a military leader,[382] while maintaining her status as a valiant woman.[383] Merging qualities associated with both genders,[384] Joan has inspired numerous artistic and cultural works for many centuries. In the nineteenth century, hundreds of work of art about her—including biographies, plays, and musical scores—were created in France, and her story became popular as an artistic subject in Europe and North America.[385] By the 1960s, she was the topic of thousands of books.[386] Her legacy has become global, and inspires novels, plays, poems, operas, films, paintings, children's books, advertising, computer games, comics and popular culture across the world.[387]

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ This historiated initial may be an art forgery.[1]
  2. ^ Her birthday is sometimes given as 6 January. This is based on a letter by Perceval de Boulainvilliers [fr], a councillor of Charles VII, stating that Joan was born on the feast of the Epiphany,[12] but his letter is filled with literary tropes that make it questionable as a statement of fact.[13] There is no other evidence of her being born on Epiphany.[14]
  3. ^ Fauquembergue's doodle on the margin of a Parliament's register is the only known contemporary representation of Joan. It is an artist's impression depicting her with long hair and a dress rather than with her hair cut short and in armor.[36]
  4. ^ The woman in this saying is assumed to refer to Isabeau of Bavaria,[57] but this is uncertain.[58]
  5. ^ The details of Joan's abjuration are unclear because the original document, which may have been only eight lines long,[240] was replaced with a longer one in the official record.[241] Quicherat 1841a, pp. 446–448 provides the official text of the abjuration document in French. See Linder 2017 for an English translation.
  6. ^ In the foreground of this allegorical work, Guillaume Bouillé, who opened the inquest, is handing Joan, who died twenty years previously but is symbolically present, the text of her rehabilitation. The figures in the background are Jean Bréhal (standing), the inquisitor; Jean Juvénal des Ursins, archbishop of Reims (enthroned in the center); and one of the other commissioners (enthroned), either Guillaume Chartier (bishop), bishop of Paris or Richard Olivier de Longueil, bishop of Coutances.[263]
  7. ^ For example, Mackowiak 2007, pp. 138–139 points out problems with assuming Joan had schizophrenia, ergot poisoning or temporal lobe issues; Hughes 2005, abstract disputes the conjecture that she had epilepsy; Nores & Yakovleff 1995, abstract argue against her visions being caused by tuberculosis; one of Joan's advocates at the canonization trial pointed out that her case did not meet the clinical descriptions of hysteria;[305] and Ratnasuriya 1986, pp. 234–235 critiques diagnosing Joan as a creative psychopath.

Citations

  1. ^ Contamine 2007, p. 199: Cette miniature du XVe siècle, très soignée (l'étendard correspond exactement à la description que Jeanne d'Arc elle-même en donnera lors de son procès) ... Mais c'est précisément cette exactitude, et cette coïncidence, trop belle pour être vraie, qui éveillent—ou plutôt auraient dû éveiller—les soupçons ... [This miniature from the 15th century, very neat (the banner corresponds exactly to the description that Joan of Arc herself will give during her trial) ... But it is precisely this exactitude, and this coincidence, too good to be true, which arouses—or rather should have aroused—suspicion ...]
  2. ^ a b The Calendar 2021.
  3. ^ a b Pernoud & Clin 1986, pp. 220–221.
  4. ^ Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 81.
  5. ^ Gies 1981, p. 21.
  6. ^ a b c Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 220.
  7. ^ Lucie-Smith 1976, p. 268; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 247.
  8. ^ Barker 2009, p. xviii.
  9. ^ Gies 1981, p. 10; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 55; Warner 1981, p. 278.
  10. ^ DLP 2021: Domrémy-La-Pucelle est situé en Lorraine, dans l'ouest du département des Vosges ... dans la vallée de la Meuse. ["Domrémy-La-Pucelle is located in Lorraine, in the western part of the Vosges department ... in the Meuse valley."]; Gies 1981, p. 10.
  11. ^ Gies 1981, p. 10.
  12. ^ Lucie-Smith 1976, p. 6.
  13. ^ Harrison 2014, p. 23; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 55; Warner 1981, p. 278.
  14. ^ Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 265.
  15. ^ DeVries 1999, p. 36; Lucie-Smith 1976, p. 8; Taylor 2009, p. 24.
  16. ^ Gies 1981, p. 1.
  17. ^ Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 221.
  18. ^ Lowell 1896, pp. 19–20; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 221.
  19. ^ Aberth 2000, p. 50.
  20. ^ Aberth 2000, pp. 61; Perroy 1959, p. 69.
  21. ^ Aberth 2000, pp. 85–86.
  22. ^ Seward 1982, pp. 143–144.
  23. ^ a b Barker 2009, p. 5.
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  25. ^ Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 168; Vale 1974, p. 21.
  26. ^ Vale 1974, pp. 22, 25.
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  28. ^ Sizer 2007.
  29. ^ a b Barker 2009, p. 29.
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  31. ^ Gibbons 1996, p. 71.
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  34. ^ Curry et al. 2015, p. 105.
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  38. ^ Lowell 1896, p. 15.
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  44. ^ Harrison 2014, p. 34–35; Sackville-West 1936, pp. 53–54}; Taylor 2009, pp. 26–27.
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  48. ^ Barstow 1986, p. 26; Lucie-Smith 1976, p. 18.
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  50. ^ Barstow 1986, p. 26; Dworkin 1987, pp. 115–117; Sullivan 1996, pp. 102–104.
  51. ^ Gies 1981, p. 24; Dworkin 1987, p. 107.
  52. ^ Warner 1981, pp. 25–26.
  53. ^ Gies 1981, p. 33; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 119; Lowell 1896, p. 24; Warner 1981, p. 14.
  54. ^ Barstow 1986, p. 64; Taylor 2009, p. 34; Warner 1981, pp. 25–26.
  55. ^ Fraioli 2000, p. 60; Harrison 2014, p. 7; Taylor 2006, p. 19; Warner 1981, p. 26.
  56. ^ DeVries 1999, p. [1]; Harrison 2014, p. 9; Pernoud 1962, p. 44.
  57. ^ Gies 1981, p. 31; Harrison 2014, p. 6; Pernoud 1962, p. 44.
  58. ^ Adams 2010, pp. 47–49; Fraioli 2000, p. 58.
  59. ^ Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 17.
  60. ^ DeVries 1999, pp. 40–41; Harrison 2014, pp. 56–57.
  61. ^ Lowell 1896, pp. 33–34; Pernoud & Clin 1986, pp. 16–17.
  62. ^ Barker 2009, p. 103; Richey 2003, p. 26.
  63. ^ Gies 1981, p. 34; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 18.
  64. ^ Harrison 2014, pp. 56, 68; Lowell 1896, pp. 42–43; Sackville-West 1936, pp. 88–90.
  65. ^ Gies 1981; Pernoud & Clin 1986, pp. 18–19.
  66. ^ DeVries 1999, pp. 27–28.
  67. ^ Barker 2009, p. 67; Vale 1974, p. 56.
  68. ^ Barker 2009, pp. 97–98; DeVries 1999, p. 29.
  69. ^ DeVries 1999, p. 29; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 10.
  70. ^ Gies 1981, p. 30; Goldstone 2012, p. 99–100; Sackville-West 1936, p. 70.
  71. ^ Lowell 1896, p. 47; Sackville-West 1936, pp. 96–97.
  72. ^ Castor 2015, p. 89; Lucie-Smith 1976, p. 36; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 20.
  73. ^ Gies 1981, p. 36; Lowell 1896, p. 48.
  74. ^ Gies 1981, p. 35; Lucie-Smith 1976, pp. 32–33; Warner 1981, pp. 143–144.
  75. ^ Lowell 1896, p. 47; Lucie-Smith 1976, p. 33; Pernoud & Clin 1986, pp. 19–20.
  76. ^ Crane 1996, p. .
  77. ^ Vale 1974, p. 46; Pernoud & Clin 1986, p. 22, fn 1
  78. ^ Taylor 2009, p. 29; Warner 1981, p. 4.
  79. ^ Gies 1981, p. 40.
  80. ^ Castor 2015, p. 91; Gies 1981, p. 50; Lowell 1896, p. 57.
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Books
  • Aberth, John (2000). From the Brink of the Apocalypse. Routledge. ISBN 9780415927154. OCLC 1054385441.
  • Adams, Tracy (2010). The Life and Afterlife of Isabeau of Bavaria. Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 9780801899263. OCLC 1026404304.
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January 07, 2023
joan, jeanne, jehanne, saint, redirect, here, other, uses, jeanne, disambiguation, disambiguation, jehanne, disambiguation, saint, book, french, jeanne, pronounced, ʒan, daʁk, 1412, 1431, patron, saint, france, honored, defender, french, nation, role, siege, o. Jeanne d Arc Jehanne and Saint Joan of Arc redirect here For other uses see Jeanne d Arc disambiguation Joan of Arc disambiguation Jehanne disambiguation and Saint Joan of Arc book Joan of Arc French Jeanne d Arc pronounced ʒan daʁk c 1412 30 May 1431 is a patron saint of France honored as a defender of the French nation for her role in the siege of Orleans and her insistence on the coronation of Charles VII of France during the Hundred Years War Stating that she was acting under divine guidance she became a military leader who transcended gender roles and gained recognition as a savior of France SaintJoan of ArcHistoriated initial depicting Joan of Arc dated to the second half of the 15th century Archives Nationales Paris AE II 2490 a VirginBornc 1412Domremy Duchy of Bar Kingdom of FranceDied30 May 1431 c age 19 Rouen Normandy then under English rule Venerated inRoman Catholic ChurchAnglican Communion 2 Beatified18 April 1909 by Pope Pius XCanonized16 May 1920 by Pope Benedict XVFeast30 MayPatronageFranceJoan was born to a propertied peasant family at Domremy in northeast France In 1428 she requested to be taken to Charles later testifying that she was guided by visions from the archangel Michael Saint Margaret and Saint Catherine to help him save France from English domination Convinced of her devotion and purity Charles sent Joan who was about seventeen years old to the siege of Orleans as part of a relief army She arrived at the city in April 1429 wielding her banner and bringing hope to the demoralized French army Nine days after her arrival the English abandoned the siege Joan encouraged the French to aggressively pursue the English during the Loire Campaign which culminated in another decisive victory at Patay opening the way for the French army to advance on Reims unopposed where Charles was crowned as the King of France with Joan at his side These victories boosted French morale paving the way for their final triumph in the Hundred Years War several decades later After Charles s coronation Joan participated in the unsuccessful siege of Paris in September 1429 and the failed siege of La Charite in November Her role in these defeats reduced the court s faith in her In early 1430 Joan organized a company of volunteers to relieve Compiegne which had been besieged by the Burgundians French allies of the English She was captured by Burgundian troops on 23 May After trying unsuccessfully to escape she was handed to the English in November She was put on trial by Bishop Pierre Cauchon on accusations of heresy which included blaspheming by wearing men s clothes acting upon visions that were demonic and refusing to submit her words and deeds to the judgment of the church She was declared guilty and burned at the stake on 30 May 1431 aged about nineteen In 1456 an inquisitorial court reinvestigated Joan s trial and overturned the verdict declaring that it was tainted by deceit and procedural errors Joan has been revered as a martyr and viewed as an obedient daughter of the Roman Catholic Church an early feminist and a symbol of freedom and independence After the French Revolution she became a national symbol of France In 1920 Joan of Arc was canonized by the Roman Catholic Church and two years later was declared one of the patron saints of France She is portrayed in numerous cultural works including literature paintings sculptures and music Contents 1 Name 2 Birth and historical background 3 Early life 4 Chinon 5 Military campaigns 5 1 Orleans 5 2 Loire Campaign 5 3 Coronation and siege of Paris 5 4 Campaign against Perrinet Gressart 5 5 Siege of Compiegne and capture 6 Trials and execution 6 1 Trial 6 2 Execution 6 3 Aftermath and rehabilitation trial 7 Visions 8 Clothing 9 Legacy 9 1 Military leader and symbol of France 9 2 Saint and heroic woman 10 See also 11 References 11 1 Notes 11 2 Citations 11 3 Sources 12 External linksNameJoan of Arc s name was written in a variety of ways There is no standard spelling of her name before the sixteenth century her last name was usually written as Darc without an apostrophe but there are variants such as Tarc Dart or Day Her father s name was written as Tart at her trial 3 She was called Jeanne d Ay de Domremy in Charles VII s 1429 letter granting her a coat of arms 4 Joan may never have heard herself called Jeanne d Arc The first written record of her being called by this name is in 1455 24 years after her death 3 She was not taught to read and write in her childhood 5 and so dictated her letters 6 She may have later learned to sign her name as some of her letters are signed and she may even have learned to read 7 Joan referred to herself in the letters as Jeanne la Pucelle Joan the Maiden or as la Pucelle the Maiden emphasizing her virginity and she signed Jehanne In the sixteenth century she became known as the Maid of Orleans 6 Birth and historical background France 1429 8 Controlled by Henry VI of England Controlled by Philip III of Burgundy Controlled by Charles VII of France Joan of Arc was born around 1412 9 in Domremy a small village in the Meuse valley now in the Vosges department in the north east of France 10 Her date of birth is unknown and her statements about her age were vague 11 b Her parents were Jacques d Arc and Isabelle Romee Joan had three brothers and a sister 15 Her father was a peasant farmer 16 with about 50 acres 20 ha of land 17 and he supplemented the family income as a village official collecting taxes and heading the local watch 18 She was born during the Hundred Years War between England and France that had begun in 1337 19 over the status of English territories in France and English claims to the French throne 20 Nearly all the fighting had taken place in France devastating its economy 21 At the time of Joan s birth France was divided politically The French king Charles VI had recurring bouts of mental illness and was often unable to rule 22 his brother Louis Duke of Orleans and his cousin John the Fearless Duke of Burgundy quarreled over the regency of France In 1407 the Duke of Burgundy ordered the assassination of the Duke of Orleans 23 precipitating a civil war 24 Charles of Orleans succeeded his father as duke at the age of thirteen and was placed in the custody of Bernard Count of Armagnac his supporters became known as Armagnacs while supporters of the Duke of Burgundy became known as Burgundians 23 The future French king Charles VII had assumed the title of Dauphin heir to the throne after the deaths of his four older brothers 25 and was associated with the Armagnacs 26 Henry V of England exploited France s internal divisions when he invaded in 1415 27 The Burgundians took Paris in 1418 28 29 In 1419 the Dauphin offered a truce to negotiate peace with the Duke of Burgundy but the duke was assassinated by Charles s Armagnac partisans during the negotiations The new duke of Burgundy Philip the Good allied with the English 30 Charles VI accused the Dauphin of murdering the Duke of Burgundy and declared him unfit to inherit the French throne 29 During a period of illness Charles s wife Isabeau of Bavaria stood in for him and signed the Treaty of Troyes 31 which gave their daughter Catherine of Valois in marriage to Henry V granted the succession of the French throne to their heirs and effectively disinherited the Dauphin 32 This caused rumors that the Dauphin was not King Charles VI s son but the offspring of an adulterous affair between Isabeau and the murdered duke of Orleans 33 In 1422 Henry V and Charles VI died within two months of each other the 9 month old Henry VI of England was the nominal heir of the Anglo French dual monarchy as agreed in the treaty but the Dauphin also claimed the French throne 34 Early life Earliest extant representation of Joan of Arc 35 drawing by Clement de Fauquembergue May 1429 French National Archives c In her youth Joan did household chores spun wool helped her father in the fields and looked after their animals Her mother provided Joan s religious education 37 Much of Domremy lay in the Duchy of Bar 38 whose precise feudal status was unclear 39 though surrounded by pro Burgundian lands its people were loyal to the Armagnac cause 40 By 1419 the war had affected the area 41 and in 1425 Domremy was attacked and cattle were stolen 42 This led to a sentiment among villagers that the English must be expelled from France to achieve peace Joan had her first vision after this raid 43 Joan later testified that when she was thirteen around 1425 a figure she identified as Saint Michael surrounded by angels appeared to her in the garden 44 After this vision she said she wept because she wanted them to take her with them 45 Throughout her life she had visions of St Michael 46 a patron saint of the Domremy area who was seen as a defender of France 47 She stated that she had these visions frequently and that she often had them when the church bells were rung 48 Her visions also included St Margaret and St Catherine although Joan never specified they were probably Margaret of Antioch and Catherine of Alexandria those most known in the area 49 Both were known as virgin saints who strove against powerful enemies were tortured and martyred for their beliefs and preserved their virtue to the death 50 Joan testified that she swore a vow of virginity to these voices 51 When a young man from her village alleged that she had broken a promise of marriage Joan stated that she had made him no promises 52 and his case was dismissed by an ecclesiastical court 53 During Joan s youth a prophecy circulating in the French countryside based on the visions of Marie Robine of Avignon fr promised an armed virgin would come forth to save France 54 Another prophecy attributed to Merlin stated that a virgin carrying a banner would put an end to France s suffering 55 Joan implied she was this promised maiden reminding the people around her that there was a saying that France would be destroyed by a woman but would be restored by a virgin 56 d In May 1428 59 she asked her uncle to take her to the nearby town of Vaucouleurs where she petitioned the garrison commander Robert de Baudricourt for an armed escort to the Armagnac court at Chinon Baudricourt harshly refused and sent her home 60 In July Domremy was raided by Burgundian forces 61 which set fire to the town destroyed the crops and forced Joan her family and the other townspeople to flee 62 She returned to Vaucouleurs in January 1429 Her petition was refused again 63 but by this time she had gained the support of two of Baudricourt s soldiers Jean de Metz and Bertrand de Poulengy 64 Meanwhile she was summoned to Nancy under safe conduct by Charles II Duke of Lorraine who had heard about Joan during her stay at Vaucouleurs The duke was ill and thought she might have supernatural powers that could cure him She offered no cures but reprimanded him for living with his mistress 65 Henry V s brothers John of Lancaster 1st Duke of Bedford and Humphrey Duke of Gloucester had continued the English conquest of France 66 Most of northern France Paris and parts of southwestern France were under Anglo Burgundian control The Burgundians controlled Reims the traditional site for the coronation of French kings Charles had not yet been crowned and doing so at Reims would help legitimize his claim to the throne 67 In July 1428 the English had started to surround Orleans and had nearly isolated it from the rest of Charles s territory by capturing many of the smaller bridge towns on the Loire River 68 Orleans was strategically important as the last obstacle to an assault on the remainder of Charles s territory 69 According to Joan s later testimony it was around this period that her visions told her to leave Domremy to help the Dauphin Charles 70 Baudricourt agreed to a third meeting with Joan in February 1429 around the time the English captured an Armagnac relief convoy at the Battle of the Herrings during the Siege of Orleans Their conversations 71 along with Metz and Poulengy s support 72 convinced Baudricourt to allow her to go to Chinon for an audience with the Dauphin Joan traveled with an escort of six soldiers 73 Before leaving Joan put on men s clothes 74 which were provided by her escorts and the people of Vaucouleurs 75 She continued to wear men s clothes for the remainder of her life 76 Chinon Charles VII of France by Jean Fouquet c 1444 Louvre Paris Charles VII met Joan for the first time at the Royal Court in Chinon in late February or early March 1429 77 when she was seventeen 78 and he was twenty six 79 She told him that she had come to raise the siege of Orleans and to lead him to Reims for his coronation 80 They had a private exchange that made a strong impression on Charles Jean Pasquerel Joan s confessor later testified that Joan told him she had reassured the Dauphin that he was Charles VI s son and legitimate king 81 Charles and his council needed more assurance 82 and sent Joan to Poitiers to be examined by a council of theologians who declared that she was a good person and a good Catholic 83 They did not render a decision on the source of Joan s inspiration but agreed that sending her to Orleans could be useful to the king 84 and would test if her inspiration was of divine origin 85 Joan was then sent to Tours to be physically examined by women directed by Charles s mother in law Yolande of Aragon who verified her virginity 86 This was to establish if she could indeed be the prophesied virgin savior of France 87 to show the purity of her devotion 88 and to ensure she had not consorted with the Devil 89 The dauphin reassured by the results of these tests commissioned plate armor for her She designed her own banner and had a sword brought to her from under the altar in the church at Sainte Catherine de Fierbois 90 Around this time she began calling herself Joan the Maiden emphasizing her virginity as a sign of her mission 6 Before Joan s arrival at Chinon the Armagnac strategic situation was bad but not hopeless 91 The Armagnac forces were prepared to endure a prolonged siege at Orleans 92 the Burgundians had recently withdrawn from the siege due to disagreements about territory 93 and the English were debating whether to continue 94 Nonetheless after almost a century of war the Armagnacs were demoralized 95 Once Joan joined the Dauphin s cause her personality began to raise their spirits 96 inspiring devotion and the hope of divine assistance 97 Her belief in the divine origin of her mission turned the longstanding Anglo French conflict over inheritance into a religious war 94 Before beginning the journey to Orleans Joan dictated a letter to the Duke of Bedford warning him that she was sent by God to drive him out of France 98 Military campaignsOrleans Joan of Arc enters Orleans by Jean Jacques Scherrer 1887 Musee des Beaux Arts d Orleans In the last week of April 1429 Joan set out from Blois as part of an army carrying supplies for the relief of Orleans 99 She arrived there on 29 April 100 and met the commander Jean de Dunois the Bastard of Orleans 101 Orleans was not completely cut off and Dunois got her into the city where she was greeted enthusiastically 102 Joan was initially treated as a figurehead to raise morale 103 flying her banner on the battlefield 104 She was not given any formal command 105 or included in military councils 106 but quickly gained the support of the Armagnac troops She always seemed to be present where the fighting was most intense she frequently stayed with the front ranks and she gave them a sense she was fighting for their salvation 107 Armagnac commanders would sometimes accept the advice she gave them such as deciding what position to attack when to continue an assault and how to place artillery 108 On 4 May the Armagnacs went on the offensive attacking the outlying bastille de Saint Loup fortress of Saint Loup Once Joan learned of the attack she rode out with her banner to the site of the battle a mile east of Orleans She arrived as the Armagnac soldiers were retreating after a failed assault Her appearance rallied the soldiers who attacked again and took the fortress 109 On 5 May no combat occurred since it was Ascension Thursday a feast day She dictated another letter to the English warning them to leave France and had it tied to a bolt which was fired by a crossbowman 110 The Armagnacs resumed their offensive on 6 May capturing Saint Jean le Blanc which the English had deserted 111 The Armagnac commanders wanted to stop but Joan encouraged them to launch an assault on les Augustins an English fortress built around a monastery 112 After its capture 113 the Armagnac commanders wanted to consolidate their gains but Joan again argued for continuing the offensive 114 On the morning of 7 May the Armagnacs attacked the main English stronghold les Tourelles Joan was wounded by an arrow between the neck and shoulder while holding her banner in the trench on the south bank of the river but later returned to encourage the final assault that took the fortress 115 The English retreated from Orleans on 8 May ending the siege 116 At Chinon Joan had declared that she was sent by God 117 At Poitiers when she was asked to show a sign demonstrating this claim she replied that it would be given if she were brought to Orleans The lifting of the siege was interpreted by many people to be that sign 118 Prominent clergy such as Jacques Gelu fr Archbishop of Embrun 119 and the theologian Jean Gerson 120 wrote treatises in support of Joan after this victory 121 In contrast the English saw the ability of this peasant girl to defeat their armies as proof she was possessed by the Devil 122 Loire Campaign Joan of ArcAllegianceKingdom of FranceConflictHundred Years WarMajor battles and journeys Interactive fullscreen map Joan s journey to Chinon Orleans and Loire Campaign March to Reims Reims and the Siege of Paris Campaign against Perrinet Gressard CompiegneAfter the success at Orleans Joan insisted that the Armagnac forces should advance promptly toward Reims to crown the Dauphin 123 Charles allowed her to accompany the army under the command of John II Duke of Alencon 124 who collaboratively worked with Joan and regularly heeded her advice 125 Before advancing toward Reims the Armagnacs needed to recapture the bridge towns along the Loire Jargeau Meung sur Loire and Beaugency This would clear the way for Charles and his entourage who would have to cross the Loire near Orleans to get from Chinon to Reims 126 The campaign to clear the Loire towns began on 11 June when the Armagnac forces led by Alencon and Joan arrived at Jargeau 127 and forced the English to withdraw inside the town s walls Joan sent a message to the English to surrender they refused 128 and she advocated for a direct assault on the walls the next day 129 By the end of the day the town was taken The Armagnac took few prisoners and many of the English who surrendered were killed 130 During this campaign Joan continued to serve in the thick of battle She began scaling a siege ladder with her banner in hand but before she could climb the wall she was struck by a stone which split her helmet 131 Alencon and Joan s army advanced on Meung sur Loire On 15 June they took control of the town s bridge and the English garrison withdrew to a castle on the Loire s north bank 132 Most of the army continued on the south bank of the Loire to besiege the castle at Beaugency 133 Meanwhile the English army from Paris under the command of Sir John Fastolf had linked up with the garrison in Meung and traveled along the north bank of the Loire to relieve Beaugency 134 Unaware of this the English garrison at Beaugency surrendered on 18 June 135 The main English army retreated toward Paris Joan urged the Armagnacs to pursue them and the two armies clashed at the Battle of Patay later that day The English had prepared their forces to ambush an Armagnac attack with hidden archers 136 but the Armagnac vanguard detected and scattered them A rout ensued that decimated the English army Fastolf escaped with a small band of soldiers but many of the English leaders were captured 137 Joan arrived at the battlefield too late to participate in the decisive action 138 but her encouragement to pursue the English had made the victory possible 139 Coronation and siege of Paris Coronation of Charles VII in Guillaume de Nangis Chronicon abbreviatum regum Francorum Joan of Arc stands holding a banner of France to his right Unknown author 15th century After the destruction of the English army at Patay some Armagnac leaders argued for an invasion of English held Normandy but Joan remained insistent that Charles must be crowned 140 The Dauphin agreed and the army left Gien on 29 June to march on Reims 141 The advance was nearly unopposed 142 The Burgundian held town of Auxerre surrendered on 3 July after three days of negotiations 143 and other towns in the army s path returned to Armagnac allegiance without resistance 144 Troyes which had a small garrison of English and Burgundian troops 145 was the only one to resist After four days of negotiation Joan ordered the soldiers to fill the city s moat with wood and directed the placement of artillery Fearing an assault Troyes negotiated a surrender 146 Reims opened its gates on 16 July 1429 Charles Joan and the army entered in the evening and Charles s consecration took place the following morning 147 Joan was given a place of honor at the ceremony 148 and announced that God s will had been fulfilled 149 After the consecration the royal court negotiated a truce of fifteen days with the Duke of Burgundy 150 who promised he would try to arrange the transfer of Paris to the Armagnacs while continuing negotiations for a definitive peace At the end of the truce Burgundy reneged on his promise 151 Joan and the Duke of Alencon favored a quick march on Paris 152 but divisions in Charles s court and continued peace negotiations with Burgundy led to a slow advance 153 As the Armagnac army approached Paris many of the towns along the way surrendered without a fight 154 On 15 August the English forces under the Duke of Bedford confronted the Armagnacs near Montepilloy in a fortified position that the Armagnac commanders thought was too strong to assault Joan rode out in front of the English positions to try to provoke them to attack They refused resulting in a standoff 155 The English retreated the following day 156 The Armagnacs continued their advance and launched an assault on Paris on 8 September 157 During the fighting Joan was wounded in the leg by a crossbow bolt She remained in a trench beneath the city walls until she was rescued after nightfall 158 The Armagnacs had suffered 1 500 casualties 159 The following morning Charles ordered an end to the assault Joan was displeased 160 and argued that the attack should be continued She and Alencon had made fresh plans to attack Paris but Charles dismantled a bridge approaching Paris that was necessary for the attack and the Armagnac army had to retreat 161 After the defeat at Paris Joan s role in the French court diminished Her aggressive independence did not agree with the court s emphasis on finding a diplomatic solution with Burgundy and her role in the defeat at Paris reduced the court s faith in her 162 After the defeat scholars at the University of Paris argued that she failed to take Paris because her inspiration was not divine 163 In September Charles disbanded the army and Joan was not allowed to work with the Duke of Alencon again 164 Campaign against Perrinet Gressart Miniature depicting Jeanne d Arc from The Lives of Famous Women by Jean Pichore fr 1506 Musee Dobree Nantes France In October Joan was sent as part of a force to attack the territory of Perrinet Gressart fr a mercenary who had served the Burgundians and English 165 The army besieged Saint Pierre le Moutier which fell after Joan encouraged a direct assault on 4 November The army then tried unsuccessfully to take La Charite sur Loire in November and December and had to abandon their artillery during the retreat 166 This defeat further diminished Joan s reputation 167 Joan returned to court at the end of December 168 where she learned that she and her family had been ennobled by Charles as a reward for her services to him and the kingdom 169 Before the September attack on Paris Charles had negotiated a four month truce with the Burgundians 170 which was extended until Easter 1430 171 During this truce the French court had no need for Joan 172 Siege of Compiegne and capture The Duke of Burgundy began to reclaim towns which had been ceded to him by treaty but had not submitted to him 173 Compiegne was one such town 174 of many in areas which the Armagnacs had recaptured over the previous few months 175 Joan set out with a company of volunteers at the end of March 1430 to relieve the town which was under siege 176 This expedition did not have the explicit permission of Charles who was still observing the truce 177 Some writers suggest that Joan s expedition to Compiegne without documented permission from the court was a desperate and treasonable action 178 but others have argued that she could not have launched the expedition without the financial support of the court 179 In April Joan arrived at Melun which had expelled its Burgundian garrison 180 As Joan advanced her force grew as other commanders joined her 181 Joan s troops advanced to Lagny sur Marne and defeated an Anglo Burgundian force commanded by the mercenary Franquet d Arras who was captured Typically he would have been ransomed or exchanged by the capturing force but Joan allowed the townspeople to execute him after a trial 182 Mural Joan captured by the Burgundians at Compiegne by Jules Eugene Lenepveu c 1886 1890 Pantheon Paris Joan reached Compiegne on 14 May 183 After defensive forays against the Burgundian besiegers 184 she was forced to disband the majority of the army because it had become too difficult for the surrounding countryside to support 185 Joan and about 400 of her remaining soldiers entered the town 186 On 23 May 1430 Joan accompanied an Armagnac force which sortied from Compiegne to attack the Burgundian camp at Margny northeast of the town The attack failed and Joan was captured 187 She agreed to surrender to a pro Burgundian nobleman named Lyonnel de Wandomme a member of Jean de Luxembourg s contingent 188 who quickly moved her to his castle at Beaulieu les Fontaines near Noyes 189 After her first attempt to escape she was transferred to Beaurevoir Castle She made another escape attempt while there jumping from a window of a 70 foot 21 m tower and landing in a dry moat she was injured but survived 190 In November she was moved to the Burgundian town of Arras 191 The English and Burgundians rejoiced that Joan had been removed as a military threat 192 The English negotiated with their Burgundian allies to pay Joan s ransom and transfer her to their custody Bishop Pierre Cauchon of Beauvais a partisan supporter of the Duke of Burgundy and the English crown 193 played a prominent part in these negotiations 194 which were completed in November 195 The final agreement called for the English to pay 10 000 livres tournois to obtain her from Luxembourg 196 After the English paid the ransom they moved Joan to Rouen their main headquarters in France 197 There is no evidence that Charles tried to save Joan once she was transferred to the English 198 Trials and executionTrial Main article Trial of Joan of Arc The Trial of Joan of Arc by Louis Maurice Boutet de Monvel 1909 1910 National Gallery of Art Washington D C Joan was put on trial for heresy 199 in Rouen on 9 January 1431 200 She was accused of having blasphemed by wearing men s clothes of acting upon visions that were demonic and of refusing to submit her words and deeds to the church because she claimed she would be judged by God alone 201 Joan s captors downplayed the secular aspects of her trial by submitting her judgment to an ecclesiastical court but the trial was politically motivated 202 Joan testified that her visions had instructed her to defeat the English and crown Charles and her success was argued to be evidence she was acting on behalf of God 203 If unchallenged her testimony would invalidate the English claim to the rule of France 204 and undermine the University of Paris 205 which supported the dual monarchy ruled by an English king 206 The verdict was a foregone conclusion 207 Joan s guilt could be used to compromise Charles s claims to legitimacy by showing that he had been consecrated by the act of a heretic 208 Cauchon served as the ordinary judge of the trial 209 The English subsidized the trial 210 including payments to Cauchon 211 and Jean Le Maitre 212 who represented the Inquisitor of France 213 All but 8 of the 131 clergy who participated in the trial were French 214 and two thirds were associated with the University of Paris 215 but most were pro Burgundian and pro English 216 Miniature of Pierre Cauchon presiding at Joan of Arc s trial unknown author 15th century Bibliotheque nationale de France Cauchon attempted to follow correct inquisitorial procedure 217 but the trial had many irregularities 218 Joan should have been in the hands of the church during the trial and guarded by women 219 but instead was imprisoned by the English and guarded by male soldiers under the command of the Duke of Bedford 220 Contrary to canon law Cauchon had not established Joan s infamy before proceeding with the trial 221 Joan was not read the charges against her until well after her interrogations began 222 The procedures were below inquisitorial standards 223 subjecting Joan to lengthy interrogations 224 without legal counsel 225 One of the trial clerics stepped down because he felt the testimony was coerced and its intention was to entrap Joan 226 another challenged Cauchon s right to judge the trial and was jailed 227 There is evidence that the trial records were falsified 228 During the trial Joan showed great control 229 She induced her interrogators to ask questions sequentially rather than simultaneously refer back to their records when appropriate and end the sessions when she requested 230 Witnesses at the trial were impressed by her prudence when answering questions 231 For example in one exchange she was asked if she knew she was in God s grace The question was meant as a scholarly trap as church doctrine held that nobody could be certain of being in God s grace If she answered positively she would have been charged with heresy if negatively she would have confessed her own guilt Joan avoided the trap by stating that if she was not in God s grace she hoped God would put her there and if she was in God s grace then she hoped she would remain so 232 One of the court notaries at her trial later testified that the interrogators were stunned by her answer 233 To convince her to submit Joan was shown the instruments of torture When she refused to be intimidated Cauchon met with about a dozen assessors clerical jurors to vote on whether she should be tortured The majority decided against it 234 In early May Cauchon asked the University of Paris to deliberate on twelve articles summarizing the accusation of heresy The university approved the charges 235 On 23 May Joan was formally admonished by the court 236 The next day she was taken out to the churchyard of the abbey of Saint Ouen for public condemnation As Cauchon began to read Joan s sentence she agreed to submit She was presented with an abjuration document which included an agreement that she would not bear arms or wear men s clothing 237 It was read aloud to her 238 and she signed it 239 e Execution Public heresy was a capital crime 242 in which an unrepentant or relapsed heretic could be given over to the judgment of the secular courts and punished by death 243 Having signed the abjuration Joan was no longer an unrepentant heretic but could be executed if convicted of relapsing into heresy 244 As part of her abjuration Joan was required to renounce wearing men s clothes 245 She exchanged her clothes for a woman s dress and allowed her head to be shaved 246 She was returned to her cell and kept in chains 247 instead of being transferred to an ecclesiastical prison 248 Witnesses at the rehabilitation trial stated that Joan was subjected to mistreatment and rape attempts including one by an English noble 249 and that guards placed men s clothes in her cell forcing her to wear them 250 Cauchon was notified that Joan had resumed wearing male clothing He sent clerics to admonish her to remain in submission but the English prevented them from visiting her 251 Miniature of Joan s Execution from The Vigils of King Charles VII anonymous c 1484 Bibliotheque nationale de France On 28 May Cauchon went to Joan s cell along with several other clerics According to the trial record Joan said that she had gone back to wearing men s clothes because it was more fitting that she dress like a man while being held with male guards and that the judges had broken their promise to let her go to mass and to release her from her chains She stated that if they fulfilled their promises and placed her in a decent prison she would be obedient 252 When Cauchon asked about her visions Joan stated that the voices had blamed her for abjuring out of fear and that she would not deny them again As Joan s abjuration had required her to deny her visions this was sufficient to convict her of relapsing into heresy and to condemn her to death 253 The next day forty two assessors were summoned to decide Joan s fate Two recommended that she be abandoned to the secular courts immediately the rest recommended that the abjuration be read to her again and explained 254 In the end they voted unanimously that Joan was a relapsed heretic and should be abandoned to the secular power the English for punishment 255 At about the age of nineteen Joan was executed on 30 May 1431 In the morning she was allowed to receive the sacraments despite court process requiring they be denied to heretics 256 She was then taken to Rouen s Vieux Marche Old Marketplace where she was publicly read her sentence of condemnation 257 At this point she should have been turned over to the appropriate authority the bailiff of Rouen for secular sentencing but instead was delivered directly to the English 258 and tied to a tall plastered pillar for execution by burning 259 She asked to view a cross as she died and was given one an English soldier made from a stick which she kissed and placed next to her chest 260 A processional crucifix was fetched from the church of Saint Saveur She embraced it before her hands were bound and it was held before her eyes during her execution 261 After her death her remains were thrown into the Seine River 262 Aftermath and rehabilitation trial Main article Rehabilitation trial of Joan of Arc Joan in the foreground facing figures from her rehabilitation trial in the Monument Commemorating the Rehabilitation of Joan of Arc a plaster work by Emile Pinchon fr 1909 Cathedrale Notre Dame de Noyon f The military situation was not changed by Joan s execution Her triumphs had raised Armagnac morale and the English were not able to regain momentum 264 Charles remained king of France 265 despite a rival coronation held for the ten year old Henry VI of England at Notre Dame cathedral in Paris in 1431 266 In 1435 the Burgundians signed the Treaty of Arras abandoning their alliance with England 267 Twenty two years after Joan s death the war ended with a French victory at the Battle of Castillon in 1453 268 and the English were expelled from all of France except Calais 269 Joan s execution created a political liability for Charles implying that his consecration as the king of France had been achieved through the actions of a heretic 270 On 15 February 1450 a few months after he regained Rouen Charles ordered Guillaume Bouille a theologian and former rector of the University of Paris to open an inquest 271 In a brief investigation Bouille interviewed seven witnesses of Joan s trial and concluded that the judgment of Joan as a heretic was arbitrary She had been a prisoner of war treated as a political prisoner and was put to death without basis 272 Bouille s report could not overturn the verdict but it opened the way for the later retrial 273 In 1452 a second inquest into Joan s trial was opened by Cardinal Guillaume d Estouteville papal legate and relative of Charles and Jean Brehal the recently appointed Inquisitor of France 274 who interviewed about 20 witnesses 275 The inquest was guided by 27 articles describing how Joan s trial had been biased 276 Immediately after the inquest d Estouteville went to Orleans on 9 June and granted an indulgence to those who participated in the ceremonies in Joan s honor on 8 May commemorating the lifting of the siege 277 For the next two years d Estouteville and Brehal worked on the case 278 Brehal forwarded a petition from Joan s mother Isabelle and Joan s two brothers Jean and Pierre to Pope Nicholas V in 1454 279 Brehal submitted a summary of his findings to theologians and lawyers in France and Italy 280 as well as a professor at the University of Vienna 281 most of whom gave opinions favorable to Joan 282 After Nicholas V died in early 1455 the new pope Callixtus III gave permission for a rehabilitation trial and appointed three commissioners to oversee the process Jean Juvenal des Ursins archbishop of Reims Guillaume Chartier bishop of Paris and Richard Olivier de Longueil bishop of Coutances They chose Brehal as Inquisitor 283 The rehabilitation trial began on 7 November 1455 at Notre Dame Cathedral when Joan s mother publicly delivered a formal request for her daughter s rehabilitation 284 and ended on 7 July 1456 at Rouen Cathedral having heard from about 115 witnesses 285 The court found that the original trial was unjust and deceitful Joan s abjuration execution and their consequences were nullified 286 In his summary of the trial Brehal suggested that Cauchon and the assessors who supported him might be guilty of malice and heresy 287 To emphasize the court s decision a copy of the Articles of Accusation was formally torn up The court ordered that a cross should be erected on the site of Joan s execution 288 Visions Jeanne d Arc ecoutant les voix by Eugene Thirion 1876 Notre Dame Church Ville de Chatou Joan s visions played an important role in her condemnation and her admission that she had returned to heeding them led to her execution 289 Theologians of the era believed that visions could have a supernatural source 290 The assessors at her trial focused on determining the specific source of Joan s visions 291 using an ecclesiastical form of discretio spirituum discernment of spirits 292 Because she was accused of heresy they sought to show that her visions were false 293 The rehabilitation trial nullified Joan s sentence but did not declare her visions authentic 294 In 1894 Pope Leo XIII pronounced that Joan s mission was divinely inspired 295 Modern scholars have discussed possible neurological and psychiatric causes for her visions 296 Her visions have been described as hallucinations arising from epilepsy 297 or a temporal lobe tuberculoma 298 Others have implicated ergot poisoning 299 schizophrenia 300 delusional disorder 301 or creative psychopathy induced by her early childhood rearing 302 One of the Promoters of the Faith at her 1903 canonization trial argued that her visions may have been manifestations of hysteria 303 Other scholars argue that Joan created some of the visions specific details in response to the demands of the interrogators at her trial 304 Many of these explanations have been challenged g the trial records designed to demonstrate that Joan was guilty of heresy are unlikely to provide the objective descriptions of symptoms needed to support a medical diagnosis 306 Joan s firm belief in the divinity of her visions strengthened her confidence enabled her to trust herself 307 and gave her hope during her capture and trial 308 ClothingJoan s cross dressing was the topic of five of the articles of accusation against her during the trial 309 In the view of the assessors it was the emblem of her heresy 310 Her final condemnation began when she was found to have resumed wearing men s clothes 311 which was taken as a sign that she had relapsed into heresy 312 Jeanne d Arc a gilded bronze statue by Emmanuel Fremiet 1874 Place des Pyramides From the time of her journey to Chinon to her abjuration Joan usually wore men s clothes 313 and cropped her hair in a male fashion 314 When she left Vaucouleurs to see the Dauphin in Chinon Joan was said to have worn a black doublet a black tunic and a short black cap 315 By the time she was captured she had acquired more elaborate outfits At her trial she was accused of wearing breeches a mantle a coat of mail a doublet hose joined to the doublet with twenty laces tight boots spurs a breastplate buskins a sword a dagger and a lance She was also described as wearing furs a golden surcoat over her armor and sumptuous riding habits made of precious cloth 316 During the trial proceedings Joan is not recorded as giving a practical reason why she cross dressed 317 She stated that it was her own choice to wear men s clothes 318 and that she did so not at the request of men but by the command of God and his angels 319 She stated she would return to wearing women s clothes when she fulfilled her calling 320 Although Joan s cross dressing was used to justify her execution the church s position on it was not clear In general it was seen as a sin but there was no agreement about its severity 321 Thomas Aquinas stated that a woman may wear a man s clothes to hide herself from enemies or if no other clothes were available 322 and Joan did both wearing them in enemy territory to get to Chinon 323 and in her prison cell after her abjuration when her dress was taken from her 324 Soon after the siege of Orleans was lifted Jean Gerson said that Joan s male clothes and haircut were appropriate for her calling as she was a warrior and men s clothes were more practical 325 Cross dressing may have helped her maintain her virginity by deterring rape 326 and signaling her unavailability as a sexual object 327 scholars have stated that when she was imprisoned wearing men s clothes would have only been a minor deterrent to rape as she was shackled most of the time 328 For most of her active life Joan did not cross dress to hide her gender 329 Rather it may have functioned to emphasize her unique identity 330 as La Pucelle a model of virtue that transcends gender roles and inspires people 331 LegacyJoan is one of the most studied people of the Middle Ages 332 partly because her two trials provided a wealth of documents 333 Her image changing over time has included being the savior of France an obedient daughter of the Roman Catholic Church an early feminist and a symbol of freedom and independence 334 Military leader and symbol of France Joan of Arc statue by Denis Foyatier 1855 Orleans Joan s reputation as a military leader who helped drive the English from France began to form before her death Just after Charles s coronation Christine de Pizan wrote the poem Ditie de Jehanne D Arc celebrating Joan as a supporter of Charles sent by Divine Providence the poem captured the surge of optimism and sense of wonder and gratitude that swept through the whole of the French after the triumph at Orleans according to Kennedy and Varty 1977 335 As early as 1429 Orleans began holding a celebration in honor of the raising of the siege on 8 May 336 After Joan s execution her role in the Orleans victory encouraged popular support for her rehabilitation 337 Joan became a central part of the annual celebration and by 1435 a play Mistere du siege d Orleans Mystery of the Siege of Orleans 338 portrayed her as the vehicle of the divine will that liberated Orleans 339 The Orleans festival celebrating Joan continues in modern times 340 Less than a decade after her rehabilitation trial Pope Pius II wrote a brief biography describing her as the maid who saved the kingdom of France 341 Louis XII commissioned a full length biography of her around 1500 342 Joan s early legacy was closely associated with the divine right of the monarchy to rule France 343 During the French Revolution her reputation came into question because of her association with the monarchy and religion 344 and the festival in her honor held at Orleans was suspended in 1793 345 In 1803 Napoleon Bonaparte authorized its renewal 346 and the creation of a new statue of Joan at Orleans stating The illustrious Joan proved that there is no miracle which French genius cannot accomplish when national independence is threatened 347 Since then she has become a prominent symbol as the defender of the French nation After the French defeat in the Franco Prussian War Joan became a rallying point for a new crusade to reclaim Lorraine the province of her birth 348 The Third Republic held a patriotic civic holiday in her honor 349 on 8 May to celebrate her victory at Orleans 350 During World War I her image was used to inspire victory 351 In World War II all sides of the French cause appealed to her legacy 352 she was a symbol for Philippe Petain in Vichy France 353 a model for Charles de Gaulle s leadership of the Free French 354 and an example for the Communist resistance 355 More recently her association with the monarchy and national liberation has made her a symbol for the French far right including the monarchist movement Action Francaise 356 and the National Front Party 357 Joan s image has been used by the entire spectrum of French politics 358 and she is an important reference in political dialogue about French identity and unity 359 Saint and heroic woman Illustration by Albert Lynch 1903 in Figaro Illustre magazine Joan is a saint in the Roman Catholic Church She was viewed as a religious figure in Orleans after the siege was lifted and an annual panegyric was pronounced there on her behalf until the 1800s 360 In 1849 the Bishop of Orleans Felix Dupanloup delivered an oration that attracted international attention 361 and in 1869 petitioned Rome to begin beatification proceedings 362 She was beatified by Pope Pius X in 1909 and canonized on 16 May 1920 by Pope Benedict XV 363 Her feast day is 30 May the anniversary of her execution 364 In an apostolic letter Pope Pius XI declared Joan one of the patron saints of France on 2 March 1922 365 Joan was canonized as a Virgin 366 not as a Christian martyr 367 because she had been put to death by a canonically constituted court 368 which did not execute for her faith in Christ 369 but for her private revelation 370 Nevertheless she has been popularly venerated as a martyr since her death 371 one who suffered for her modesty and purity 372 her country 373 and the strength of her convictions 374 Joan is also remembered as a visionary in the Church of England with a commemoration on 30 May 2 She is revered in the pantheon of the Cao Dai religion 375 While Joan was alive she was already being compared to biblical women heroes such as Esther Judith and Deborah 376 Her claim of virginity which signified her virtue and sincerity 377 was upheld by women of status from both the Armagnac and Burgundian English sides of the Hundred Years War Yolande of Aragon Charles s mother in law and Anne of Burgundy Duchess of Bedford 378 Joan has been described as a model of an autonomous woman who challenged traditions of masculinity and femininity 379 to be heard as an individual 380 in a patriarchal culture 380 setting her own course by heeding the voices of her visions 381 She fulfilled the traditionally male role of a military leader 382 while maintaining her status as a valiant woman 383 Merging qualities associated with both genders 384 Joan has inspired numerous artistic and cultural works for many centuries In the nineteenth century hundreds of work of art about her including biographies plays and musical scores were created in France and her story became popular as an artistic subject in Europe and North America 385 By the 1960s she was the topic of thousands of books 386 Her legacy has become global and inspires novels plays poems operas films paintings children s books advertising computer games comics and popular culture across the world 387 See alsoName of Joan of Arc Trial of Joan of Arc Rehabilitation trial of Joan of Arc Cultural depictions of Joan of Arc Alternative historical interpretations of Joan of ArcReferencesNotes This historiated initial may be an art forgery 1 Her birthday is sometimes given as 6 January This is based on a letter by Perceval de Boulainvilliers fr a councillor of Charles VII stating that Joan was born on the feast of the Epiphany 12 but his letter is filled with literary tropes that make it questionable as a statement of fact 13 There is no other evidence of her being born on Epiphany 14 Fauquembergue s doodle on the margin of a Parliament s register is the only known contemporary representation of Joan It is an artist s impression depicting her with long hair and a dress rather than with her hair cut short and in armor 36 The woman in this saying is assumed to refer to Isabeau of Bavaria 57 but this is uncertain 58 The details of Joan s abjuration are unclear because the original document which may have been only eight lines long 240 was replaced with a longer one in the official record 241 Quicherat 1841a pp 446 448 provides the official text of the abjuration document in French See Linder 2017 for an English translation In the foreground of this allegorical work Guillaume Bouille who opened the inquest is handing Joan who died twenty years previously but is symbolically present the text of her rehabilitation The figures in the background are Jean Brehal standing the inquisitor Jean Juvenal des Ursins archbishop of Reims enthroned in the center and one of the other commissioners enthroned either Guillaume Chartier bishop bishop of Paris or Richard Olivier de Longueil bishop of Coutances 263 For example Mackowiak 2007 pp 138 139 points out problems with assuming Joan had schizophrenia ergot poisoning or temporal lobe issues Hughes 2005 abstract disputes the conjecture that she had epilepsy Nores amp Yakovleff 1995 abstract argue against her visions being caused by tuberculosis one of Joan s advocates at the canonization trial pointed out that her case did not meet the clinical descriptions of hysteria 305 and Ratnasuriya 1986 pp 234 235 critiques diagnosing Joan as a creative psychopath Citations Contamine 2007 p 199 Cette miniature du XVe siecle tres soignee l etendard correspond exactement a la description que Jeanne d Arc elle meme en donnera lors de son proces Mais c est precisement cette exactitude et cette coincidence trop belle pour etre vraie qui eveillent ou plutot auraient du eveiller les soupcons This miniature from the 15th century very neat the banner corresponds exactly to the description that Joan of Arc herself will give during her trial But it is precisely this exactitude and this coincidence too good to be true which arouses or rather should have aroused suspicion a b The Calendar 2021 a b Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 220 221 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 81 Gies 1981 p 21 a b c Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 220 Lucie Smith 1976 p 268 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 247 Barker 2009 p xviii Gies 1981 p 10 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 55 Warner 1981 p 278 DLP 2021 Domremy La Pucelle est situe en Lorraine dans l ouest du departement des Vosges dans la vallee de la Meuse Domremy La Pucelle is located in Lorraine in the western part of the Vosges department in the Meuse valley Gies 1981 p 10 Gies 1981 p 10 Lucie Smith 1976 p 6 Harrison 2014 p 23 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 55 Warner 1981 p 278 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 265 DeVries 1999 p 36 Lucie Smith 1976 p 8 Taylor 2009 p 24 Gies 1981 p 1 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 221 Lowell 1896 pp 19 20 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 221 Aberth 2000 p 50 Aberth 2000 pp 61 Perroy 1959 p 69 Aberth 2000 pp 85 86 Seward 1982 pp 143 144 a b Barker 2009 p 5 Seward 1982 p 144 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 168 Vale 1974 p 21 Vale 1974 pp 22 25 DeVries 1999 pp 19 22 Tuchman 1982 pp 583 585 Sizer 2007 a b Barker 2009 p 29 Barker 2009 pp 26 27 Burne 1956 p 142 Gibbons 1996 p 71 Barker 2009 pp 28 29 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 189 Curry et al 2015 p 105 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 240 241 DeVries 1999 p 31 Maddox 2012 p 442 Gies 1981 p 21 Lowell 1896 p 15 Castor 2015 p 89 Lowell 1896 pp 15 16 Sackville West 1936 pp 24 25 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 171 Gies 1981 p 20 Lowell 1896 pp 21 22 Gies 1981 p 20 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 266 Lowell 1896 pp 28 29 Harrison 2014 p 34 35 Sackville West 1936 pp 53 54 Taylor 2009 pp 26 27 Barstow 1986 p 22 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 113 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 113 Sackville West 1936 p 58 Sullivan 1996 p 88 Barstow 1986 p 26 Lucie Smith 1976 p 18 Warner 1981 p 132 Barstow 1986 p 26 Lucie Smith 1976 p 18 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 113 Sullivan 1996 pp 88 89 Barstow 1986 p 26 Dworkin 1987 pp 115 117 Sullivan 1996 pp 102 104 Gies 1981 p 24 Dworkin 1987 p 107 Warner 1981 pp 25 26 Gies 1981 p 33 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 119 Lowell 1896 p 24 Warner 1981 p 14 Barstow 1986 p 64 Taylor 2009 p 34 Warner 1981 pp 25 26 Fraioli 2000 p 60 Harrison 2014 p 7 Taylor 2006 p 19 Warner 1981 p 26 DeVries 1999 p 1 Harrison 2014 p 9 Pernoud 1962 p 44 Gies 1981 p 31 Harrison 2014 p 6 Pernoud 1962 p 44 Adams 2010 pp 47 49 Fraioli 2000 p 58 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 17 DeVries 1999 pp 40 41 Harrison 2014 pp 56 57 Lowell 1896 pp 33 34 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 16 17 Barker 2009 p 103 Richey 2003 p 26 Gies 1981 p 34 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 18 Harrison 2014 pp 56 68 Lowell 1896 pp 42 43 Sackville West 1936 pp 88 90 Gies 1981 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 18 19 DeVries 1999 pp 27 28 Barker 2009 p 67 Vale 1974 p 56 Barker 2009 pp 97 98 DeVries 1999 p 29 DeVries 1999 p 29 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 10 Gies 1981 p 30 Goldstone 2012 p 99 100 Sackville West 1936 p 70 Lowell 1896 p 47 Sackville West 1936 pp 96 97 Castor 2015 p 89 Lucie Smith 1976 p 36 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 20 Gies 1981 p 36 Lowell 1896 p 48 Gies 1981 p 35 Lucie Smith 1976 pp 32 33 Warner 1981 pp 143 144 Lowell 1896 p 47 Lucie Smith 1976 p 33 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 19 20 Crane 1996 p 298 Vale 1974 p 46 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 22 fn 1 Taylor 2009 p 29 Warner 1981 p 4 Gies 1981 p 40 Castor 2015 p 91 Gies 1981 p 50 Lowell 1896 p 57 DeVries 1999 p 48 Gies 1981 p 51 Gies 1981 p 53 Castor 2015 p 96 Gies 1981 p 53 DeVries 1999 p 50 Richey 2003 p 34 Barker 2009 p 108 Vale 1974 p 56 Gies 1981 p 54 Lucie Smith 1976 p 76 Barker 2009 p 107 Gies 1981 p 55 Barker 2009 p 107 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 31 Michelet 1855 p 55 Sackville West 1936 p 138 DeVries 1999 pp 50 51 Gies 1981 pp 59 60 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 36 37 Warner 1981 p 54 Vale 1974 p 55 Gies 1981 pp 43 44 Barker 2009 p 108 a b Vale 1974 p 55 DeVries 1999 p 29 Richey 2003 p 39 Harrison 2014 p 103 104 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 31 Lucie Smith 1976 pp 78 79 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 34 35 Richey 2003 pp 34 35 Barker 2009 p 110 DeVries 1999 p 71 Barker 2009 p 114 Richey 2003 p 50 Barker 2009 pp 114 115 Gies 1981 p 72 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 40 41 Barker 2009 p 118 Warner 1981 p 64 Gies 1981 p 168 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 114 Warner 1981 p 68 Richey 2003 p 39 DeVries 1999 p 76 Gies 1981 pp 71 75 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 39 Warner 1981 p 64 DeVries 1996 p 4 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 230 Richey 2003 p 40 DeVries 1999 pp 103 104 Gies 1981 p 86 Barker 2009 p 116 Gies 1981 pp 74 75 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 43 44 Harrison 2014 pp 150 151 Richey 2003 p 57 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 44 Barker 2009 p 117 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 45 Barker 2009 p 117 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 45 Richey 2003 p 58 Barker 2009 p 118 DeVries 1999 pp 82 85 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 45 46 DeVries 1999 p 85 Gies 1981 p 78 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 46 Gies 1981 pp 79 78 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 47 Richey 2003 p 61 Barker 2009 p 119 DeVries 1999 p 91 Gies 1981 p 81 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 22 Warner 1981 p 63 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 56 Warner 1981 p 63 Fraioli 2000 pp 87 88 Michelet 1855 pp 80 81 Lang 1909 pp 146 147 Warner 1981 p 63 Boyd 1986 p 116 DeVries 1996 p 10 Gies 1981 p 87 Seward 1982 pp 213 214 Harrison 2014 pp 169 170 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 157 Richey 2003 p 66 Lucie Smith 1976 p 128 Richey 2003 p 66 DeVries 1999 p 102 Gies 1981 p 90 Castor 2015 p 114 Lucie Smith 1976 pp 127 128 Lowell 1896 p 116 DeVries 1999 p 101 Barker 2009 p 120 Burne 1956 p 250 DeVries 1999 p 104 Lucie Smith 1976 p 131 Burne 1956 p 250 Castor 2015 p 115 DeVries 1999 p 105 Barker 2009 pp 120 121 DeVries 1999 p 104 Lucie Smith 1976 p 132 Gies 1981 p 93 Lowell 1896 p 126 Burne 1956 p 252 Barker 2009 p 121 Burne 1956 p 252 Gies 1981 pp 94 91 Barker 2009 p 122 Burne 1956 pp 253 254 Barker 2009 p 122 DeVries 1999 p 118 Gies 1981 p 98 DeVries 1999 p 120 Gies 1981 p 98 Burne 1956 p 256 Gies 1981 p 100 Harrison 2014 pp 176 177 Richey 2003 p 75 Barker 2009 p 126 Gies 1981 pp 101 103 105 Michelet 1855 pp 86 87 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 62 Barker 2009 p 126 Burne 1956 p 261 DeVries 1999 p 128 Gies 1981 p 106 Barker 2009 p 126 DeVries 1999 p 130 DeVries 1999 p 130 Michelet 1855 p 87 DeVries 1999 p 130 Michelet 1855 pp 89 90 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 63 DeVries 1999 p 133 Lucie Smith 1976 p 159 Barker 2009 p 126 Lucie Smith 1976 p 162 DeVries 1999 p 134 Gies 1981 p 112 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 66 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 72 DeVries 1999 p 140 Lowell 1896 pp 163 164 Barker 2009 p 128 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 72 Richey 2003 p 78 DeVries 1999 p 147 Harrison 2014 pp 200 201 Lowell 1896 pp 163 164 Barker 2009 p 130 DeVries 1999 p 142 Barker 2009 p 132 DeVries 1999 pp 142 143 DeVries 1999 p 144 Barker 2009 p 134 DeVries 1999 p 150 Barker 2009 p 136 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 77 Barker 2009 p 136 DeVries 1999 pp 152 153 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 78 DeVries 1999 p 152 Gies 1981 p 126 DeVries 1999 p 156 Gies 1981 p 130 Harrison 2014 p 209 Castor 2015 p 143 Barker 2009 pp 136 137 DeVries 1999 p 153 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 78 79 Barker 2009 pp 137 138 DeVries 1999 p 157 DeVries 1999 p 157 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 81 Barker 2009 p 137 Castor 2015 p 149 Lowell 1896 p 191 Richey 2003 p 81 Gies 1981 p 134 Lucie Smith 1976 p 193 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 81 Barker 2009 p 132 DeVries 1999 p 145 Lucie Smith 1976 p 174 Lang 1909 p 199 Lowell 1896 p 193 Barker 2009 p 138 DeVries 1999 p 165 Harrison 2014 pp 212 214 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 84 Barker 2009 p 146 DeVries 1999 pp 167 168 DeVries 1999 p 166 DeVries 1999 p 168 Gies 1981 p 136 Lang 1909 p 226 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 84 85 Vale 1974 Barker 2009 p 146 DeVries 1999 p 168 Gies 1981 p 136 Lightbody 1961 p 152 Gies 1981 p 136 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 85 DeVries 1999 pp 168 169 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 86 DeVries 1999 p 169 Gies 1981 pp 137 138 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 85 DeVries 1999 p 169 Gies 1981 p 138 DeVries 1999 p 171 Gies 1981 p 139 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 86 Barker 2009 p 146 DeVries 1999 pp 174 177 Harrison 2014 pp 227 228 Gies 1981 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 88 Gies 1981 p 142 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 92 Castor 2015 p 163 Gies 1981 p 149 Warner 1981 p 113 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 97 Rankin amp Quintal 1964 pp 111 112 Champion 1920 p 405 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 208 209 Castor 2015 pp 162 163 Lucie Smith 1976 pp 210 211 Taylor 2006 p 22 DeVries 1999 p 183 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 97 Lucie Smith 1976 p 212 Castor 2015 p 164 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 100 101 Gies 1981 pp 143 144 DeVries 1999 p 168 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 97 98 Vale 1974 pp 58 59 Hobbins 2005 pp 14 15 Sullivan 1999 p xviii Russell 1972 p 262 Taylor 2006 p 22 Taylor 2006 p 24 Gies 1981 pp 207 208 See Hobbins 2005 pp 157 164 for a complete translation of the articles Peters 1989 p 69 Weiskopf 1996 p 118 Elliott 2002 pp 46 47 Hobbins 2005 p 20 Gies 1981 pp 146 147 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 107 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 4 Hobbins 2005 p 3 Verger 1972 pp 53 54 Hobbins 2005 p 8 Kelly 1993 pp 1023 1024 Sullivan 2011 p 313 Hobbins 2005 pp 20 21 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 106 Lightbody 1961 p 102 Sullivan 1999 p xiii Gies 1981 p 156 Lightbody 1961 pp 102 103 Newhall 1934 p 89 Warner 1981 p 47 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 214 Gies 1981 p 156 Taylor 2006 p 23 Hobbins 2005 p 4 Taylor 2006 p 23 Harrison 2014 p 253 Hobbins 2005 p 23 Pernoud 1962 p 166 Warner 1981 p 48 Hobbins 2005 p 18 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 108 Sullivan 2011 p 311 Taylor 2006 p 29 Gies 1981 p 157 Hobbins 2005 p 7 Peters 1989 p 69 Taylor 2006 p 26 Gies 1981 p 154 Harrison 2014 pp 234 255 Kelly 1993 pp 1018 1022 Taylor 2006 pp 24 25 Kelly 1993 p 1022 Peters 1989 p 69 Sullivan 1999 pp 88 89 Hobbins 2005 p 7 Taylor 2006 pp 25 fn 79 Frank 1997 p 54 Kelly 1993 p 1018 Frank 1997 p 54 Gies 1981 pp 156 157 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 126 Hobbins 2005 p 7 Rankin amp Quintal 1964 p 101 Gies 1981 p 160 Taylor 2009 p 160 Sullivan 1999 p 102 Gies 1981 p 160 Sullivan 1999 p 102 Barstow 1986 p 93 Gies 1981 p 166 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 112 Gies 1981 p 166 Lucie Smith 1976 p 238 Gies 1981 p 206 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 127 128 Lucie Smith 1976 p 256 Gies 1981 pp 208 209 Harrison 2014 p 288 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 129 Castor 2015 p 186 Lowell 1896 p 318 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 129 Gies 1981 p 212 Castor 2015 p 190 Gies 1981 p 214 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 131 Barstow 1986 pp 115 116 Castor 2015 p 190 Sullivan 1999 p 131 Harrison 2014 pp 290 291 Lucie Smith 1976 p 266 267 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 130 131 Rankin amp Quintal 1964 p 101 Megivern 1997 p 128 Noonan 1998 p 703 Kelly 2014 p 949 Noonan 1987 pp 204 205 Noonan 1987 p 203 Schibanoff 1996 p 37 Lucie Smith 1976 p 271 Hotchkiss 2000 pp 64 65 Lightbody 1961 p 138 fn3 Lucie Smith 1976 p 269 Crane 1996 pp 302 303 Gies 1981 p 216 Lucie Smith 1976 p 273 Michelet 1855 p 222 Hotchkiss 2000 p 66 Lucie Smith 1976 p 272 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 132 Lowell 1896 p 329 Lucie Smith 1976 p 273 Bullough 1974 p 1389 Crane 1996 p 302 Hobbins 2005 p 24 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 132 133 Sullivan 1999 pp 132 133 Gies 1981 p 217 Hobbins 2005 pp 24 25 Gies 1981 pp 218 219 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 134 135 Hobbins 2005 p 198 Sullivan 1999 Taylor 2006 p 139 Gies 1981 pp 219 220 Harrison 2014 p 296 Lucie Smith 1976 pp 279 280 Sullivan 1999 p 148 Taylor 2006 p 225 Gies 1981 p 223 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 135 Lucie Smith 1976 pp 281 282 Michelet 1855 pp 228 229 Gies 1981 p 223 Lowell 1896 p 341 Michelet 1855 p 238 Gies 1981 p 223 Lucie Smith 1976 pp 282 283 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 136 Gies 1981 p 223 Lowell 1896 p 341 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 137 LGPC 2022 Allmand 1988 p 57 Curry et al 2015 p 106 Fuller 1954 pp 496 497 Allmand 1988 p 57 Fuller 1954 p 490 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 166 Barker 2009 p 229 Barker 2009 p 228 DeVries 1999 p 186 Fuller 1954 p 494 Allmand 1988 p 36 Burne 1956 p 342 Castor 2015 p 230 Gies 1981 p 231 Castor 2015 p 224 Gies 1981 p 230 Harrison 2014 pp 313 314 Vale 1974 p 62 Pernoud 1955 pp 3 4 Warner 1981 p 189 Gies 1981 p 230 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 149 155 Lightbody 1961 p 121 Pernoud 1955 p 318 Castor 2015 pp 228 229 Lightbody 1961 p 122 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 151 Castor 2015 pp 228 229 Lucie Smith 1976 p 4 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 152 155 Pernoud 1955 p 34 Warner 1981 p 190 Lightbody 1961 pp 122 123 Lowell 1896 pp 350 351 Murray 1902 p 372 Warner 1981 p 190 Pernoud 1962 p 264 Warner 1981 p 190 Lightbody 1961 p 128 Lowell 1896 p 350 Pernoud 1955 p 37 Gies 1981 p 235 Lightbody 1961 p 122 Gies 1981 p 124 Lowell 1896 p 351 Murray 1902 p 373 Gies 1981 p 235 Lowell 1896 p 351 Pernoud 1955 p 37 Warner 1981 p 190 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 156 Gies 1981 p 236 Lowell 1896 p 355 Pernoud 1955 pp 287 288 Napier 2017 p 67 see Brehal 1456 pt I ch VIII p 104 105 Unde quatinus ille episcopus et alii in hoc ei faventes se a malicia manifesta contra ecclesiam romanam aut etiam ab heresi se debite excusare possent non video How that bishop Cauchon and others who favored him in this respect that is in continuing the trial can excuse themselves from malice toward the Roman Church or even from heresy I cannot see Castor 2015 p 241 Gies 1981 p 237 Pernoud 1962 p 268 Gies 1981 p 217 Hobbins 2005 pp 24 25 Taylor 2006 p 33 Gies 1981 pp 24 Taylor 2006 pp 13 27 Gies 1981 p 24 Sullivan 1996 p 86 Weiskopf 1996 p 127 Sullivan 1999 p 32 Taylor 2006 p 29 Gies 1981 p 236 Lightbody 1961 p 140 Warner 1981 p 190 Kelly 1996 pp 220 223 Harrison 2014 pp 35 36 Henker 1984 abstract Schildkrout 2017 6 d Orsi amp Tinuper 2006 abstract Foote Smith amp Bayne 1991 abstract Nicastro amp Fabienne 2016 abstract Ratnasuriya 1986 p 235 Sherman amp Zimmerman 2008 abstract Allen 1975 pp 4 7 Mackowiak 2007 p 140 Henderson 1939 cited in Ratnasuriya 1986 p 234 Kelly 1996 p 220 Huizinga 1959 pp 223 224 Sullivan 1996 pp 104 105 Taylor 2009 pp 37 38 Warner 1981 pp 130 131 Kelly 1996 p 222 de Toffol 2016 p 81 it would seem very difficult to defend a medical diagnosis that was based on this available information the trial record The format of the interrogation does not allow one to gather the necessary facts about the symptoms the orientation of the questions aimed at achieving a guilty verdict and the thinking of that era both serve to weaken the capacity to conclude a valid medical diagnosis DeVries 1999 pp 38 39 Gies 1981 p 28 Henderson 1939 cited in Ratnasuriya 1986 p 234 Schildkrout 2017 8 Sullivan 1999 p 140 Garber 1993 p 215 Schibanoff 1996 Hotchkiss 2000 p 66 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 117 Schibanoff 1996 p 31 Gies 1981 pp 217 218 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 132 Schibanoff 1996 p 31 Sullivan 1999 p 132 Hotchkiss 2000 p 66 Schibanoff 1996 p 38 Crane 2002 pp 74 Fraioli 2000 p 28 fn18 Crane 1996 p 307 Schibanoff 1996 pp 42 Crane 1996 p 307 Gies 1981 p 192 Lucie Smith 1976 p 34 Hotchkiss 2000 p 67 Warner 1981 p 144 Gies 1981 pp 35 37 Sackville West 1936 pp 91 92 Crane 1996 p 298 Garber 1993 p 216 Lucie Smith 1976 pp 32 33 Warner 1981 pp 144 146 Sullivan 2011 p 316 Hotchkiss 2000 p 61 Sullivan 1999 p 42 Sackville West 1936 pp 92 93 Schibanoff 1996 p 41 Hotchkiss 2000 p 66 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 132 Crane 1996 p 301 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 184 Dworkin 1987 pp 125 126 Gies 1981 p 216 Harrison 2014 pp 251 252 Hotchkiss 2000 p 67 Dworkin 1987 p 126 Schibanoff 1996 p 52 Hotchkiss 2000 pp 64 65 Schibanoff 1996 p 58 Bullough 1974 Crane 1996 p 310 Sproles 1996 p 163 Warner 1981 p 147 Crane 2002 p 78 Warner 1981 p 142 Crane 1996 pp 305 306 Warner 1981 pp 146 147 DeVries 1996 p 3 Lightbody 1961 pp 16 17 Warner 1981 pp 4 6 Sexsmith 1990 pp 125 129 Kennedy amp Varty 1977 p 1 Warner 1981 p 25 See de Pizan 1497 pp 41 50 for an English translation Hamblin 2003 p 209 Lightbody 1961 p 118 Hamblin 2003 p 217 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 243 also see Hamblin 1984 pp 9 10 Hamblin 1988 pp 63 64 Orleans 2021 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 242 245 Warner 1981 p 192 Taylor 2006 pp 350 352 Harrison 2014 p 316 Rankin amp Quintal 1964 p 3 See Anon 1500 for an English translation Fraioli 2000 p 56 Mackinnon 1902 p 78 Wood 1988 p 150 Lightbody 1961 p 15 Mock 2011 p 39 France 1909 pp lix lx Warner 1981 p 256 Conner 2004 p 89 Guillemin 1970 p 249 Guillemin 1970 p 250 Maddox 2012 p 444 Brown 2012 p 450 Mock 2011 p 144 Guillemin 1970 p 255 Sexsmith 1990 p 129 Brown 2012 p 449 Gaehtgens 2018 p 45 Cohen 2014 p 130 Brown 2012 p 452 Cohen 2014 p 130 Cohen 2014 p 138 Dunn 2021 p 62 Mock 2011 p 220 Dunn 2021 p 62 Gildea 1996 p 165 Margolis 1996 p 265 Brown 2012 p 439 Mock 2011 p 3 Mock 2011 p 145 Gildea 1996 pp 155 156 Warner 1981 pp 311 312 fn 24 Taylor 2012 p 238 Gildea 1996 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 244 245 Taylor 2012 p 238 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 p 245 Taylor 2012 p 240 Castor 2015 p 244 Pius XI 1922 p 187 Sanctam Ioannam Virginem Arcensem uti Patronam minus principalem Galliae libentissime declaramus et constituimus We most gladly declare and appoint Saint Joan of Arc the virgin as the Secondary Patron Saint of France Sullivan 1999 p 162 see Benedict XV 1920 for the text of the papal bull canonizing Joan Chenu 1990 p 98 Ghezzi 1996 Sullivan 1996 p 106 fn8 Warner 1981 p 264 Guillemin 1970 p 256 Harrison 2002 p 105 Kelly 1996 p 210 Lowell 1896 p 842 Meltzer 2001 p 192 Pernoud 1955 pp 6 252 Taylor 2006 p 29 fn86 Kelly 1996 p 210 Michelet 1855 p 249 McInerney 2003 pp 210 211 Sullivan 1999 pp 30 31 Kelly 1996 p 210 Guillemin 1970 p 249 Warner 1981 p 268 Chenu 1990 pp 98 99 Boal 2005 p 208 Fraioli 1981 pp 811 813 814 Dworkin 1987 pp 126 127 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 30 31 Meltzer 2001 p 94 Castor 2015 pp 97 168 Gies 1981 pp 54 154 Pernoud amp Clin 1986 pp 30 31 105 Dworkin 1987 pp 123 125 Sullivan 1996 p 103 a b Barstow 1985 pp 24 29 Barstow 1986 pp 127 129 Dworkin 1987 pp 104 105 Fraioli 1981 p 817 Sproles 1996 p 162 Taylor 2012 p 217 Warner 1981 p 216 Dworkin 1987 p 104 Barstow 1985 p 29 Dunn 2021 p 38 Lightbody 1961 pp 16 17 Cohen 2014 p 110 Sources BooksAberth John 2000 From the Brink of the Apocalypse Routledge ISBN 9780415927154 OCLC 1054385441 Adams Tracy 2010 The Life and Afterlife of Isabeau of Bavaria Johns Hopkins University Press ISBN 9780801899263 OCLC 1026404304 Allmand Christopher 1988 The Hundred Years War England and France at War c 1300 c 1450 Cambridge University Press ISBN 9781139167789 OCLC 1285662551 Barker Juliet 2009 Conquest The English Kingdom of France 1417 1450 Little Brown ISBN 9781408702468 OCLC 903613803 Barstow Anne Llewellyn 1986 Joan of Arc Heretic Mystic Shaman E Mellen ISBN 9780889465329 OCLC 1244846182 Boal Barbara 2005 The Cao Dai and the Hoa Hao In Partridge Christopher ed Introduction to World Religions Fortress pp 208 209 ISBN 0800637143 OCLC 58802408 span, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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