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Domnall mac Eimín

January 01, 1970

Domnall mac Eimín meic Cainnig (died 23 April 1014) was an eleventh-century Mormaer of Mar.[note 1] He is attested by numerous accounts of the Battle of Clontarf in which he is said to have lost his life supporting the cause of Brian Bóruma mac Cennétig, High King of Ireland, a king whose forces fought against those of Sitriuc mac Amlaíb, King of Dublin, Máel Mórda mac Murchada, King of Leinster and Sigurðr Hlǫðvisson, Earl of Orkney. Domnall is the first Mormaer of Mar on record, and the Irish sources that note him are the earliest sources to note the province of Mar. Domnall is the only Scottish combatant recorded to have in the Battle of Clontarf. His motivations for fighting are uncertain.

Domnall mac Eimín meic Cainnig
Mormaer of Mar
Domnal's name as it appears on folio 36v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 (the Annals of Ulster).[1]
Died23 April 1014
Clontarf

Attestations edit

 
Locations relating to Domnall's life and times.

Domnall may have been of Scandinavian descent.[12] The name of his father could be a Gaelic form of the Old Norse Eyvindr.[13][note 2] Domnall was a Mormaer of Mar.[19] The province of Mar straddled the River Dee and River Don in Aberdeenshire.[20] By about 1100, Mar formed one of the core provinces of the Kingdom of Alba.[21] Domnall is the earliest mormaer from the province on record.[22] In fact, notices of Domnall in Irish sources are the earliest record of the province itself.[23]

The meaning of the Gaelic title mormaer (plural mormaír) is uncertain. It could derive from elements meaning "sea steward" or "great steward".[24] In historical sources, the title almost always has Scottish connotations.[25] It appears to denote one of the most important royal officials—aside from the king—as a kind of steward or bailiff.[26] In times of peace, a Scottish mormaer would have overseen one of the provinces of Alba, and in times of war, he would have commanded its military forces.[27] By the twelfth century, the office of mormaer became territorialised,[28] and the title became Latinised as comes, a term otherwise used for the English earl.[29][note 3]

In 1014, Domnall fought[33] and died at the Battle of Clontarf,[34] supporting the cause of Brian Bóruma mac Cennétig, High King of Ireland.[35][note 4] The battle was fought by the forces of the High King of Ireland against the allied forces of Sitriuc mac Amlaíb, King of Dublin, Máel Mórda mac Murchada, King of Leinster, and Sigurðr Hlǫðvisson, Earl of Orkney.[37] Although Brian's forces won the fight, it was a Pyrrhic victory,[38] leaving both sides decimated, with Brian and members of his immediate family amongst the dead, and his objective of capturing Dublin left unfulfilled.[39]

Domnall's part in the clash is noted by numerous historical sources: including the seventeenth-century Annals of Clonmacnoise,[40] the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé,[41] the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters,[42] the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster,[43] the twelfth-century Chronicon Scotorum,[44] the twelfth-century Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib,[45] and the thirteenth-century Cottonian Annals.[46] Another important account of the battle noting Domnall is preserved within the manuscript Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 486.[47] It is remarkable that the Munster-based eleventh- to fourteenth-century Annals of Inisfallen makes no notice of Domnall.[48]

Domnall appears to have been one of the principal commanders in the battle, and appears to have commanded a portion of Brian's army composed of foreign mercenaries. The forces of the Dublin-Leinster-Orkney coalition were commanded by Máel Mórda and Sigurðr.[49] Brian does not appear to have taken part in battle,[50] whilst Sitriuc's part is more obscure.[51]

According to Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, Brian's forces were organised into three battalions. The battalion that appears to have formed the left flank is stated to have been composed of ten mormaers and their Scandinavian allies.[52] With exception to Domnall, the obscurity of this formation's commanders is remarkable in comparison to the other battalions. This partly evinces the probability that Domnall's unit was mainly composed of Scandinavian troops.[53] Opposite this battalion, the coalition's right flank appears to have been composite force of Scandinavian mercenaries in the fore and Leinstermen in the rear.[54][note 5]

Death edit

 
A nineteenth-century depiction of the Battle of Clontarf.[58]

The most accurate accounts of the battle are the historical Irish chronicles. Sources such as Chronicon Scotorum, the Annals of Inisfallen, and the Annals of Ulster probably stem from contemporary reports of events. Sources such as the Annals of Clonmacnoise and the Cottonian Annals appear to incorporate latter legends.[59] Instead of being an accurate and impartial account of history, Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib is probably a piece of Dál Cais/Uí Briain propaganda,[60] compiled for the benefit of Brian's great-grandson, Muirchertach Ua Briain, King of Munster.[61][note 6] The treatment that Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib gives to British affairs appears to reflect the eleventh- and twelfth-century ambitions of the Uí Briain in the Kingdom of the Isles.[64] As such, there is reason to suspect that its (possibly exaggerated) depiction of Domnall may have been intended to promote a theme of shared interests between Munster and Alba.[65] This positive portrayal of international relations reflects the political connections cultivated between Muirchertach and the Scots.[66]

Nevertheless, Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib is the only source to give specific detail about the battle,[50] and Domnall plays a prominent part in its account.[67] According to this source, the night before hostilities, a certain Plait, identified as the son of the King of Lochlainn, boasted that there was no man in Ireland fit to fight him. Domnall, however, is said to have made it known that he was up to the challenge.[68] The following day, once the battalions were arrayed on the field of battle, Plait is said to have called out Domnall, whereupon the two fight one another, dying by each other's hand. As such, according to Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, the two were the first combatants to clash at the Battle of Clontarf.[69] The episode concerning Domnall and Plait's fight makes up an entire chapter of this source.[70] Whether the two actually encountered each other the night before is questionable,[71] as is perhaps the claim that the battle began with the duel between two opposing champions.[72] If there is any historical basis to the tale, it may be more likely that the two had crossed paths sometime previous, and that the battle merely allowed them to settle an old score.[71]

Some of the dialogue attributed to Domnall and Plait by Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib contains Gaelicised forms of Old Norse vocabulary:[73]

Is arsin tanic Plait a cath na lureach amach, ocus asbert fo thri faras Domnall? id est Cait ita Domnall? Ro recair Domnall ocus asbert, sund, a sniding ar se. (Then Plait came forward from the battalion of the men in armour, and said three times 'Faras Domnall?' that is 'Where is Domnall?' Domnall answered and said 'Here you wretch' said he.)

— Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib[74]

Specifically, the Gaelic faras in this passage is a form of the Old Norse hvar es, meaning "where is"; and the Gaelic sniding is a form of the Old Norse niðingr, meaning "wretch, scoundrel".[75] The dialogue between Domnall and Plait may therefore evince bilingualism between the two.[76]

Domnall's first notice by Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib depicts him delivering a message from Brian to Brian's eldest son, Murchad, instructing the latter not to take an advanced position on the battlefield in front of his troops. When Murchad retorts that he is unwilling retreat one foot of land in front of his men, and declares that many false heroes will fall back and leave their share of the battle to him, Domnall swears that he will not shirk from his part. Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib then remarks that Domnall was indeed true to his word.[77] Domnall is thus depicted as a trusted and true follower of Brian, and it is possible that this passage was intended increase the drama in preparation for the account of Domnall's final fall.[78] There is no mention of Domnall's title in this pre-battle scene,[79] and the text implies that Domnall was personally attached to Brian, occupying a leadership role under him.[72]

Plait is otherwise unrecorded by historical chronicles. If Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib was indeed authored at the behest of Muirchertach, one possibility is that Plait is merely a literary invention intended to reflect relations between Muirchertach and the Kingdom of Norway. Although Muirchertach faced a serious threat from Magnús Óláfsson, King of Norway during his reign, the two orchestrated a marriage alliance between Muirchertach's daughter, Bjaðmunjo, and Magnús' son, Sigurðr. When Magnús was killed in 1103, Sigurðr returned to Norway, leaving Bjaðmunjo behind.[64] It is remarkable that Plait—described as the son of the King of Lochlainn—is one of the few Scandinavians noted for bravery by Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib. This may reflect relations between Muirchertach and Sigurðr,[80] who, according to the thirteenth-century Morkinskinna, exacted tribute from Ireland during his reign as King of Norway.[81]

Context edit

 
An eighteenth-century depiction of Brian Bóruma mac Cennétig, probably the earliest depiction of the king.[82]

Domnall is the only man from Alba recorded to have died at the Battle of Clontarf.[83][note 7] The fact that surviving sources focus upon the slain makes it uncertain if there were other leaders from Alba present.[48] Domnall's part in the battle partly evinces the international nature of the clash,[86] and may be indicative of Brian's diplomatic ability.[87] Nevertheless, it is uncertain in what context he took part in it.[88] On one hand, Domnall may have merely acted as a hired mercenary,[89] or perhaps as a dislocated nobleman exiled from Alba. If he had been fostered by an Irish family, it is also conceivable that Domnall could have felt obliged to serve alongside them.[90]

According to Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, Brian took tribute throughout the Irish Sea region, including from the men of Lennox and Argyll.[91] If there is any truth to this claim, it could be evidence of otherwise unrecorded contact between Brian and the Scots that could account for Domnall's part in the battle.[92][note 8] Less than a decade before the battle, in 1005, Máel Coluim mac Cináeda overturned his cousin, Cináed mac Duib, King of Alba, and seized the kingship of Alba.[96] That very year, Brian made a donation of gold to the church of Armagh[97]—an eminent religious centre of the people of both Ireland and Alba[98]—and recognised its claims of ecclesiastical supremacy throughout Ireland.[99] Seemingly to mark this occasion, Brian was styled Imperator Scottorum by the Book of Armagh,[100] a Latin title that could refer to claims of authority over not only the Irish, but also the Scandinavians of Ireland[101] and the Isles,[102] and the Gaels of Alba.[103][note 9] Whether there is any connection between Brian's imperial title and Domnall's presence at Clontarf is uncertain,[112] although it could account for the Scottish presence at the battle,[113] and may be evidence that Domnall recognised Brian's authority.[114]

 
The name of Máel Coluim mac Cináeda as it appears on folio 16v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 488 (the Annals of Tigernach): "Mael Colaim mac Cínaetha".[115]

There is reason to suspect that Domnall's participation stemmed from dynastic discord in Alba. As such, the record of Domnall at Clontarf could be evidence that a Scottish faction, with designs upon the kingship of Alba, aligned itself with Brian and recognised his overlordship in pursuit of its royal ambitions.[116] Little is known of Máel Coluim's reign.[96] There is reason to suspect that his rule was challenged by Clann Ruaidrí, the family that held the mormaership of Moray. During his reign, for example, two members of this kindred—Findláech mac Ruaidrí and Máel Coluim mac Maíl Brígte—are styled as kings by certain Irish sources in records of their deaths.[117] These obituaries—given by the Annals of Tigernach and the Annals of Ulster[118]—could indicate that there was a certain degree of reservation in Ireland regarding Máel Coluim's royal legitimacy.[119] Nevertheless, the fact that the Annals of Inisfallen ignores the deaths of these Moravians—unlike the Annals of Tigernach, Annals of Ulster, Chronicon Scotorum, and the thirteenth-century Book of Leinster—could be evidence that the Kings of Munster were either uninterested or opposed to them.[120] Although it is possible that the Moravians launched their bid for the kingship immediately after Máel Coluim's violent accession, they could have capitalised upon any event between Cináed's death and the notice of Findláech's royal title in 1020. One such point may have been the aftermath of the Battle of Clontarf.[121]

 
The name of Sitriuc mac Amlaíb as it appears on folio 16v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 488: "Sitriuic mac Amlaim".[122]

Even though Máel Coluim was not a combatant at Clontarf,[87] and the battle had no direct bearing on his kingship,[83] there is evidence to indicate that several associates of his may have been involved.[123] For example, the twelfth-century Prophecy of Berchán, states that Máel Coluim was the son of Leinsterwoman,[124] whereas the thirteenth-century Orkneyinga saga states that Sigurðr was married to a daughter of Máel Coluim.[125] Another figure recorded to have fallen at the battle is Gilla Ciaráin,[126] an apparent senior member of the Uí Ímair who may be identical to Gilli, a Hebridean earl who, according to the thirteenth-century Njáls saga, governed the Hebrides under Sigurðr's overlordship.[127] Furthermore, the mother of Sitriuc was also from Leinster, and thus possibly a kinsman of Máel Coluim.[83]

 
The name Sigurðr Hlǫðvisson as it appears on folio 12v of AM 45 fol (Codex Frisianus): "Sigvrðr Loðvisson".[128]

The customary allegiance of the people of Mar is unknown, and it is uncertain whether Domnall's part in the fray is evidence that Brian was aligned with Máel Coluim or Findláech.[129] Whilst it is possible that Domnall was lending assistance to Brian on behalf of Máel Coluim[130]—or that Máel Coluim was at least aware of Domnall's alliance and allowed him to campaign overseas[131]—another possibility is that Domnall's actions were undertaken independently of Máel Coluim, and that Domnall did so in the context of settling a private score with Sigurðr.[132] In fact, Máel Coluim could well have been wary of the ambitions of the Uí Ímair and Orcadians, and it is possible that he decided to remain a neutral player in their struggle against Brian.[133]

The evidence that Máel Coluim's mother was a Leinsterwoman, and that Sigurðr was his son-in-law, suggest that Máel Coluim may have been inclined to side with Sitriuc and Sigurðr against Brian.[134] It may be that Domnall's support of Brian stemmed from these close ties of kinship between Máel Coluim and Sigurðr, and that Domnall's presence at Clontarf was a reaction to the threat of this alliance.[92] The fact that Domnall risked—and lost—his life to support Brian's cause could be evidence that Domnall was indeed opposed to Sigurðr and Máel Coluim.[112][note 10]

One reason why some foreigners may have sided with Brian is because of growing unease of Sigurðr's growing power.[137] The threat of this Orcadian ascendance could have spurned Máel Coluim to counter Sigurðr by sending Domnall overseas to assist Brian.[92] If Domnall indeed campaigned on Máel Coluim's behalf, and if Máel Coluim was indeed descended from a Leinsterwoman, another possibility is that Máel Coluim's Leinster kinsmen were rivals of Máel Mórda. As such, it is conceivable that Domnall's support of Brian could have stemmed from inter-dynastic discord in Ireland.[138]

Notes edit

  1. ^ Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Domnall various patronyms names in English secondary sources: Domnall f. Eimin,[2] Domnall mac Eimein mic Cainnich,[3] Domnall mac Eimhin meic Cainnigh,[4] Domnall mac Eimhin,[5] Domnall mac Eimín meic Cainnig,[6] Domnall mac Eimin mic Cainnich Móir,[7] Domnall mac Eimin mic Cainnich,[7] Domnall mac Eimin,[8] Domnall mac Eimín,[9] Domnall mac Emin,[10] and Domnall mac Emine mic Cainnaich Móir.[11]
  2. ^ The fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster identifies Domnall as the son of Eimin, son of Cainnech.[14] The thirteenth-century Cottonian Annals,[15] and the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé, identify Domnall's paternal grandfather as Cainnech Mór.[16] The eleventh- or twelfth-century Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib merely identifies Domnall as the son of Eimin.[17] According to a seventeenth-century genealogical tract compiled by Dubhaltach Óg Mac Fhirbhisigh, Domnall was descended from "Old Iomhar" and the "descendants of Leod of Arran".[18]
  3. ^ Whilst Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib describes Domnall as a mormaer from Alba,[30] the Cottonian Annals identifies him as a mormaer in Alba.[31] The Annals of Ulster specifies that Domnall was a mormaer of Mar in Alba.[14] The seventeenth-century Annals of Clonmacnoise erroneously identifies Domnall as the Earl of Dunbar.[32]
  4. ^ Domnall is not the earliest Scottish mormaer recorded to have fought in Ireland. In 976, three such men are recorded to have fought supporting Gilla Columb, King of Cenél Conaill.[36]
  5. ^ According to the thirteenth-century Njáls saga, Sigurðr commanded the centre of the coalition forces and the flanks were commanded by Sitriuc and Bróðir. Although it is not specified, it is most probable that Sitriuc led the left flank and Bróðir the right.[55] Njáls saga relates that Bróðir's battalion fought against one commanded by Úlfr hreða, described as a relative of Brian.[56] This flank appears to be the battalion that Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib describes as being commanded by Máel Mórda and other Leinster monarchs.[57]
  6. ^ The Dál Cais were a Munster people that rose to prominence in the tenth century.[62] Brian, ancestor of the Uí Briain,[63] became King of Dál Cais in 976.[62]
  7. ^ Nevertheless, according to Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, a certain Arnaill Scot fell fighting amongst the Dubliners against the Connachtmen at Dubgall's Bridge.[84] The personal name accorded to this man may be a form of the Old Norse Arnaldr, and his epithet could be evidence of a Scottish[7] or Irish association.[85]
  8. ^ It is possible that Lennox formed part of the Kingdom of Strathclyde[93] or Galloway in 1014.[94] Nevertheless, the fact that Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib was probably compiled for the benefit of Muirchertach suggests that the boastful passage about Brian's overseas authority is reflective of either Muirchertach's own sphere of influence or his sphere of ambition.[95]
  9. ^ Other translations of this Latin title are: "Emperor of the Gaels",[104] "emperor of the Gaels",[105] "emperor of the Goídil",[7] "emperor of the Irish",[106] "Emperor of the Irish",[107] "Emperor of the Scoti",[108] "Emperor of the Scoti",[109] "emperor of the Scots",[110] and "emperor of the Scotti".[111]
  10. ^ Sigurðr is further associated with Ireland by Orkneyinga saga, which states that his mother was a daughter of Kjarvalr Írakonungr—an apparent King of Osraige.[135] The Kingdom of Osraige buffered Brian's Kingdom of Munster and the Kingdom of Leinster. If Máel Coluim and Sigurðr indeed had blood connections with Ireland, it is conceivable that both harboured Irish ambitions.[136]

Citations edit

  1. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Annala Uladh (n.d.).
  2. ^ Woolf (2007).
  3. ^ Duffy (2014).
  4. ^ Hudson, BT (1994).
  5. ^ Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005); Hudson, BT (2002); Hudson, BT (1996); Hudson, BT (1991).
  6. ^ Downham (2017).
  7. ^ a b c d Duffy (2013).
  8. ^ Duffy (2013); Swift (2013); Ní Mhaonaigh (2012).
  9. ^ Downham (2017); Wadden (2015); Byrne (2008).
  10. ^ MacShamhráin (2005).
  11. ^ Duffy (1999); Duffy (1993).
  12. ^ Beougher (2007) p. 244.
  13. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 243 n. 26.
  14. ^ a b The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; Jackson (2008) p. 104; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  15. ^ The Annals in Cotton MS. Titus A. XXV (2010) § 1014; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  16. ^ Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1014.3; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1014.3; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  17. ^ Jackson (2008) p. 104; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Todd (1867) pp. 170–171 ch. 97, 174–175 ch. 100, 210–211 ch. 120.
  18. ^ Downham (2017) p. 96 n. 39; Downham (2007) p. 157 n. 126; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 99; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Bugge (1905) pp. 5, 11; O'Donovan (1861–1862) pp. 99, 103; Skene (1861–1862) p. 320.
  19. ^ Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) pp. 86, 94–95; Wadden (2015) p. 16; Downham (2014) p. 23; Duffy (2014) p. 33; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Duffy (2009) p. 290; Byrne (2008) p. 863; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Beougher (2007) p. 211; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Downham (2005) p. 21; Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005) pp. 75, 101; Broun (2004) p. 135; Herbert (2004) pp. 91–92; Hudson, B (2002) p. 242; Hudson, BT (2002) p. 46; Etchingham (2001) p. 180; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Hudson, BT (1996) p. 234; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Donaldson (1977) p. 143; Ryan (1938) p. 18, 18 n. 40.
  20. ^ Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) pp. 62 fig. 2, 63; Jackson (2008) p. 66; Broun (2004) p. 135; Woolf (2000) p. 162; Roberts (1997) p. 47 fig. 3.1.
  21. ^ MacQueen (2003) pp. 286–287.
  22. ^ Broun (2004) p. 135.
  23. ^ Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2.
  24. ^ Taylor, A (2018) p. 43; Downham (2017) p. 96; Broun (2015) pp. 15–16, 16 n. 52; Woolf (2007) p. 342.
  25. ^ Jackson (2008) pp. 104–105; Woolf (2007) p. 342; Duffy (1992) p. 123 n. 150; eDIL s.v. mormaer (n.d.).
  26. ^ Taylor, A (2018) p. 43; Broun (2015) p. 15.
  27. ^ Woolf (2009) p. 261; MacQueen (2003) p. 287.
  28. ^ Taylor, A (2018) pp. 42–43; Taylor, A (2016) p. 26.
  29. ^ Downham (2017) p. 96; Woolf (2007) p. 342; Donaldson (1977) p. 155.
  30. ^ Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Todd (1867) pp. 170–171 ch. 97, 174–177 ch. 100, 210–211 ch. 120.
  31. ^ Downham (2017) p. 95; The Annals in Cotton MS. Titus A. XXV (2010) § 1014; Jackson (2008) p. 104.
  32. ^ Downham (2017) p. 95 n. 33; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Murphy (1896) p. 167.
  33. ^ Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) pp. 94–96; Wadden (2015) p. 16; Downham (2014) p. 23; Duffy (2014) p. 33; Duffy (2013) chs. 3, 4, 5; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Duffy (2009) p. 290; Byrne (2008) p. 863; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Beougher (2007) pp. 211–213; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Downham (2005) p. 21; Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005) pp. 75, 101; MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17 n. 71; Broun (2004) p. 135; Herbert (2004) pp. 91–92; Hudson, B (2002) p. 242; Hudson, BT (2002) p. 46; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Hudson, BT (1996) p. 234; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Donaldson (1977) p. 143; Ryan (1938) pp. 39–40; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  34. ^ Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) p. 95; Duffy (2014) p. 33; Duffy (2013) chs. 3, 4, 5; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Duffy (2009) p. 290; Byrne (2008) p. 863; Beougher (2007) pp. 212–213; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Hudson, BT (2005) pp. 75, 101; Broun (2004) p. 135; Hudson, B (2002) p. 242; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114 n. 12; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Ryan (1938) pp. 17–18; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  35. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) pp. 94–95; Wadden (2015) p. 16; Downham (2014) p. 23; Duffy (2014) p. 33; Duffy (2013) chs. 3, 4, 5; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Duffy (2009) p. 290; Byrne (2008) p. 863; Beougher (2007) pp. 211–213; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Downham (2005) p. 21; Hudson, BT (2005) pp. 75, 101; MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17 n. 71; Broun (2004) p. 135; Herbert (2004) pp. 91–92; Hudson, B (2002) p. 242; Hudson, BT (2002) p. 46; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Hudson, BT (1996) p. 234; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Ryan (1938) pp. 17–18, 39–40; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  36. ^ The Annals of Tigernach (2016) § 976.7; Woolf (2007) p. 243 n. 26; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 976.7.
  37. ^ Wadden (2015) p. 16; Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, B (2002) p. 241.
  38. ^ Casey (2013) p. 140; Casey (2010) p. 29; Jaski (2005); Hudson, B (2002) p. 242.
  39. ^ Jaski (2005); Hudson, B (2002) p. 242.
  40. ^ Downham (2007) p. 157; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Murphy (1896) p. 167.
  41. ^ Downham (2017) p. 95; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1014.3; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1014.3; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  42. ^ Downham (2017) p. 95; Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1013.11; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1013.11; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Downham (2007) p. 157; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24.
  43. ^ Noble; Gondek; Campbell et al. (2019) p. 63; Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139; Downham (2017) p. 95; The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; Duffy (2013) ch. 4; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2007) p. 243; Broun (2004) p. 135; Herbert (2004) pp. 91–92; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  44. ^ Downham (2017) p. 95; Chronicon Scotorum (2012) § 1014; Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145; Chronicon Scotorum (2010) § 1014; Downham (2007) p. 157; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  45. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139 n. 42; Downham (2017) pp. 94–95; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Swift (2013) p. 137; Jackson (2008) p. 104; Beougher (2007) pp. 211–212; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Hudson, BT (1991) p. 152; Ryan (1938) pp. 17–18, 39–40; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2; Todd (1867) pp. 170–171 ch. 97, 174–177 ch. 100, 210–211 ch. 120.
  46. ^ Downham (2017) p. 95; Jackson (2008) p. 104; The Annals in Cotton MS. Titus A. XXV (2010) § 1014; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Anderson (1922) pp. 534–537 n. 2.
  47. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2012) pp. 144–145, 160–161.
  48. ^ a b Downham (2017) p. 95.
  49. ^ Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005) p. 99.
  50. ^ a b Duffy (2014) p. 30.
  51. ^ Beougher (2007) pp. 192–193; Hudson, B (2005); Hudson, BT (2005) p. 99.
  52. ^ Beougher (2007) pp. 207 fig. 5-7, 211; Todd (1867) pp. 168–169 ch. 97.
  53. ^ Beougher (2007) pp. 211–212.
  54. ^ Beougher (2007) pp. 208–209.
  55. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 458 ch. 157; Beougher (2007) pp. 206–207, fig. 5-7; Hudson, B (2002) p. 245; Dasent (1967) pp. 322–323 ch. 156; Anderson (1922) p. 537; Ásmundarson (1910) pp. 425–426 ch. 157; Jónsson (1908) pp. 409–410 ch. 157; Vigfusson (1887) p. 332 ch. 158.
  56. ^ Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 458 ch. 157; Beougher (2007) pp. 206, 208, 209 fig. 5-7; Hudson, B (2002) p. 245; Dasent (1967) p. 323 ch. 156; Anderson (1922) p. 537; Ásmundarson (1910) p. 426 ch. 157; Jónsson (1908) p. 410 ch. 157; Vigfusson (1887) p. 332 ch. 158.
  57. ^ Beougher (2007) pp. 207 fig. 5-6, 208; Todd (1867) p. 165 ch. 94.
  58. ^ Duffy (2014) p. 32 fig.; Casey (2013) p. 140 fig.
  59. ^ Downham (2005) p. 21.
  60. ^ Downham (2017) p. 102; Ní Mhaonaigh (2017b); Wadden (2016) p. 175; Wadden (2015) p. 20; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8 ¶ 4; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 199; Casey (2013) p. 139; Swift (2013) p. 122; DuBois (2011) p. 269; Casey (2010) pp. 30, 32; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9 ¶ 46; Beougher (2007) pp. 6, 38 n. 65, 53; Breatnach (2005); Downham (2005) p. 21; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 225; Hudson, B (2002) p. 255; Ó Corráin (1998) p. 443; Ní Mhaonaigh (1996) pp. 101, 105–106; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995); Ní Mhaonaigh (1992) pp. 135–137; Candon (1988) p. 397.
  61. ^ Downham (2017) pp. 97–99; Ní Mhaonaigh (2017a); Ní Mhaonaigh (2017b) p. 170; Wadden (2015) p. 20; Somerville; McDonald (2014) p. 199; Swift (2013) p. 122; DuBois (2011) p. 269; Beougher (2007) p. 6; Taylor, S (2006) p. 27; Breatnach (2005); Downham (2005) p. 21; Hudson, B (2002) p. 255; Ní Mhaonaigh (1996) p. 101; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995); Ní Mhaonaigh (1992) pp. 136–137, 145; Candon (1988) p. 397.
  62. ^ a b Jefferies (2005); Wiley (2005).
  63. ^ Jefferies (2005); Hudson, B (2002) p. 255.
  64. ^ a b Downham (2017) p. 100.
  65. ^ Downham (2017) pp. 96–97.
  66. ^ Downham (2017) p. 102.
  67. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 139 n. 42; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114.
  68. ^ Downham (2017) pp. 94–95; Beougher (2007) p. 212; Ryan (1938) p. 39; Todd (1867) pp. 174–175 ch. 100.
  69. ^ Downham (2017) pp. 94–95; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Swift (2013) p. 137; Beougher (2007) pp. 212–213; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Ryan (1938) pp. 39–40; Todd (1867) pp. 174–177 ch. 100.
  70. ^ Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Todd (1867) pp. 174–177 ch. 100.
  71. ^ a b Beougher (2007) p. 212.
  72. ^ a b Duffy (2013) ch. 5.
  73. ^ Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Beougher (2007) p. 212; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Ryan (1938) pp. 39–40, 39 n. 135, 40 n. 135.
  74. ^ Downham (2017) p. 95; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Swift (2013) p. 137; Kershaw (1922) p. 112; Todd (1867) pp. 174–175 ch. 100.
  75. ^ Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Beougher (2007) p. 212; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Ryan (1938) pp. 39 n. 135, 40 n. 135; Kershaw (1922) p. 112; Todd (1867) p. 175 n. 16.
  76. ^ Beougher (2007) pp. 212, 212–213 n. 300; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 101; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114.
  77. ^ Downham (2017) p. 96; Duffy (2013) ch. 5; Todd (1867) pp. 170–171 ch. 98.
  78. ^ Downham (2017) p. 96.
  79. ^ Downham (2017) p. 96; Duffy (2013) ch. 5.
  80. ^ Downham (2017) p. 101 n. 69.
  81. ^ Downham (2017) p. 101 n. 69; Andersson; Gade (2012) p. 335 ch. 70; Power (2005) p. 18; Power (1986) p. 128; Jónsson (1932) p. 366; Unger (1867) p. 175.
  82. ^ Emperor of the Irish (n.d.); Keating and the King in Print (n.d.); The General History of Ireland (n.d.).
  83. ^ a b c Woolf (2000) p. 162.
  84. ^ Duffy (2013); Beougher (2007) p. 216; Todd (1867) pp. clxxxi n. 3, clxxxi–clxxxii, cxc–cxci n. 4, 184–185 ch. 106, 207 ch. 117.
  85. ^ Beougher (2007) p. 216.
  86. ^ Beougher (2007) pp. 198–199, 212–213, 244; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 99.
  87. ^ a b Downham (2014) p. 23.
  88. ^ Duffy (2009) p. 290; Duffy (1999) pp. 353–354; Duffy (1993) p. 24.
  89. ^ Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17, 17 n. 71; Duffy (1993) p. 23.
  90. ^ Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13.
  91. ^ Downham (2017) p. 93, 93 n. 29; Wadden (2016) p. 175; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8 ¶¶ 4–5; Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Clarkson (2010) ch. 9 ¶ 46; Taylor, S (2006) pp. 26–27; Hudson, BT (2005) p. 76; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995) p. 376; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114; Candon (1988) p. 408; Anderson (1922) p. 525 n. 3; Todd (1867) pp. 136–137 ch. 78.
  92. ^ a b c Hudson, BT (1994) p. 114.
  93. ^ Downham (2017) p. 93 n. 28; Clarkson (2014) ch. 8 ¶ 5.
  94. ^ Downham (2017) p. 93 n. 28.
  95. ^ Taylor, S (2006) pp. 26–27; Ní Mhaonaigh (1995) p. 376; Candon (1988) p. 408.
  96. ^ a b Broun (2004b).
  97. ^ Wadden (2016) p. 174; Casey; Meehan (2014); Wadden (2015) p. 18; Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Casey (2010) p. 33; Bhreathnach (2009) p. 268; Beougher (2007) pp. 150–151, 150 n. 226, 151 n. 231; Woolf (2007) p. 225; Jaski (2005); MacShamhráin (2005) pp. 15–17; Oram (2000) p. 12; Flanagan (1996) p. 192; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 113; Gwynn, A (1978) pp. 41–42, 47–48, 47 n. 1.
  98. ^ Duffy (2009) p. 289; Duffy (1993) p. 25.
  99. ^ Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Casey (2010) p. 33; Bhreathnach (2009) p. 268; Duffy (2009) p. 289; Hughes (2008) p. 647; Beougher (2007) p. 151; Herbert (2005) p. 111; MacShamhráin (2005) pp. 15–17; Flanagan (1996) pp. 192–193; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Gwynn, A (1978) pp. 41–42.
  100. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 136; Ní Mhaonaigh (2017b) pp. 174–175, 175 n. 35; Downham (2017) p. 93; Wadden (2016) p. 174; Wadden (2015) p. 18; Casey; Meehan (2014); Duffy (2014) p. 10; Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Bhreathnach (2009) p. 268; Duffy (2009) p. 289; Byrne (2008) p. 862; Hughes (2008) p. 647; Beougher (2007) pp. 1, 150; Etchingham (2007) p. 160; Woolf (2007) p. 225; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 225; Herbert (2005) p. 111; Jaski (2005); Jefferies (2005); MacShamhráin (2005) pp. 15–17; Ó Cróinín (2005); Etchingham (2001) p. 180; Oram (2000) p. 12; Duffy (1997) p. 34; Flanagan (1996) p. 192; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 113; Duffy (1993) p. 24; Gwynn, A (1978) p. 42; Gwynn, J (1913) p. 32.
  101. ^ Jaski (2005); MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17.
  102. ^ Wadden (2016) pp. 174–175; Wadden (2015) p. 18; Etchingham (2007) p. 160; Etchingham (2001) p. 180.
  103. ^ Wadden (2016) pp. 174–175; Wadden (2015) p. 18; Byrne (2008) p. 862; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 225; Jaski (2005); MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17; Oram (2000) p. 46 n. 66.
  104. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 225.
  105. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 225; Oram (2000) p. 12.
  106. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2018) p. 136; Casey; Meehan (2014); Beougher (2007) p. 150; Jaski (2005); Jefferies (2005); Ó Cróinín (2005); Oram (2000) p. 46 n. 66; Duffy (1997) p. 34.
  107. ^ Ní Mhaonaigh (2017b) p. 174; Beougher (2007) p. 153.
  108. ^ MacShamhráin (2005) pp. 16–17.
  109. ^ Duffy (2013) ch. 3.
  110. ^ Casey; Meehan (2014).
  111. ^ Etchingham (2007) p. 160; Etchingham (2001) p. 180.
  112. ^ a b Duffy (2009) p. 290.
  113. ^ Etchingham (2007) p. 160.
  114. ^ Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Etchingham (2007) p. 160; Etchingham (2001) p. 180.
  115. ^ The Annals of Tigernach (2016) § 1034.1; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1034.1; Annals of Tigernach, etc (n.d.).
  116. ^ Wadden (2015) p. 18; MacShamhráin (2005) p. 17, 17 n. 71; Duffy (1999) p. 354; Duffy (1993) p. 24.
  117. ^ Woolf (2009) p. 261; Broun (2004b); Duffy (1999) pp. 349–350.
  118. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1020.6; The Annals of Tigernach (2016) § 1029.5; Woolf (2009) p. 261; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1020.6; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1029.5; Duffy (1999) p. 350; Anderson (1922) pp. 551 n. 4, 571.
  119. ^ Duffy (2009) p. 290; Duffy (1999) p. 350.
  120. ^ Downham (2017) p. 101.
  121. ^ Woolf (2000) pp. 161–162.
  122. ^ The Annals of Tigernach (2016) § 1028.2; Annals of Tigernach (2005) § 1028.2; Annals of Tigernach, etc (n.d.).
  123. ^ Downham (2014) p. 23; Woolf (2000) p. 162.
  124. ^ Duffy (2013) ch. 3; Duffy (2009) p. 289; Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2000) p. 162; Duffy (1999) p. 353; Hudson, BT (1996) pp. 52 § 183, 90 § 183, 220; Duffy (1993) p. 23; Anderson (1930) p. 51 § 181; Skene (1867) p. 99.
  125. ^ Downham (2007) p. 157; Woolf (2000) p. 162; Hudson, BT (1994) p. 135; Anderson (1922) p. 509 n. 4; Vigfusson (1887) p. 15 ch. 12; Anderson; Hjaltalin (1873) pp. 3 ch. 1, 212 ch. 187.
  126. ^ The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1014.2; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1014.2; Woolf (2000) p. 162.
  127. ^ Woolf (2000) p. 162; Williams (1997) pp. 143–144; Dasent (1967) p. 163 ch. 88; Anderson (1922) pp. 502–503; Ásmundarson (1910) p. 213 ch. 89; Jónsson (1908) p. 203 ch. 89; Vigfusson (1887) p. 324 ch. 90.
  128. ^ Unger (1871) p. 56 ch. 35; AM 45 Fol (n.d.).
  129. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 243; Woolf (2000) p. 162.
  130. ^ Walker (2013) ch. 5 ¶ 13; Hudson, BT (1994) pp. 114–115.
  131. ^ Hudson, BT (2005) p. 134.
  132. ^ Downham (2017) p. 96; Downham (2014) p. 23; Downham (2007) p. 157.
  133. ^ Downham (2007) p. 157, 157 n. 127.
  134. ^ Downham (2007) p. 157.
  135. ^ Duffy (2009) p. 289; Woolf (2007) pp. 283–284; Crawford (1997) p. 68; Vigfusson (1887) p. 15 ch. 12; Anderson; Hjaltalin (1873) p. 209 ch. 286.
  136. ^ Duffy (2009) p. 289.
  137. ^ Wadden (2015) p. 18.
  138. ^ Hudson, BT (1994) pp. 114–115.

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January 01, 1970
domnall, eimín, meic, cainnig, died, april, 1014, eleventh, century, mormaer, note, attested, numerous, accounts, battle, clontarf, which, said, have, lost, life, supporting, cause, brian, bóruma, cennétig, high, king, ireland, king, whose, forces, fought, aga. Domnall mac Eimin meic Cainnig died 23 April 1014 was an eleventh century Mormaer of Mar note 1 He is attested by numerous accounts of the Battle of Clontarf in which he is said to have lost his life supporting the cause of Brian Boruma mac Cennetig High King of Ireland a king whose forces fought against those of Sitriuc mac Amlaib King of Dublin Mael Morda mac Murchada King of Leinster and Sigurdr Hlǫdvisson Earl of Orkney Domnall is the first Mormaer of Mar on record and the Irish sources that note him are the earliest sources to note the province of Mar Domnall is the only Scottish combatant recorded to have in the Battle of Clontarf His motivations for fighting are uncertain Domnall mac Eimin meic CainnigMormaer of MarDomnal s name as it appears on folio 36v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 489 the Annals of Ulster 1 Died23 April 1014Clontarf Contents 1 Attestations 2 Death 3 Context 4 Notes 5 Citations 6 References 6 1 Primary sources 6 2 Secondary sourcesAttestations edit nbsp Locations relating to Domnall s life and times Domnall may have been of Scandinavian descent 12 The name of his father could be a Gaelic form of the Old Norse Eyvindr 13 note 2 Domnall was a Mormaer of Mar 19 The province of Mar straddled the River Dee and River Don in Aberdeenshire 20 By about 1100 Mar formed one of the core provinces of the Kingdom of Alba 21 Domnall is the earliest mormaer from the province on record 22 In fact notices of Domnall in Irish sources are the earliest record of the province itself 23 The meaning of the Gaelic title mormaer plural mormair is uncertain It could derive from elements meaning sea steward or great steward 24 In historical sources the title almost always has Scottish connotations 25 It appears to denote one of the most important royal officials aside from the king as a kind of steward or bailiff 26 In times of peace a Scottish mormaer would have overseen one of the provinces of Alba and in times of war he would have commanded its military forces 27 By the twelfth century the office of mormaer became territorialised 28 and the title became Latinised as comes a term otherwise used for the English earl 29 note 3 In 1014 Domnall fought 33 and died at the Battle of Clontarf 34 supporting the cause of Brian Boruma mac Cennetig High King of Ireland 35 note 4 The battle was fought by the forces of the High King of Ireland against the allied forces of Sitriuc mac Amlaib King of Dublin Mael Morda mac Murchada King of Leinster and Sigurdr Hlǫdvisson Earl of Orkney 37 Although Brian s forces won the fight it was a Pyrrhic victory 38 leaving both sides decimated with Brian and members of his immediate family amongst the dead and his objective of capturing Dublin left unfulfilled 39 Domnall s part in the clash is noted by numerous historical sources including the seventeenth century Annals of Clonmacnoise 40 the sixteenth century Annals of Loch Ce 41 the seventeenth century Annals of the Four Masters 42 the fifteenth to sixteenth century Annals of Ulster 43 the twelfth century Chronicon Scotorum 44 the twelfth century Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib 45 and the thirteenth century Cottonian Annals 46 Another important account of the battle noting Domnall is preserved within the manuscript Oxford Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson B 486 47 It is remarkable that the Munster based eleventh to fourteenth century Annals of Inisfallen makes no notice of Domnall 48 Domnall appears to have been one of the principal commanders in the battle and appears to have commanded a portion of Brian s army composed of foreign mercenaries The forces of the Dublin Leinster Orkney coalition were commanded by Mael Morda and Sigurdr 49 Brian does not appear to have taken part in battle 50 whilst Sitriuc s part is more obscure 51 According to Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib Brian s forces were organised into three battalions The battalion that appears to have formed the left flank is stated to have been composed of ten mormaers and their Scandinavian allies 52 With exception to Domnall the obscurity of this formation s commanders is remarkable in comparison to the other battalions This partly evinces the probability that Domnall s unit was mainly composed of Scandinavian troops 53 Opposite this battalion the coalition s right flank appears to have been composite force of Scandinavian mercenaries in the fore and Leinstermen in the rear 54 note 5 Death edit nbsp A nineteenth century depiction of the Battle of Clontarf 58 The most accurate accounts of the battle are the historical Irish chronicles Sources such as Chronicon Scotorum the Annals of Inisfallen and the Annals of Ulster probably stem from contemporary reports of events Sources such as the Annals of Clonmacnoise and the Cottonian Annals appear to incorporate latter legends 59 Instead of being an accurate and impartial account of history Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib is probably a piece of Dal Cais Ui Briain propaganda 60 compiled for the benefit of Brian s great grandson Muirchertach Ua Briain King of Munster 61 note 6 The treatment that Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib gives to British affairs appears to reflect the eleventh and twelfth century ambitions of the Ui Briain in the Kingdom of the Isles 64 As such there is reason to suspect that its possibly exaggerated depiction of Domnall may have been intended to promote a theme of shared interests between Munster and Alba 65 This positive portrayal of international relations reflects the political connections cultivated between Muirchertach and the Scots 66 Nevertheless Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib is the only source to give specific detail about the battle 50 and Domnall plays a prominent part in its account 67 According to this source the night before hostilities a certain Plait identified as the son of the King of Lochlainn boasted that there was no man in Ireland fit to fight him Domnall however is said to have made it known that he was up to the challenge 68 The following day once the battalions were arrayed on the field of battle Plait is said to have called out Domnall whereupon the two fight one another dying by each other s hand As such according to Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib the two were the first combatants to clash at the Battle of Clontarf 69 The episode concerning Domnall and Plait s fight makes up an entire chapter of this source 70 Whether the two actually encountered each other the night before is questionable 71 as is perhaps the claim that the battle began with the duel between two opposing champions 72 If there is any historical basis to the tale it may be more likely that the two had crossed paths sometime previous and that the battle merely allowed them to settle an old score 71 Some of the dialogue attributed to Domnall and Plait by Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib contains Gaelicised forms of Old Norse vocabulary 73 Is arsin tanic Plait a cath na lureach amach ocus asbert fo thri faras Domnall id est Cait ita Domnall Ro recair Domnall ocus asbert sund a sniding ar se Then Plait came forward from the battalion of the men in armour and said three times Faras Domnall that is Where is Domnall Domnall answered and said Here you wretch said he Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib 74 Specifically the Gaelic faras in this passage is a form of the Old Norse hvar es meaning where is and the Gaelic sniding is a form of the Old Norse nidingr meaning wretch scoundrel 75 The dialogue between Domnall and Plait may therefore evince bilingualism between the two 76 Domnall s first notice by Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib depicts him delivering a message from Brian to Brian s eldest son Murchad instructing the latter not to take an advanced position on the battlefield in front of his troops When Murchad retorts that he is unwilling retreat one foot of land in front of his men and declares that many false heroes will fall back and leave their share of the battle to him Domnall swears that he will not shirk from his part Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib then remarks that Domnall was indeed true to his word 77 Domnall is thus depicted as a trusted and true follower of Brian and it is possible that this passage was intended increase the drama in preparation for the account of Domnall s final fall 78 There is no mention of Domnall s title in this pre battle scene 79 and the text implies that Domnall was personally attached to Brian occupying a leadership role under him 72 Plait is otherwise unrecorded by historical chronicles If Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib was indeed authored at the behest of Muirchertach one possibility is that Plait is merely a literary invention intended to reflect relations between Muirchertach and the Kingdom of Norway Although Muirchertach faced a serious threat from Magnus olafsson King of Norway during his reign the two orchestrated a marriage alliance between Muirchertach s daughter Bjadmunjo and Magnus son Sigurdr When Magnus was killed in 1103 Sigurdr returned to Norway leaving Bjadmunjo behind 64 It is remarkable that Plait described as the son of the King of Lochlainn is one of the few Scandinavians noted for bravery by Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib This may reflect relations between Muirchertach and Sigurdr 80 who according to the thirteenth century Morkinskinna exacted tribute from Ireland during his reign as King of Norway 81 Context edit nbsp An eighteenth century depiction of Brian Boruma mac Cennetig probably the earliest depiction of the king 82 Domnall is the only man from Alba recorded to have died at the Battle of Clontarf 83 note 7 The fact that surviving sources focus upon the slain makes it uncertain if there were other leaders from Alba present 48 Domnall s part in the battle partly evinces the international nature of the clash 86 and may be indicative of Brian s diplomatic ability 87 Nevertheless it is uncertain in what context he took part in it 88 On one hand Domnall may have merely acted as a hired mercenary 89 or perhaps as a dislocated nobleman exiled from Alba If he had been fostered by an Irish family it is also conceivable that Domnall could have felt obliged to serve alongside them 90 According to Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib Brian took tribute throughout the Irish Sea region including from the men of Lennox and Argyll 91 If there is any truth to this claim it could be evidence of otherwise unrecorded contact between Brian and the Scots that could account for Domnall s part in the battle 92 note 8 Less than a decade before the battle in 1005 Mael Coluim mac Cinaeda overturned his cousin Cinaed mac Duib King of Alba and seized the kingship of Alba 96 That very year Brian made a donation of gold to the church of Armagh 97 an eminent religious centre of the people of both Ireland and Alba 98 and recognised its claims of ecclesiastical supremacy throughout Ireland 99 Seemingly to mark this occasion Brian was styled Imperator Scottorum by the Book of Armagh 100 a Latin title that could refer to claims of authority over not only the Irish but also the Scandinavians of Ireland 101 and the Isles 102 and the Gaels of Alba 103 note 9 Whether there is any connection between Brian s imperial title and Domnall s presence at Clontarf is uncertain 112 although it could account for the Scottish presence at the battle 113 and may be evidence that Domnall recognised Brian s authority 114 nbsp The name of Mael Coluim mac Cinaeda as it appears on folio 16v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 488 the Annals of Tigernach Mael Colaim mac Cinaetha 115 There is reason to suspect that Domnall s participation stemmed from dynastic discord in Alba As such the record of Domnall at Clontarf could be evidence that a Scottish faction with designs upon the kingship of Alba aligned itself with Brian and recognised his overlordship in pursuit of its royal ambitions 116 Little is known of Mael Coluim s reign 96 There is reason to suspect that his rule was challenged by Clann Ruaidri the family that held the mormaership of Moray During his reign for example two members of this kindred Findlaech mac Ruaidri and Mael Coluim mac Mail Brigte are styled as kings by certain Irish sources in records of their deaths 117 These obituaries given by the Annals of Tigernach and the Annals of Ulster 118 could indicate that there was a certain degree of reservation in Ireland regarding Mael Coluim s royal legitimacy 119 Nevertheless the fact that the Annals of Inisfallen ignores the deaths of these Moravians unlike the Annals of Tigernach Annals of Ulster Chronicon Scotorum and the thirteenth century Book of Leinster could be evidence that the Kings of Munster were either uninterested or opposed to them 120 Although it is possible that the Moravians launched their bid for the kingship immediately after Mael Coluim s violent accession they could have capitalised upon any event between Cinaed s death and the notice of Findlaech s royal title in 1020 One such point may have been the aftermath of the Battle of Clontarf 121 nbsp The name of Sitriuc mac Amlaib as it appears on folio 16v of Oxford Bodleian Library Rawlinson B 488 Sitriuic mac Amlaim 122 Even though Mael Coluim was not a combatant at Clontarf 87 and the battle had no direct bearing on his kingship 83 there is evidence to indicate that several associates of his may have been involved 123 For example the twelfth century Prophecy of Berchan states that Mael Coluim was the son of Leinsterwoman 124 whereas the thirteenth century Orkneyinga saga states that Sigurdr was married to a daughter of Mael Coluim 125 Another figure recorded to have fallen at the battle is Gilla Ciarain 126 an apparent senior member of the Ui Imair who may be identical to Gilli a Hebridean earl who according to the thirteenth century Njals saga governed the Hebrides under Sigurdr s overlordship 127 Furthermore the mother of Sitriuc was also from Leinster and thus possibly a kinsman of Mael Coluim 83 nbsp The name Sigurdr Hlǫdvisson as it appears on folio 12v of AM 45 fol Codex Frisianus Sigvrdr Lodvisson 128 The customary allegiance of the people of Mar is unknown and it is uncertain whether Domnall s part in the fray is evidence that Brian was aligned with Mael Coluim or Findlaech 129 Whilst it is possible that Domnall was lending assistance to Brian on behalf of Mael Coluim 130 or that Mael Coluim was at least aware of Domnall s alliance and allowed him to campaign overseas 131 another possibility is that Domnall s actions were undertaken independently of Mael Coluim and that Domnall did so in the context of settling a private score with Sigurdr 132 In fact Mael Coluim could well have been wary of the ambitions of the Ui Imair and Orcadians and it is possible that he decided to remain a neutral player in their struggle against Brian 133 The evidence that Mael Coluim s mother was a Leinsterwoman and that Sigurdr was his son in law suggest that Mael Coluim may have been inclined to side with Sitriuc and Sigurdr against Brian 134 It may be that Domnall s support of Brian stemmed from these close ties of kinship between Mael Coluim and Sigurdr and that Domnall s presence at Clontarf was a reaction to the threat of this alliance 92 The fact that Domnall risked and lost his life to support Brian s cause could be evidence that Domnall was indeed opposed to Sigurdr and Mael Coluim 112 note 10 One reason why some foreigners may have sided with Brian is because of growing unease of Sigurdr s growing power 137 The threat of this Orcadian ascendance could have spurned Mael Coluim to counter Sigurdr by sending Domnall overseas to assist Brian 92 If Domnall indeed campaigned on Mael Coluim s behalf and if Mael Coluim was indeed descended from a Leinsterwoman another possibility is that Mael Coluim s Leinster kinsmen were rivals of Mael Morda As such it is conceivable that Domnall s support of Brian could have stemmed from inter dynastic discord in Ireland 138 Notes edit Since the 1990s academics have accorded Domnall various patronyms names in English secondary sources Domnall f Eimin 2 Domnall mac Eimein mic Cainnich 3 Domnall mac Eimhin meic Cainnigh 4 Domnall mac Eimhin 5 Domnall mac Eimin meic Cainnig 6 Domnall mac Eimin mic Cainnich Moir 7 Domnall mac Eimin mic Cainnich 7 Domnall mac Eimin 8 Domnall mac Eimin 9 Domnall mac Emin 10 and Domnall mac Emine mic Cainnaich Moir 11 The fifteenth to sixteenth century Annals of Ulster identifies Domnall as the son of Eimin son of Cainnech 14 The thirteenth century Cottonian Annals 15 and the sixteenth century Annals of Loch Ce identify Domnall s paternal grandfather as Cainnech Mor 16 The eleventh or twelfth century Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib merely identifies Domnall as the son of Eimin 17 According to a seventeenth century genealogical tract compiled by Dubhaltach og Mac Fhirbhisigh Domnall was descended from Old Iomhar and the descendants of Leod of Arran 18 Whilst Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib describes Domnall as a mormaer from Alba 30 the Cottonian Annals identifies him as a mormaer in Alba 31 The Annals of Ulster specifies that Domnall was a mormaer of Mar in Alba 14 The seventeenth century Annals of Clonmacnoise erroneously identifies Domnall as the Earl of Dunbar 32 Domnall is not the earliest Scottish mormaer recorded to have fought in Ireland In 976 three such men are recorded to have fought supporting Gilla Columb King of Cenel Conaill 36 According to the thirteenth century Njals saga Sigurdr commanded the centre of the coalition forces and the flanks were commanded by Sitriuc and Brodir Although it is not specified it is most probable that Sitriuc led the left flank and Brodir the right 55 Njals saga relates that Brodir s battalion fought against one commanded by Ulfr hreda described as a relative of Brian 56 This flank appears to be the battalion that Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib describes as being commanded by Mael Morda and other Leinster monarchs 57 The Dal Cais were a Munster people that rose to prominence in the tenth century 62 Brian ancestor of the Ui Briain 63 became King of Dal Cais in 976 62 Nevertheless according to Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib a certain Arnaill Scot fell fighting amongst the Dubliners against the Connachtmen at Dubgall s Bridge 84 The personal name accorded to this man may be a form of the Old Norse Arnaldr and his epithet could be evidence of a Scottish 7 or Irish association 85 It is possible that Lennox formed part of the Kingdom of Strathclyde 93 or Galloway in 1014 94 Nevertheless the fact that Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib was probably compiled for the benefit of Muirchertach suggests that the boastful passage about Brian s overseas authority is reflective of either Muirchertach s own sphere of influence or his sphere of ambition 95 Other translations of this Latin title are Emperor of the Gaels 104 emperor of the Gaels 105 emperor of the Goidil 7 emperor of the Irish 106 Emperor of the Irish 107 Emperor of the Scoti 108 Emperor of the Scoti 109 emperor of the Scots 110 and emperor of the Scotti 111 Sigurdr is further associated with Ireland by Orkneyinga saga which states that his mother was a daughter of Kjarvalr Irakonungr an apparent King of Osraige 135 The Kingdom of Osraige buffered Brian s Kingdom of Munster and the Kingdom of Leinster If Mael Coluim and Sigurdr indeed had blood connections with Ireland it is conceivable that both harboured Irish ambitions 136 Citations edit The Annals of Ulster 2017 1014 2 The Annals of Ulster 2008 1014 2 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Annala Uladh n d Woolf 2007 Duffy 2014 Hudson BT 1994 Hudson B 2005 Hudson BT 2005 Hudson BT 2002 Hudson BT 1996 Hudson BT 1991 Downham 2017 a b c d Duffy 2013 Duffy 2013 Swift 2013 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 Downham 2017 Wadden 2015 Byrne 2008 MacShamhrain 2005 Duffy 1999 Duffy 1993 Beougher 2007 p 244 Woolf 2007 p 243 n 26 a b The Annals of Ulster 2017 1014 2 Jackson 2008 p 104 The Annals of Ulster 2008 1014 2 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 The Annals in Cotton MS Titus A XXV 2010 1014 Jackson 2008 p 104 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Annals of Loch Ce 2008 1014 3 Annals of Loch Ce 2005 1014 3 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Jackson 2008 p 104 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Todd 1867 pp 170 171 ch 97 174 175 ch 100 210 211 ch 120 Downham 2017 p 96 n 39 Downham 2007 p 157 n 126 Hudson BT 2005 p 99 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Bugge 1905 pp 5 11 O Donovan 1861 1862 pp 99 103 Skene 1861 1862 p 320 Noble Gondek Campbell et al 2019 p 63 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 139 Downham 2017 pp 86 94 95 Wadden 2015 p 16 Downham 2014 p 23 Duffy 2014 p 33 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Walker 2013 ch 5 13 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 Duffy 2009 p 290 Byrne 2008 p 863 Jackson 2008 p 104 Beougher 2007 p 211 Downham 2007 p 157 Woolf 2007 p 243 Downham 2005 p 21 Hudson B 2005 Hudson BT 2005 pp 75 101 Broun 2004 p 135 Herbert 2004 pp 91 92 Hudson B 2002 p 242 Hudson BT 2002 p 46 Etchingham 2001 p 180 Duffy 1999 pp 353 354 Hudson BT 1996 p 234 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Duffy 1993 p 24 Hudson BT 1991 p 152 Donaldson 1977 p 143 Ryan 1938 p 18 18 n 40 Noble Gondek Campbell et al 2019 pp 62 fig 2 63 Jackson 2008 p 66 Broun 2004 p 135 Woolf 2000 p 162 Roberts 1997 p 47 fig 3 1 MacQueen 2003 pp 286 287 Broun 2004 p 135 Noble Gondek Campbell et al 2019 p 63 The Annals of Ulster 2017 1014 2 The Annals of Ulster 2008 1014 2 Taylor A 2018 p 43 Downham 2017 p 96 Broun 2015 pp 15 16 16 n 52 Woolf 2007 p 342 Jackson 2008 pp 104 105 Woolf 2007 p 342 Duffy 1992 p 123 n 150 eDIL s v mormaer n d Taylor A 2018 p 43 Broun 2015 p 15 Woolf 2009 p 261 MacQueen 2003 p 287 Taylor A 2018 pp 42 43 Taylor A 2016 p 26 Downham 2017 p 96 Woolf 2007 p 342 Donaldson 1977 p 155 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Jackson 2008 p 104 Todd 1867 pp 170 171 ch 97 174 177 ch 100 210 211 ch 120 Downham 2017 p 95 The Annals in Cotton MS Titus A XXV 2010 1014 Jackson 2008 p 104 Downham 2017 p 95 n 33 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Murphy 1896 p 167 Noble Gondek Campbell et al 2019 p 63 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 139 Downham 2017 pp 94 96 Wadden 2015 p 16 Downham 2014 p 23 Duffy 2014 p 33 Duffy 2013 chs 3 4 5 Walker 2013 ch 5 13 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 Duffy 2009 p 290 Byrne 2008 p 863 Jackson 2008 p 104 Beougher 2007 pp 211 213 Downham 2007 p 157 Woolf 2007 p 243 Downham 2005 p 21 Hudson B 2005 Hudson BT 2005 pp 75 101 MacShamhrain 2005 p 17 n 71 Broun 2004 p 135 Herbert 2004 pp 91 92 Hudson B 2002 p 242 Hudson BT 2002 p 46 Duffy 1999 pp 353 354 Hudson BT 1996 p 234 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Duffy 1993 p 24 Hudson BT 1991 p 152 Donaldson 1977 p 143 Ryan 1938 pp 39 40 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Noble Gondek Campbell et al 2019 p 63 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 139 Downham 2017 p 95 Duffy 2014 p 33 Duffy 2013 chs 3 4 5 Walker 2013 ch 5 13 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 Duffy 2009 p 290 Byrne 2008 p 863 Beougher 2007 pp 212 213 Woolf 2007 p 243 Hudson BT 2005 pp 75 101 Broun 2004 p 135 Hudson B 2002 p 242 Duffy 1999 pp 353 354 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 n 12 Duffy 1993 p 24 Hudson BT 1991 p 152 Ryan 1938 pp 17 18 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 139 Downham 2017 pp 94 95 Wadden 2015 p 16 Downham 2014 p 23 Duffy 2014 p 33 Duffy 2013 chs 3 4 5 Walker 2013 ch 5 13 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 Duffy 2009 p 290 Byrne 2008 p 863 Beougher 2007 pp 211 213 Downham 2007 p 157 Woolf 2007 p 243 Downham 2005 p 21 Hudson BT 2005 pp 75 101 MacShamhrain 2005 p 17 n 71 Broun 2004 p 135 Herbert 2004 pp 91 92 Hudson B 2002 p 242 Hudson BT 2002 p 46 Duffy 1999 pp 353 354 Hudson BT 1996 p 234 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Duffy 1993 p 24 Hudson BT 1991 p 152 Ryan 1938 pp 17 18 39 40 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 The Annals of Tigernach 2016 976 7 Woolf 2007 p 243 n 26 Annals of Tigernach 2005 976 7 Wadden 2015 p 16 Hudson B 2005 Hudson B 2002 p 241 Casey 2013 p 140 Casey 2010 p 29 Jaski 2005 Hudson B 2002 p 242 Jaski 2005 Hudson B 2002 p 242 Downham 2007 p 157 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Murphy 1896 p 167 Downham 2017 p 95 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 Annals of Loch Ce 2008 1014 3 Annals of Loch Ce 2005 1014 3 Duffy 1999 p 353 Duffy 1993 p 24 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Downham 2017 p 95 Annals of the Four Masters 2013a 1013 11 Annals of the Four Masters 2013b 1013 11 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 Downham 2007 p 157 Duffy 1999 p 353 Duffy 1993 p 24 Noble Gondek Campbell et al 2019 p 63 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 139 Downham 2017 p 95 The Annals of Ulster 2017 1014 2 Duffy 2013 ch 4 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 The Annals of Ulster 2008 1014 2 Jackson 2008 p 104 Downham 2007 p 157 Woolf 2007 p 243 Broun 2004 p 135 Herbert 2004 pp 91 92 Duffy 1999 p 353 Duffy 1993 p 24 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Downham 2017 p 95 Chronicon Scotorum 2012 1014 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 Chronicon Scotorum 2010 1014 Downham 2007 p 157 Duffy 1999 p 353 Duffy 1993 p 24 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 139 n 42 Downham 2017 pp 94 95 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Swift 2013 p 137 Jackson 2008 p 104 Beougher 2007 pp 211 212 Hudson BT 2005 p 101 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Hudson BT 1991 p 152 Ryan 1938 pp 17 18 39 40 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Todd 1867 pp 170 171 ch 97 174 177 ch 100 210 211 ch 120 Downham 2017 p 95 Jackson 2008 p 104 The Annals in Cotton MS Titus A XXV 2010 1014 Duffy 1999 p 353 Duffy 1993 p 24 Anderson 1922 pp 534 537 n 2 Ni Mhaonaigh 2012 pp 144 145 160 161 a b Downham 2017 p 95 Hudson B 2005 Hudson BT 2005 p 99 a b Duffy 2014 p 30 Beougher 2007 pp 192 193 Hudson B 2005 Hudson BT 2005 p 99 Beougher 2007 pp 207 fig 5 7 211 Todd 1867 pp 168 169 ch 97 Beougher 2007 pp 211 212 Beougher 2007 pp 208 209 Somerville McDonald 2014 p 458 ch 157 Beougher 2007 pp 206 207 fig 5 7 Hudson B 2002 p 245 Dasent 1967 pp 322 323 ch 156 Anderson 1922 p 537 Asmundarson 1910 pp 425 426 ch 157 Jonsson 1908 pp 409 410 ch 157 Vigfusson 1887 p 332 ch 158 Somerville McDonald 2014 p 458 ch 157 Beougher 2007 pp 206 208 209 fig 5 7 Hudson B 2002 p 245 Dasent 1967 p 323 ch 156 Anderson 1922 p 537 Asmundarson 1910 p 426 ch 157 Jonsson 1908 p 410 ch 157 Vigfusson 1887 p 332 ch 158 Beougher 2007 pp 207 fig 5 6 208 Todd 1867 p 165 ch 94 Duffy 2014 p 32 fig Casey 2013 p 140 fig Downham 2005 p 21 Downham 2017 p 102 Ni Mhaonaigh 2017b Wadden 2016 p 175 Wadden 2015 p 20 Clarkson 2014 ch 8 4 Somerville McDonald 2014 p 199 Casey 2013 p 139 Swift 2013 p 122 DuBois 2011 p 269 Casey 2010 pp 30 32 Clarkson 2010 ch 9 46 Beougher 2007 pp 6 38 n 65 53 Breatnach 2005 Downham 2005 p 21 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 225 Hudson B 2002 p 255 o Corrain 1998 p 443 Ni Mhaonaigh 1996 pp 101 105 106 Ni Mhaonaigh 1995 Ni Mhaonaigh 1992 pp 135 137 Candon 1988 p 397 Downham 2017 pp 97 99 Ni Mhaonaigh 2017a Ni Mhaonaigh 2017b p 170 Wadden 2015 p 20 Somerville McDonald 2014 p 199 Swift 2013 p 122 DuBois 2011 p 269 Beougher 2007 p 6 Taylor S 2006 p 27 Breatnach 2005 Downham 2005 p 21 Hudson B 2002 p 255 Ni Mhaonaigh 1996 p 101 Ni Mhaonaigh 1995 Ni Mhaonaigh 1992 pp 136 137 145 Candon 1988 p 397 a b Jefferies 2005 Wiley 2005 Jefferies 2005 Hudson B 2002 p 255 a b Downham 2017 p 100 Downham 2017 pp 96 97 Downham 2017 p 102 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 139 n 42 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Downham 2017 pp 94 95 Beougher 2007 p 212 Ryan 1938 p 39 Todd 1867 pp 174 175 ch 100 Downham 2017 pp 94 95 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Swift 2013 p 137 Beougher 2007 pp 212 213 Hudson BT 2005 p 101 Ryan 1938 pp 39 40 Todd 1867 pp 174 177 ch 100 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Todd 1867 pp 174 177 ch 100 a b Beougher 2007 p 212 a b Duffy 2013 ch 5 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Beougher 2007 p 212 Hudson BT 2005 p 101 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Ryan 1938 pp 39 40 39 n 135 40 n 135 Downham 2017 p 95 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Swift 2013 p 137 Kershaw 1922 p 112 Todd 1867 pp 174 175 ch 100 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Beougher 2007 p 212 Hudson BT 2005 p 101 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Ryan 1938 pp 39 n 135 40 n 135 Kershaw 1922 p 112 Todd 1867 p 175 n 16 Beougher 2007 pp 212 212 213 n 300 Hudson BT 2005 p 101 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Downham 2017 p 96 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Todd 1867 pp 170 171 ch 98 Downham 2017 p 96 Downham 2017 p 96 Duffy 2013 ch 5 Downham 2017 p 101 n 69 Downham 2017 p 101 n 69 Andersson Gade 2012 p 335 ch 70 Power 2005 p 18 Power 1986 p 128 Jonsson 1932 p 366 Unger 1867 p 175 Emperor of the Irish n d Keating and the King in Print n d The General History of Ireland n d a b c Woolf 2000 p 162 Duffy 2013 Beougher 2007 p 216 Todd 1867 pp clxxxi n 3 clxxxi clxxxii cxc cxci n 4 184 185 ch 106 207 ch 117 Beougher 2007 p 216 Beougher 2007 pp 198 199 212 213 244 Hudson BT 2005 p 99 a b Downham 2014 p 23 Duffy 2009 p 290 Duffy 1999 pp 353 354 Duffy 1993 p 24 Duffy 2013 ch 3 Walker 2013 ch 5 13 MacShamhrain 2005 p 17 17 n 71 Duffy 1993 p 23 Walker 2013 ch 5 13 Downham 2017 p 93 93 n 29 Wadden 2016 p 175 Clarkson 2014 ch 8 4 5 Duffy 2013 ch 3 Clarkson 2010 ch 9 46 Taylor S 2006 pp 26 27 Hudson BT 2005 p 76 Ni Mhaonaigh 1995 p 376 Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Candon 1988 p 408 Anderson 1922 p 525 n 3 Todd 1867 pp 136 137 ch 78 a b c Hudson BT 1994 p 114 Downham 2017 p 93 n 28 Clarkson 2014 ch 8 5 Downham 2017 p 93 n 28 Taylor S 2006 pp 26 27 Ni Mhaonaigh 1995 p 376 Candon 1988 p 408 a b Broun 2004b Wadden 2016 p 174 Casey Meehan 2014 Wadden 2015 p 18 Duffy 2013 ch 3 Casey 2010 p 33 Bhreathnach 2009 p 268 Beougher 2007 pp 150 151 150 n 226 151 n 231 Woolf 2007 p 225 Jaski 2005 MacShamhrain 2005 pp 15 17 Oram 2000 p 12 Flanagan 1996 p 192 Hudson BT 1994 p 113 Gwynn A 1978 pp 41 42 47 48 47 n 1 Duffy 2009 p 289 Duffy 1993 p 25 Duffy 2013 ch 3 Casey 2010 p 33 Bhreathnach 2009 p 268 Duffy 2009 p 289 Hughes 2008 p 647 Beougher 2007 p 151 Herbert 2005 p 111 MacShamhrain 2005 pp 15 17 Flanagan 1996 pp 192 193 Duffy 1993 p 24 Gwynn A 1978 pp 41 42 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 136 Ni Mhaonaigh 2017b pp 174 175 175 n 35 Downham 2017 p 93 Wadden 2016 p 174 Wadden 2015 p 18 Casey Meehan 2014 Duffy 2014 p 10 Duffy 2013 ch 3 Bhreathnach 2009 p 268 Duffy 2009 p 289 Byrne 2008 p 862 Hughes 2008 p 647 Beougher 2007 pp 1 150 Etchingham 2007 p 160 Woolf 2007 p 225 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 225 Herbert 2005 p 111 Jaski 2005 Jefferies 2005 MacShamhrain 2005 pp 15 17 o Croinin 2005 Etchingham 2001 p 180 Oram 2000 p 12 Duffy 1997 p 34 Flanagan 1996 p 192 Hudson BT 1994 p 113 Duffy 1993 p 24 Gwynn A 1978 p 42 Gwynn J 1913 p 32 Jaski 2005 MacShamhrain 2005 p 17 Wadden 2016 pp 174 175 Wadden 2015 p 18 Etchingham 2007 p 160 Etchingham 2001 p 180 Wadden 2016 pp 174 175 Wadden 2015 p 18 Byrne 2008 p 862 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 225 Jaski 2005 MacShamhrain 2005 p 17 Oram 2000 p 46 n 66 Woolf 2007 p 225 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 225 Oram 2000 p 12 Ni Mhaonaigh 2018 p 136 Casey Meehan 2014 Beougher 2007 p 150 Jaski 2005 Jefferies 2005 o Croinin 2005 Oram 2000 p 46 n 66 Duffy 1997 p 34 Ni Mhaonaigh 2017b p 174 Beougher 2007 p 153 MacShamhrain 2005 pp 16 17 Duffy 2013 ch 3 Casey Meehan 2014 Etchingham 2007 p 160 Etchingham 2001 p 180 a b Duffy 2009 p 290 Etchingham 2007 p 160 Duffy 2013 ch 3 Etchingham 2007 p 160 Etchingham 2001 p 180 The Annals of Tigernach 2016 1034 1 Annals of Tigernach 2005 1034 1 Annals of Tigernach etc n d Wadden 2015 p 18 MacShamhrain 2005 p 17 17 n 71 Duffy 1999 p 354 Duffy 1993 p 24 Woolf 2009 p 261 Broun 2004b Duffy 1999 pp 349 350 The Annals of Ulster 2017 1020 6 The Annals of Tigernach 2016 1029 5 Woolf 2009 p 261 The Annals of Ulster 2008 1020 6 Annals of Tigernach 2005 1029 5 Duffy 1999 p 350 Anderson 1922 pp 551 n 4 571 Duffy 2009 p 290 Duffy 1999 p 350 Downham 2017 p 101 Woolf 2000 pp 161 162 The Annals of Tigernach 2016 1028 2 Annals of Tigernach 2005 1028 2 Annals of Tigernach etc n d Downham 2014 p 23 Woolf 2000 p 162 Duffy 2013 ch 3 Duffy 2009 p 289 Downham 2007 p 157 Woolf 2000 p 162 Duffy 1999 p 353 Hudson BT 1996 pp 52 183 90 183 220 Duffy 1993 p 23 Anderson 1930 p 51 181 Skene 1867 p 99 Downham 2007 p 157 Woolf 2000 p 162 Hudson BT 1994 p 135 Anderson 1922 p 509 n 4 Vigfusson 1887 p 15 ch 12 Anderson Hjaltalin 1873 pp 3 ch 1 212 ch 187 The Annals of Ulster 2017 1014 2 The Annals of Ulster 2008 1014 2 Woolf 2000 p 162 Woolf 2000 p 162 Williams 1997 pp 143 144 Dasent 1967 p 163 ch 88 Anderson 1922 pp 502 503 Asmundarson 1910 p 213 ch 89 Jonsson 1908 p 203 ch 89 Vigfusson 1887 p 324 ch 90 Unger 1871 p 56 ch 35 AM 45 Fol n d Woolf 2007 p 243 Woolf 2000 p 162 Walker 2013 ch 5 13 Hudson BT 1994 pp 114 115 Hudson BT 2005 p 134 Downham 2017 p 96 Downham 2014 p 23 Downham 2007 p 157 Downham 2007 p 157 157 n 127 Downham 2007 p 157 Duffy 2009 p 289 Woolf 2007 pp 283 284 Crawford 1997 p 68 Vigfusson 1887 p 15 ch 12 Anderson Hjaltalin 1873 p 209 ch 286 Duffy 2009 p 289 Wadden 2015 p 18 Hudson BT 1994 pp 114 115 References editPrimary sources edit AM 45 Fol Handrit is n d Archived from the original on 18 January 2016 Retrieved 12 November 2016 Anderson AO ed 1922 Early Sources of Scottish History A D 500 to 1286 Vol 1 London Oliver and Boyd OL 14712679M Anderson AO 1930 The Prophecy of Berchan Zeitschrift fur celtische Philologie 18 1 56 doi 10 1515 zcph 1930 18 1 1 eISSN 1865 889X ISSN 0084 5302 S2CID 162902103 Anderson J Hjaltalin JA Goudie G eds 1873 The Orkneyinga Saga Edinburgh Edmonston and Douglas Andersson TM Gade KE eds 2012 2000 Morkinskinna The Earliest Icelandic Chronicle of the Norwegian Kings 1030 1157 Islandica Ithaca Cornell University Press ISBN 978 0 8014 7783 6 LCCN 99 43299 Annala Uladh Digital Bodleian n d Retrieved 9 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C 2001 North Wales Ireland and the Isles the Insular Viking Zone Peritia 15 145 187 doi 10 1484 J Peri 3 434 eISSN 2034 6506 ISSN 0332 1592 Etchingham C 2007 Viking Age Gwynedd and Ireland Political Relations In Wooding JM Jankulak K eds Ireland and Wales in the Middle Ages Dublin Four Courts Press pp 149 167 ISBN 978 1 85182 748 0 Flanagan MT 1996 Henry II the Council of Cashel and the Irish Bishops Peritia 10 184 211 doi 10 1484 J Peri 3 7 eISSN 2034 6506 ISSN 0332 1592 Forte A Oram RD Pedersen F 2005 Viking Empires Cambridge Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 0 521 82992 2 Gwynn A 1978 Brian in Armagh 1005 Seanchas Ardmhacha Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 9 1 35 50 doi 10 2307 29740904 ISSN 0488 0196 JSTOR 29740904 Herbert M 2004 1999 Sea Divided Gaels Constructing Relationships Between Irish and Scots c 800 1169 In Smith B ed Britain and Ireland 900 1300 Insular Responses to Medieval European Change Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 87 97 ISBN 0 511 03855 0 Herbert M 2005 Before Charters Property Records in Pre Anglo Norman Ireland In Flanagan MT Green JA eds Charters and Charter Scholarship in Britain and Ireland Houndmills Basingstoke Palgrave Macmillan pp 107 119 doi 10 1057 9780230523050 6 ISBN 978 0 230 52305 0 Hudson B 2002 Brjans Saga Medium AEvum 71 1 241 285 doi 10 2307 43630435 eISSN 2398 1423 ISSN 0025 8385 JSTOR 43630435 Hudson B 2005 Clontarf Battle of In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 92 93 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Hudson BT 1991 Historical Literature of Early Scotland Studies in Scottish Literature 26 1 141 155 ISSN 0039 3770 Hudson BT 1994 Kings of Celtic Scotland Westport CT Greenwood Press ISBN 0 313 29087 3 ISSN 0885 9159 Archived from the original on 23 June 2019 Retrieved 24 December 2019 a href Template Cite book html title Template Cite book cite book a journal ignored help Hudson BT 2002 The Scottish Gaze In McDonald RA ed History Literature and Music in Scotland 700 1560 Toronto 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Britain in the Later Middle Ages Blackwell Companions to British History Malden MA Blackwell Publishing pp 283 308 ISBN 0 631 21785 1 MacShamhrain A 2005 Brian Boruma Armagh and High Kingship Seanchas Ardmhacha Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 20 2 1 21 doi 10 2307 29742749 ISSN 0488 0196 JSTOR 29742749 Ni Mhaonaigh M 1992 Breifne Bias in Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib Eriu 43 135 158 eISSN 2009 0056 ISSN 0332 0758 JSTOR 30007422 Ni Mhaonaigh M 1995 Cogad Gaedel re Gallaib Some Dating Considerations Peritia 9 354 377 doi 10 1484 J Peri 3 255 eISSN 2034 6506 ISSN 0332 1592 Ni Mhaonaigh M 1996 Cogad Gaedel Re Gallaib and the Annals A Comparison Eriu 47 101 126 eISSN 2009 0056 ISSN 0332 0758 JSTOR 30007439 Ni Mhaonaigh M 2012 A Neglected Acount of the Battle of Clontarf Zeitschrift fur celtische Philologie 59 1 143 167 doi 10 1515 zcph 2012 009 eISSN 1865 889X ISSN 0084 5302 S2CID 199665491 Ni Mhaonaigh M 2017a Brian Boru In Echard S Rouse R eds The Encyclopedia of Medieval Literature in Britain John Wiley amp Sons pp 1 2 doi 10 1002 9781118396957 wbemlb404 ISBN 978 1 118 39695 7 Ni Mhaonaigh M 2017b Glorious by Association The Clontarf Obituary of Brian Boru In Duffy S ed Medieval Dublin Vol 16 Four Courts Press pp 170 187 doi 10 17863 CAM 26938 Ni Mhaonaigh M 2018 Perception and Reality Ireland c 980 1229 In Smith B ed The Cambridge History of Ireland Vol 1 Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 131 156 doi 10 1017 9781316275399 009 ISBN 978 1 107 11067 0 Noble G Gondek M Campbell E Evans N Hamilton D Taylor S 2019 A Powerful Place of Pictland Interdisciplinary Perspectives on a Power Centre of the 4th to 6th Centuries ad PDF Medieval Archaeology 63 1 56 94 doi 10 1080 00766097 2019 1588529 eISSN 1745 817X hdl 2164 14518 ISSN 0076 6097 S2CID 166643861 Oram RD 2000 The Lordship of Galloway Edinburgh John Donald ISBN 0 85976 541 5 o Corrain D 1998 Viking Ireland Afterthoughts In Clarke HB Ni Mhaonaigh M o Floinn R eds Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age Dublin Four Courts Press pp 421 452 ISBN 1 85182 235 6 o Croinin D 2005 Armagh Book of In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge pp 30 31 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Power R 1986 Magnus Barelegs Expeditions to the West Scottish Historical Review 65 2 107 132 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25530199 Power R 2005 Meeting in Norway Norse Gaelic Relations in the Kingdom of Man and the Isles 1090 1270 PDF Saga Book 29 5 66 ISSN 0305 9219 Roberts JL 1997 Lost Kingdoms Celtic Scotland and the Middle Ages Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press ISBN 0 7486 0910 5 OL 411939M Ryan J 1938 The Battle of Clontarf The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 8 1 1 50 ISSN 0035 9106 JSTOR 25510093 Skene WF 1861 1862 The MacLeods of Scotland Ulster Journal of Archaeology 9 317 320 ISSN 0082 7355 JSTOR 20608948 Somerville AA McDonald RA eds 2014 The Viking Age A Reader Readings in Medieval Civilizations and Cultures 2nd ed Toronto University of Toronto Press ISBN 978 1 4426 0869 6 Swift C 2013 Chivalry Saracens and the Chansons de Geste of Brian Boru In Duffy S ed Medieval Dublin Vol 15 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 119 140 hdl 10395 2767 ISBN 9781846825675 Taylor A 2016 The Shape of the State in Medieval Scotland 1124 1290 Oxford Studies in Medieval European History Oxford Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 874920 2 Taylor A 2018 Formalising Aristocratic Power in Royal Acta in Late Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Century France and Scotland Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 28 33 64 doi 10 1017 S0080440118000038 eISSN 1474 0648 ISSN 0080 4401 S2CID 165167496 Taylor S 2006 The Early History and Languages of West Dunbartonshire In Brown I ed Changing Identities Ancient Roots The History of West Dunbartonshire From Earliest Times Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press pp 12 41 ISBN 978 0 7486 2561 1 The General History of Ireland Folger Shakespeare Library n d Retrieved 10 November 2019 Wadden P 2015 The Normans and the Irish Sea World in the Era of the Battle of Clontarf In McAlister V Barry T eds Space and Settlement in Medieval Ireland Dublin Four Courts Press pp 15 33 ISBN 978 1 84682 500 2 Wadden P 2016 Dal Riata c 1000 Genealogies and Irish Sea Politics Scottish Historical Review 95 2 164 181 doi 10 3366 shr 2016 0294 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 Walker IW 2013 2006 Lords of Alba The Making of Scotland EPUB Brimscombe Port The History Press ISBN 978 0 7524 9519 4 Wiley DM 2005 Dal Cais In Duffy S ed Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia New York Routledge p 121 ISBN 0 415 94052 4 Williams DGE 1997 Land Assessment and Military Organisation in the Norse Settlements in Scotland c 900 1266 AD PhD thesis University of St Andrews hdl 10023 7088 Woolf A 2000 The Moray Question and the Kingship of Alba in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries Scottish Historical Review 79 2 145 164 doi 10 3366 shr 2000 79 2 145 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 S2CID 162334631 Woolf A 2007 From Pictland to Alba 789 1070 The New Edinburgh History of Scotland Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press ISBN 978 0 7486 1233 8 Woolf A 2009 Scotland In Stafford P ed A Companion to the Early Middle Ages Britain and Ireland c 500 c 1100 Blackwell Companions to British History Chichester Blackwell Publishing pp 251 267 ISBN 978 1 405 10628 3 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Domnall mac Eimin amp oldid 1204637453, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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