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Dmitrii Bogrov

May 04, 2024

Dmitrii Grigor'evich Bogrov (Russian: Дмитрий Григорьевич Богров; 10 February [O.S. 29 January] 1887 – 25 September [O.S. 12 September] 1911) was a Ukrainian Jewish lawyer, known for his assassination of the Russian Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin.

Dmitrii Bogrov
דמיטרי בוגרוב
Bogrov in 1910
Born(1887-02-10)10 February 1887
Kyiv, Russian Empire
Died25 September 1911(1911-09-25) (aged 24)
Kyiv, Russian Empire
Cause of deathExecution by hanging
OccupationLawyer
Known forAssassination of Pyotr Stolypin
Political partySocialist Revolutionary Party
MovementRevolutionary socialism, anarchism
Criminal chargesMurder
Criminal penaltyCapital punishment

Raised in a wealthy Jewish family in Kyiv, Bogrov developed sympathies for revolutionary socialism from an early age and became involved with the Ukrainian anarchist movement while studying law at university. Disillusioned by the local anarchist group's activism, he was hired as an informant by the Okhrana and kept tabs on the group's activities. After graduating, he moved to Saint Petersburg in order to practice law and seek safety from the rising environment of antisemitism in the Russian Empire.

Disturbed by the pogroms in the Russian Empire and feeling guilty for his collaboration with the police, he began to plot the assassination of the Russian prime minister Pyotr Stolypin, who he held responsible for the attacks. He unsuccessfully attempted to elicit the support of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which caused him to have a nervous breakdown. After returning to Kyiv, he was confronted by members of his former anarchist group, who had discovered his involvement with the Okhrana and made threats against his life for it.

He again resolved to assassinate Stolypin. He told the Okhrana that assassins were planning to kill a government official, convincing them to grant him a ticket to the Kyiv Opera House, where the prime minister was due to attend a play. Having convinced the authorities that he was still on their side, he managed to get close to the prime minister and shot him twice. Stolypin died four days later. Bogrov himself was executed days after his target's death.

Bogrov's actions have become the subject of conspiracy theories, as well as numerous historiographical debates about his motives.

Biography edit

Early life and activism edit

Dmitrii Grigor'evich Bogrov was born in Kyiv, on 10 February [O.S. 29 January] 1887,[1] into a wealthy Jewish family.[2] His grandfather was a well-known writer and maskil;[3] and his father was a prominent lawyer in Kyiv, who had converted to Russian Orthodoxy.[4] Despite his father's conversion, Dmitrii himself continued to practice Judaism, which was the religion that was marked on his school diploma.[5]

The Bogrov family was deeply involved in left-wing politics: Dmitrii's cousin was a member of the Bolsheviks,[6] while his father supported the left of the Constitutional Democratic Party.[7] By the time he was a teenager, Dmitrii Bogrov himself had developed sympathies for revolutionary socialism and became involved in revolutionary activities,[8] initially as a supporter of the Union of Socialists-Revolutionaries-Maximalists.[6] He came to identify himself as an "anarchist-individualist",[9] as he resented formal organisation, rejected conventional morality and believed revolutionaries ought to operate alone under their own direction, even once declaring "I am my own party".[7]

Law education and informant activities edit

In the wake of the 1905 Russian Revolution, Bogrov enrolled in the law school of Kyiv University.[10] As the government began cracking down on the revolution, Bogrov's parents sent him abroad to study at the University of Munich. There he familiarised himself with the works of Mikhail Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin, before returning in 1906 to resume his studies in Kyiv.[11] By December 1906, he had joined an anarchist communist group in Kyiv, but soon became disillusioned with their activities.[12]

Although his father paid for his education and provided him with a generous allowance,[13] Bogrov started to experience financial difficulties due to his gambling habit.[14] In February 1907,[15] he took a job as an informant for the Okhrana.[16] Working under the pseudonym of "Alensky",[17] he supplied the police with information on the Kyiv anarchists' activities.[18] Many the group's members were imprisoned or deported to Siberia during this period,[19] including its leaders Herman Sandomirskyi [uk] and Naum Tysh,[20] although it's uncertain how many of these were due to Bogrov's reports.[17]

By 1908, some of the group's members began to suspect that Bogrov was an agent provocateur.[19] Naum Tysh and Peter Liatkovskyi accused him of betraying them to the police, but he was defended against the charges by Sandomirskyi.[20] He also managed to convince Ivan Knizhnik [ru] and Juda Grossman that he was innocent of the charges against him.[21] In July of that year, Bogrov supplied the Okhrana with information about the bomb-manufacturing activities of the Maximalists, although he would later claim that he deliberately kept the exact address from them in order to prevent a police raid from taking place.[22] In September, he informed the police of a Maximalist plot to break Naum Tysh out of prison, resulting in the arrest of all conspirators. Bogrov himself took the opportunity to go abroad, where he told the editor of an anarchist newspaper that either Tsar Nikolai II or prime minister Pyotr Stolypin ought to be assassinated. He returned to Kyiv in April 1909.[23]

After graduating from university in February 1910, he decided to move away from Kyiv in order to work as a lawyer's apprentice in Saint Petersburg,[24] believing the city was safer for Jewish people than either Kyiv or Moscow, due to the rising environment of antisemitism and pogroms in the Russian Empire.[5] By this time, he had ceased all contact with the Okhrana in Kyiv.[25] After a few months in Saint Petersburg, he again approached the Okhrana and was hired as an agent,[24] working under the pseudonym "Nadezhdin".[25] But this time, he provided the police with unvaluable and even fabricated information,[24] later claiming he did this "for revolutionary purposes, so that I could make close contacts in these institutions and learn how they work."[25]

Assassination plot and motivation edit

 
Egor Lazarev, the leader of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, from whom Bogrov attempted to solicit support

In June 1910, Bogrov contacted Egor Lazarev, informing him of his intention to assassinate the prime minister Pyotr Stolypin.[26] He claimed that his motivations were both personal and ideological, although he concealed his feelings of guilt over his past role as an informant.[27] According to Lazarev, Bogrov claimed that he sought revenge for the antisemitic pogroms that had been carried out in the Russian Empire and held Stolypin to be responsible.[28] He requested the official sanction of the Socialist Revolutionary Party,[29] declaring that he wished "to have the certainty that, after my death, there will remain people and a party who will interpret my conduct correctly, explaining it on the basis of a social and not from a personal motive."[30] Although Lazarev himself was worried about Bogrov's apparent indifference towards his own life,[31] he took the proposal to the party. The SRs were initially divided over their enthusiasm for the plan, but ultimately deciding against it, fearing that it would bring repression against the party.[32] Bogrov was devastated by the party's rejection and subsequently suffered from a nervous breakdown. On the advice of his physician and his parents,[33] he went abroad to Nice, in southern France, where he spent the next few months in recovery.[34]

By March 1911, Bogrov had recovered and returned to Kyiv,[35] where he attempted to resume his legal apprenticeship.[36] As rumours of his past involvement with the police circulated, he received an angry letter from Juda Grossman, who demanded answers, but Bogrov responded that he was no longer involved in political activity and refused to engage further in correspondence.[36] On 16 August, Bogrov was visited by a member of the anarchist group,[37] who informed him that the revolutionaries intended to kill him for his collaboration with the police.[38] When Bogrov asked how he could prevent this and "rehabilitate" himself,[39] they demanded that he assassinate a Tsarist official.[38]

Bogrov again committed himself to his plan to assassinate Stolypin,[40] who he considered to be the "source of all evil in Russia".[41] In late August, he went to the Okhrana and told them that revolutionaries by the names of "Nikolai Iakovlevich" and "Nina Aleksandrovna" intended to assassinate a member of the government during the Tsar's upcoming visit to the city, claiming they had a bomb and were staying at his flat.[42] Convinced of his reliability due to his past work as an informant, the Okhrana gave him a pass to attend the events, so that he could identify and apprehend the assassin. He was provided with a ticket to a performance of The Tale of Tsar Saltan at the Kyiv Opera House, where Stolypin was due to attend and where Bogrov claimed the assassin planned to carry out his attack.[43]

Assassination of Stolypin edit

 
Pyotr Stolypin, the prime minister of Russia and Bogrov's target for assassination

On the evening of 1 September, while police agents staked out Bogrov's flat, he went to the theatre and was questioned on the whereabouts of the assassins. He pretended to return to his flat and claimed that the assassin was still eating supper. Bogrov went to his seat in the seventeenth row, while Stolypin arrived and took his seat in the front row. Also among the attendees were Tsar Nikolai II, his daughters Olga and Tatiana, and the Bulgarian crown prince Boris.[44]

The performance started at 21:00. During the first intermission, Bogrov stayed back, as Stolypin was surrounded by other people. During the second intermission, at 23:30, Bogrov was ordered to return to his flat and keep tabs on the assassins. Noticing that Stolypin was standing alone, he decided that was the moment to act.[45] He made his way down the aisle towards the front row and all the way up to the prime minister.[46] When he arrived in front of Stolypin, Bogrov drew his revolver and shot him twice.[47] One bullet ricocheted off Stolypin's wrist into the orchestra pit and hit a violinist's leg, the other hit Stolypin in his chest, piercing through a medallion of Vladimir the Great.[45]

As those around the prime minister were left stunned by the attack, Bogrov calmly walked away towards the exit, making it halfway down the aisle before he was apprehended. He was disarmed and removed from the theatre by the police, while people attempted to aid the dying prime minister.[48] Stolypin was taken away to a clinic, but died four days later.[49] When the police raided Bogrov's flat, they found nobody there.[48] Russian nationalists in Kyiv responded by calling for a pogrom, but the authorities refused to support their invocation, as the Tsar was still in the city.[50] In order to pre-empt such a pogrom from taking place, Kyiv's Jewish community denounced Bogrov's actions and held a special service wishing health for the Tsar's family and to Stolypin.[51] For its part, the Socialist Revolutionary Party publicly denied taking part in the assassination.[52]

Interrogation, trial and execution edit

When he was interrogated about the attack, Bogrov confessed that he had fabricated the story of the two assassins so that he could get access to Stolypin.[53] He claimed that he had been threatened by revolutionaries due to their discovery of his past as an agent provocateur; he thought that this revelation alone was "worse than death" and desired to free himself from the guilt he felt due to his collaboration with the police.[54] He also repeatedly identified himself as a member of the Jewish faith and claimed that he was acting in the interests of the Jewish people.[55] He declared that he had not attempted an attack against the Tsar, as he feared it would have provoked further antisemitic pogroms.[56]

On 22 September [O.S. 9 September] 1911, Bogrov was tried by a court martial, which found him guilty of murder and sentenced him to death by hanging.[57] He was executed on 25 September [O.S. 12 September] 1911,[58] in Lysa Hora.[54] He died in the presence of thirty witnesses, including representatives of reactionary groups such as the Black Hundreds.[59] The religious representative at Bogrov's execution was Iakov Aleshkovskii, the Chief Rabbi of Kyiv.[5] In his final words to Aleskhovskii, Bogrov asked him: "Please tell the Jews that I did not want to harm them in any way, on the contrary, I struggle for their good and for the happiness of the Jewish people."[60] His death was mourned by young Jewish and Ukrainian radicals, who had sympathised with his motive's for assassinating Stolypin.[61]

Legacy and historical debate edit

Bogrov's assassination of Stolypin was the last major attack in a sustained period of terrorism in the Russian Empire,[62] which had started in 1866 with Dmitrii Karakazov's attempted assassination of Alexander II.[63] The assassination of Stolypin further destabilised the Empire, leading to its ultimate collapse in the 1917 Revolution.[64] Bogrov's actions have been compared to those of Marinus van der Lubbe and Lee Harvey Oswald, who likewise acted individually, but whose acts were nevertheless subject to widespread conspiracy theories.[65]

Since the assassination, there has been some historical debate about Bogrov's motives for the assassination and whether or not he acted on behalf of one group or another.[66] Although Bogrov acted alone, he was variously accused of acting on behalf of revolutionaries, reactionaries or even the police.[67] In his book A People's Tragedy, British historian Orlando Figes commented that this variety of possible explanations for Bogrov's actions stemmed from Stolypin having had enemies on all sides of the political spectrum: "Long before Bogrov's bullet killed him, he [Stolypin] was politically dead."[68] Documents regarding the assassination were also published in a heavily redacted form in 1914;[69] it took until 2003 for a complete volume of more than 700 pages of evidence to finally be published by ROSSPEN.[70]

The most common explanation for the assassination is that Bogrov was motivated by the threats against his life by the revolutionary anarchist group, a version which is supported by historians Abraham Ascher,[71] Anna Geifman,[72] George Tokmakoff,[36] and Jonathan Daly.[73] Geifman further suggested that Bogrov, known to have suffered from depression, had decided to commit suicide by way of homicide.[74] Russian historian Sergei Stepanov and American historian Victoria Khiterer have also theorised that Bogrov sought revenge for the recent pogroms in the Russian Empire.[75] American historian Norman Naimark depicted the actions of Bogrov and other Jewish assassins of the period as having resulted from the direct antisemitic oppression that they faced and a consequential disillusionment with the results of assimilation.[76] American historian Paul Avrich also considered the assassination to have been a "personal act" by Bogrov, rather than having been influenced by his associations with the police or revolutionary groups.[77] In his historical fiction novel The Red Wheel, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn suggested that Bogrov was motivated by protecting the interests of his Jewish family against rising Russian nationalism.[78] The 2012 Russian docu-drama Stolypin: A Shot at Russia likewise highlighted Bogrov's Jewish background as a motivation for the assassination, while also portraying his character as a gambler and insect collector.[79] This "Jewish motivation" has been disputed by Ascher and Geifman,[75] as well as Simon Dixon,[80] who each highlighted the assimilation of Bogrov's family into the Russian elite.[81]

Other hypotheses included that of Stolypin's own brother Aleksandr [ru], who speculated that Grigori Rasputin had directed the assassination, although there is no evidence that Rasputin and Bogrov were ever in contact.[82] The hypothesis of police manipulation claims that the Tsar had become jealous of Stolypin's popularity and pressed the Okhrana to have him eliminated; but the Tsar himself had the power to dismiss ministers, so he could have already done so.[83] Solzhenitsyn also alleged Bogrov to have been working as a double agent for the Okhrana.[84] Yakov Protazanov's 1928 film The White Eagle also makes allusions to the culpability of the Tsarist government in Bogrov's assassination of Stolypin.[85] But allegations of a conspiracy on the part of the police are disputed, with evidence pointing to police incompetence rather than malice.[86]

References edit

  1. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 430; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 314–315.
  2. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 37; Geifman 1995, p. 238; Khiterer 2016, p. 430; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 314–315; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 173.
  3. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 430.
  4. ^ Daly 2004, p. 125; Khiterer 2016, p. 430; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 314–315; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 173.
  5. ^ a b c Khiterer 2016, pp. 429–430.
  6. ^ a b Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 173.
  7. ^ a b Geifman 1995, p. 238.
  8. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 238; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 173; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 314–315.
  9. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 238; Khiterer 2016, p. 432.
  10. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 430; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, pp. 173–174; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 315.
  11. ^ Ruud & Stepanov 1999, pp. 173–174.
  12. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 238; Khiterer 2016, p. 432; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 174; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 314–315.
  13. ^ Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 174.
  14. ^ Figes 1997, p. 230; Geifman 1995, p. 238; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 174; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 314–315.
  15. ^ Ruud & Stepanov 1999, pp. 174–175.
  16. ^ Avrich 1971, p. 55n61; Daly 2004, p. 124; Dixon 2017, p. 29; Figes 1997, p. 230; Geifman 1995, p. 238; Khiterer 2016, p. 432; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 174; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 315.
  17. ^ a b Khiterer 2016, p. 432; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, pp. 175–176.
  18. ^ Avrich 1971, p. 55n61; Daly 2004, p. 124; Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 175; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 315.
  19. ^ a b Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 175; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 315.
  20. ^ a b Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 175.
  21. ^ Tokmakoff 1965, p. 315.
  22. ^ Ruud & Stepanov 1999, p. 176.
  23. ^ Ruud & Stepanov 1999, pp. 176–177.
  24. ^ a b c Khiterer 2016, p. 430; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 315–316.
  25. ^ a b c Khiterer 2016, p. 432.
  26. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 352n107; Khiterer 2016, pp. 428, 430–431; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 316.
  27. ^ Tokmakoff 1965, p. 316.
  28. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 431.
  29. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 352n107; Khiterer 2016, pp. 430–431; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 316.
  30. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 353n107; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 316.
  31. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 353n107; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 316–317.
  32. ^ Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 316–317.
  33. ^ Tokmakoff 1965, p. 317.
  34. ^ Khiterer 2016, pp. 432–433; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 317.
  35. ^ Khiterer 2016, pp. 432–433; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 317–318.
  36. ^ a b c Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 317–318.
  37. ^ Geifman 1995, pp. 238–239; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 317–318.
  38. ^ a b Daly 2004, p. 125; Dixon 2017, p. 29; Geifman 1995, pp. 238–239; Khiterer 2016, p. 428; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 317–318.
  39. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 428; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 317–318.
  40. ^ Tokmakoff 1965, p. 318.
  41. ^ Geifman 1995, pp. 238–239.
  42. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 433; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 318–319.
  43. ^ Daly 2004, pp. 124–125; Dixon 2017, pp. 36–37; Geifman 1995, p. 239; Khiterer 2016, p. 433; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 318–319.
  44. ^ Tokmakoff 1965, p. 319.
  45. ^ a b Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 319–320.
  46. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 36; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 319–320.
  47. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 36; Geifman 1995, p. 239; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 319–320.
  48. ^ a b Tokmakoff 1965, p. 320.
  49. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 36; Geifman 1995, p. 239; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 320.
  50. ^ Daly 2004, p. 125; Khiterer 2016, pp. 434–435.
  51. ^ Khiterer 2016, pp. 434–435.
  52. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 353n110; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 321.
  53. ^ Daly 2004, p. 125; Khiterer 2016, p. 433.
  54. ^ a b Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 320–321.
  55. ^ Khiterer 2016, pp. 429–430, 434.
  56. ^ Geifman 1995, pp. 238–239; Khiterer 2016, pp. 433–434.
  57. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 239; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 320–321.
  58. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 239; Khiterer 2016, p. 434.
  59. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 434; Tokmakoff 1965, pp. 320–321.
  60. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 434.
  61. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 435.
  62. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 237; Naimark 1990, pp. 171–172.
  63. ^ Naimark 1990, pp. 171–172.
  64. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 436.
  65. ^ Tokmakoff 1965, p. 321.
  66. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 29; Khiterer 2016, p. 428.
  67. ^ Dixon 2017, pp. 29, 37; Figes 1997, p. 230; Tokmakoff 1965, p. 314.
  68. ^ Figes 1997, p. 230.
  69. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 36.
  70. ^ Dixon 2017, pp. 36, 302n10.
  71. ^ Khiterer 2016, p. 428.
  72. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 240; Khiterer 2016, p. 428.
  73. ^ Daly 2004, p. 125.
  74. ^ Geifman 1995, p. 240.
  75. ^ a b Khiterer 2016, p. 429.
  76. ^ Naimark 1990, p. 184.
  77. ^ Avrich 1971, p. 55n61.
  78. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 29.
  79. ^ Wijermars 2016, pp. 6–7.
  80. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 37.
  81. ^ Dixon 2017, p. 37; Khiterer 2016, p. 429.
  82. ^ Tokmakoff 1965, p. 314.
  83. ^ Khiterer 2016, pp. 428–429.
  84. ^ Naimark 1990, p. 172.
  85. ^ White 2016, p. 213.
  86. ^ Daly 2004, pp. 125–127; Dixon 2017, p. 37.

Bibliography edit

  • Avrich, Paul (1971) [1967]. "The Terrorists". The Russian Anarchists. Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp. 35–71. ISBN 0-691-00766-7. OCLC 1154930946.
  • Daly, Jonathan (2004). "The Apogee of the Watchful State". The Watchful State: Security Police and Opposition in Russia, 1906–1917. Northern Illinois University Press. pp. 110–135. ISBN 978-0-87580-331-9.
  • Dixon, Simon (2017). "The Assassination of Stolypin". In Brenton, Tony (ed.). Was Revolution Inevitable? Turning Points of the Russian Revolution. Oxford University Press. pp. 29–47. ISBN 978-0-19-065891-5.
  • Figes, Orlando (1997) [1996]. "Last Hopes". A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891–1924. London: Random House. pp. 213–252. ISBN 071267327X. OCLC 1277401748.
  • Geifman, Anna (1995). "The End of Revolutionary Terrorism in Russia". Thou Shalt Kill: Revolutionary Terrorism in Russia, 1894–1917. Princeton University Press. pp. 223–248. ISBN 978-0-691-02549-0.
  • Khiterer, Victoria (2016). "Appendix. Dmitrii Bogrov and the Assassination of Stolypin". Jewish City or Inferno of Russian Israel?. Academic Studies Press. pp. 428–436. doi:10.1515/9781618114778-018. ISBN 978-1-61811-477-8. S2CID 243243667.
  • Naimark, Norman M. (1990). "Terrorism and the fall of Imperial Russia". Terrorism and Political Violence. 2 (2): 171–192. doi:10.1080/09546559008427060. ISSN 0954-6553.
  • Ruud, Charles A.; Stepanov, Sergei A. (1999). "The Assassination of Stolypin". Fontanka, 16: The Tsars' Secret Police. McGill–Queen's University Press. pp. 173–200. ISBN 0-7735-1787-1. OCLC 45172454.
  • Tokmakoff, George (1965). "Stolypin's Assassin". Slavic Review. 24 (2): 314–321. doi:10.2307/2492333. ISSN 0037-6779. JSTOR 2492333.
  • White, Frederick H. (2016). "Interpreting History: Meaning Production for the Russian Revolution". Adaptation. 9 (2): 205–220. doi:10.1093/adaptation/apw003.
  • Wijermars, Mariëlle (2016). "Memory Politics Beyond the Political Domain". Problems of Post-Communism. 63 (2): 84–93. doi:10.1080/10758216.2015.1094719. ISSN 1075-8216.

Further reading edit

  • Geifman, Anna (2020). "Death-seeking turns political: A historical template for terrorism". In Stearns, Peter N. (ed.). The Routledge History of Death since 1800. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780429028274. ISBN 9780429028274.
  • Geifman, Anna (2022). "Terrorism as Veiled Suicide: A Comparative Analysis". Studies in Conflict & Terrorism. 45 (7): 608–625. doi:10.1080/1057610X.2019.1680185.
  • Jensen, Richard Bach (2009). "The International Campaign Against Anarchist Terrorism, 1880–1930s". Terrorism and Political Violence. 21 (1): 89–109. doi:10.1080/09546550802544862. ISSN 0954-6553. S2CID 143397666.
  • Khiterer, Victoria (2006). "Jewish Life in Kyiv at the Turn of the Twentieth Century". Ukraina Moderna. 10: 74–94. doi:10.3138/ukrainamoderna.10.074 (inactive 2024-04-26). ISSN 2078-659X.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of April 2024 (link)
  • Lyubchenko, Volodymyr (2008). ""I Was Fighting for the Happiness and Welfare of the Jewish People", or Did the Assassin of Stolypin Have a Jewish Motivation?". Проблемы еврейской истории: 302–311.
  • Miller, Martin A. (2015). "Entangled Terrorisms in late imperial Russia". In Law, Randall D. (ed.). The Routledge History of Terrorism. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315719061. ISBN 9781315719061.
  • Rubin, Barry; Rubin, Judith Colp (2008). Chronologies of Modern Terrorism. Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315705705. ISBN 9781315705705.

May 04, 2024
dmitrii, bogrov, dmitrii, grigor, evich, bogrov, russian, Дмитрий, Григорьевич, Богров, february, january, 1887, september, september, 1911, ukrainian, jewish, lawyer, known, assassination, russian, prime, minister, pyotr, stolypin, דמיטרי, בוגרובbogrov, 1910b. Dmitrii Grigor evich Bogrov Russian Dmitrij Grigorevich Bogrov 10 February O S 29 January 1887 25 September O S 12 September 1911 was a Ukrainian Jewish lawyer known for his assassination of the Russian Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin Dmitrii Bogrovדמיטרי בוגרובBogrov in 1910Born 1887 02 10 10 February 1887Kyiv Russian EmpireDied25 September 1911 1911 09 25 aged 24 Kyiv Russian EmpireCause of deathExecution by hangingOccupationLawyerKnown forAssassination of Pyotr StolypinPolitical partySocialist Revolutionary PartyMovementRevolutionary socialism anarchismCriminal chargesMurderCriminal penaltyCapital punishment Raised in a wealthy Jewish family in Kyiv Bogrov developed sympathies for revolutionary socialism from an early age and became involved with the Ukrainian anarchist movement while studying law at university Disillusioned by the local anarchist group s activism he was hired as an informant by the Okhrana and kept tabs on the group s activities After graduating he moved to Saint Petersburg in order to practice law and seek safety from the rising environment of antisemitism in the Russian Empire Disturbed by the pogroms in the Russian Empire and feeling guilty for his collaboration with the police he began to plot the assassination of the Russian prime minister Pyotr Stolypin who he held responsible for the attacks He unsuccessfully attempted to elicit the support of the Socialist Revolutionary Party which caused him to have a nervous breakdown After returning to Kyiv he was confronted by members of his former anarchist group who had discovered his involvement with the Okhrana and made threats against his life for it He again resolved to assassinate Stolypin He told the Okhrana that assassins were planning to kill a government official convincing them to grant him a ticket to the Kyiv Opera House where the prime minister was due to attend a play Having convinced the authorities that he was still on their side he managed to get close to the prime minister and shot him twice Stolypin died four days later Bogrov himself was executed days after his target s death Bogrov s actions have become the subject of conspiracy theories as well as numerous historiographical debates about his motives Contents 1 Biography 1 1 Early life and activism 1 2 Law education and informant activities 1 3 Assassination plot and motivation 1 4 Assassination of Stolypin 1 5 Interrogation trial and execution 2 Legacy and historical debate 3 References 4 Bibliography 5 Further readingBiography editEarly life and activism edit Dmitrii Grigor evich Bogrov was born in Kyiv on 10 February O S 29 January 1887 1 into a wealthy Jewish family 2 His grandfather was a well known writer and maskil 3 and his father was a prominent lawyer in Kyiv who had converted to Russian Orthodoxy 4 Despite his father s conversion Dmitrii himself continued to practice Judaism which was the religion that was marked on his school diploma 5 The Bogrov family was deeply involved in left wing politics Dmitrii s cousin was a member of the Bolsheviks 6 while his father supported the left of the Constitutional Democratic Party 7 By the time he was a teenager Dmitrii Bogrov himself had developed sympathies for revolutionary socialism and became involved in revolutionary activities 8 initially as a supporter of the Union of Socialists Revolutionaries Maximalists 6 He came to identify himself as an anarchist individualist 9 as he resented formal organisation rejected conventional morality and believed revolutionaries ought to operate alone under their own direction even once declaring I am my own party 7 Law education and informant activities edit In the wake of the 1905 Russian Revolution Bogrov enrolled in the law school of Kyiv University 10 As the government began cracking down on the revolution Bogrov s parents sent him abroad to study at the University of Munich There he familiarised himself with the works of Mikhail Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin before returning in 1906 to resume his studies in Kyiv 11 By December 1906 he had joined an anarchist communist group in Kyiv but soon became disillusioned with their activities 12 Although his father paid for his education and provided him with a generous allowance 13 Bogrov started to experience financial difficulties due to his gambling habit 14 In February 1907 15 he took a job as an informant for the Okhrana 16 Working under the pseudonym of Alensky 17 he supplied the police with information on the Kyiv anarchists activities 18 Many the group s members were imprisoned or deported to Siberia during this period 19 including its leaders Herman Sandomirskyi uk and Naum Tysh 20 although it s uncertain how many of these were due to Bogrov s reports 17 By 1908 some of the group s members began to suspect that Bogrov was an agent provocateur 19 Naum Tysh and Peter Liatkovskyi accused him of betraying them to the police but he was defended against the charges by Sandomirskyi 20 He also managed to convince Ivan Knizhnik ru and Juda Grossman that he was innocent of the charges against him 21 In July of that year Bogrov supplied the Okhrana with information about the bomb manufacturing activities of the Maximalists although he would later claim that he deliberately kept the exact address from them in order to prevent a police raid from taking place 22 In September he informed the police of a Maximalist plot to break Naum Tysh out of prison resulting in the arrest of all conspirators Bogrov himself took the opportunity to go abroad where he told the editor of an anarchist newspaper that either Tsar Nikolai II or prime minister Pyotr Stolypin ought to be assassinated He returned to Kyiv in April 1909 23 After graduating from university in February 1910 he decided to move away from Kyiv in order to work as a lawyer s apprentice in Saint Petersburg 24 believing the city was safer for Jewish people than either Kyiv or Moscow due to the rising environment of antisemitism and pogroms in the Russian Empire 5 By this time he had ceased all contact with the Okhrana in Kyiv 25 After a few months in Saint Petersburg he again approached the Okhrana and was hired as an agent 24 working under the pseudonym Nadezhdin 25 But this time he provided the police with unvaluable and even fabricated information 24 later claiming he did this for revolutionary purposes so that I could make close contacts in these institutions and learn how they work 25 Assassination plot and motivation edit nbsp Egor Lazarev the leader of the Socialist Revolutionary Party from whom Bogrov attempted to solicit support In June 1910 Bogrov contacted Egor Lazarev informing him of his intention to assassinate the prime minister Pyotr Stolypin 26 He claimed that his motivations were both personal and ideological although he concealed his feelings of guilt over his past role as an informant 27 According to Lazarev Bogrov claimed that he sought revenge for the antisemitic pogroms that had been carried out in the Russian Empire and held Stolypin to be responsible 28 He requested the official sanction of the Socialist Revolutionary Party 29 declaring that he wished to have the certainty that after my death there will remain people and a party who will interpret my conduct correctly explaining it on the basis of a social and not from a personal motive 30 Although Lazarev himself was worried about Bogrov s apparent indifference towards his own life 31 he took the proposal to the party The SRs were initially divided over their enthusiasm for the plan but ultimately deciding against it fearing that it would bring repression against the party 32 Bogrov was devastated by the party s rejection and subsequently suffered from a nervous breakdown On the advice of his physician and his parents 33 he went abroad to Nice in southern France where he spent the next few months in recovery 34 By March 1911 Bogrov had recovered and returned to Kyiv 35 where he attempted to resume his legal apprenticeship 36 As rumours of his past involvement with the police circulated he received an angry letter from Juda Grossman who demanded answers but Bogrov responded that he was no longer involved in political activity and refused to engage further in correspondence 36 On 16 August Bogrov was visited by a member of the anarchist group 37 who informed him that the revolutionaries intended to kill him for his collaboration with the police 38 When Bogrov asked how he could prevent this and rehabilitate himself 39 they demanded that he assassinate a Tsarist official 38 Bogrov again committed himself to his plan to assassinate Stolypin 40 who he considered to be the source of all evil in Russia 41 In late August he went to the Okhrana and told them that revolutionaries by the names of Nikolai Iakovlevich and Nina Aleksandrovna intended to assassinate a member of the government during the Tsar s upcoming visit to the city claiming they had a bomb and were staying at his flat 42 Convinced of his reliability due to his past work as an informant the Okhrana gave him a pass to attend the events so that he could identify and apprehend the assassin He was provided with a ticket to a performance of The Tale of Tsar Saltan at the Kyiv Opera House where Stolypin was due to attend and where Bogrov claimed the assassin planned to carry out his attack 43 Assassination of Stolypin edit nbsp Pyotr Stolypin the prime minister of Russia and Bogrov s target for assassination On the evening of 1 September while police agents staked out Bogrov s flat he went to the theatre and was questioned on the whereabouts of the assassins He pretended to return to his flat and claimed that the assassin was still eating supper Bogrov went to his seat in the seventeenth row while Stolypin arrived and took his seat in the front row Also among the attendees were Tsar Nikolai II his daughters Olga and Tatiana and the Bulgarian crown prince Boris 44 The performance started at 21 00 During the first intermission Bogrov stayed back as Stolypin was surrounded by other people During the second intermission at 23 30 Bogrov was ordered to return to his flat and keep tabs on the assassins Noticing that Stolypin was standing alone he decided that was the moment to act 45 He made his way down the aisle towards the front row and all the way up to the prime minister 46 When he arrived in front of Stolypin Bogrov drew his revolver and shot him twice 47 One bullet ricocheted off Stolypin s wrist into the orchestra pit and hit a violinist s leg the other hit Stolypin in his chest piercing through a medallion of Vladimir the Great 45 As those around the prime minister were left stunned by the attack Bogrov calmly walked away towards the exit making it halfway down the aisle before he was apprehended He was disarmed and removed from the theatre by the police while people attempted to aid the dying prime minister 48 Stolypin was taken away to a clinic but died four days later 49 When the police raided Bogrov s flat they found nobody there 48 Russian nationalists in Kyiv responded by calling for a pogrom but the authorities refused to support their invocation as the Tsar was still in the city 50 In order to pre empt such a pogrom from taking place Kyiv s Jewish community denounced Bogrov s actions and held a special service wishing health for the Tsar s family and to Stolypin 51 For its part the Socialist Revolutionary Party publicly denied taking part in the assassination 52 Interrogation trial and execution edit When he was interrogated about the attack Bogrov confessed that he had fabricated the story of the two assassins so that he could get access to Stolypin 53 He claimed that he had been threatened by revolutionaries due to their discovery of his past as an agent provocateur he thought that this revelation alone was worse than death and desired to free himself from the guilt he felt due to his collaboration with the police 54 He also repeatedly identified himself as a member of the Jewish faith and claimed that he was acting in the interests of the Jewish people 55 He declared that he had not attempted an attack against the Tsar as he feared it would have provoked further antisemitic pogroms 56 On 22 September O S 9 September 1911 Bogrov was tried by a court martial which found him guilty of murder and sentenced him to death by hanging 57 He was executed on 25 September O S 12 September 1911 58 in Lysa Hora 54 He died in the presence of thirty witnesses including representatives of reactionary groups such as the Black Hundreds 59 The religious representative at Bogrov s execution was Iakov Aleshkovskii the Chief Rabbi of Kyiv 5 In his final words to Aleskhovskii Bogrov asked him Please tell the Jews that I did not want to harm them in any way on the contrary I struggle for their good and for the happiness of the Jewish people 60 His death was mourned by young Jewish and Ukrainian radicals who had sympathised with his motive s for assassinating Stolypin 61 Legacy and historical debate editBogrov s assassination of Stolypin was the last major attack in a sustained period of terrorism in the Russian Empire 62 which had started in 1866 with Dmitrii Karakazov s attempted assassination of Alexander II 63 The assassination of Stolypin further destabilised the Empire leading to its ultimate collapse in the 1917 Revolution 64 Bogrov s actions have been compared to those of Marinus van der Lubbe and Lee Harvey Oswald who likewise acted individually but whose acts were nevertheless subject to widespread conspiracy theories 65 Since the assassination there has been some historical debate about Bogrov s motives for the assassination and whether or not he acted on behalf of one group or another 66 Although Bogrov acted alone he was variously accused of acting on behalf of revolutionaries reactionaries or even the police 67 In his book A People s Tragedy British historian Orlando Figes commented that this variety of possible explanations for Bogrov s actions stemmed from Stolypin having had enemies on all sides of the political spectrum Long before Bogrov s bullet killed him he Stolypin was politically dead 68 Documents regarding the assassination were also published in a heavily redacted form in 1914 69 it took until 2003 for a complete volume of more than 700 pages of evidence to finally be published by ROSSPEN 70 The most common explanation for the assassination is that Bogrov was motivated by the threats against his life by the revolutionary anarchist group a version which is supported by historians Abraham Ascher 71 Anna Geifman 72 George Tokmakoff 36 and Jonathan Daly 73 Geifman further suggested that Bogrov known to have suffered from depression had decided to commit suicide by way of homicide 74 Russian historian Sergei Stepanov and American historian Victoria Khiterer have also theorised that Bogrov sought revenge for the recent pogroms in the Russian Empire 75 American historian Norman Naimark depicted the actions of Bogrov and other Jewish assassins of the period as having resulted from the direct antisemitic oppression that they faced and a consequential disillusionment with the results of assimilation 76 American historian Paul Avrich also considered the assassination to have been a personal act by Bogrov rather than having been influenced by his associations with the police or revolutionary groups 77 In his historical fiction novel The Red Wheel Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn suggested that Bogrov was motivated by protecting the interests of his Jewish family against rising Russian nationalism 78 The 2012 Russian docu drama Stolypin A Shot at Russia likewise highlighted Bogrov s Jewish background as a motivation for the assassination while also portraying his character as a gambler and insect collector 79 This Jewish motivation has been disputed by Ascher and Geifman 75 as well as Simon Dixon 80 who each highlighted the assimilation of Bogrov s family into the Russian elite 81 Other hypotheses included that of Stolypin s own brother Aleksandr ru who speculated that Grigori Rasputin had directed the assassination although there is no evidence that Rasputin and Bogrov were ever in contact 82 The hypothesis of police manipulation claims that the Tsar had become jealous of Stolypin s popularity and pressed the Okhrana to have him eliminated but the Tsar himself had the power to dismiss ministers so he could have already done so 83 Solzhenitsyn also alleged Bogrov to have been working as a double agent for the Okhrana 84 Yakov Protazanov s 1928 film The White Eagle also makes allusions to the culpability of the Tsarist government in Bogrov s assassination of Stolypin 85 But allegations of a conspiracy on the part of the police are disputed with evidence pointing to police incompetence rather than malice 86 References edit Khiterer 2016 p 430 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 314 315 Dixon 2017 p 37 Geifman 1995 p 238 Khiterer 2016 p 430 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 314 315 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 173 Khiterer 2016 p 430 Daly 2004 p 125 Khiterer 2016 p 430 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 314 315 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 173 a b c Khiterer 2016 pp 429 430 a b Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 173 a b Geifman 1995 p 238 Geifman 1995 p 238 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 173 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 314 315 Geifman 1995 p 238 Khiterer 2016 p 432 Khiterer 2016 p 430 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 pp 173 174 Tokmakoff 1965 p 315 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 pp 173 174 Geifman 1995 p 238 Khiterer 2016 p 432 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 174 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 314 315 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 174 Figes 1997 p 230 Geifman 1995 p 238 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 174 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 314 315 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 pp 174 175 Avrich 1971 p 55n61 Daly 2004 p 124 Dixon 2017 p 29 Figes 1997 p 230 Geifman 1995 p 238 Khiterer 2016 p 432 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 174 Tokmakoff 1965 p 315 a b Khiterer 2016 p 432 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 pp 175 176 Avrich 1971 p 55n61 Daly 2004 p 124 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 175 Tokmakoff 1965 p 315 a b Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 175 Tokmakoff 1965 p 315 a b Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 175 Tokmakoff 1965 p 315 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 p 176 Ruud amp Stepanov 1999 pp 176 177 a b c Khiterer 2016 p 430 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 315 316 a b c Khiterer 2016 p 432 Geifman 1995 p 352n107 Khiterer 2016 pp 428 430 431 Tokmakoff 1965 p 316 Tokmakoff 1965 p 316 Khiterer 2016 p 431 Geifman 1995 p 352n107 Khiterer 2016 pp 430 431 Tokmakoff 1965 p 316 Geifman 1995 p 353n107 Tokmakoff 1965 p 316 Geifman 1995 p 353n107 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 316 317 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 316 317 Tokmakoff 1965 p 317 Khiterer 2016 pp 432 433 Tokmakoff 1965 p 317 Khiterer 2016 pp 432 433 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 317 318 a b c Tokmakoff 1965 pp 317 318 Geifman 1995 pp 238 239 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 317 318 a b Daly 2004 p 125 Dixon 2017 p 29 Geifman 1995 pp 238 239 Khiterer 2016 p 428 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 317 318 Khiterer 2016 p 428 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 317 318 Tokmakoff 1965 p 318 Geifman 1995 pp 238 239 Khiterer 2016 p 433 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 318 319 Daly 2004 pp 124 125 Dixon 2017 pp 36 37 Geifman 1995 p 239 Khiterer 2016 p 433 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 318 319 Tokmakoff 1965 p 319 a b Tokmakoff 1965 pp 319 320 Dixon 2017 p 36 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 319 320 Dixon 2017 p 36 Geifman 1995 p 239 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 319 320 a b Tokmakoff 1965 p 320 Dixon 2017 p 36 Geifman 1995 p 239 Tokmakoff 1965 p 320 Daly 2004 p 125 Khiterer 2016 pp 434 435 Khiterer 2016 pp 434 435 Geifman 1995 p 353n110 Tokmakoff 1965 p 321 Daly 2004 p 125 Khiterer 2016 p 433 a b Tokmakoff 1965 pp 320 321 Khiterer 2016 pp 429 430 434 Geifman 1995 pp 238 239 Khiterer 2016 pp 433 434 Geifman 1995 p 239 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 320 321 Geifman 1995 p 239 Khiterer 2016 p 434 Khiterer 2016 p 434 Tokmakoff 1965 pp 320 321 Khiterer 2016 p 434 Khiterer 2016 p 435 Geifman 1995 p 237 Naimark 1990 pp 171 172 Naimark 1990 pp 171 172 Khiterer 2016 p 436 Tokmakoff 1965 p 321 Dixon 2017 p 29 Khiterer 2016 p 428 Dixon 2017 pp 29 37 Figes 1997 p 230 Tokmakoff 1965 p 314 Figes 1997 p 230 Dixon 2017 p 36 Dixon 2017 pp 36 302n10 Khiterer 2016 p 428 Geifman 1995 p 240 Khiterer 2016 p 428 Daly 2004 p 125 Geifman 1995 p 240 a b Khiterer 2016 p 429 Naimark 1990 p 184 Avrich 1971 p 55n61 Dixon 2017 p 29 Wijermars 2016 pp 6 7 Dixon 2017 p 37 Dixon 2017 p 37 Khiterer 2016 p 429 Tokmakoff 1965 p 314 Khiterer 2016 pp 428 429 Naimark 1990 p 172 White 2016 p 213 Daly 2004 pp 125 127 Dixon 2017 p 37 Bibliography editAvrich Paul 1971 1967 The Terrorists The Russian Anarchists Princeton Princeton University Press pp 35 71 ISBN 0 691 00766 7 OCLC 1154930946 Daly Jonathan 2004 The Apogee of the Watchful State The Watchful State Security Police and Opposition in Russia 1906 1917 Northern Illinois University Press pp 110 135 ISBN 978 0 87580 331 9 Dixon Simon 2017 The Assassination of Stolypin In Brenton Tony ed Was Revolution Inevitable Turning Points of the Russian Revolution Oxford University Press pp 29 47 ISBN 978 0 19 065891 5 Figes Orlando 1997 1996 Last Hopes A People s Tragedy The Russian Revolution 1891 1924 London Random House pp 213 252 ISBN 071267327X OCLC 1277401748 Geifman Anna 1995 The End of Revolutionary Terrorism in Russia Thou Shalt Kill Revolutionary Terrorism in Russia 1894 1917 Princeton University Press pp 223 248 ISBN 978 0 691 02549 0 Khiterer Victoria 2016 Appendix Dmitrii Bogrov and the Assassination of Stolypin Jewish City or Inferno of Russian Israel Academic Studies Press pp 428 436 doi 10 1515 9781618114778 018 ISBN 978 1 61811 477 8 S2CID 243243667 Naimark Norman M 1990 Terrorism and the fall of Imperial Russia Terrorism and Political Violence 2 2 171 192 doi 10 1080 09546559008427060 ISSN 0954 6553 Ruud Charles A Stepanov Sergei A 1999 The Assassination of Stolypin Fontanka 16 The Tsars Secret Police McGill Queen s University Press pp 173 200 ISBN 0 7735 1787 1 OCLC 45172454 Tokmakoff George 1965 Stolypin s Assassin Slavic Review 24 2 314 321 doi 10 2307 2492333 ISSN 0037 6779 JSTOR 2492333 White Frederick H 2016 Interpreting History Meaning Production for the Russian Revolution Adaptation 9 2 205 220 doi 10 1093 adaptation apw003 Wijermars Marielle 2016 Memory Politics Beyond the Political Domain Problems of Post Communism 63 2 84 93 doi 10 1080 10758216 2015 1094719 ISSN 1075 8216 Further reading editGeifman Anna 2020 Death seeking turns political A historical template for terrorism In Stearns Peter N ed The Routledge History of Death since 1800 Routledge doi 10 4324 9780429028274 ISBN 9780429028274 Geifman Anna 2022 Terrorism as Veiled Suicide A Comparative Analysis Studies in Conflict amp Terrorism 45 7 608 625 doi 10 1080 1057610X 2019 1680185 Jensen Richard Bach 2009 The International Campaign Against Anarchist Terrorism 1880 1930s Terrorism and Political Violence 21 1 89 109 doi 10 1080 09546550802544862 ISSN 0954 6553 S2CID 143397666 Khiterer Victoria 2006 Jewish Life in Kyiv at the Turn of the Twentieth Century Ukraina Moderna 10 74 94 doi 10 3138 ukrainamoderna 10 074 inactive 2024 04 26 ISSN 2078 659X a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a CS1 maint DOI inactive as of April 2024 link Lyubchenko Volodymyr 2008 I Was Fighting for the Happiness and Welfare of the Jewish People or Did the Assassin of Stolypin Have a Jewish Motivation Problemy evrejskoj istorii 302 311 Miller Martin A 2015 Entangled Terrorisms in late imperial Russia In Law Randall D ed The Routledge History of Terrorism Routledge doi 10 4324 9781315719061 ISBN 9781315719061 Rubin Barry Rubin Judith Colp 2008 Chronologies of Modern Terrorism Routledge doi 10 4324 9781315705705 ISBN 9781315705705 Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Dmitrii Bogrov amp oldid 1220887898, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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