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Race and crime in the United States

February 15, 2024

In the United States, the relationship between race and crime has been a topic of public controversy and scholarly debate for more than a century.[1] Crime rates vary significantly between racial groups, however, academic research indicates that the over-representation of some racial minorities in the criminal justice system can in part be explained by socioeconomic factors,[2][3] such as poverty,[4][5] exposure to poor neighborhoods,[6] poor access to public and early education,[7] and exposure to harmful chemicals (such as lead) and pollution.[8] Racial housing segregation has also been linked to racial disparities in crime rates, as blacks have historically and to the present been prevented from moving into prosperous low-crime areas through actions of the government (such as redlining) and private actors.[9][10][11] Various explanations within criminology have been proposed for racial disparities in crime rates, including conflict theory, strain theory, general strain theory, social disorganization theory, macrostructural opportunity theory, social control theory, and subcultural theory.

Research also indicates that there is extensive racial and ethnic discrimination by police and the judicial system.[12][13][14][15] A substantial academic literature has compared police searches (showing that contraband is found at higher rates in whites who are stopped), bail decisions (showing that whites with the same bail decision as blacks commit more pre-trial violations), and sentencing (showing that blacks are more harshly sentenced by juries and judges than whites when the underlying facts and circumstances of the cases are similar), providing valid causal inferences of racial discrimination.[16][17][18][19] Studies have documented patterns of racial discrimination, as well as patterns of police brutality and disregard for the constitutional rights of African-Americans, by police departments in various American cities, including Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia.[20][21][22][23][24]

Terminology

The term "Black-on-Black" violence has been criticized for being misleading and racially charged. One columnist writing in the wake of the murder of George Floyd has accused opponents of the Black Lives Matter movement of using "Blacks killing Blacks" rhetoric to avoid discussions about police brutality.[25]

Researchers note that there are socioeconomic factors underlying these crime statistics, and that crime is often higher in low-income neighborhoods. Media coverage of "Black on Black" violence has been criticized for perpetuating racial stereotypes of violent Black people. Researchers have highlighted media language drawing connections between intracommunity violence in Black neighborhoods and supposed "moral bankruptcy" in Black family structures and communities. Edward A. Flynn has noted that African-Americans are disproportionately murdered, accounting for 80% of murder victims in Milwaukee. Researchers have noted these arguments but say that the term Black-on-Black crime is "inaccurate and vague" and "generally offensive to Black Americans".[26]

Crime data sources

In the United States, crime data are collected from three major sources:

The Uniform Crime Reports represent the primary source of data used in the calculation of official statistics regarding serious crimes such as murder and homicide, which is supplemented by the information provided through the NCVS and self-report studies, the latter being the best indicator of actual crime rates for minor offenses such as illegal substance abuse and petty theft. These crime data collection programs provide most of the statistical information utilized by criminologists and sociologists in their analysis of crime and the extent of its relationship to race.[27] Another form of data is that regarding the prison population.

Uniform Crime Reports (UCR)

Further information: Uniform Crime Reports

Established in 1927, the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) program is a summary-based reporting system that collects data on crime reported to local and state law enforcement agencies across the US. The UCR system indexes crimes under two headings: Part I and Part II offenses. Part I offenses include: murder and non-negligent homicide; non-lethal violent crimes comprising robbery, forcible rape and aggravated assault; and property crimes comprising burglary, larceny/theft, motor vehicle theft and arson. Part II offenses include fraud, forgery/counterfeiting, embezzlement, simple assault, sex offenses, offenses against the family, drug and liquor offenses, weapons offenses and other non-violent offenses excluding traffic violations.[28]

There are fundamental limitations of the UCR system, including:[29]

  • Bias in sampling: UCR statistics do not represent the actual amount of criminal activity occurring in the United States. As it relies upon local law enforcement agency crime reports, the UCR program can only measure crime known to police and cannot provide an accurate representation of actual crime rates.[30]
  • Misrepresentation: The UCR program is focused upon street crime, and does not record information on many other types of crime, such as organized crime, corporate crime or federal crime. Further, law enforcement agencies can provide inadvertently misleading data as a result of local policing practices. These factors can lead to misrepresentations regarding the nature and extent of criminal activity in the United States.[31]
  • Manipulation: UCR data are capable of being manipulated by local law enforcement agencies. Information is supplied voluntarily to the UCR program, and manipulation of data can occur at the local level.[32]
  • Race and ethnicity: The UCR tracks crime for the racial category of "White" to include both Hispanic and non-Hispanic ethnicities. According to the ACLU, with over 50 million Latinos residing in the United States, this hides the incarceration rates for Latinos vis-à-vis marijuana-related offenses, as they are considered "White" with respect to the UCR.[33]

As a response to these and other limitations, a new system of crime data collection was established in 1988 as an outgrowth of the UCR system. The National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) is an incident-based reporting system that will collect more comprehensive and detailed data on crime from local, state and federal law enforcement agencies. As it is still under development, NIBRS coverage is not yet nationwide.[34]

National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS)

Further information: National Crime Victimization Survey

The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) program, established in 1972, is a national survey of a representative sample of households in the United States which covers the frequency of crime victimization and the characteristics and consequences of victimization. The primary purpose behind the NCVS program is to gather information on crimes that were not reported to police, though information is also collected on reported crimes. The survey collects data on rape, assault, robbery, burglary, personal and household larceny and motor vehicle theft. The NCVS also includes supplemental questions which allow information to be gathered on tangentially relevant issues such as school violence, attitudes towards law enforcement or perceptions regarding crime.[35]

There are fundamental limitations to the NCVS program, including:[36]

  • Reliability: NCVS statistics do not represent verified or evidenced instances of victimization. As it depends upon the recollection of the individuals surveyed, the NCVS cannot distinguish between true and fabricated claims of victimization, nor can it verify the truth of the severity of the reported incidents. Further, the NCVS cannot detect cases of victimization where the victim is too traumatized to report. These factors can contribute to deficits in the reliability of NCVS statistics.[37]
  • Misrepresentation: The NCVS program is focused upon metropolitan and urban areas, and does not adequately cover suburban and rural regions. This can lead to misrepresentations regarding the nature and extent of victimization in the United States.[37]

Comparison of UCR and NCVS data

According to the NCVS for 1992–2000, 43% of violent criminal acts, and 53% of serious violent crime (not verbal threats, or cuts and bruises) were reported to the police. Overall, black (49%) and indigenous Americans (48%) victims reported most often, higher than whites (42%) and Asians (40%). Serious violent crime and aggravated assault against blacks (58% and 61%) and indigenous Americans (55% and 59%) was reported more often than against whites (51% and 54%) or Asians (50% and 51%). indigenous Americans were unusually unlikely to report a robbery (45%), as with Asians and a simple assault (31%).[38]

Despite the differences in the amount of crime reported, comparisons of the UCR and NCVS data sets show there to be a high degree of correspondence between the two systems.[39] This correspondence extends to the racial demography of both perpetrators and victims of violent crime reported in both systems.[40]

Classification of Hispanics

The UCR classifies most Hispanics into the "white" category. The NCVS classifies some Hispanic criminals as "white" and some as "other race". The victim categories for the NCVS are more distinct.

According to a report by the National Council of La Raza, research obstacles undermine the census of Latinos in prison, and "Latinos in the criminal justice system are seriously undercounted. The true extent of the overrepresentation of Latinos in the system probably is significantly greater than researchers have been able to document. The lack of empirical data on Latinos is partially due to prisons' failures to document ethnic details at intake, or recording practices that historically have classified Latinos as white.[41]

The FBI did not include a "Latino" or "Hispanic" category until the Uniform Crime Report for 2013,[42] and 93% of Hispanics are classified as "white" by law enforcement officers (irrespective of their ancestry), often inflating the amount of crimes attributed to whites.[43]

Crime statistics

See also: Statistical correlations of criminal behaviour

Scholars have found that some racial and ethnic minorities, particularly African-Americans, are disproportionately represented in the arrest and victimization reports which are used to compile crime rate statistics in the United States. The data from 2008 reveals that black Americans are over-represented in terms of arrests made in virtually all types of crime, with the exceptions of "driving under the influence," "liquor laws," and hate crime. Overall, black Americans are arrested at 2.6 times the per-capita rate of all other Americans, and this ratio is even higher for murder (6.3 times) and robbery (8.1 times).[44][45]

Homicide

 
US homicide victims by race, 1980–2017[46]
 
US homicide offenders by race, 1980–2017[47]

According to the FBI 2019 Uniform Crime Report, African-Americans accounted for 55.9% of all homicide offenders in 2019, with whites 41.1%, and "Other" 3% in cases where the race was known. Including homicide offenders where the race was unknown, African-Americans accounted for 39.6% of all homicide offenders in 2019, with whites 29.1%, "Other" 2.1%, and "Unknown" 29.3%[48]

Among homicide victims in 2019 where the race was known, 54.7% were black or African-American, 42.3% were white, and 3.1% were of other races. Including homicide victims in 2019 where the race was unknown, 53.7% were black or African-American, 41.6% were white, 3% were of other races, and 1.7% were of unknown races.[49][50]

The per-capita offending rate for African-Americans was roughly eight times higher than that of whites, and their victim rate was similar. About half of homicides are known to be single-offender/single-victim, and most of those were intraracial; in those where the perpetrator's and victim's races were known, 81% of white victims were killed by whites and 91% of black or African-American victims were killed by blacks or African-Americans.[51]

Assault

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) keeps data on non-fatal injury emergency department visits and the race of victims.[52] While non-Hispanic white victims account for approximately half of total non-fatal assault injuries, most of which did not involve any weapon, black and Hispanic victims account for the vast majority of non-fatal firearm injuries. There was a total of 17.3 million emergency department visits or hospitalizations for non-fatal assaults in the United States in the 10-year period between 2007–2016. For non-fatal assaults with recorded race, 6.5 million victims were white non-Hispanic, 4.3 million black, 2.3 million Hispanic and 0.4 million other (non-Hispanic) and for 3.8 million, the race was not recorded. There were a total of 603,000 emergency department visits in the US for non-fatal firearm assaults in the 10-year period between 2007–2016. For non-fatal firearm assaults with recorded race, 77,000 victims were white non-Hispanic, 261,000 were black and 94,000 were Hispanic, 8,500 were other non-Hispanic and for 162,000 the race was not recorded. Despite gun injuries only accounting for about 3.5% of serious assault injuries between 2007 and 2016, they accounted for nearly 70% of overall homicides.[53]

While African Americans are highly overrepresented in murders and gun assaults, the disparity in arrests is smaller for the most common form of assault not involving any weapon or serious injury; blacks are arrested for non-aggravated assault at 2.7 times the white rate. Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites are arrested for non-aggravated assault in a similar ratio to their share of the US population. Of the 9,468 murder arrests in the US in 2017, 53.5% were black and 20.8% Hispanic. Of the 822,671 arrests for non-aggravated assault, 31.4% were black and 18.4% Hispanic.[54]

According to the FBI Uniform Crime Reports, in 2008, black youths, who make up 16% of the youth population, accounted for 52% of juvenile violent crime arrests, including 58.5% of youth arrests for homicide and 67% for robbery. Black youths were overrepresented in all offense categories except DUI, liquor laws, and drunkenness. Racial disparities in arrest have consistently been far less among older population groups.[55]

Robbery

According to the National Crime Victimization Survey in 2002, robberies with white victims and black offenders were more than 12 times more common than the opposite.[56][57]

Victim surveys

In 1978, Michael Hindelang compared data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (then known as the National Crime Survey, or NCS) to data from the Uniform Crime Reports, both from 1974. He found that NCS data generally agreed with UCR data in regards to the percent of perpetrators of rape, robbery, and assault who were black.[58] For instance, Hindelang's analysis found that both the NCS and UCR estimated that 62% of robbery offenders were black in the United States in 1974.[59]: 327  A 2004 National Crime Victimization Survey report which analyzed carjacking over 10 years found that carjacking victims identified 56% of offenders as black, 21% as white, and 16% as indigenous American or Asian.[60][61][62]

Gang membership

The National Gang Center, a project of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, Office of Justice Programs, and the Bureau of Justice Assistance, conducted annual surveys of law enforcement agencies between 1996–2012 to assess the extent of gang problems in the United States.[63] The latest available data, from 2011, found that 46.2% of gang members are Hispanic/Latino, 35.3% are black, 11.5% are white, and 7% are of other races/ethnicities. Larger cities, suburban counties, and smaller cities are more likely to report Hispanic or Latino-Americans as the dominant racial/ethnic group among gang members. Rural counties are more likely to report Black or African-Americans as the dominant racial/ethnic group among gang members.[64]

Hispanics

According to a 2009 report by the Pew Hispanic Center, in 2007 Latinos "accounted for 40% of all sentenced federal offenders ‒ more than triple their share (13%) of the total U.S. adult population". This was an increase from 24% in 1991. Between 1991 and 2007, enforcement of federal immigration laws became a growing priority in response to undocumented immigration. By 2007, among Hispanic offenders sentenced in federal courts, 48% were immigration offenses, 37% drug offenses, and 15% for other offenses. One reason for the large increase in immigration offenses is that they exclusively fall under federal jurisdiction.[65]

Racially motivated hate crime

The federal government publishes an annual list of hate crime statistics as part of the FBI Uniform Crime Report.[66] According to the 2019 Uniform Crime Report, of hate crime offenders identifiable by race, 61.5% were White, 28% were Black, 7.8% were groups of individuals of varying races, 1.2% were American Indian or Alaska Natives, 1.1% were Asian, and 0.4% were Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islanders. Including offenders of unknown race, 52.5% were White, 23.9% were Black, 6.6% were groups of individuals of varying races, 1.1% were American Indian or Alaska Natives, 0.9% were Asian, 0.3% were Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islanders, and 14.6% were unknown.

In the same 2019 report, when ethnicity of offenders was known, 73.5% were not Hispanic or Latino, 22.3% were Hispanic or Latino, and 4.2% were groups of individuals of varying ethnicities. However, the majority of offenders' ethnic backgrounds are unknown. Including offenders of unknown ethnicity, 33.1% were not Hispanic or Latino, 10% were Hispanic or Latino, 1.9% were groups of individuals of varying ethnicities, and 55% were of unknown ethnicity.[67]

The report also states that 55.8% of all hate crime offenders were motivated by race, ethnicity, or ancestry. By comparison, the next highest categories are religion (19.3%) and sexual orientation (16.3%). Among hate crime offenses motivated by race, ethnicity, and ancestry, 48.4% were composed of anti-Black bias, 15.8% were of anti-White bias, 14.1% were of anti-Hispanic or Latino bias, and 4.3% were of anti-Asian bias.[68]

Racial composition of geographic areas

Studies have examined that ethnic/racially heterogeneous areas, most often neighborhoods in large cities, have higher crime rates than more homogeneous areas. Most studies find that the more ethnically/racially heterogeneous an area is, the higher its crime rates tend to be.[69]

Studies examining the relationship between percentages of different races in an area and crime rates have generally either found similar relationships as for nationwide crime rates or no significant relationships. Most often studied are correlations between black and Hispanic populations in a given area and crime. According to a study in the American Journal of Sociology, a positive correlation exists between the percentage of black males in a neighborhood and perceptions of neighborhood crime rates, even after controlling other correlating factors and neighborhood characteristics. The study was conducted amongst the perceptions of residents in neighborhoods in Chicago, Seattle, and Baltimore in comparison with census data and police department crime statistics. Survey respondents consistently rated African Americans as more prone to violence than the data and statistics stated leading to the conclusion that the stereotype of blacks as more likely criminals is deeply embedded in the collective consciousness and societal norms of Americans.[70] Such data may reveal a possible connection, but is functionally inconclusive due to a variety of other correlating factors which overlap with race and ethnicity.[69]

Trends

Some studies have argued for smaller racial disparities in violent crime in recent times. However, a study of government data from 1980–2008 found that the reduction in black violent crime relative to white violent crime may have been an artifact of those previous studies, which was due to Hispanic offenders being counted as White in the comparison. The Hispanic population has been increasing rapidly and Hispanics have violence rates higher than that of whites but lower than that of blacks.[71]

Other data suggests a genuine decline in racial disparities in recent years. In the 1980s and early 1990s black/white (including Hispanics) imprisonment disparities increased peaking in the early 1990s when a slim majority of new admissions were blacks.[72] Relative to 2000, disparities in prisons and jails have since declined modestly in recent decades between both blacks and whites and Hispanics and whites.[73][74] Between 2000 and 2019, the ratio of disparity amongst male state and federal prisoners per capita declined between blacks and non-Hispanic whites from 7.7 to 5.7 and between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites from 2.7 to 2.5.[75][74] Declines in disparities were more pronounced when considering jail inmates of both sexes between 2005 and 2018 with the ratio of disparity per capita declining from 4.8 to 3.2 between blacks and non-Hispanic whites and 1.6 to 1.0 between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites.[76]

Similarly, declines in the racial disparity of homicide victimization can be seen although to a much greater extent between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites. Using CDC data between 1990 and 2019, the ratio of the murder rate between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites declined from 4.5 to 2.0 and between blacks and non-Hispanic whites from 9.9 to 8.3. When considering non-firearm homicide victimization rates racial disparities the ratio of decline is very significant between 1990 and 2019, falling between blacks and non-Hispanic whites from 7.0 to 3.3 and between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites from 3.4 to 1.3.[77]

Explanations for racial discrepancies

Discrimination by law enforcement

Research suggests that police practices, such as racial profiling, over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.[78][79][80][81]

In-group bias has been observed when it comes to traffic citations following accidents, as black and white police in one state were found to be more lenient to suspects of their own race, resulting in a 3% discrepancy.[80] A 2013 report by the American Civil Liberties Union found that blacks were "3.73 times more likely than whites to be arrested for marijuana possession," even though "blacks and whites use drugs, including marijuana, at similar rates."[82] A 2020 study in the journal Nature found that black drivers were stopped more often than white drivers, and that the threshold by which police decided to search black and Hispanic drivers was lower than that for whites (judging by the rate at which contraband was found in searches).[18] Analysis of more than 20 million traffic stops in North Carolina showed that blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to be pulled over by police for traffic stops, and that blacks were more likely to be searched following the stop. There were no significant difference in the likelihood that Hispanics would be pulled over, but Hispanics were much more likely to be searched following a traffic stop than whites. When the study controlled for searches in high-crime areas, it still found that police disproportionately targeted black individuals. These racial disparities were particularly pronounced for young men. The study found that whites who were searched were more likely to carry contraband than blacks and Hispanics.[83][84] In-group bias by voters has also been suggested as possibly causing disparities, as voters discount criminal acts done by their in-group and thus will vote for higher enforcement in areas where the minority population is higher due to the lack of in-group leniency, allowing for racial disparities in the justice system even if the authorities are unbiased.[85]

A 2018 study in the Journal of Empirical Legal Studies found that law enforcement officers in Texas who could charge shoplifters with two types of crimes (one more serious, one less so) due to a vaguely worded statute were more likely to charge blacks and Hispanics with the more serious crime.[86]

A 2019 study, which made use of a dataset of the racial makeup of every U.S. sheriff over a 25-year period, found that "ratio of Black‐to‐White arrests is significantly higher under White sheriffs" and that the effects appear to be "driven by arrests for less‐serious offenses and by targeting Black crime types."[87]

A 2019 study by the National Institute of Standards and Technology found that facial-recognition systems were substantially more likely to misidentify the faces of racial minorities.[88] Some ethnic groups, such as Asian-Americans and African-American, were up to 100 times more likely to be misidentified than white men.[88]

A 2018 study in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences found that tall young black men are especially likely to receive unjustified attention by law enforcement.[89] The authors furthermore found a "causal link between perceptions of height and perceptions of threat for Black men, particularly for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more threatening than White people."[89]

Childhood exposure to violence

Research shows that childhood exposure to violence significantly increases the likelihood to engage in violent behavior. When studies control for childhood exposure to violence, black and white males are equally likely to engage in violent behavior.[90] White and black families have no major difference in child abuse except in the $6,000-$11,999 income range (which falls under the Poverty Threshold in the United States).[91] A study in Australia showed a direct correlation to poverty in later life from childhood abuse. While poverty in the United States and Australia are not the same, a general understanding of the negative effects of childhood abuse later in life has been found, many of these effects being contributing factors to poverty.[92][93]

A meta-analysis written by Anna Aizer examines the disadvantages children face when they are exposed to frequent neighborhood violence. In a survey of 2,248 sixth, eighth, and tenth graders in an urban public school system, “Schwab-Stone et al (1995) found that 40% of youth reported exposure to a shooting or a stabbing in the past year. Children exposed to high levels of violence were more likely to be black and/or Latino.”[94] Using ANOVA to observe differences in child outcomes, it was found that exposure to violence is associated with willingness to use physical aggression, diminished perception of risk, lowered expectations of the future, substance use, and low academic achievement. The Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Study (LA FANS) studied a representative sample of all neighborhoods in Los Angeles and evaluated the conditions and circumstances in which each family was living under. Families were randomly selected within each neighborhood and interviews were conducted with adults, caregivers, and children. 21% of children reported having violent peers who were a part of gangs, 11% reported being robbed, and 8% reported witnessing a shooting within the past year.[94]

Inability to post bail

According to a 2017 study in the Journal of Law and Economics evaluating arraignments in New York City, "Higher pretrial detention rates among minority defendants explain 40 percent of the black-white gap in rates of being sentenced to prison and 28 percent of the Hispanic-white gap."[95] The majority of individuals held in pretrial detention are being held because they cannot afford to post bail.[95] The individuals in pretrial detention face higher incentives to plead guilty (even if they are innocent) for a number of reasons, which leads to a higher sentencing rates for these individuals.[95]

Socioeconomic factors

Evidence supporting the role of structural factors in high black crime rates comes from multiple studies. For example, Robert J. Sampson has reported that most of the reason violent crime rates are so high among blacks originates mainly from unemployment, economic deprivation, and family disorganization. Specifically, he found that "the scarcity of employed black men increases the prevalence of families headed by females in black communities" and that the increased prevalence of such families in turn results in family disruption that significantly increases black murder and robbery rates.[96] Sampson, et al.[97] and Phillips[98] have reported that at least half of the black-white homicide offending differential is attributable to structural neighborhood factors like parents' marital status and social context. Multiple other studies have found a link between black crime rates and structural factors, such as single-parent families and structural inequality.[99][100][101]

While there is a correlation between blacks and Hispanics and crime, the data imply a much stronger tie between poverty and crime than crime and any racial group, when gender is taken into consideration.[69] The direct correlation between crime and class, when factoring for race alone, is relatively weak. When gender, and familial background are factored, class correlates more strongly with crime than race or ethnicity.[102][103] Studies indicate that areas with low socioeconomic status may have the greatest correlation of crime with young and adult males, regardless of racial composition, though its effect on females is negligible.[102][103] A 1996 study looking at data from Columbus, Ohio found that differences in disadvantage in city neighborhoods explained the vast majority of the difference in crime rates between blacks and whites,[104] and two 2003 studies looking at violent offending among juveniles reached similar conclusions.[105][106]

Housing segregation

A 1996 study found a strong association between black-white spatial isolation and rates of black violence, consistent with the hypothesis that segregation is responsible for higher rates of black crime.[107] Multiple other studies have reached similar conclusions.[108][109][110][111] However, correlation does not equal causation, and the disproportionately higher crime rates seen in black communities—as well as the reason for their segregation—can be attributed to a number of underlying symptoms.[112]

Additionally, "Hagan and Peterson (1995) further propose that the segregation of racial minorities in sections of concentrated poverty contributes to inferior educational and employment opportunities, which, in turn, enhance the likelihood of crime and delinquency."[113]

Sociocultural factors

Among American teens, black-white differences in violence are accounted for by differences in family income and socialization with deviant peers in school.[114]

Criminological theories of causation

Further information: Criminology

Historically, crime statistics have played a central role in the discussion of the relationship between race and crime in the United States.[115] As they have been designed to record information not only on the kinds of crimes committed, but also on the individuals involved in crime, criminologists and sociologists have and continue to use crime rate statistics to make general statements regarding the racial demographics of crime-related phenomena such as victimization, arrests, prosecutions, convictions, and incarceration. Regardless of their views regarding causation, scholars acknowledge that some racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately represented in the arrest and victimization reports which are used to compile crime rate statistics.[116] There is, however, a great deal of debate regarding the causes of that disproportionality. Sociologist Orlando Patterson has explained these controversies as disputes between liberal and conservative criminologists in which each camp focuses on mutually exclusive aspects of the causal net, with liberals focusing on factors external to the groups in question and conservatives focusing on internal cultural and behavioral factors.[117]

History

 
W. E. B. Du Bois, one of the pioneers in the study of race and crime in the United States.

The relationship between race and crime has been an area of study for criminologists since the emergence of anthropological criminology in the late 19th century.[118] Cesare Lombroso, founder of the Italian school of criminology, argued that criminal behavior was the product of biological factors, including race. He was among the first criminologists to claim a direct link between race and crime.[119] This biological perspective, sometimes seen as racist, [120] was criticized by early 20th century scholars, including Frances Kellor, Johan Thorsten Sellin and William Du Bois, who argued that other circumstances, such as social and economic conditions, were the central factors which led to criminal behavior, regardless of race. Du Bois traced the causes of the disproportional representation of blacks in the criminal justice system back to the improperly handled emancipation of black slaves in general and the convict leasing program in particular. In 1901, he wrote:

There are no reliable statistics to which one can safely appeal to measure exactly the growth of crime among the emancipated slaves. About seventy percent of all prisoners in the South are black; this, however, is in part explained by the fact that accused Negroes are still easily convicted and get long sentences, while whites still continue to escape the penalty of many crimes even among themselves. And yet allowing for all this, there can be no reasonable doubt but that there has arisen in the South since the [civil] war a class of black criminals, loafers, and ne'er-do-wells who are a menace to their fellows, both black and white.[121]

The debate that ensued remained largely academic[clarification needed] until the late 20th century, when the relationship between race and crime became a recognized field of specialized study in criminology. Helen T. Greene, professor of justice administration at Texas Southern University, and Shaun L. Gabbidon, professor of criminal justice at Pennsylvania State University, note that many criminology and criminal justice programs now either require or offer elective courses on the topic of the relationship between race and crime.[122]

Modern theories of causation

Conflict theory

Further information: Conflict theory, Conflict criminology, and Marxist criminology

Conflict theory is considered "one of the most popular theoretical frameworks among race and crime scholars".[123] Rather than one monolithic theory, conflict theory represents a group of closely related theories which operate on a common set of fundamental assumptions.[124] As a general theory of criminal behavior, conflict theory proposes that crime is an inevitable consequence of the conflict which arises between competing groups within society. Such groups can be defined through a number of factors, including class, economic status, religion, language, ethnicity, race or any combination thereof. Further, conflict theory proposes that crime could be largely eliminated if the structure of society were to be changed.[125]

The form of conflict theory which emphasizes the role of economics, being heavily influenced by the work of Karl Marx and sometimes referred to as Marxist criminology, views crime as a natural response to the inequality arising from the competition inherent in capitalist society.[126] Sociologists and criminologists emphasizing this aspect of social conflict argue that, in a competitive society in which there is an inequality in the distribution of goods, those groups with limited or restricted access to goods will be more likely to turn to crime. Dutch criminologist Willem Adriaan Bonger, one of the first scholars to apply the principles of economic determinism to the issue of crime, argued that such inequality as found in capitalism was ultimately responsible for the manifestation of crime at all levels of society, particularly among the poor. Though this line of thinking has been criticized for requiring the establishment of a utopian socialist society,[127] the notion that the disproportionality observed in minority representation in crime rate statistics could be understood as the result of systematic economic disadvantage found its way into many of the theories developed in subsequent generations.

Culture conflict theory, derived from the pioneering work of sociologist Thorsten Sellin, emphasizes the role of culturally accepted norms of conduct in the formation of cultural groups and the conflicts which arise through their interaction. Culture conflict theory argues that the group with the most power in any society ensures that their values, traditions and behaviors, which Sellin referred to as "conduct norms", are those to which all other members of society are forced to conform, and any actions which conflict with the interests of the dominant group are identified as deviant and/or criminal in nature. Sellin's original ideas continued to be developed throughout the 20th century, most notably by George Vold in the 1950s and Austin Turk in the 1960s, and continue to influence the contemporary debate.[128] The recent work of Gregory J. Howard, Joshua D. Freilich and Graeme R. Newman applies culture conflict theory to the issue of immigrant and minority crime around the world. According to their research, while culturally homogeneous groups experience little to no cultural conflict, as all the members share the same set of "conduct norms", culturally heterogeneous groups, such as modern industrial nations with large immigrant populations, display heightened competition between sets of cultural norms which, in turn, leads to an increase in violence and crime. Societies which have high levels of cultural diversity in their population, it is claimed, are more likely to have higher rates of violent crime.[128]

According to conflict theorists such as Marvin Wolfgang, Hubert Blalock and William Chambliss, the disproportionate representation of racial minorities in crime statistics and in the prison population is the result of race- and class-motivated disparities in arrests, prosecutions and sentencing rather than differences in actual participation in criminal activity, an approach which has also been taken by proponents of critical race theory.[129] This line of argumentation is generally seen as part of a wider approach to race-related issues referred to as the Discrimination Thesis, which assumes that differences in the treatment received by people of minority racial background in a number of public institutions, including the criminal justice, education and health care systems, is the result of overt racial discrimination. Opposed to this view is the Non-Discrimination Thesis, which seeks to defend these institutions from such accusations.[130]

At the time it was first proposed, conflict theory was considered outside the mainstream of more established criminological theories, such as strain theory, social disorganization theory and differential association theory.[131] Barbara D. Warner, associate professor of criminal justice and police studies at Eastern Kentucky University, notes that conflict theory has been the subject of increasing criticism in recent years. Recent studies claim that, while there may have been real sentencing differences related to non-legal characteristics such as race in the 1960s, sentencing discrimination as described by the conflict theorists at that time no longer exists. Criticism has also pointed to the lack of testability of the general theory.[127] While much research has been done to correlate race, income level and crime frequency, typically of less serious criminal behavior such as theft or larceny, research has shown there to be no significant correlation between race, income level and crime seriousness. Thus, conflict theory encounters difficulties in attempting to account for the high levels of violent crime such as murder, homicide and rape, in minority populations.[132]

Strain (anomie) theory

Further information: Strain theory (sociology) and Anomie

Strain theory, which is largely derived from the work of Robert K. Merton in the 1930s and 1940s, argues that social structures within society which lead to inequality and deprivation in segments of its population indirectly encourage those segments to commit crime. According to strain theory, differences in crime rates between races are the result of real differences in behavior, but to be understood as an attempt to alleviate either absolute or relative deprivation and adapt to the existing opportunity structure.[133]

A more recent approach to strain theory was proposed by Steven F. Messner and Richard Rosenfeld in the 1990s. In their version of the theory, which they refer to as institutional anomie theory, Messner and Rosenfeld argue that the dominance of materialistic concerns and measurements of success manifested in the American Dream weakens the effectiveness of informal social control mechanisms and support processes, which encourages economic gain by any means, legal or illegal. In those segments of the population which experience the greatest relative deprivation, therefore, there is readiness to turn to crime to overcome inequality and eliminate relative deprivation.[134]

Critics of strain theory point to its weaknesses when compared with actual criminal behavior patterns. Michael R. Gottfredson and Travis Hirschi argue that strain theory "misconstrue(s) the nature of the criminal act, supplying it with virtues it does not possess." They further point out that, while strain theory suggests that criminals should tend to target people in a more advantageous economic situation than themselves, they more often victimize individuals who live in the same economic circumstances.[135]

General strain theory

Main article: General strain theory

Multiple studies have found evidence that Agnew's general strain theory explains much of the difference in crime between blacks and whites.[136][137][138]

Social disorganization theory

Further information: Social disorganization theory

Social disorganization theory proposes that high rates of crime are largely the result of a heterogeneous and impoverished social ecology.[139] Proponents of the theory point to the process of urban decay as a major contributing factor to the breakdown of healthy urban communities which would normally curb the spread of many forms of criminal behavior. The diversity of minority cultures present in poverty-stricken neighborhoods prevents the formation of strong social bonds and leaves inhabitants uninterested in maintaining positive community relationships. This has been observed to increase the likelihood of crime in certain urban areas, which can lead to increased policing and a further breakdown of familial structures as a result of arrests, which, in turn, precipitates more crime. Social disorganization theory has been instrumental in establishing the notion that stable, culturally homogeneous communities have lower rates of delinquency and crime regardless of race.[140]

Macrostructural opportunity theory

Phillippia Simmons reports that many of the studies which have investigated intra- and interracial crime seek to explain this through a theory of macrostructural opportunity which states that interracial violence is primarily a function of opportunity and access.[141] According to this theory, intraracial crime rates remain relatively high due to the fact that much of the US remains residentially segregated. She notes that this theory predicts that, if residential areas were more racially integrated, intraracial crime would decrease and interracial crime would increase correspondingly. However, she also notes that not all researchers on the topic of intraracial crime agree with this result, with some pointing to other macrostructural factors, such as income and education, which may negate the effect of race on inter- and intraracial crime.[141]

Anthony Walsh criticizes the attempt to use the macrostructural opportunity model to explain interracial rape as has been done in studies conducted in the past few decades, pointing out that such a defense is directly contradicted by the data related to homicide. Walsh argues that the macrostructural opportunity model helps explain why black murderers almost always choose black victims.[142] There are disparities in rates of reporting rape where victims of some races are statistically less likely or more likely to report their rape, especially depending on the race of the offender. Black women in America are more likely to report sexual assault that has been perpetrated by a stranger.[143][144] Black women are more likely to under-report rapes overall as they are more likely to blame themselves, feel they will be blamed or feel they will not be believed.[145]

Social control theory

Further information: Social control theory

Social control theory, which is among the most popular theories in criminology,[146] proposes that crime is most commonly perpetrated by individuals who lack strong bonds or connections with their social environment.[147] Based upon Travis Hirschi's Causes of Delinquency (1969), social bonding theory pioneered the notion that criminologists can gain useful insight into the motives behind criminal behavior by examining what normally motivates individuals to refrain from crime. From this, it is argued that, in those segments of the population where such motivation is lacking, crime will be more prevalent. Hirschi was explicit in mentioning that he believed his theory held true across all racial boundaries, and subsequent research—both in the US and abroad—seems to confirm this belief.[148] The core idea of social control theory is elaborated upon in several other theories of causation, particularly social disorganization theory.

Subculture of violence theory

Further information: Subcultural theory

As a theory of criminal behavior, subculture of violence theory claims that certain groups or subcultures exist in society in which violence is viewed as an appropriate response to what, in the context of that subculture, are perceived as threatening situations. Building upon the work of cultural anthropologist Walter B. Miller's focal concerns theory, which focused on the social mechanisms behind delinquency in adolescents, sociologists Marvin Wolfgang and Franco Ferracuti proposed that the disproportionally high rate of crime among African Americans could be explained by their possessing a unique racial subculture in which violence is experienced and perceived in a manner different from that commonly observed in mainstream American culture.[149]

As to the origins of this subculture of violence among African Americans, sociologists promoting the theory have pointed towards their Southern heritage. As noted in several studies conducted throughout the 1960s and 1970s, there is a traditional north–south discrepancy in the distribution of homicide in the US, regardless of race, and this, it was argued, indicates that lower-class Southern blacks and Whites share the same subculture of violence.[150]

The empirical basis for the subculture of violence theory, however, has been described as "extremely limited and unpersuasive".[150] Very little has been done to attempt an adequate assessment of supposedly criminogenic subcultural values, and several studies conducted in the late 1970s claimed to falsify the assumptions upon which the subculture of violence theory depends.[150] More recently, scholars have criticized the theory as potentially racist in nature in its implication of one given ethnicity or culture supposedly being less fit for or less worthy of being qualified as "civilized", the built-in implication of which in turn would denote stereotypically "white" behavior as an objective norm for all societies to follow.[151] The hypothesis was reconsidered recently by Barry Latzer, who suggested that black Americans had inherited a subculture of violence from white Southern American honor culture (who themselves had developed that culture from the brutal and lawless border region of northern Britain) and that difference in crime rates could be partially explained by this contemporary manifestation of Southern honor culture.[152][153] Latzer's argument was criticized by German Lopez for not adequately demonstrating the alleged causality between culture and crime, and for not accounting for the decrease in crime rates in the 20th century or clearly defining the limits of what would constitute "culture" for the purposes of Latzer's argument.[154]

See also

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  106. ^ McNulty, Thomas L.; Bellair, Paul E. (March 2003). "Explaining racial and ethnic differences in adolescent violence: Structural disadvantage, family well-being, and social capital". Justice Quarterly. 20 (1): 1–31. doi:10.1080/07418820300095441. S2CID 146377723.
  107. ^ Shihadeh, E. S.; Flynn, N. (June 1, 1996). "Segregation and Crime: The Effect of Black Social Isolation on the Rates of Black Urban Violence". Social Forces. 74 (4): 1325–1352. doi:10.1093/sf/74.4.1325.
  108. ^ Eitle, David (January 2009). "Dimensions of racial segregation, hypersegregation, and Black homicide rates". Journal of Criminal Justice. 37 (1): 28–36. doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2008.12.005.
  109. ^ Lee, Matthew R.; Ousey, Graham C. (February 2005). "Institutional Access, Residential Segregation, and Urban Black Homicide*". Sociological Inquiry. 75 (1): 31–54. doi:10.1111/j.1475-682X.2005.00111.x.
  110. ^ Peterson, Ruth D.; Krivo, Lauren J. (September 1, 1999). "Racial Segregation, the Concentration of Disadvantage, and Black and White Homicide Victimization". Sociological Forum. 14 (3): 465–493. doi:10.1023/A:1021451703612. ISSN 0884-8971. S2CID 142664553.
  111. ^ Feldmeyer, Ben (September 1, 2010). "The Effects of Racial/Ethnic Segregation on Latino and Black Homicide". Sociological Quarterly. 51 (4): 600–623. doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.2010.01185.x. ISSN 1533-8525. PMID 20939127. S2CID 19551967.
  112. ^ Massey, Douglas. "GETTING AWAY WITH MURDER: SEGREGATION AND VIOLENT CRIME IN URBAN AMERICA".
  113. ^ Jarjoura, Roger (June 2002). "Growing Up Poor: Examining the Link Between Persistent Childhood Poverty and Delinquency". Journal of Quantitative Criminology. 18 (2): 159–187. doi:10.1023/A:1015206715838. S2CID 140734860.
  114. ^ Haggerty, Kevin P.; Skinner, Martie L.; McGlynn, Anne; Catalano, Richard F.; Crutchfield, Robert D. (2013). "Parent and Peer Predictors of Violent Behavior of Black and White Teens". Violence and Victims. 28 (1): 145–160. doi:10.1891/0886-6708.28.1.145. ISSN 0886-6708. PMC 3767568. PMID 23520837.
  115. ^ See Gabbidon & Greene (2005a:31-53), Gabbidon (2007:4).
  116. ^ See Gabbidon & Greene (2005a:31-33); Walsh (2004:19–36); Wright (2009:143–144).
  117. ^ O. Patterson, Rituals of Blood (1998:ix) as quoted in Walsh (2004:vii).
  118. ^ See Gabbidon & Greene (2009:xxvii-xxviii).
  119. ^ Bowling & Phillips (2002:57).
  120. ^ and Race - Conceptions and Misconceptions Retrieved 14 October 2023
  121. ^ Du Bois (2005:5).
  122. ^ Gabbidon & Greene (2009:xxvii).
  123. ^ Gabbidon (2007:171). For an overview of conflict theory in race and crime studies, see Gabbidon (2007:141–177), Henderson (2009:174–175).
  124. ^ For an overview, see Gabbidon (2007:141–177).
  125. ^ See Gabbidon (2007:155;171).
  126. ^ Gabbidon (2007:141).
  127. ^ a b Gabbidon (2007:171).
  128. ^ a b Gabbidon (2007:148-151).
  129. ^ Delgado & Stafancic (2001:113–114).
  130. ^ For a brief overview, see Gabbidon & Greene (2005a:83–84).
  131. ^ Sims (2009:142).
  132. ^ Warner (1989:71–72).
  133. ^ Oliver (2000:283). See also Gottfredson & Hirschi (1990:152).
  134. ^ Oliver (2000:283).
  135. ^ Gottfredson & Hirschi (1990:152).
  136. ^ Jang, Sung Joon; Johnson, Byron R. (2003). "Strain, Negative Emotions, and Deviant Coping Among African Americans: A Test of General Strain Theory". Journal of Quantitative Criminology. 19 (1): 79–105. doi:10.1023/A:1022570729068. S2CID 73553646.
  137. ^ Leeper Piquero, N.; Sealock, M. D. (April 22, 2010). "Race, Crime, and General Strain Theory". Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice. 8 (3): 170–186. doi:10.1177/1541204009361174. S2CID 144621182.
  138. ^ Piquero, Nicole Leeper; Sealock, Miriam D. (August 22, 2006). "Generalizing general strain theory: An examination of an offending population". Justice Quarterly. 17 (3): 449–484. doi:10.1080/07418820000094631. S2CID 144477992.
  139. ^ Guerrero (2009:762).
  140. ^ Guerrero (2009:763).
  141. ^ a b Simmons (2009:398)
  142. ^ Walsh (2004:24–25).
  143. ^ Furtado, C., Perceptions of Rape: Cultural, Gender, and Ethnic Differences. Sex Crimes and Paraphilia. Hickey, E.W., 385–395
  144. ^ . Nmcsap.org. Archived from the original on October 11, 2014. Retrieved October 8, 2014.
  145. ^ Barrett, Kimberly; George, William H. (2005). Race, culture, psychology, and law By Kimberly Barrett, William George pg. 396. ISBN 9780761926627. Retrieved October 8, 2014.
  146. ^ Higgins (2009:761), Gabbidon (2007:187).
  147. ^ For an overview, see Higgins (2009:759–762).
  148. ^ Gabbidon 2007:187–192).
  149. ^ Covington (1995:182-183). The work referred to is The Subculture of Violence: Towards an Integrated Theory in Criminology by Wolfgang & Ferracuti (1967). See also Hawkins (1983:247-248), Gabbidon & Greene (2005a:75-78). For a general review, see Gabbidon (2007:91–100), Clevenger (2009:780-783).
  150. ^ a b c Hawkins (1983:248).
  151. ^ See Gabbidon (2007:99).
  152. ^ Latzer, Barry, The Rise and Fall of Violent Crime in America, Encounter Books, 2016, ISBN 9781594039294
  153. ^ Latzer, Barry. Subcultures of violence and African American crime rates. Journal of Criminal Justice 54 (2018): 41–49.
  154. ^ Lopez, German Confronting the myth that "black culture" is responsible for violent crime in America, Vox, September 1, 2016

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External links

  • (John Jay College of Criminal Justice)
  • National Archive of Criminal Justice Data (Bureau of Justice Statistics Publications)
  • Uniform Crime Reports (Federal Bureau of Investigation)
  • Bureau of Justice Statistics (US Department of Justice)

February 15, 2024
race, crime, united, states, united, states, relationship, between, race, crime, been, topic, public, controversy, scholarly, debate, more, than, century, crime, rates, vary, significantly, between, racial, groups, however, academic, research, indicates, that,. In the United States the relationship between race and crime has been a topic of public controversy and scholarly debate for more than a century 1 Crime rates vary significantly between racial groups however academic research indicates that the over representation of some racial minorities in the criminal justice system can in part be explained by socioeconomic factors 2 3 such as poverty 4 5 exposure to poor neighborhoods 6 poor access to public and early education 7 and exposure to harmful chemicals such as lead and pollution 8 Racial housing segregation has also been linked to racial disparities in crime rates as blacks have historically and to the present been prevented from moving into prosperous low crime areas through actions of the government such as redlining and private actors 9 10 11 Various explanations within criminology have been proposed for racial disparities in crime rates including conflict theory strain theory general strain theory social disorganization theory macrostructural opportunity theory social control theory and subcultural theory Research also indicates that there is extensive racial and ethnic discrimination by police and the judicial system 12 13 14 15 A substantial academic literature has compared police searches showing that contraband is found at higher rates in whites who are stopped bail decisions showing that whites with the same bail decision as blacks commit more pre trial violations and sentencing showing that blacks are more harshly sentenced by juries and judges than whites when the underlying facts and circumstances of the cases are similar providing valid causal inferences of racial discrimination 16 17 18 19 Studies have documented patterns of racial discrimination as well as patterns of police brutality and disregard for the constitutional rights of African Americans by police departments in various American cities including Los Angeles New York Chicago and Philadelphia 20 21 22 23 24 Contents 1 Terminology 2 Crime data sources 2 1 Uniform Crime Reports UCR 2 2 National Crime Victimization Survey NCVS 2 3 Comparison of UCR and NCVS data 2 4 Classification of Hispanics 3 Crime statistics 3 1 Homicide 3 2 Assault 3 3 Robbery 3 4 Victim surveys 3 5 Gang membership 3 6 Hispanics 3 7 Racially motivated hate crime 3 8 Racial composition of geographic areas 3 9 Trends 4 Explanations for racial discrepancies 4 1 Discrimination by law enforcement 4 2 Childhood exposure to violence 4 3 Inability to post bail 4 4 Socioeconomic factors 4 5 Housing segregation 4 6 Sociocultural factors 5 Criminological theories of causation 5 1 History 5 2 Modern theories of causation 5 2 1 Conflict theory 5 2 2 Strain anomie theory 5 2 3 General strain theory 5 2 4 Social disorganization theory 5 2 5 Macrostructural opportunity theory 5 2 6 Social control theory 5 2 7 Subculture of violence theory 6 See also 7 References 8 Bibliography 9 External linksTerminologyThe term Black on Black violence has been criticized for being misleading and racially charged One columnist writing in the wake of the murder of George Floyd has accused opponents of the Black Lives Matter movement of using Blacks killing Blacks rhetoric to avoid discussions about police brutality 25 Researchers note that there are socioeconomic factors underlying these crime statistics and that crime is often higher in low income neighborhoods Media coverage of Black on Black violence has been criticized for perpetuating racial stereotypes of violent Black people Researchers have highlighted media language drawing connections between intracommunity violence in Black neighborhoods and supposed moral bankruptcy in Black family structures and communities Edward A Flynn has noted that African Americans are disproportionately murdered accounting for 80 of murder victims in Milwaukee Researchers have noted these arguments but say that the term Black on Black crime is inaccurate and vague and generally offensive to Black Americans 26 Crime data sourcesIn the United States crime data are collected from three major sources Law enforcement agency crime reports collected monthly by the Federal Bureau of Investigation FBI and processed annually as Uniform Crime Reports UCR victimization surveys collected biannually by the Bureau of Justice Statistics and processed annually in the National Crime Victimization Survey NCVS self report surveys further explanation needed The Uniform Crime Reports represent the primary source of data used in the calculation of official statistics regarding serious crimes such as murder and homicide which is supplemented by the information provided through the NCVS and self report studies the latter being the best indicator of actual crime rates for minor offenses such as illegal substance abuse and petty theft These crime data collection programs provide most of the statistical information utilized by criminologists and sociologists in their analysis of crime and the extent of its relationship to race 27 Another form of data is that regarding the prison population Uniform Crime Reports UCR Further information Uniform Crime Reports Established in 1927 the Uniform Crime Reports UCR program is a summary based reporting system that collects data on crime reported to local and state law enforcement agencies across the US The UCR system indexes crimes under two headings Part I and Part II offenses Part I offenses include murder and non negligent homicide non lethal violent crimes comprising robbery forcible rape and aggravated assault and property crimes comprising burglary larceny theft motor vehicle theft and arson Part II offenses include fraud forgery counterfeiting embezzlement simple assault sex offenses offenses against the family drug and liquor offenses weapons offenses and other non violent offenses excluding traffic violations 28 There are fundamental limitations of the UCR system including 29 Bias in sampling UCR statistics do not represent the actual amount of criminal activity occurring in the United States As it relies upon local law enforcement agency crime reports the UCR program can only measure crime known to police and cannot provide an accurate representation of actual crime rates 30 Misrepresentation The UCR program is focused upon street crime and does not record information on many other types of crime such as organized crime corporate crime or federal crime Further law enforcement agencies can provide inadvertently misleading data as a result of local policing practices These factors can lead to misrepresentations regarding the nature and extent of criminal activity in the United States 31 Manipulation UCR data are capable of being manipulated by local law enforcement agencies Information is supplied voluntarily to the UCR program and manipulation of data can occur at the local level 32 Race and ethnicity The UCR tracks crime for the racial category of White to include both Hispanic and non Hispanic ethnicities According to the ACLU with over 50 million Latinos residing in the United States this hides the incarceration rates for Latinos vis a vis marijuana related offenses as they are considered White with respect to the UCR 33 As a response to these and other limitations a new system of crime data collection was established in 1988 as an outgrowth of the UCR system The National Incident Based Reporting System NIBRS is an incident based reporting system that will collect more comprehensive and detailed data on crime from local state and federal law enforcement agencies As it is still under development NIBRS coverage is not yet nationwide 34 National Crime Victimization Survey NCVS Further information National Crime Victimization Survey The National Crime Victimization Survey NCVS program established in 1972 is a national survey of a representative sample of households in the United States which covers the frequency of crime victimization and the characteristics and consequences of victimization The primary purpose behind the NCVS program is to gather information on crimes that were not reported to police though information is also collected on reported crimes The survey collects data on rape assault robbery burglary personal and household larceny and motor vehicle theft The NCVS also includes supplemental questions which allow information to be gathered on tangentially relevant issues such as school violence attitudes towards law enforcement or perceptions regarding crime 35 There are fundamental limitations to the NCVS program including 36 Reliability NCVS statistics do not represent verified or evidenced instances of victimization As it depends upon the recollection of the individuals surveyed the NCVS cannot distinguish between true and fabricated claims of victimization nor can it verify the truth of the severity of the reported incidents Further the NCVS cannot detect cases of victimization where the victim is too traumatized to report These factors can contribute to deficits in the reliability of NCVS statistics 37 Misrepresentation The NCVS program is focused upon metropolitan and urban areas and does not adequately cover suburban and rural regions This can lead to misrepresentations regarding the nature and extent of victimization in the United States 37 Comparison of UCR and NCVS data According to the NCVS for 1992 2000 43 of violent criminal acts and 53 of serious violent crime not verbal threats or cuts and bruises were reported to the police Overall black 49 and indigenous Americans 48 victims reported most often higher than whites 42 and Asians 40 Serious violent crime and aggravated assault against blacks 58 and 61 and indigenous Americans 55 and 59 was reported more often than against whites 51 and 54 or Asians 50 and 51 indigenous Americans were unusually unlikely to report a robbery 45 as with Asians and a simple assault 31 38 Despite the differences in the amount of crime reported comparisons of the UCR and NCVS data sets show there to be a high degree of correspondence between the two systems 39 This correspondence extends to the racial demography of both perpetrators and victims of violent crime reported in both systems 40 Classification of Hispanics The UCR classifies most Hispanics into the white category The NCVS classifies some Hispanic criminals as white and some as other race The victim categories for the NCVS are more distinct According to a report by the National Council of La Raza research obstacles undermine the census of Latinos in prison and Latinos in the criminal justice system are seriously undercounted The true extent of the overrepresentation of Latinos in the system probably is significantly greater than researchers have been able to document The lack of empirical data on Latinos is partially due to prisons failures to document ethnic details at intake or recording practices that historically have classified Latinos as white 41 The FBI did not include a Latino or Hispanic category until the Uniform Crime Report for 2013 42 and 93 of Hispanics are classified as white by law enforcement officers irrespective of their ancestry often inflating the amount of crimes attributed to whites 43 Crime statisticsSee also Statistical correlations of criminal behaviour Scholars have found that some racial and ethnic minorities particularly African Americans are disproportionately represented in the arrest and victimization reports which are used to compile crime rate statistics in the United States The data from 2008 reveals that black Americans are over represented in terms of arrests made in virtually all types of crime with the exceptions of driving under the influence liquor laws and hate crime Overall black Americans are arrested at 2 6 times the per capita rate of all other Americans and this ratio is even higher for murder 6 3 times and robbery 8 1 times 44 45 Homicide nbsp US homicide victims by race 1980 2017 46 nbsp US homicide offenders by race 1980 2017 47 According to the FBI 2019 Uniform Crime Report African Americans accounted for 55 9 of all homicide offenders in 2019 with whites 41 1 and Other 3 in cases where the race was known Including homicide offenders where the race was unknown African Americans accounted for 39 6 of all homicide offenders in 2019 with whites 29 1 Other 2 1 and Unknown 29 3 48 Among homicide victims in 2019 where the race was known 54 7 were black or African American 42 3 were white and 3 1 were of other races Including homicide victims in 2019 where the race was unknown 53 7 were black or African American 41 6 were white 3 were of other races and 1 7 were of unknown races 49 50 The per capita offending rate for African Americans was roughly eight times higher than that of whites and their victim rate was similar About half of homicides are known to be single offender single victim and most of those were intraracial in those where the perpetrator s and victim s races were known 81 of white victims were killed by whites and 91 of black or African American victims were killed by blacks or African Americans 51 Assault The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention CDC keeps data on non fatal injury emergency department visits and the race of victims 52 While non Hispanic white victims account for approximately half of total non fatal assault injuries most of which did not involve any weapon black and Hispanic victims account for the vast majority of non fatal firearm injuries There was a total of 17 3 million emergency department visits or hospitalizations for non fatal assaults in the United States in the 10 year period between 2007 2016 For non fatal assaults with recorded race 6 5 million victims were white non Hispanic 4 3 million black 2 3 million Hispanic and 0 4 million other non Hispanic and for 3 8 million the race was not recorded There were a total of 603 000 emergency department visits in the US for non fatal firearm assaults in the 10 year period between 2007 2016 For non fatal firearm assaults with recorded race 77 000 victims were white non Hispanic 261 000 were black and 94 000 were Hispanic 8 500 were other non Hispanic and for 162 000 the race was not recorded Despite gun injuries only accounting for about 3 5 of serious assault injuries between 2007 and 2016 they accounted for nearly 70 of overall homicides 53 While African Americans are highly overrepresented in murders and gun assaults the disparity in arrests is smaller for the most common form of assault not involving any weapon or serious injury blacks are arrested for non aggravated assault at 2 7 times the white rate Hispanics and non Hispanic whites are arrested for non aggravated assault in a similar ratio to their share of the US population Of the 9 468 murder arrests in the US in 2017 53 5 were black and 20 8 Hispanic Of the 822 671 arrests for non aggravated assault 31 4 were black and 18 4 Hispanic 54 According to the FBI Uniform Crime Reports in 2008 black youths who make up 16 of the youth population accounted for 52 of juvenile violent crime arrests including 58 5 of youth arrests for homicide and 67 for robbery Black youths were overrepresented in all offense categories except DUI liquor laws and drunkenness Racial disparities in arrest have consistently been far less among older population groups 55 Robbery According to the National Crime Victimization Survey in 2002 robberies with white victims and black offenders were more than 12 times more common than the opposite 56 57 Victim surveys In 1978 Michael Hindelang compared data from the National Crime Victimization Survey then known as the National Crime Survey or NCS to data from the Uniform Crime Reports both from 1974 He found that NCS data generally agreed with UCR data in regards to the percent of perpetrators of rape robbery and assault who were black 58 For instance Hindelang s analysis found that both the NCS and UCR estimated that 62 of robbery offenders were black in the United States in 1974 59 327 A 2004 National Crime Victimization Survey report which analyzed carjacking over 10 years found that carjacking victims identified 56 of offenders as black 21 as white and 16 as indigenous American or Asian 60 61 62 Gang membership The National Gang Center a project of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Office of Justice Programs and the Bureau of Justice Assistance conducted annual surveys of law enforcement agencies between 1996 2012 to assess the extent of gang problems in the United States 63 The latest available data from 2011 found that 46 2 of gang members are Hispanic Latino 35 3 are black 11 5 are white and 7 are of other races ethnicities Larger cities suburban counties and smaller cities are more likely to report Hispanic or Latino Americans as the dominant racial ethnic group among gang members Rural counties are more likely to report Black or African Americans as the dominant racial ethnic group among gang members 64 Hispanics According to a 2009 report by the Pew Hispanic Center in 2007 Latinos accounted for 40 of all sentenced federal offenders more than triple their share 13 of the total U S adult population This was an increase from 24 in 1991 Between 1991 and 2007 enforcement of federal immigration laws became a growing priority in response to undocumented immigration By 2007 among Hispanic offenders sentenced in federal courts 48 were immigration offenses 37 drug offenses and 15 for other offenses One reason for the large increase in immigration offenses is that they exclusively fall under federal jurisdiction 65 Racially motivated hate crime The federal government publishes an annual list of hate crime statistics as part of the FBI Uniform Crime Report 66 According to the 2019 Uniform Crime Report of hate crime offenders identifiable by race 61 5 were White 28 were Black 7 8 were groups of individuals of varying races 1 2 were American Indian or Alaska Natives 1 1 were Asian and 0 4 were Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islanders Including offenders of unknown race 52 5 were White 23 9 were Black 6 6 were groups of individuals of varying races 1 1 were American Indian or Alaska Natives 0 9 were Asian 0 3 were Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islanders and 14 6 were unknown In the same 2019 report when ethnicity of offenders was known 73 5 were not Hispanic or Latino 22 3 were Hispanic or Latino and 4 2 were groups of individuals of varying ethnicities However the majority of offenders ethnic backgrounds are unknown Including offenders of unknown ethnicity 33 1 were not Hispanic or Latino 10 were Hispanic or Latino 1 9 were groups of individuals of varying ethnicities and 55 were of unknown ethnicity 67 The report also states that 55 8 of all hate crime offenders were motivated by race ethnicity or ancestry By comparison the next highest categories are religion 19 3 and sexual orientation 16 3 Among hate crime offenses motivated by race ethnicity and ancestry 48 4 were composed of anti Black bias 15 8 were of anti White bias 14 1 were of anti Hispanic or Latino bias and 4 3 were of anti Asian bias 68 Racial composition of geographic areas Studies have examined that ethnic racially heterogeneous areas most often neighborhoods in large cities have higher crime rates than more homogeneous areas Most studies find that the more ethnically racially heterogeneous an area is the higher its crime rates tend to be 69 Studies examining the relationship between percentages of different races in an area and crime rates have generally either found similar relationships as for nationwide crime rates or no significant relationships Most often studied are correlations between black and Hispanic populations in a given area and crime According to a study in the American Journal of Sociology a positive correlation exists between the percentage of black males in a neighborhood and perceptions of neighborhood crime rates even after controlling other correlating factors and neighborhood characteristics The study was conducted amongst the perceptions of residents in neighborhoods in Chicago Seattle and Baltimore in comparison with census data and police department crime statistics Survey respondents consistently rated African Americans as more prone to violence than the data and statistics stated leading to the conclusion that the stereotype of blacks as more likely criminals is deeply embedded in the collective consciousness and societal norms of Americans 70 Such data may reveal a possible connection but is functionally inconclusive due to a variety of other correlating factors which overlap with race and ethnicity 69 Trends Some studies have argued for smaller racial disparities in violent crime in recent times However a study of government data from 1980 2008 found that the reduction in black violent crime relative to white violent crime may have been an artifact of those previous studies which was due to Hispanic offenders being counted as White in the comparison The Hispanic population has been increasing rapidly and Hispanics have violence rates higher than that of whites but lower than that of blacks 71 Other data suggests a genuine decline in racial disparities in recent years In the 1980s and early 1990s black white including Hispanics imprisonment disparities increased peaking in the early 1990s when a slim majority of new admissions were blacks 72 Relative to 2000 disparities in prisons and jails have since declined modestly in recent decades between both blacks and whites and Hispanics and whites 73 74 Between 2000 and 2019 the ratio of disparity amongst male state and federal prisoners per capita declined between blacks and non Hispanic whites from 7 7 to 5 7 and between Hispanics and non Hispanic whites from 2 7 to 2 5 75 74 Declines in disparities were more pronounced when considering jail inmates of both sexes between 2005 and 2018 with the ratio of disparity per capita declining from 4 8 to 3 2 between blacks and non Hispanic whites and 1 6 to 1 0 between Hispanics and non Hispanic whites 76 Similarly declines in the racial disparity of homicide victimization can be seen although to a much greater extent between Hispanics and non Hispanic whites Using CDC data between 1990 and 2019 the ratio of the murder rate between Hispanics and non Hispanic whites declined from 4 5 to 2 0 and between blacks and non Hispanic whites from 9 9 to 8 3 When considering non firearm homicide victimization rates racial disparities the ratio of decline is very significant between 1990 and 2019 falling between blacks and non Hispanic whites from 7 0 to 3 3 and between Hispanics and non Hispanic whites from 3 4 to 1 3 77 Explanations for racial discrepanciesDiscrimination by law enforcement Research suggests that police practices such as racial profiling over policing in areas populated by minorities and in group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects 78 79 80 81 In group bias has been observed when it comes to traffic citations following accidents as black and white police in one state were found to be more lenient to suspects of their own race resulting in a 3 discrepancy 80 A 2013 report by the American Civil Liberties Union found that blacks were 3 73 times more likely than whites to be arrested for marijuana possession even though blacks and whites use drugs including marijuana at similar rates 82 A 2020 study in the journal Nature found that black drivers were stopped more often than white drivers and that the threshold by which police decided to search black and Hispanic drivers was lower than that for whites judging by the rate at which contraband was found in searches 18 Analysis of more than 20 million traffic stops in North Carolina showed that blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to be pulled over by police for traffic stops and that blacks were more likely to be searched following the stop There were no significant difference in the likelihood that Hispanics would be pulled over but Hispanics were much more likely to be searched following a traffic stop than whites When the study controlled for searches in high crime areas it still found that police disproportionately targeted black individuals These racial disparities were particularly pronounced for young men The study found that whites who were searched were more likely to carry contraband than blacks and Hispanics 83 84 In group bias by voters has also been suggested as possibly causing disparities as voters discount criminal acts done by their in group and thus will vote for higher enforcement in areas where the minority population is higher due to the lack of in group leniency allowing for racial disparities in the justice system even if the authorities are unbiased 85 A 2018 study in the Journal of Empirical Legal Studies found that law enforcement officers in Texas who could charge shoplifters with two types of crimes one more serious one less so due to a vaguely worded statute were more likely to charge blacks and Hispanics with the more serious crime 86 A 2019 study which made use of a dataset of the racial makeup of every U S sheriff over a 25 year period found that ratio of Black to White arrests is significantly higher under White sheriffs and that the effects appear to be driven by arrests for less serious offenses and by targeting Black crime types 87 A 2019 study by the National Institute of Standards and Technology found that facial recognition systems were substantially more likely to misidentify the faces of racial minorities 88 Some ethnic groups such as Asian Americans and African American were up to 100 times more likely to be misidentified than white men 88 A 2018 study in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences found that tall young black men are especially likely to receive unjustified attention by law enforcement 89 The authors furthermore found a causal link between perceptions of height and perceptions of threat for Black men particularly for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more threatening than White people 89 Childhood exposure to violence Research shows that childhood exposure to violence significantly increases the likelihood to engage in violent behavior When studies control for childhood exposure to violence black and white males are equally likely to engage in violent behavior 90 White and black families have no major difference in child abuse except in the 6 000 11 999 income range which falls under the Poverty Threshold in the United States 91 A study in Australia showed a direct correlation to poverty in later life from childhood abuse While poverty in the United States and Australia are not the same a general understanding of the negative effects of childhood abuse later in life has been found many of these effects being contributing factors to poverty 92 93 A meta analysis written by Anna Aizer examines the disadvantages children face when they are exposed to frequent neighborhood violence In a survey of 2 248 sixth eighth and tenth graders in an urban public school system Schwab Stone et al 1995 found that 40 of youth reported exposure to a shooting or a stabbing in the past year Children exposed to high levels of violence were more likely to be black and or Latino 94 Using ANOVA to observe differences in child outcomes it was found that exposure to violence is associated with willingness to use physical aggression diminished perception of risk lowered expectations of the future substance use and low academic achievement The Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Study LA FANS studied a representative sample of all neighborhoods in Los Angeles and evaluated the conditions and circumstances in which each family was living under Families were randomly selected within each neighborhood and interviews were conducted with adults caregivers and children 21 of children reported having violent peers who were a part of gangs 11 reported being robbed and 8 reported witnessing a shooting within the past year 94 Inability to post bail According to a 2017 study in the Journal of Law and Economics evaluating arraignments in New York City Higher pretrial detention rates among minority defendants explain 40 percent of the black white gap in rates of being sentenced to prison and 28 percent of the Hispanic white gap 95 The majority of individuals held in pretrial detention are being held because they cannot afford to post bail 95 The individuals in pretrial detention face higher incentives to plead guilty even if they are innocent for a number of reasons which leads to a higher sentencing rates for these individuals 95 Socioeconomic factors Evidence supporting the role of structural factors in high black crime rates comes from multiple studies For example Robert J Sampson has reported that most of the reason violent crime rates are so high among blacks originates mainly from unemployment economic deprivation and family disorganization Specifically he found that the scarcity of employed black men increases the prevalence of families headed by females in black communities and that the increased prevalence of such families in turn results in family disruption that significantly increases black murder and robbery rates 96 Sampson et al 97 and Phillips 98 have reported that at least half of the black white homicide offending differential is attributable to structural neighborhood factors like parents marital status and social context Multiple other studies have found a link between black crime rates and structural factors such as single parent families and structural inequality 99 100 101 While there is a correlation between blacks and Hispanics and crime the data imply a much stronger tie between poverty and crime than crime and any racial group when gender is taken into consideration 69 The direct correlation between crime and class when factoring for race alone is relatively weak When gender and familial background are factored class correlates more strongly with crime than race or ethnicity 102 103 Studies indicate that areas with low socioeconomic status may have the greatest correlation of crime with young and adult males regardless of racial composition though its effect on females is negligible 102 103 A 1996 study looking at data from Columbus Ohio found that differences in disadvantage in city neighborhoods explained the vast majority of the difference in crime rates between blacks and whites 104 and two 2003 studies looking at violent offending among juveniles reached similar conclusions 105 106 Housing segregation A 1996 study found a strong association between black white spatial isolation and rates of black violence consistent with the hypothesis that segregation is responsible for higher rates of black crime 107 Multiple other studies have reached similar conclusions 108 109 110 111 However correlation does not equal causation and the disproportionately higher crime rates seen in black communities as well as the reason for their segregation can be attributed to a number of underlying symptoms 112 Additionally Hagan and Peterson 1995 further propose that the segregation of racial minorities in sections of concentrated poverty contributes to inferior educational and employment opportunities which in turn enhance the likelihood of crime and delinquency 113 Sociocultural factors Among American teens black white differences in violence are accounted for by differences in family income and socialization with deviant peers in school 114 Criminological theories of causationFurther information Criminology Historically crime statistics have played a central role in the discussion of the relationship between race and crime in the United States 115 As they have been designed to record information not only on the kinds of crimes committed but also on the individuals involved in crime criminologists and sociologists have and continue to use crime rate statistics to make general statements regarding the racial demographics of crime related phenomena such as victimization arrests prosecutions convictions and incarceration Regardless of their views regarding causation scholars acknowledge that some racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately represented in the arrest and victimization reports which are used to compile crime rate statistics 116 There is however a great deal of debate regarding the causes of that disproportionality Sociologist Orlando Patterson has explained these controversies as disputes between liberal and conservative criminologists in which each camp focuses on mutually exclusive aspects of the causal net with liberals focusing on factors external to the groups in question and conservatives focusing on internal cultural and behavioral factors 117 History nbsp W E B Du Bois one of the pioneers in the study of race and crime in the United States The relationship between race and crime has been an area of study for criminologists since the emergence of anthropological criminology in the late 19th century 118 Cesare Lombroso founder of the Italian school of criminology argued that criminal behavior was the product of biological factors including race He was among the first criminologists to claim a direct link between race and crime 119 This biological perspective sometimes seen as racist 120 was criticized by early 20th century scholars including Frances Kellor Johan Thorsten Sellin and William Du Bois who argued that other circumstances such as social and economic conditions were the central factors which led to criminal behavior regardless of race Du Bois traced the causes of the disproportional representation of blacks in the criminal justice system back to the improperly handled emancipation of black slaves in general and the convict leasing program in particular In 1901 he wrote There are no reliable statistics to which one can safely appeal to measure exactly the growth of crime among the emancipated slaves About seventy percent of all prisoners in the South are black this however is in part explained by the fact that accused Negroes are still easily convicted and get long sentences while whites still continue to escape the penalty of many crimes even among themselves And yet allowing for all this there can be no reasonable doubt but that there has arisen in the South since the civil war a class of black criminals loafers and ne er do wells who are a menace to their fellows both black and white 121 The debate that ensued remained largely academic clarification needed until the late 20th century when the relationship between race and crime became a recognized field of specialized study in criminology Helen T Greene professor of justice administration at Texas Southern University and Shaun L Gabbidon professor of criminal justice at Pennsylvania State University note that many criminology and criminal justice programs now either require or offer elective courses on the topic of the relationship between race and crime 122 Modern theories of causation Conflict theory Further information Conflict theory Conflict criminology and Marxist criminology Conflict theory is considered one of the most popular theoretical frameworks among race and crime scholars 123 Rather than one monolithic theory conflict theory represents a group of closely related theories which operate on a common set of fundamental assumptions 124 As a general theory of criminal behavior conflict theory proposes that crime is an inevitable consequence of the conflict which arises between competing groups within society Such groups can be defined through a number of factors including class economic status religion language ethnicity race or any combination thereof Further conflict theory proposes that crime could be largely eliminated if the structure of society were to be changed 125 The form of conflict theory which emphasizes the role of economics being heavily influenced by the work of Karl Marx and sometimes referred to as Marxist criminology views crime as a natural response to the inequality arising from the competition inherent in capitalist society 126 Sociologists and criminologists emphasizing this aspect of social conflict argue that in a competitive society in which there is an inequality in the distribution of goods those groups with limited or restricted access to goods will be more likely to turn to crime Dutch criminologist Willem Adriaan Bonger one of the first scholars to apply the principles of economic determinism to the issue of crime argued that such inequality as found in capitalism was ultimately responsible for the manifestation of crime at all levels of society particularly among the poor Though this line of thinking has been criticized for requiring the establishment of a utopian socialist society 127 the notion that the disproportionality observed in minority representation in crime rate statistics could be understood as the result of systematic economic disadvantage found its way into many of the theories developed in subsequent generations Culture conflict theory derived from the pioneering work of sociologist Thorsten Sellin emphasizes the role of culturally accepted norms of conduct in the formation of cultural groups and the conflicts which arise through their interaction Culture conflict theory argues that the group with the most power in any society ensures that their values traditions and behaviors which Sellin referred to as conduct norms are those to which all other members of society are forced to conform and any actions which conflict with the interests of the dominant group are identified as deviant and or criminal in nature Sellin s original ideas continued to be developed throughout the 20th century most notably by George Vold in the 1950s and Austin Turk in the 1960s and continue to influence the contemporary debate 128 The recent work of Gregory J Howard Joshua D Freilich and Graeme R Newman applies culture conflict theory to the issue of immigrant and minority crime around the world According to their research while culturally homogeneous groups experience little to no cultural conflict as all the members share the same set of conduct norms culturally heterogeneous groups such as modern industrial nations with large immigrant populations display heightened competition between sets of cultural norms which in turn leads to an increase in violence and crime Societies which have high levels of cultural diversity in their population it is claimed are more likely to have higher rates of violent crime 128 According to conflict theorists such as Marvin Wolfgang Hubert Blalock and William Chambliss the disproportionate representation of racial minorities in crime statistics and in the prison population is the result of race and class motivated disparities in arrests prosecutions and sentencing rather than differences in actual participation in criminal activity an approach which has also been taken by proponents of critical race theory 129 This line of argumentation is generally seen as part of a wider approach to race related issues referred to as the Discrimination Thesis which assumes that differences in the treatment received by people of minority racial background in a number of public institutions including the criminal justice education and health care systems is the result of overt racial discrimination Opposed to this view is the Non Discrimination Thesis which seeks to defend these institutions from such accusations 130 At the time it was first proposed conflict theory was considered outside the mainstream of more established criminological theories such as strain theory social disorganization theory and differential association theory 131 Barbara D Warner associate professor of criminal justice and police studies at Eastern Kentucky University notes that conflict theory has been the subject of increasing criticism in recent years Recent studies claim that while there may have been real sentencing differences related to non legal characteristics such as race in the 1960s sentencing discrimination as described by the conflict theorists at that time no longer exists Criticism has also pointed to the lack of testability of the general theory 127 While much research has been done to correlate race income level and crime frequency typically of less serious criminal behavior such as theft or larceny research has shown there to be no significant correlation between race income level and crime seriousness Thus conflict theory encounters difficulties in attempting to account for the high levels of violent crime such as murder homicide and rape in minority populations 132 Strain anomie theory Further information Strain theory sociology and Anomie Strain theory which is largely derived from the work of Robert K Merton in the 1930s and 1940s argues that social structures within society which lead to inequality and deprivation in segments of its population indirectly encourage those segments to commit crime According to strain theory differences in crime rates between races are the result of real differences in behavior but to be understood as an attempt to alleviate either absolute or relative deprivation and adapt to the existing opportunity structure 133 A more recent approach to strain theory was proposed by Steven F Messner and Richard Rosenfeld in the 1990s In their version of the theory which they refer to as institutional anomie theory Messner and Rosenfeld argue that the dominance of materialistic concerns and measurements of success manifested in the American Dream weakens the effectiveness of informal social control mechanisms and support processes which encourages economic gain by any means legal or illegal In those segments of the population which experience the greatest relative deprivation therefore there is readiness to turn to crime to overcome inequality and eliminate relative deprivation 134 Critics of strain theory point to its weaknesses when compared with actual criminal behavior patterns Michael R Gottfredson and Travis Hirschi argue that strain theory misconstrue s the nature of the criminal act supplying it with virtues it does not possess They further point out that while strain theory suggests that criminals should tend to target people in a more advantageous economic situation than themselves they more often victimize individuals who live in the same economic circumstances 135 General strain theory Main article General strain theory Multiple studies have found evidence that Agnew s general strain theory explains much of the difference in crime between blacks and whites 136 137 138 Social disorganization theory Further information Social disorganization theory Social disorganization theory proposes that high rates of crime are largely the result of a heterogeneous and impoverished social ecology 139 Proponents of the theory point to the process of urban decay as a major contributing factor to the breakdown of healthy urban communities which would normally curb the spread of many forms of criminal behavior The diversity of minority cultures present in poverty stricken neighborhoods prevents the formation of strong social bonds and leaves inhabitants uninterested in maintaining positive community relationships This has been observed to increase the likelihood of crime in certain urban areas which can lead to increased policing and a further breakdown of familial structures as a result of arrests which in turn precipitates more crime Social disorganization theory has been instrumental in establishing the notion that stable culturally homogeneous communities have lower rates of delinquency and crime regardless of race 140 Macrostructural opportunity theory Phillippia Simmons reports that many of the studies which have investigated intra and interracial crime seek to explain this through a theory of macrostructural opportunity which states that interracial violence is primarily a function of opportunity and access 141 According to this theory intraracial crime rates remain relatively high due to the fact that much of the US remains residentially segregated She notes that this theory predicts that if residential areas were more racially integrated intraracial crime would decrease and interracial crime would increase correspondingly However she also notes that not all researchers on the topic of intraracial crime agree with this result with some pointing to other macrostructural factors such as income and education which may negate the effect of race on inter and intraracial crime 141 Anthony Walsh criticizes the attempt to use the macrostructural opportunity model to explain interracial rape as has been done in studies conducted in the past few decades pointing out that such a defense is directly contradicted by the data related to homicide Walsh argues that the macrostructural opportunity model helps explain why black murderers almost always choose black victims 142 There are disparities in rates of reporting rape where victims of some races are statistically less likely or more likely to report their rape especially depending on the race of the offender Black women in America are more likely to report sexual assault that has been perpetrated by a stranger 143 144 Black women are more likely to under report rapes overall as they are more likely to blame themselves feel they will be blamed or feel they will not be believed 145 Social control theory Further information Social control theory Social control theory which is among the most popular theories in criminology 146 proposes that crime is most commonly perpetrated by individuals who lack strong bonds or connections with their social environment 147 Based upon Travis Hirschi s Causes of Delinquency 1969 social bonding theory pioneered the notion that criminologists can gain useful insight into the motives behind criminal behavior by examining what normally motivates individuals to refrain from crime From this it is argued that in those segments of the population where such motivation is lacking crime will be more prevalent Hirschi was explicit in mentioning that he believed his theory held true across all racial boundaries and subsequent research both in the US and abroad seems to confirm this belief 148 The core idea of social control theory is elaborated upon in several other theories of causation particularly social disorganization theory Subculture of violence theory Further information Subcultural theory As a theory of criminal behavior subculture of violence theory claims that certain groups or subcultures exist in society in which violence is viewed as an appropriate response to what in the context of that subculture are perceived as threatening situations Building upon the work of cultural anthropologist Walter B Miller s focal concerns theory which focused on the social mechanisms behind delinquency in adolescents sociologists Marvin Wolfgang and Franco Ferracuti proposed that the disproportionally high rate of crime among African Americans could be explained by their possessing a unique racial subculture in which violence is experienced and perceived in a manner different from that commonly observed in mainstream American culture 149 As to the origins of this subculture of violence among African Americans sociologists promoting the theory have pointed towards their Southern heritage As noted in several studies conducted throughout the 1960s and 1970s there is a traditional north south discrepancy in the distribution of homicide in the US regardless of race and this it was argued indicates that lower class Southern blacks and Whites share the same subculture of violence 150 The empirical basis for the subculture of violence theory however has been described as extremely limited and unpersuasive 150 Very little has been done to attempt an adequate assessment of supposedly criminogenic subcultural values and several studies conducted in the late 1970s claimed to falsify the assumptions upon which the subculture of violence theory depends 150 More recently scholars have criticized the theory as potentially racist in nature in its implication of one given ethnicity or culture supposedly being less fit for or less worthy of being qualified as civilized the built in implication of which in turn would denote stereotypically white behavior as an objective norm for all societies to follow 151 The hypothesis was reconsidered recently by Barry Latzer who suggested that black Americans had inherited a subculture of violence from white Southern American honor culture who themselves had developed that culture from the brutal and lawless border region of northern Britain and that difference in crime rates could be partially explained by this contemporary manifestation of Southern honor culture 152 153 Latzer s argument was criticized by German Lopez for not adequately demonstrating the alleged causality between culture and crime and for not accounting for the decrease in crime rates in the 20th century or clearly defining the limits of what would constitute culture for the purposes of Latzer s argument 154 See also nbsp United States portal nbsp Law portalCrime in the United States Illegal immigration to the United States and crime Incarceration in the United States Race and crime Race and intelligence Race and inequality in the United States Race and the War on Drugs Race in the United States Race in the United States criminal justice system Racial bias in criminal news Racial profiling in the United States Racial formation theoryReferences Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a ix x Gabbidon amp Greene 2005b 37 Krivo Lauren J Peterson Ruth D 2000 The Structural Context of Homicide Accounting for Racial Differences in Process American Sociological Review 65 4 547 559 doi 10 2307 2657382 ISSN 0003 1224 JSTOR 2657382 Ulmer Jeffery T Harris Casey T Steffensmeier Darrell 2012 Racial and Ethnic Disparities in 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3348344 Arnold David Dobbie Will Yang Crystal S 2018 Racial Bias in Bail Decisions The Quarterly Journal of Economics 133 4 1885 1932 doi 10 1093 qje qjy012 S2CID 13703268 a b Pierson Emma Simoiu Camelia Overgoor Jan Corbett Davies Sam Jenson Daniel Shoemaker Amy Ramachandran Vignesh Barghouty Phoebe Phillips Cheryl Shroff Ravi Goel Sharad May 4 2020 A large scale analysis of racial disparities in police stops across the United States Nature Human Behaviour 4 7 736 745 arXiv 1706 05678 doi 10 1038 s41562 020 0858 1 ISSN 2397 3374 PMID 32367028 Black men sentenced to more time for committing the exact same crime as a white person study finds washingtonpost com Archived from the original on November 16 2017 Retrieved November 23 2017 Hanna Jason Park Madison January 13 2017 Chicago police use excessive force DOJ finds CNN Retrieved January 13 2017 Williams Suzanne Ife Police brutality case study of Philadelphia Move OCLC 84480572 Balto Simon 2019 Occupied Territory Policing Black Chicago from Red Summer to Black Power University of North Carolina Press doi 10 5149 northcarolina 9781469649597 001 0001 ISBN 9781469649597 S2CID 242994510 Ralph Laurence 2020 The Torture Letters University of Chicago Press doi 10 7208 chicago 9780226650128 001 0001 ISBN 978 0 226 65012 8 S2CID 166340526 Felker Kantor Max 2018 Policing Los Angeles Race Resistance and the Rise of the LAPD University of North Carolina Press doi 10 5149 northcarolina 9781469646831 001 0001 ISBN 9781469646831 S2CID 239813851 Smith Troy L Stop using Black on Black crime to deflect away from police brutality cleveland com Retrieved June 16 2020 Smith Troy L The Police and Public Discourse on Black on Black Violence PDF Harvard Kennedy School Retrieved June 16 2020 Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 42 Holms Maahs amp Vito 2007 35 36 See also Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 35 38 For more information on the UCR program see UCR Data Quality Guidelines at www fbi gov For a detailed discussion of the limitations and weaknesses of the UCR program see Mosher Miethe amp Phillips 2002 Regardless of the limitations one must consider that these are facts reported by law enforcement agencies and are typically more accurate than independent reporting Holms Maahs amp Vito 2007 37 See also Myrdal 1988 88 89 Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 39 Free 2009 164 Holms Maahs amp Vito 2007 37 See also Mann 1993 27 34 Free 2009 164 Holms Maahs amp Vito 2007 37 See also Mann 1993 28 29 The War on Marijuana Has a Latino Data Problem American Civil Liberties Union June 14 2013 Retrieved December 6 2015 Holms Maahs amp Vito 2007 37 39 See also Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 37 38 Holmes Maahs amp Vito 2007 39 43 See also Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 38 39 For a detailed discussion of the limitations and weaknesses of the NCVS program see Mosher Miethe amp Phillips 2002 See also Mann 1993 30 32 a b Holms Maahs amp Vito 2007 43 Hart amp Rennison 2003 3 Holmes Maahs amp Vito 2007 39 Rand 2009 1 Walsh 2004 29 For a survey of data from 1973 1992 see Zawitz et al 1993 23 for 1993 1998 see Rennison 2001 10 SpearIt April 2 2015 How Mass Incarceration Underdevelops Latino Communities Rochester NY Social Science Research Network SSRN 2589112 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help About the Uniform Crime Reporting UCR Program Federal Bureau of Investigation Retrieved October 14 2022 Demographics cloud optimism on black violent crime decrease Penn State News Retrieved March 28 2011 FBI Table 43a Fbi gov September 19 2011 Retrieved August 15 2013 Estimates and Projections by Age Sex Race Ethnicity The 2012 Statistical Abstract U S Census Bureau Census gov Retrieved August 15 2013 Data Finder Health United States Products www cdc gov March 31 2020 Retrieved September 27 2020 Justice National Center for Juvenile Crosstabulations of Known Murder Offenders www ojjdp gov Retrieved September 27 2020 Expanded Homicide Data Table 3 Murder Offenders by Age Sex Race and Ethnicity 2019 FBI gov 2020 Retrieved September 11 2022 Expanded Homicide Data 2019 FBI Expanded Homicide Data Table 2 Murder Victims by Age Sex Race and Ethnicity 2019 FBI gov 2020 Retrieved August 4 2021 Expanded Homicide Data Table 6 Race Sex and Ethnicity of Victim by Race Sex and Ethnicity of Offender 2019 FBI gov 2020 Retrieved March 21 2021 WISQARS Nonfatal Injury Reports webappa cdc gov December 2 2021 Supplementary Homicide Report 1976 2018 Murder Accountability Project Retrieved May 31 2020 Table 43 FBI Unnever James 2011 A Theory of African American Offending Race Racism and Crime Routledge p 2 ISBN 978 1136809217 Flaherty Brendan Sethi Rajiv December 23 2004 Racial Stereotypes and Robbery Columbia University 2 3 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help United States Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs Bureau of Justice Statistics National Crime Victimization Survey Unbounded Data 2002 umich edu Hindelang Michael J February 1978 Race and Involvement in Common Law Personal Crimes American Sociological Review 43 1 93 109 doi 10 2307 2094764 JSTOR 2094764 Sampson Robert J Lauritsen Janet L 1997 Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Crime and Criminal Justice in the United States Crime and Justice 21 311 374 doi 10 1086 449253 JSTOR 1147634 S2CID 215513875 Fisher Bonnie 2010 Encyclopedia of Victimology and Crime Prevention Volume 1 p 67 ISBN 978 1412960472 Bennett Wayne 2006 Criminal Investigation Cengage Learning p 358 ISBN 978 0495093404 Carjacking 1993 2002 PDF p 2 National Gang Center Retrieved October 14 2022 National Youth Gang Survey Analysis Demographics ojp gov Retrieved October 14 2022 A Rising Share Hispanics and Federal Crime Pew Hispanic Center 2009 Mark Hugo Lopez Hate Crime Statistics fbi gov Retrieved October 14 2022 Known Offender s Race Ethnicity and Age 2019 FBI gov FBI Offense Type by Bias Motivation 2019 fbi gov Retrieved October 14 2022 a b c Handbook of Crime Correlates Lee Ellis Kevin M Beaver John Wright 2009 Academic Press Quillian Lillian Pager Devah November 2001 Black Neighbors Higher Crime The Role of Racial Stereotypes in Evaluations of Neighborhood Crime PDF American Journal of Sociology 107 3 717 doi 10 1086 338938 S2CID 19532049 Steffensmeier D Feldmeyer B Harris C T Ulmer J T 2011 Reassessing Trends in Black Violent Crime 1980 2008 Sorting Out the Hispanic Effect in Uniform Crime Reports Arrests National Crime Victimization Survey Offender Estimates and U s Prisoner Counts Criminology 49 197 251 doi 10 1111 j 1745 9125 2010 00222 x Archived copy PDF Archived from the original PDF on June 10 2021 Retrieved February 8 2021 a href Template Cite web html title Template Cite web cite web a CS1 maint archived copy as title link Racial disparities in US prisons decline study www aa com tr a b https www bjs gov content pub pdf p19 pdf bare URL PDF https www bjs gov content pub pdf p09 pdf bare URL PDF https www bjs gov content pub pdf ji18 pdf bare URL PDF WISQARS Fatal Injury Reports webappa cdc gov December 2 2021 J Intravia KT Wolff EA Stewart RL Simons 2014 Neighborhood level differences in police discrimination and subcultural violence A multilevel examination of adopting the code of the street Journal of Crime and Justice 37 1 42 60 doi 10 1080 0735648X 2013 832480 S2CID 144926935 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a CS1 maint multiple names authors list link Warren Patricia Y Tomaskovic Devey Donald May 1 2009 Racial profiling and searches Did the politics of racial profiling change police behavior Criminology amp Public Policy 8 2 343 369 doi 10 1111 j 1745 9133 2009 00556 x a b West Jeremy February 2018 Racial Bias in Police Investigations PDF Working Paper Donohue III John J Levitt Steven D January 1 2001 The Impact of Race on Policing and Arrests The Journal of Law amp Economics 44 2 367 394 CiteSeerX 10 1 1 381 8047 doi 10 1086 322810 JSTOR 10 1086 322810 S2CID 1547854 Gary Johnson s bungled claims about racial disparities in crime Washington Post Retrieved January 21 2017 Analysis What data on 20 million traffic stops can tell us about driving while black Washington Post Retrieved July 17 2018 Baumgartner Frank R Epp Derek A Shoub Kelsey July 10 2018 Suspect Citizens Cambridge University Press doi 10 1017 9781108553599 ISBN 9781108553599 S2CID 158379135 Bose Amartya Racial disparities in law enforcement The role of in group bias and electoral pressures 2020 Braun Michael Rosenthal Jeremy Therrian Kyle 2018 Police Discretion and Racial Disparity in Organized Retail Theft Arrests Evidence from Texas Journal of Empirical Legal Studies 15 4 916 950 doi 10 1111 jels 12201 ISSN 1740 1461 S2CID 158361514 Bulman George 2019 Law Enforcement Leaders and the Racial Composition of Arrests Economic Inquiry 57 4 1842 1858 doi 10 1111 ecin 12800 ISSN 1465 7295 S2CID 3616622 a b Federal study confirms racial bias of many facial recognition systems casts doubt on their expanding use The Washington Post 2019 a b Hester Neil Gray Kurt February 21 2018 For Black men being tall increases threat stereotyping and police stops Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115 11 2711 2715 doi 10 1073 pnas 1714454115 ISSN 0027 8424 PMC 5856523 PMID 29483263 Aliprantis Dionissi September 14 2016 Human capital in the inner city Empirical Economics 53 3 1125 1169 CiteSeerX 10 1 1 309 2417 doi 10 1007 s00181 016 1160 y ISSN 0377 7332 S2CID 17532623 Cazenave Noel A Straus Murray A 2019 Race Class Network Embeddedness and Family Violence A Search for Potent Support Systems EBSCO Industries Inc pp 281 300 Frederick John Goddard Chris 2007 Exploring the relationship between poverty childhood adversity and child abuse from the perspective of adulthood Child Abuse Review 16 5 323 341 doi 10 1002 car 971 ISSN 1099 0852 Exposed to Violence Retrieved 11 October 2023 a b Aizer Anna February 2008 Neighborhood Violence and Urban Youth PDF The National Bureau of Economic Research a b c Leslie Emily Pope Nolan G August 1 2017 The Unintended Impact of Pretrial Detention on Case Outcomes Evidence from New York City Arraignments PDF The Journal of Law and Economics 60 3 529 557 doi 10 1086 695285 ISSN 0022 2186 S2CID 158123897 Sampson Robert J September 1987 Urban Black Violence The Effect of Male Joblessness and Family Disruption American Journal of Sociology 93 2 348 382 doi 10 1086 228748 JSTOR 2779588 S2CID 144729803 Sampson Robert J Morenoff Jeffrey D Raudenbush Stephen February 2005 Social Anatomy of Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Violence American Journal of Public Health 95 2 224 232 doi 10 2105 AJPH 2004 037705 PMC 1449156 PMID 15671454 Phillips Julie A August 2002 White Black and Latino Homicide Rates Why the Difference Social Problems 49 3 349 373 doi 10 1525 sp 2002 49 3 349 Kirk David S 2008 The Neighborhood Context of Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Arrest Demography 45 1 55 77 doi 10 1353 dem 2008 0011 PMC 2831379 PMID 18390291 Wright B R E Younts C W May 26 2009 Reconsidering the Relationship between Race and Crime Positive and Negative Predictors of Crime among African American Youth Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 46 3 327 352 doi 10 1177 0022427809335170 S2CID 145402735 Velez Maria B Krivo Lauren J Peterson Ruth D August 1 2003 Structural Inequality and Homicide An Assessment of the Black White Gap in Killings Criminology 41 3 645 672 doi 10 1111 j 1745 9125 2003 tb01000 x ISSN 1745 9125 a b critcrim org critcrim org October 20 2000 Retrieved August 15 2013 a b Dunaway R Gregory Cullen Francis T Burton Velmer S Evans T David March 7 2006 The Myth of Social Class and Crime Revisited An Examination of Class and Adult Criminality Criminology 38 2 589 632 doi 10 1111 j 1745 9125 2000 tb00900 x Krivo Lauren J Peterson Ruth D December 1 1996 Extremely Disadvantaged Neighborhoods and Urban Crime Social Forces 75 2 619 648 doi 10 1093 sf 75 2 619 McNULTY THOMAS L BELLAIR PAUL E August 2003 Explaining Racial and Ethnic Differences in Serious Adolescent Violent Behavior Criminology 41 3 709 747 doi 10 1111 j 1745 9125 2003 tb01002 x McNulty Thomas L Bellair Paul E March 2003 Explaining racial and ethnic differences in adolescent violence Structural disadvantage family well being and social capital Justice Quarterly 20 1 1 31 doi 10 1080 07418820300095441 S2CID 146377723 Shihadeh E S Flynn N June 1 1996 Segregation and Crime The Effect of Black Social Isolation on the Rates of Black Urban Violence Social Forces 74 4 1325 1352 doi 10 1093 sf 74 4 1325 Eitle David January 2009 Dimensions of racial segregation hypersegregation and Black homicide rates Journal of Criminal Justice 37 1 28 36 doi 10 1016 j jcrimjus 2008 12 005 Lee Matthew R Ousey Graham C February 2005 Institutional Access Residential Segregation and Urban Black Homicide Sociological Inquiry 75 1 31 54 doi 10 1111 j 1475 682X 2005 00111 x Peterson Ruth D Krivo Lauren J September 1 1999 Racial Segregation the Concentration of Disadvantage and Black and White Homicide Victimization Sociological Forum 14 3 465 493 doi 10 1023 A 1021451703612 ISSN 0884 8971 S2CID 142664553 Feldmeyer Ben September 1 2010 The Effects of Racial Ethnic Segregation on Latino and Black Homicide Sociological Quarterly 51 4 600 623 doi 10 1111 j 1533 8525 2010 01185 x ISSN 1533 8525 PMID 20939127 S2CID 19551967 Massey Douglas GETTING AWAY WITH MURDER SEGREGATION AND VIOLENT CRIME IN URBAN AMERICA Jarjoura Roger June 2002 Growing Up Poor Examining the Link Between Persistent Childhood Poverty and Delinquency Journal of Quantitative Criminology 18 2 159 187 doi 10 1023 A 1015206715838 S2CID 140734860 Haggerty Kevin P Skinner Martie L McGlynn Anne Catalano Richard F Crutchfield Robert D 2013 Parent and Peer Predictors of Violent Behavior of Black and White Teens Violence and Victims 28 1 145 160 doi 10 1891 0886 6708 28 1 145 ISSN 0886 6708 PMC 3767568 PMID 23520837 See Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 31 53 Gabbidon 2007 4 See Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 31 33 Walsh 2004 19 36 Wright 2009 143 144 O Patterson Rituals of Blood 1998 ix as quoted in Walsh 2004 vii See Gabbidon amp Greene 2009 xxvii xxviii Bowling amp Phillips 2002 57 and Race Conceptions and Misconceptions Retrieved 14 October 2023 Du Bois 2005 5 Gabbidon amp Greene 2009 xxvii Gabbidon 2007 171 For an overview of conflict theory in race and crime studies see Gabbidon 2007 141 177 Henderson 2009 174 175 For an overview see Gabbidon 2007 141 177 See Gabbidon 2007 155 171 Gabbidon 2007 141 a b Gabbidon 2007 171 a b Gabbidon 2007 148 151 Delgado amp Stafancic 2001 113 114 For a brief overview see Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 83 84 Sims 2009 142 Warner 1989 71 72 Oliver 2000 283 See also Gottfredson amp Hirschi 1990 152 Oliver 2000 283 Gottfredson amp Hirschi 1990 152 Jang Sung Joon Johnson Byron R 2003 Strain Negative Emotions and Deviant Coping Among African Americans A Test of General Strain Theory Journal of Quantitative Criminology 19 1 79 105 doi 10 1023 A 1022570729068 S2CID 73553646 Leeper Piquero N Sealock M D April 22 2010 Race Crime and General Strain Theory Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice 8 3 170 186 doi 10 1177 1541204009361174 S2CID 144621182 Piquero Nicole Leeper Sealock Miriam D August 22 2006 Generalizing general strain theory An examination of an offending population Justice Quarterly 17 3 449 484 doi 10 1080 07418820000094631 S2CID 144477992 Guerrero 2009 762 Guerrero 2009 763 a b Simmons 2009 398 Walsh 2004 24 25 Furtado C Perceptions of Rape Cultural Gender and Ethnic Differences Sex Crimes and Paraphilia Hickey E W 385 395 Rape and Sexual Assault Statistics Extracted from Criminal Victimization in the United States 1994 Report Summarized by Betty Caponera Ph D Director NMCSAAS Nmcsap org Archived from the original on October 11 2014 Retrieved October 8 2014 Barrett Kimberly George William H 2005 Race culture psychology and law By Kimberly Barrett William George pg 396 ISBN 9780761926627 Retrieved October 8 2014 Higgins 2009 761 Gabbidon 2007 187 For an overview see Higgins 2009 759 762 Gabbidon 2007 187 192 Covington 1995 182 183 The work referred to is The Subculture of Violence Towards an Integrated Theory in Criminology by Wolfgang amp Ferracuti 1967 See also Hawkins 1983 247 248 Gabbidon amp Greene 2005a 75 78 For a general review see Gabbidon 2007 91 100 Clevenger 2009 780 783 a b c Hawkins 1983 248 See Gabbidon 2007 99 Latzer Barry The Rise and Fall of Violent Crime in America Encounter Books 2016 ISBN 9781594039294 Latzer Barry Subcultures of violence and African American crime rates Journal of Criminal Justice 54 2018 41 49 Lopez German Confronting the myth that black culture is responsible for violent crime in America Vox September 1 2016BibliographyBarak Gregg Flavin Jeanne Leighton Paul 2007 Class Race Gender and Crime The Social Realities of Justice in America Maryland Rowman amp Littlefield ISBN 978 0 7425 4688 2 Bonger Willem Adriaan Hordyk Margaret Mathews 1943 Race and Crime 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Philippe 1995 Race Evolution and Behavior A Life History Approach New Brunswick Transaction Publishers ISBN 978 1 56000 146 1 Russell Brown Katheryn 2004 Underground Codes Race Crime and Related Fires New York New York University Press ISBN 0 8147 7540 3 Russell Brown Katheryn 2006 Protecting Our Own Race Crime and African Americans Maryland Rowman amp Littlefield ISBN 978 0 7425 4571 7 Sabol William J West Heather C 2009 Prison Inmates at Midyear 2008 Statistical Tables PDF Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin Special Report NCJ 225619 United States Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics Archived from the original PDF on February 24 2013 Retrieved February 24 2010 a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help Sampson Robert J Wilson William J 2005b Towards a Theory of Race Crime and Urban Inequality In Gabbidon Shaun L Greene Helen T eds Race Crime and Justice A Reader New York Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 94707 7 Siegel Larry J 2009 Criminology 10th Edition Belmont Thomson Higher Education ISBN 0 495 39102 6 Simmons Phllippia 2009 Intraracial Crime in Gabiddon Shaun L Greene Helen T 2009 Encyclopedia of Race and Crime London SAGE Publications ISBN 978 1 4129 5085 5 Sims Barbara 2009 Conflict Theory in Gabiddon Shaun L Greene Helen T 2009 Encyclopedia of Race and Crime London SAGE Publications ISBN 978 1 4129 5085 5 Tubman Carbone Heather R 2009 Biological Theories In Gabbidon Shaun L Greene Helen T eds Encyclopedia of Race and Crime Citations Thousand Oaks Sage Publications pp 50 54 ISBN 978 1 4129 5085 5 Walsh Anthony 1995 Biosociology An Emerging Paradigm Westport Praeger Publishers Greenwood ISBN 0 275 95328 9 Walsh Anthony 2004 Race and Crime A Biosocial Analysis Hauppauge Nova Science Publishers ISBN 978 1 59033 970 1 Walsh Anthony Beaver Kevin M 2009 Introduction to Biosocial Criminology in Beaver Kevin M Walsh Anthony 2009 Biosocial Criminology New Directions in Theory and Research New York Routledge ISBN 0 415 98943 4 Warner Barbara D 1989 The Reporting of Crime A Missing Link in Conflict Theory in Liska Allen E 1992 Social Threat and Social Control Albany SUNY Press ISBN 0 7914 0903 1 Welch Kelly 2007 Black Criminal Stereotypes and Racial Profiling Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 23 3 276 288 doi 10 1177 1043986207306870 S2CID 146764775 Whitney Glayde Taylor Jared 1999 Crime and Racial Profiling by U S Police Is There an Empirical Basis in Gabbidon Shaun L Greene Helen T 2005 Race Crime and Justice A Reader New York Routledge ISBN 0 415 94707 3 Wright John D 2002 Race and Crime Broomall Mason Crest Publishers ISBN 978 1 59084 378 9 Wright John P 2009 Inconvenient Truths Science Race and Crime In Beaver Kevin M Walsh Anthony eds Biosocial Criminology New Directions in Theory and Research New York Routledge ISBN 978 0 415 98943 5 Zawitz Marianna W 1993 Highlights from 20 Years of Surveying Crime Victims The National Crime Victimization Survey 1973 1992 PDF Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin Special Report NCJ 144525 United States Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics a href Template Cite journal html title Template Cite journal cite journal a Cite journal requires journal help External linksThe Center on Race Crime and Justice John Jay College of Criminal Justice National Archive of Criminal Justice Data Bureau of Justice Statistics Publications Uniform Crime Reports Federal Bureau of Investigation Bureau of Justice Statistics US Department of Justice Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Race and crime in the United States amp oldid 1205848160, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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