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Qatna

February 16, 2024

Qatna (modern: Arabic: تل المشرفة, Tell al-Mishrifeh) (also Tell Misrife or Tell Mishrifeh) was an ancient city located in Homs Governorate, Syria. Its remains constitute a tell situated about 18 km (11 mi) northeast of Homs near the village of al-Mishrifeh. The city was an important center through most of the second millennium BC and in the first half of the first millennium BC. It contained one of the largest royal palaces of Bronze Age Syria and an intact royal tomb that has provided a great amount of archaeological evidence on the funerary habits of that period.

Qatna
A satellite image of Qatna with the archaeological sites marked
Qatna
Shown within Syria
Alternative nameTell el-Mishrife
تل المشرفة
Locational-Mishrifeh, Homs Governorate, Syria
Coordinates34°50′06″N 36°51′57″E / 34.83500°N 36.86583°E / 34.83500; 36.86583
TypeSettlement
History
Foundedc. 3300 BC
Abandoned1982 AD
PeriodsBronze Age, Iron Age
CulturesAmorite, Aramean
Site notes
Excavation dates1924, 1927–1929, 1994, 1999–2011
ArchaeologistsRobert du Mesnil du Buisson, Michel Al-Maqdissi, Daniele Morandi Bonacossi and Peter Pfälzner
ConditionRuined
OwnershipPublic
Public accessYes
Websitehttp://www.qatna.de/

First inhabited for a short period in the second half of the fourth millennium BC, it was repopulated around 2800 BC and continued to grow. By 2000 BC, it became the capital of a regional kingdom that spread its authority over large swaths of the central and southern Levant. The kingdom enjoyed good relations with Mari, but was engaged in constant warfare against Yamhad. By the 15th century BC, Qatna lost its hegemony and came under the authority of Mitanni. It later changed hands between the former and Egypt, until it was conquered and sacked by the Hittites in the late 14th century BC. Following its destruction, the city was reduced in size before being abandoned by the 13th century BC. It was resettled in the 10th century BC, becoming a center of the kingdoms of Palistin then Hamath until it was destroyed by the Assyrians in 720 BC, which reduced it to a small village that eventually disappeared in the 6th century BC. In the 19th century AD, the site was populated by villagers who were evacuated into the newly built village of al-Mishrifeh in 1982. The site has been excavated since the 1920s.

Qatna was inhabited by different peoples, most importantly the Amorites, who established the kingdom, followed by the Arameans; Hurrians became part of the society in the 15th century BC and influenced Qatna's written language. The city's art is distinctive and shows signs of contact with different surrounding regions. The artifacts of Qatna show high-quality workmanship. The city's religion was complex and based on many cults in which ancestor worship played an important role. Qatna's location in the middle of the Near East trade networks helped it achieve wealth and prosperity; it traded with regions as far away as the Baltic and Afghanistan. The area surrounding Qatna was fertile, with abundant water, which made the lands suitable for grazing and supported a large population that contributed to the prosperity of the city.

Etymology edit

Third millennium texts do not mention the name Qatna;[1] the archive of Ebla mentions the toponym "Gudadanum" (or "Ga-da-nu"),[2][3] which has been identified with Qatna by some scholars, such as Giovanni Pettinato and Michael Astour,[4][5] but this is debated.[1]

Aside from an obscure passage in the 20th-century BC Egyptian Story of Sinuhe, where the name Qatna is not clearly mentioned,[6] the earliest occurrence of the name comes from the Middle Bronze Age archive of Mari, where the city is mentioned as "Qatanum",[6] an Akkadianized format (ālQa-ta-nimki).[7][8] In Alalakh, the name "Qa-ta-na" was used,[9][10] an Amorite format that was shortened into Qatna during the Late Bronze Age.[7][5] The name is Semitic;[11] it derives from the root q-ṭ-n, meaning "thin" or "narrow" in a number of Semitic languages such as Akkadian, Syriac, and Ethiopian.[2] "Ga-da-nu" from the Eblaite archive may also derive from that root.[2] The toponym "Qatna" is strictly related to waterways and lakes;[2] this could be a reference to the artificial narrowing that created a lake from the springs located southwest of the city, since Qatna grew on the eastern shore of a now dried-up lake.[11]

Site edit

 
The region of Qatna

The city is located in the countryside, 18 km (11 mi) north of Homs.[12] It was founded on a limestone plateau,[13] and its extensive remains suggest fertile surroundings with abundant water, which is not the case in modern times.[14] Three northward flowing tributary wadis (Mydan, Zorat and Slik) of the Orontes River cross the region of Qatna,[15] enclosing an area 26 km (16 mi) north–south and 19 km (12 mi) east–west.[14] The city lay along the central wadi (Zorat),[15] surrounded by at least twenty five satellite settlements, most of them along the Mydan (marking the eastern border of the region) and Slik (marking the western border of the region) wadis.[15][16] The wadis are now dry most of the year, but during the rainy season their discharge is disproportional to the size of their valleys, suggesting that the region was much more humid and water was more abundant in the past.[15] The early city, dating to the Early Bronze Age IV (2200–2100 BC), was built in a circular plan;[17] this circular site became the upper city (acropolis) of Qatna's later phases and was surrounded by a lower rectangular city.[18]

Qatna's landmarks edit

Palaces edit

 
The royal palace (area H)
  • Building 8. The structure is dated to the transition period between the third and second millennia BC, and was abandoned in the late Middle Bronze Age II (1800–1600 BC).[19] Its walls, which are still preserved, are 7.5 metres (25 ft) tall and 4 metres (13 ft) wide.[19] The function of the building is not known, but its monumental nature and location on the upper city's summit, plus the existence of a pair of royal statues in it, suggest that it might have been a royal palace, especially since it preceded the erection of the main Royal palace of Qatna.[19] In the 1970s, a concrete water tower was built to supply the modern village of al-Mushrifah; the new structure destroyed the eastern and northern walls of the building.[20]
  • The royal palace. Covering an area of 16,000 square metres (170,000 sq ft), it was the biggest palace in the Levant of its time.[21] The palace's northeastern part consisted of two stories,[22] as did the northwestern wing.[23] In total, the first story contained at least eighty rooms.[24] Compared to other palaces of the era in the region, such as the Royal Palace of Mari, Qatna's palace was gigantic,[25] including massive halls such as hall C, formerly known as the temple of Belet-Ekallim (Ninegal),[note 1][28] which was 1,300 square metres (14,000 sq ft) in size,[22] and hall A, which was 820 square metres (8,800 sq ft) in size.[25] The palace was constructed during the Middle-to-Late Bronze Age transition period, c. 1600 BC,[note 2][30] in the northern part of the acropolis above an abandoned necropolis.[31]
  • The southern palace. Located immediately south of the royal palace, it had at least twenty rooms and concrete floors.[32] The structure is heavily damaged, making the dating of its construction difficult.[32]
  • The eastern palace. Located to the east of the royal palace in the upper city,[33] it is dated to the Middle Bronze Age II and consisted of at least one big courtyard and fifteen rooms.[11]
  • The lower city palace. Located in the northern part of the lower city, it was built in the 16th century BC.[34] It contains at least sixty rooms.[35]

Tombs edit

  • Tomb IV. This was discovered in the 1920s by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson;[36] he dated it to 2500–2400 BC, while Claude Frédéric-Armand Schaeffer assigned it to the period between 2200 and 1900 BC.[37] The tomb is a multi-chambered shaft burial, the only one of this kind in the city.[38]
  • The Middle Bronze Age necropolis, located near the northern edge of the upper city and heavily damaged by the royal palace constructed above it.[39] The necropolis contained three types of burials: simple graves bordered by bricks, cooking vessels, or shafts cut into the rocks.[40] The most notable shafts are tombs I, II, III and V.[41]
  • The Royal Hypogeum (tomb VI).[42] This is located 12 metres (39 ft) beneath the royal palace,[43] at the northern edge.[44] The tomb consists of four chambers cut in the bedrock beneath the palace's foundations,[45] and a corridor, 40 metres (130 ft) long, that connects it to hall A of the royal palace.[44] Four doors divide the corridor, which then takes a turn to the east and stops abruptly; an antechamber 5 metres (16 ft) beneath the floor of the corridor follows and a wooden stair is used to descend to it,[44] after which a door leads to the burial chambers.[46] The hypogeum was in use for around 350 years,[46] and bodies of both genders and different ages were interred in it;[47] a minimum of 19–24 individuals were found in the tomb.[48]
  • Tomb VII. This is located beneath the northwest wing of the royal palace.[49] It consists of an antechamber, and a double chamber shaped like a kidney.[23] The tomb contained at least 79 individuals, in a striking contrast with the much bigger tomb VI that contained far fewer remains.[48] Peter Pfälzner suggested that tomb VII was a place for re-burial; the very long period of the Royal Hypogeum's usage, meant that it needed to be cleared sometimes to make room for new interments and the older remains were thus transferred to tomb VII.[50]

Other landmarks edit

  • The walls. A large rampart surrounded Qatna reaching 18 metres (59 ft) in height and 60 metres (200 ft) to 90 metres (300 ft) in width at the base.[note 3][17] The rampart contained many gates,[note 4] and, according to a tablet from Qatna, the name of one of them was "(city) gate of the palace"; the royal palace lies east of the gate in the western rampart and might have been the palace named in the tablet.[52]
  • Mishrifeh Lake. Qatna grew on the shore of a lake that dried completely toward the end of the Bronze Age, in c. 1200 BC.[53] When the defenses were constructed, the northern and western parts of the rampart were built inside the lake, dividing it into an inner lake fed by a spring located in the northern foot of the upper city,[54] while the larger part locked outside the walls constituted a reservoir for the inhabitants.[55]

History edit

 
Qatna's archaeological phases

Chalcolithic edit

The site was first occupied during the Late Chalcolithic IV period (3300–3000 BC).[13][56] This early settlement was concentrated on the central part of the upper town; its function is unknown and it ended in the late fourth millennium BC.[note 5][13]

Early Bronze edit

After a hiatus of several centuries, the site was reoccupied around 2800 BC during the Early Bronze Age III.[13][56] The last two centuries of the third millennium BC saw widespread disruption of urban settlements in Syria and the abandonment of many cities;[57] however, Qatna seems to be an exception, as it continued to grow.[58] During the Early Bronze Age IV, Qatna reached a size of 25 ha (62 acres);[59] it included a dense residential quarter and facilities for the storage and processing of grains,[36] especially a large multi-roomed granary similar to the one in Tell Beydar.[60] The city may have been one of the urban centers of the Ib'al federation,[58] perhaps the center of a king or prince.[59] The early city occupied the acropolis, and none of its remains were found in the lower city.[59] Most of the small settlements surrounding Qatna, 1 ha (2.5 acres) to 2 ha (4.9 acres), appeared during this period; this might have been connected with the emergence of a central institution in the city.[61]

Kingdom of Qatna edit

Kingdom of Qatna
Qatna
c. 2000 BC–c. 1340/1334 BC
 
Qatna at its height in the eighteenth century BC
CapitalQatna
Common languagesAmorite language
Religion
ancient Levantine Religion
GovernmentMonarchy
Historical eraBronze Age
• Established
c. 2000 BC
• Disestablished
c. 1340/1334 BC
 Succeeded by
Today part ofSyria
Lebanon

In the Middle Bronze, the Kingdom of Qatna was established around 2000 BC.[62] At the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age I, the city expanded and covered an area of 110 ha (270 acres).[63] This growth reduced the number of the small settlements as people were drawn into the expanded metropolis.[58] It is probable that the earliest mention of "Qatna" by this name dates to the same period.[2] According to Thomas Schneider, a city named Qedem, mentioned in a controversial passage in the Story of Sinuhe dating to the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty of Egypt (early 20th century BC), is most probably to be identified with Qatna.[note 6][65] Qedem in the Egyptian text is written "Qdm",[65] and, in Egyptian, Qatna is written as "Qdn".[66] If Schneider's interpretation is correct, then this is the first known written mention of the city.[63] The text also mentions that the title of the ruler was Mekim (or Mekum), a royal title known from Ebla.[note 7][17] The theory of Schneider is debated: in Sinuhe's story, the protagonist turned back to Qedem after reaching Byblos;[69] Joachim Friedrich Quack pointed out that the Egyptian verb "ḥs ̯i" used in the text was known to indicate that a certain expedition had reached its final destination and was now returning to Egypt, indicating that Qedem was south of Byblos, while Qatna is to the north of Byblos.[70]

Zenith edit

The next mention of Qatna after the Story of Sinuhe comes from Mari in the 18th century BC, during the reign of Išḫi-Addu of Qatna.[68] However, a tablet found in Tuttul, dating to the early reign of the Mariote king Yahdun-Lim in the late 19th century BC, mentions a king named Amut-piʾel, who is most probably the father of Išḫi-Addu; this would make him the first known king of Qatna.[71] Also during the reign of Yahdun-Lim, the kingdom of Yamhad in Aleppo and its king Sumu-Epuh enter the historical record through the texts of Mari.[71]

Early in their history, Qatna and Yamhad had hostile relations;[72] Amut-piʾel I, in alliance with Yahdun-Lim and Ḫammu-Nabiḫ (probably king of Tuttul),[73] attacked the Yamhadite city of Tuba, which was a personal possession of Aleppo's royal family, and took a large booty.[71] Later, Yahdun-Lim embarked on an expedition to the Mediterranean Sea that was used for ideological purposes, as it was meant to echo Gilgamesh's deeds; the journey likely had undeclared political motives as well, when seen in the context of the alliance with Qatna.[74] The Mariote–Qaṭanean alliance, which was probably cemented by dynastic marriage,[note 8] must have provoked Yamhad, which supported rebellions in Mari to preoccupy Yahdun-Lim with his own problems.[72] Despite the tension and battles, a full-scale war with Yamhad was avoided.[72]

Qatna was at its apex during the reign of Išḫi-Addu.[75] Mari was conquered by Shamshi-Adad I of Assyria, who appointed his son Yasmah-Adad as its king.[74] Išḫi-Addu was allied with Shamshi-Adad and is attested corresponding with Mari for a period of six years between c. 1783 and 1778 BC.[74] At its height, the kingdom extended from the upper valley of the Orontes to Qadeš in the west,[76] while Palmyra was Qatna's easternmost city.[77] It was bordered by Yamhad in the north,[78] while the south was dominated by Hazor, a Qaṭanean vassal.[79] The many kingdoms of Amurru, which controlled the central Levantine coast between Byblos and Ugarit, bordered Qatna from the west and were counted among Išhi-Addu's vassals.[80] Also under the rule of Qatna were various cities in the Beqaa Valley and the cities in the region of Apum, in the modern Damascus Oasis.[80]

The kingdom was sometimes threatened by nomads; a letter sent to Yasmah-Adad informs him that 2000 Suteans conducted a raid against Qatna.[81] Relations with Yamhad worsened during Išḫi-Addu's reign and the conflict evolved into border warfare;[74] Qatna occupied the city of Parga in the region of Hamath for a while before Sumu-Epuh retook it.[82] In the south, Išḫi-Addu faced a general rebellion;[74] the alliance with Assyria was cemented by the marriage of Išḫi-Addu's daughter to Yasmah-Adad in c. 1782 BC.[83] The following year, after petitions by Qatna, Shamshi-Adad sent an army to help Išḫi-Addu deal with the rebellion.[note 9][82] The Assyrian troops avoided engaging Yamhad and did not participate in its war with Qatna, while Išḫi-Addu took up residence in Qadeš to oversee the suppression of the rebellion,[82] which apparently was supported by Yamhad.[84] After four years in the service of Qatna, Shamshi-Adad ordered his troops to return; this might have been connected to a peace treaty between Assyria and Yarim-Lim I, son of Sumu-Epuh. Išḫi-Addu, who in the past had declared that "even if Shamshi-Adad would conclude peace with Sumu-epuh, I will never make peace with Sumu-epuh, as long as I live!", was delivered a heavy blow, but Mari's sources are silent on how the king dealt with the situation, and by the time they resumed mentioning Qatna in c. 1772 BC, Išḫi-Addu was dead and succeeded by his son Amut-piʾel II.[84]

Decline edit

The political and military balance in the region changed dramatically during the reign of Amut-piʾel II;[84] Shamshi-Adad I had died by about 1775 BC, and his empire disintegrated,[85] while Yasmah-Adad was removed from his throne and replaced with Zimri-Lim.[84] Yarim-Lim I gained the upper hand and turned his kingdom into the supreme power in the Levant; Qatna was forced to respect the borders and interests of Yamhad.[84] In Mari, Zimri-Lim, who was Yarim-Lim's protégé,[86] married Amut-piʾel II's sister and Yasmah-Adad's widow Dam-Ḫuraṣi, and this seemed to satisfy the king of Qatna, as his relations with Mari were never hostile.[note 10][85] In 1772 BC, the Banu-Yamina tribes revolted against Zimri-Lim, who asked Qatna for help; Amut-piʾel II sent his troops to Dūr-Yahdun-Lim (probably modern Deir ez-Zor) to support Mari, but when he asked for Mariote military support at a later time, Zimri-Lim hesitated as Yarim-Lim I was expressly against such a dispatch.[88] When Qatna tried to establish an alliance with Eshnunna, Mari, which was at war with Eshnunna, arrested the messengers on the pretext that Zimri-Lim feared for their safety; in reality, the king of Mari was probably acting on behalf of Yamhad to prevent Qatna from establishing such an alliance.[88]

 
The royal palace

The archive of Mari reports a plan between Zimri-Lim, the king of Carchemish and the king of Eshnunna (who made peace with Mari), to attack Qatna.[88] Such an alliance could not have been realized without the participation of Yamhad, overlord of both Mari and Carchemish; in the end, the plan was not pursued and the tense relations between Qatna and Yamhad eased toward the last years of Yarim-Lim's reign.[88] In a letter written to Zimri-Lim,[89] Yarim-Lim I agreed to establish peace with Qatna if Amut-piʾel II were to come by himself to Aleppo, thus acknowledging the supremacy of Yamhad; no proof can be shown for a meeting taking place between the two kings.[note 11][91] Just before his death in 1765 BC, Yarim-Lim called a meeting of his vassals, and Zimri-Lim traveled to Aleppo where he met messengers from Qatna and Hazor, indicating that Amut-piʾel II started recognizing the supremacy of Yarim-Lim, and that Hazor, Qatna's vassal, was now obeying Yamhad.[92] Yarim-Lim's successor Hammurabi I arranged a peace with Qatna that probably did not require the Qaṭanean king to visit Aleppo personally,[91] but indicated Qatna's acceptance of Yamhad's superiority.[93] This apparent yielding seems a mere formality as Qatna continued its aspirations for power, as became clear in its behavior during the Elamite invasion of Mesopotamia in year ten of Zimri-Lim's reign.[93] An Elamite messenger reached Emar and sent three of his servants to Qatna; Hammurabi I of Yamhad learned of this and sent troops to intercept them on their return.[94] The servants were captured and questioned, revealing that Amut-piʾel II told them to tell their monarch that "The country is delivered to you, come up to me! if you come up, you will not be taken by surprise."[94] The Qaṭanean king also sent two messengers to Elam, but they were probably captured in Babylon.[94]

The hegemony of Yamhad affected Qatna's economy; the trade route connecting Mesopotamia and Mari to Qatna through Palmyra lost its importance, while the trade routes from the Mediterranean to Mesopotamia came under the full control of Aleppo, contributing to Qatna's loss of wealth.[93] Following the destruction of Mari by Hammurabi of Babylon around 1761 BC, information about Qatna becomes scarce;[95] in the late 17th century BC, Yamhad invaded and defeated Qatna during the reign of Yarim-Lim III.[96] The political and commercial importance of Qatna declined quickly during the Late Bronze Age (LB I), around 1600 BC, as a result of growing Egyptian and Mitannian influences.[97] Numerous small states appeared in the region and detached from Qatna.[97]

Foreign domination edit

It is not known when Qatna lost its independence. It became a Mitannian vassal in the 16th century BC,[98] but the archive of Qatna proves that even in its final period during the 14th century BC, Qatna maintained a certain degree of autonomy.[98] Early Egyptian military intrusions to the region occurred under Thutmose I (r. 1506–1493 BC– ). The name Qedem appears in an inscription found on a fragmented gateway from Karnak dated to the reign of Thutmose mentioning a military campaign in the northern Levant.[99] The inscription suggests that the mentioned cities submitted to the king.[100] The geographic sequence given in the inscription is Qedem ("Qdm"), Tunip ("Twnjp") and "Ḏj3 wny" (maybe Siyannu); Qatna (Qdn in Egyptian) would fit better in the geographic sequence and Alexander Ahrens suggested that the inscription might have meant Qatna.[99] Any oaths of loyalty to Egypt taken by Levantine rulers were forgotten after Thutmose I's death.[101] The Egyptians returned under the leadership of Thutmose III (r. 1479–1425 BC– ), who reached Qatna during his eighth Asiatic campaign, c. 1446 BC.[102][103] Thutmose III did not rule directly in Qatna but established vassalage ties and attended an archery contest with the Qaṭanean king.[104]

Towards the end of Thutmose III's reign, and under the influence of Mitanni, the Syrian states changed their loyalty, causing Thutmose's successor Amenhotep II (r. 1427–1401/1397 BC– ) to march north in his seventh year on the throne,[105] where he fought troops from Qatna near the city.[note 12][106] The threat of the Hittites prompted Mitanni's king to sue for peace: Artatama I approached Amenhotep II for an alliance and long negotiations started.[107] The talks lasted until after Amenhotep's death, when his successor Thutmose IV (r. 1401/1397–1391/1388 BC– ) finally sealed a treaty that divided the Levant between the two powers.[107] Qatna and the states north of it, such as Nuhašše, fell into the sphere of Mitanni.[108] Despite its reduced status, Qatna still controlled the Lebanon Mountains 80 km (50 mi) away in the 14th century BC.[109]

Possible incorporation into Nuhašše edit

During the reign of Adad-Nirari of Nuhašše in the 14th century BC, Qatna may have become part of his kingdom.[110] In 1977, Astour considered Qatna a constituent part of the lands of Nuhašše, and identified a king of Qatna named Adad-Nirari with the Nuhaššite king.[111] Astour was followed by Thomas Richter in 2002, who considered Qatna to be a secondary city in the domain of the Nuhaššite king. The tablets of Qatna mention a šakkanakku (military governor) named Lullu, and Richter considered him an official of Nuhašše.[112] The hypothesis of Richter is debated; a number of scholars accept it, for example Pfälzner, who suggested that the Nuhaššite king may have resided in Qatna's royal palace.[110] Richter dated the rule of the Nuhaššite king to the period preceding the Hittite king Šuppiluliuma I's first Syrian war, during which Adad-Nirari of Nuhašše opposed the Hittites, was defeated, and, according to Richter, had his kingdom split between different Hittite puppets including Idanda of Qatna.[113]

Gernot Wilhelm saw no ground for Richter's assumption concerning the identification of the Nuhaššite monarch with the Qaṭanean king.[114] This identification rests on the theory that Qatna belonged geographically to the region of Nuhašše,[note 13] but no solid evidence supports this assumption,[116] and the Shattiwaza treaty between the Hittites and Mitannians clearly mentioned Qatna as a different realm from Nuhašše during the first Syrian war when the Nuhaššite king ruled.[117][118] If Qatna was part of the Nuhaššite kingdom, its submission to the Hittites would not have been mentioned separately in the treaty.[117] It is a fact that Qatna was ruled by Idanda during the first war and the Hittite documents do not mention a change of rulers in Qatna made by Šuppiluliuma, leaving no reason to suspect that Idanda ascended the throne as a result of the war.[119] Jacques Freu likewise rejected Richter's hypothesis. Citing different arguments, he concluded that Adad-Nirari of Nuhašše was a contemporary of Idanda, the successor of the Qaṭanean Adad-Nirari.[120]

The campaigns of Šuppiluliuma I edit

Early in his reign,[121] the Hittite king Šuppiluliuma I (r. c. 1350–1319 BC– ) aimed at conquering Mitanni's lands west of the Euphrates.[122] Šuppiluliuma waged several campaigns to achieve his goal: the first Syrian foray, the second Syrian foray, the first Syrian war and the second Syrian war.[note 14][136] The events and chronology of the Hittites' subjugation of Qatna are debated.[137] King Idanda was a Hittite vassal; a letter sent by the Hittite general Ḫanutti contains a demand that Idanda fortify the city.[137] Freu believed that Idanda abandoned Mitanni and joined the Hittites as a result of Šuppiluliuma's first Syrian foray.[138] The Mitannian king Tushratta retaliated by invading Qatna,[120] and burning the royal palace;[139] an event dated to around 1340 BC.[note 15][45] Wilhelm, on the other hand, believed that Idanda submitted to the Hittites as a result of the first Syrian war.[141]

Collapse edit

The events leading to the destruction of the royal palace did not cause the destruction of the whole city.[139] The Shattiwaza treaty, which describes the events of the first Syrian war, mentions that Qatna was invaded and destroyed, and its people were deported during the war.[142] However, Idanda's successor, Akizzi, was ruling in the second half of the Egyptian pharaoh Akhenaten's reign following the first Syrian war,[143] or shortly before the second Syrian war.[note 16][144] This discrepancy can be explained if the treaty did not mention the events in a chronological order; many scholars, such as Wilhelm, believe that the author of the document organized the text according to the principle of association, rather than following the sequence of events.[142]

But now the king of Ḫatti has sent them [i.e., the temples] up in flames.
The king of Ḫatti has taken the gods and the fighting men of Qatna

Translation of letter EA 55 written by king Akizzi of Qatna
describing the destruction of his kingdom.[145]

Akizzi contacted Egypt and declared himself a servant to the pharaoh.[146] An anti-Hittite coalition, probably organized by Akizzi, was established. Šuppiluliuma tried diplomatic means to solve the conflict but Akizzi rejected them.[147] Hittite military intervention soon followed and Akizzi asked Egypt for troops, but received none.[148] Šuppiluliuma himself came to Qatna, aided by Aziru of Amurru. The Hittite monarch took with him a statue of the sun deity, which had been given to Qatna by an ancestor of Akhenaten. This move symbolized the final capitulation of the kingdom.[148]

Akizzi survived the destruction of his city and continued his communication with the pharaoh for some time;[149][148] in an Amarna letter (EA 55), the king of Qatna described to Akhenaten the actions of Šuppiluliuma and his plundering of Qatna.[148][150] Hence, the final sack of Qatna occurred after the royal palace was destroyed in 1340 BC,[139] and before the death of Akhenaten, to whom the letter was addressed, in c. 1334 BC.[150][151] Trevor Bryce suggested that Akizzi might have accepted Hittite overlordship again.[152] In any case, he was the last known king.[6] The city lost its importance following its sacking and never regained its former status.[6]

Post-Hittite destruction edit

The destruction of the royal palace constituted a break in Qatna's history;[32] all other palaces were abandoned and the political system collapsed.[140] A pottery workshop was built in the place of the southern palace, while the lower city palace was replaced by two adjacent courtyards surrounded by walls.[140] Archaeological data suggest a much reduced settlement with no regional role.[153] Following the 13th century BC, no archaeological evidence exists to prove the city was occupied; the toponym Qatna stopped appearing and the next occupation level dates to the late 10th century BC, suggesting it was uninhabited for three centuries.[note 17][153]

Syro-Hittite and following periods edit

In the late 10th century and early 9th century BC, the site was reoccupied but its name during that time is unknown;[note 18][153] three human head sculptures made of basalt were discovered in the site; they probably date to the mid-9th century BC.[154] At this time, the region was probably under the control of Palistin,[155] with Qatna under the rule of Hamath, which was probably part of Palistin.[155] The basalt heads bear similarities to a statue discovered in Palistin's capital,[154] but there is not enough information to allow a general conclusion over the borders of Palistin and its extent into Qatna.[156] The settlement was a small one; it included large buildings that were used both as residences and manufacturing facilities.[155]

By the 8th century, the site saw a revival in settlement; the city expanded and many houses, public buildings, and storage areas were built.[156] The newly expanded settlement was a contrast to the earlier 10th/9th century one;[156] the existence of official buildings and the emergence of many satellite settlements surrounding Qatna suggest that the city was a local center in the kingdom of Hamath.[157] The official buildings were violently destroyed, probably at the hands of the Assyrian king Sargon II (r. 722–705 BC– ), who annexed the region in 720 BC.[158] The site continued to be inhabited during the Iron Age III, following the Assyrian destruction, but the settlement shrank considerably, being reduced to a village comprising the central part of the acropolis. It was abandoned in the mid-6th century BC.[159]

In the mid-19th century, a modern village (al-Mishrifeh) was built within the ancient site.[160] Houses were built on top of the royal palace floors, damaging them to a certain degree, but also protecting the underlying ruins.[161] In 1982, the Syrian Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums resettled the inhabitants in a new village next to the ancient tell, thus making the site available for modern archaeological research.[161]

Society edit

Population and language edit

The kingdom of Qatna had a predominantly Semitic Amorite population; all the personal names from Qatna in the Mari archive were Amorite.[86] The royal family was also Amorite and it stayed as such during the Mitannian era, which witnessed the expansion of Hurrians;[162] by the fifteenth century BC, Qatna had a sizable Hurrian element.[163] The Arameans were responsible for the re-occupation of the site in the first millennium BC.[156]

The Amorites in Qatna spoke their own language,[164][165] but kings communicated with their counterparts using Akkadian,[166] which was the language of writing in the city.[12] Qatna's Akkadian became heavily influenced by Hurrian in the 15th and 14th centuries BC;[97][167] Richter argued that a special Akkadian–Hurrian hybrid dialect developed in Qatna.[97] Texts from Qatna exhibit many Hurrian elements, proving that Hurrian was prominent among scribes, but its predominance as a spoken language by the general public cannot be determined.[167]

Religion edit

 
Statuette of a seated god from Qatna

Details about the religious life in Qatna are not available due to the rarity of written evidence from the city; in general, many cults seems to have existed and mixed in Qatna,[168] most prominently the royal ancestor cult, the cult of gods and the cult of the dead.[169]

The cult of gods edit

 
An inventory listing gifts offered to the "gods of the king"

Belet-Ekallim (Ninegal) was a prominent deity in Qatna; the inventories of gifts presented to the gods found in hall C of the palace show that she was a prominent element in the royal liturgy,[170] where she was called the "lady of the palace" and "Belet Qatna", making her effectively the goddess of the city.[26] However, no trace of a temple or shrine has been found in the building.[note 19][170] The inventories also mention the "gods of the king"; it is debated whether this referred to deities or to royal ancestors.[172] Jean Bottéro identified the "gods of the king" with the sun god Šamaš, whom Akizzi called the "god of my father" in his letter to Akhenaten.[note 20][172] Gregorio del Olmo Lete considered Šamaš the god of Qatna's dynasty, but the "gods of the king" probably included other deities as well.[172] Jean-Marie Durand considers Addu to be the god of the city based on a seal dating to Išḫi-Addu's reign describing Addu as such.[174] Another indication of the deities worshiped in Qatna comes from the archive of Mari; the daughter of Išḫi-Add was devoted to the goddess Ishtar and Zimri-Lim once invited Amut-piʾel II to Mari to take part in rituals for that goddess, indicating that the cult of Ishtar was prominent in Qatna.[170]

The cult of the Betyles edit

The texts of Mari show that the cult of stones, especially the "sikkanum" (i.e., Betyles—sacred stones), was widespread in western Syria,[170] and its practice in Qatna is plausible.[175] Du Mesnil du Buisson named room F in the royal palace "Haut-Lieu" and considered it a shrine of Ašera.[176] Research done after 1999 ruled out du Mesnil du Buisson's hypothesis and concluded that the room is a bathroom, but further research showed that the bathroom interpretation must also be wrong.[176] Pfälzner, based on its architecture being suitable for containing sacred stones,[note 21] suggested that room F was the palace shrine for the cult of Betyles.[177] Pfälzner concludes that "an ultimate proof, however, for the function of Room F at Qaṭna cannot be deduced from this parallel. Nor is there a clue as to the dedication of the possible Betyle-sanctuary at Qaṭna".[169]

Royal ancestors cult edit

Ancestors were worshiped in Qatna;[179] the royal hypogeum provided a large amount of data concerning the cult of ancestor worshiping and the practices associated with it.[180] Two kinds of burials are distinguished; a primary burial intended to transport the dead into the netherworld,[181] and a secondary burial that was intended to transform the deceased into their ultimate form: an ancestor.[182] The royal hypogeum provides hints at the different rituals taking place during a secondary burial; a noticeable character is that skeletons were not complete, and no skulls are found for the majority of secondary burial remains.[182] There is no evidence that skulls decayed as they would have left behind teeth, of which very few were found, indicating that the skulls were removed to be venerated in another location.[183]

Bones in the secondary burial were arranged without respect for anatomical order;[182] it is plausible to assume that the distribution process was the result of symbolic rituals that indicated the changing of the deceased's role by incorporating him or her into the group of royal ancestors.[183] Pottery vessels were deposited next to the secondary burial remains; they were fixed on top of food offerings meant as a food supply for the dead, giving evidence for the performance of Kispu (nourishing and caring for one's ancestor through a regular supply of food and drink).[184] Hundreds of pilled vessels provide evidence that the living participated and dined with their ancestors, venerating them.[184] Pfälzner argues for a third burial process which he calls the tertiary burial; the eastern chamber of the hypogeum was used as an ossuary where human remains and animal bones left from the Kispu were mixed and pilled.[184] Pfälzner conclude that bones left in that chamber were deposited there because they had become useless in funerary rituals, thus the chamber was their final resting place.[185] Bones in the eastern chamber were stored with no respect for the unity of an individual, indicating that the persons buried were now part of the collective group of ancestors; this did not mean that the individuals were no longer cared for, as the many bowls in the chamber indicate the continuation of food offerings to those ancestors.[185]

According to Pfälzner, a final burial stage can be noticed, which he calls the quaternary burial.[186] Tomb VII, which most probably contained remains taken out of the royal hypogeum,[186] seems to have worked as a storage for the remains of individuals whose Kispu cycle came to an end;[187] very few bowls were found in that tomb.[186] The Kispu was important for demonstrating the legitimacy of the king, thus it needed to be public and visible to a large crowd; Pfälzner suggests that hall A in the royal palace was the place for the public Kispu and that the antechamber of the royal hypogeum was dedicated for private Kispu that included only the king and the spirits of his ancestors.[26]

Culture edit

Due to its location in the middle of the trade network of the ancient world, the cultural and social landscape of the city was complex, as the inhabitants had to deal with traders and envoys who brought with them different customs from distant regions.[188] The inventories of gifts presented to deities from the royal palace indicate that Qatna used the sexagesimal numeral system.[189]

 
The head of Yarim-Lim of Alalakh closely resembles the royal statues found in the royal hypogeum[30]

Textiles dyed with royal purple, a symbol of social status, were found in the royal hypogeum.[190] Judging by the royal statues found in the royal hypogeum antechamber, a king of Qatna wore clothes different from those worn in Mesopotamia; his robes would have reached his ankles and the hem on his shawl would have been in the shape of a thick rope, while his beard was short and his headdress consisted of a broad band.[191] For royal primary burials, several steps were followed: constructing the burial container, anointing the body with oil, heating the body, leading the burial procession, laying the sarcophagus floor with textiles, burying the body with another layer of textiles, and finally depositing a layer of plants and herbs.[192] Elephants, which lived in western Syria, were esteemed in Qatna and connected to the royal family; they were apparently hunted by the royals and the king himself, as there is evidence that their bones were displayed in the palace; thus, elephants were part of the royal ideology and hunting an elephant was a symbol of prestige that glorified the strength of the king.[193]

An international style in art did not exist in Qatna;[note 22] instead, a regional hybrid style prevailed where international motifs appear along with regional ones, yet all the pieces reveal enough features to trace them to Qatna.[195] The volute-shaped plant is one of the most widespread international motifs;[note 23] many pieces from the royal hypogeum were decorated with the motif,[197] but Qatna had its own typical volute,[198] where the crown is a single long lobe with dotted pendants branching out of the corners of the upper volute.[199] The wall painting in Qatna's royal palace attests to contact with the Aegean region; they depict typical Minoan motifs such as palm trees and dolphins.[200]

Qatna also had a distinctive local craftsmanship; the wall paintings in the royal palace, though including Aegean motifs, depict elements that are not typical either in Syria or the Aegean region, such as turtles and crabs.[201] This hybrid style of Qatna prompted Pfälzner to suggest a "craftsmanship interaction model",[200] which is based on the assumption that Aegean artists were employed in local Syrian workshops.[202] Local workshops modeled amber in Syrian style; many pieces were found in the royal hypogeum including 90 beads and a vessel in the shape of a lion head.[203] Ivory was connected to the royal family and the pieces discovered reflect a high level of craftsmanship that was influenced by Egyptian traditions.[204] Jewelry was made to fit local tastes even when the origin of the concept was foreign; an example would be the scarabs, traditional Egyptian objects, that were modified in Qatna by engraving them with local motifs and encasing them with gold, which is atypical for Egyptian specimens.[205] Aside from two golden beads that seem imported from Egypt, no jewelry discovered was of foreign origin.[205]

Typical western Syrian architectural traditions are seen in the eastern palace, which has an asymmetrical plan and tripartite reception halls.[206] The lower city palace also shows typical second-millennium Syrian features, being elongated and lacking the huge courtyards that were a traditional Mesopotamian feature; instead, the palace had several small courtyards spread within it.[207] Qatna's royal palace was unique in its monumental architecture; it had a distinctive foundation and the throne room walls were 9 metres (30 ft) wide, which does not occur elsewhere in the architecture of the ancient Near East.[208] The period following the destruction of the royal palace shows a clear break in culture,[140] evidenced by the poor building materials and architectural techniques.[153]

Economy edit

 
The sphinx of Ita

Finds in "Tomb IV" indicate that Qatna was engaged in long distance trade since its early history.[36] The city's location on the edges of the Syrian steppes turned it into a strategic stop for caravans traveling to the Mediterranean Sea from the east.[36] The countryside surrounding the city provided the key for its success in the Early Bronze Age IV; those lands were capable of supporting both agriculture and pastoralism.[36] Despite the modern scarcity of water, geoarchaeological research on the wadis of the region confirm the abundance of water during the Bronze Age.[15] The land was abundant in pasture lands; when drought struck Mari, Išḫi-Addu allowed its nomads to graze their flocks in Qatna.[209]

The written sources do not offer deep insight on the economy of the kingdom;[210] it counted mainly on agriculture during the Middle Bronze Age but, by the Late Bronze Age, it became based on trade with surrounding regions.[211] Securing raw materials scarce near the city was an important concern for the rulers;[212] basalt was an important building tool and it was probably acquired from the Salamiyah region or Al-Rastan.[213] Calcite was provided from either the Syrian coast or Egypt, amber came from the Baltic region, while regions in modern Afghanistan provided carnelian and lapis-lazul.[213]

The main routes passing Qatna were from Babylon to Byblos through Palmyra, from Ugarit to Emar, and from Anatolia to Egypt.[191] Taxes on caravans crossing the trade routes allowed the city's royalty to get rich;[191] an insight into Qatna's wealth can be acquired from the dowry of Išḫi-Addu's daughter, who was endowed with 10 talents of silver (288 kg) and 5 talents of textiles (worth 144 kg of silver).[210] White horses were among Qatna's most famous exports,[214] in addition to high-quality wines,[210] woods from the nearby Lebanon mountain,[209] and goods, such as chariots, from a highly skilled craft industry.[215]

Many Egyptian imports were found in the city,[216] including the "sphinx of Ita", which represents a daughter of the Egyptian pharaoh Amenemhat II,[216] and a vessel with the name of Senusret I inscribed on it, plus around 50 stone vessels in the royal hypogeum.[217] Another vessel lists the name of Queen Ahmose-Nefertari, wife of 18th dynasty Pharaoh Ahmose I.[218] Two units of weight and payment measurement are prominent in Qatna: the mina and the shekel.[189] The mina had different values from region to region but it seems that in Qatna the preferred value was 470 g, while the preferred value of the shekel is hard to figure.[189]

Government edit

The existence of agricultural facilities on the acropolis during the EB IV early city indicates that a central authority oversaw the production process;[36] perhaps the city was a center of one of the princes of Ib'al.[59] Another piece of evidence is "Tomb IV", which contained the remains of 40 people, 300 pottery vessels, weapons and ornaments.[36] The tomb probably belonged to the elite or the ruling family of the city.[36] In the kingdom of Qatna, the crown prince had the city of Nazala as his domain.[82][219] The palace was mainly a political and administrative institution devoid of religious functions, in contrast to the palace of Mari.[note 24][221] In the realm of Hamath, Qatna was an administrative center probably in control of the kingdom's southern regions.[222] During the Assyrian period, Qatna lost its administrative role and even its urban character until its abandonment.[222]

Known kings of Qatna are:[223][162]

King Reign
Amut-piʾel I
Išḫi-Addu c. 1783 BC
Amut-piʾel II c. 1772 BC
Naplimma c. 1450 BC
Sînadu
Adad-Nirari
Idanda c. 1340 BC
Akizzi

Excavations edit

Du Mesnil du Buisson led excavations starting in 1924, and annually from 1927 to 1929;[224] the third millennium BC remains provided scarce samples and most of the data come from Tomb IV.[225] In 1994, a Syrian mission led by Michel Al-Maqdissi conducted several surveys and surface excavations,[224] then, in 1999, a joint Syrian–Italian–German mission was formed that was headed by Al-Maqdissi, Daniele Morandi Bonacossi and Pfälzner.[226] Due to the development of the excavations, the Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums split the mission into Syrian (headed by Al-Maqdissi), Syrian–German (headed by Pfälzner) and Syrian–Italian (headed by Morandi Bonacossi) missions in 2004.[224]

Research was focused on the upper city while the lower city remained largely untouched; by 2006, only 5% of the site's total area had been excavated.[13] The royal palace was split into two excavation areas: operation G covering the western part and operation H covering the eastern part.[161] Operation J covers the summit of the acropolis,[227] while the lower city palace is covered by operation K.[228] One of the most important discoveries came in 2002, when the archive of king Idanda was discovered, containing 67 clay tablets.[229][230] As a result of the Syrian Civil War, excavations stopped in 2011.[231]

See also edit

Notes edit

  1. ^ Robert du Mesnil du Buisson discovered the hall in the 1920s and thought it, along with the whole western part of the palace, was a temple that he called the temple of Nin-Egal,[26] because it contained the inventories of the offerings presented to the goddess Nin-Egal.[27] Modern research showed the supposed temple to be a hall of the royal palace and it was named room C.[26]
  2. ^ The date of the palace's construction is debated; du Mesnil du Buisson dated it to the late third/early second millennium BC, while Ella Dardaillon, Peter Pfälzner and Mirko Novák believe it was built during the Middle Bronze I-Middle Bronze II ages transition period.[29] Daniele Morandi Bonacossi prefers the 1600 BC date.[30]
  3. ^ Investigations of Qatna's fortifications were not carried out, hindering the determination of the rampart's age;[17] however, considering that similar large cities in the region, such as Ebla, had their fortifications built during the Middle Bronze Age I, a similar date is hypothesized for Qanta's rampart.[17] However, they might have been built during the late Middle Bronze Age II based on radiocarbon dating of the western section of the rampart, the only section to have been dated this way.[17]
  4. ^ The number of gates and their dates is debated;[51] four main gates are visible,[52] but further investigation is needed.[51]
  5. ^ Pisé installations and fireplaces were discovered.[13]
  6. ^ The text was studied by many scholars who presented similar readings of a sentence mentioning a ruler of a city;[64] the name of that city was read by different scholars as Kedme (Alan Gardiner), Kedemi (Adolf Erman), Qedem (Gustave Lefebvre) and Kedem (William Kelly Simpson).[64]
  7. ^ The title in the Egyptian text is Meki, a variant of Mekim.[67] Although ancient Mesopotamians treated the term Mekim as a proper name, and various modern scholars share this view, most researchers agree that Mekim is a title derived from the Semitic root Malākum (meaning "Ruling").[68]
  8. ^ Gabetum, a consort of Yahdun-Lim, was perhaps a princess from Qatna.[74]
  9. ^ Shamshi-Adad planned to send an army of 20,000 soldiers, and for his son Yasmah-Adad to lead them, but these plans could not be realized. Instead, a much more modest army was sent under command of generals who were placed in the service of Išḫi-Addu for four years (c. 1781–1778 BC).[82]
  10. ^ Although the identification of Dam-Ḫuraṣi, wife of Zimri-Lim, with the widow of Yasmah-Adad has an academic consensus, some scholars, such as Jack M. Sasson, argue against it.[87]
  11. ^ Yarim-Lim wrote: "we will establish good relations between me and him, an oath by the gods and a firm treaty."[90]
  12. ^ Amenhotep did not state that Qatna was in a revolt; he only spoke of "a few Asiatics from the town of Qatna who came to cause troubles".[106]
  13. ^ Richter considered the "Nuhašše lands" to include Nuhašše, Qatna and Ugulzat.[115]
  14. ^ The campaigns of Šuppiluliuma I in Syria are debated,[123] and divided into four main phases by scholars:
    • First Syrian foray: the term was coined by Kenneth Kitchen;[123] it probably took place in southeastern Anatolia on the borders between Mitanni and the Hittites ending with a Mitannian victory.[123] Michael Astour dates the event to the period between years 30 and 34 of the Egyptian pharaoh Amenhotep III's reign (1391–1353 or 1388–1351 BC);[124] this offensive might have been led by Šuppiluliuma's father, Tudhaliya II.[125]
    • Second Syrian foray: also first suggested by Kitchen,[126] this was supposedly aimed at western Syria but its occurrence is highly debated.[127] Šuppiluliuma I, in his treaty with the Mitannian king Shattiwaza, mentions that he plundered the lands west of the Euphrates (i.e., western Syria) long before his "one year campaign" (which happened after the second Syrian foray),[127] and reached Mount Niblani (Lebanon).[128][129] Astour dates the second foray to the eleventh regnal year of the Egyptian pharaoh Akhenaten (1353–1336 or 1351–1334 BC).[130]
    • The first Syrian war or one-year campaign,[131] was a direct confrontation between Mitanni and Šuppiluliuma and is given different dates by various scholars; William J. Murnane places it at any point between Akhenaten's 9th and 14th year.[132] A more suitable date would be the beginning of Akhenaten's 12th year on the throne.[132] The account of the first war is handed down in the historical prologue of the Shattiwaza treaty.[133]
    • The second Syrian war, also known as the six-year campaign[134] or the Hurrian war, was a conflict that brought Syria firmly under the rule of Šuppiluliuma I; it started at least ten years following Akhenaten's death.[135]
  15. ^ Pfälzner attributed the destruction of the palace to Šuppiluliuma I,[32] while Richter believed that it was a Syrian state that opposed the Hittites, such as Amurru.[140]
  16. ^ Freu insisted that Qatna was destroyed during the first Syrian war, citing the fact that the letters sent by Akizzi to Egypt asking for help date to the Amarna Period, while the second Syrian war took place long after the abandonment of Amarna.[138]
  17. ^ An early 12th century BC document from Emar mention the destruction of a land named KURqa-ad/t/ṭ-na by a governor of Sukhi; Murray R. Adamthwaite identified the land with Qatna but another city known as Qattunam (or Qattun, Qatni) located in the Lower Khabur can also be a candidate.[153]
  18. ^ In the 8th century BC, the toponym qt[n] was mentioned in Hama but the possibility that it refers to Qatna was denied by Edward Lipiński who noted that qt[n] was associated with the toponym Rg corresponding to the al-Rouge plain; therefore, Lipiński identify qt[n] as the ancient name of Qastun.[153]
  19. ^ After it became evident that hall C is not a temple of Belet-Ekallim,[26] Pfälzner suggested that only a small chamber (code named room P), located in the north-eastern corner of hall C (called the "Saint des Saintes" by du Mesnil du Buisson), and the area GO in front of it (called the "Sanctuaire" by du Mesnil du Buisson), can be considered as the sanctuary of Belet-Ekallim.[26] Dominique Charpin argued that no evidence for a Belet-Ekallim sanctuary exists in the palace; he believes that the temple should be looked for in Qatna, but outside the palace.[26] One of Charpin's arguments is that four inventories were found in the palace but only inventory I mentions Belet-Ekallim while the others speak about the "gods of the king" and no temple is mentioned.[171]
  20. ^ More precisely, Akizzi mentioned "Šimigi" the Hurrian equivalent of Šamaš.[173]
  21. ^ The lime floor of room F had a gap that could have supported a wooden threshold that separated a rectangular area from the rest of the room.[177] This area was 5.5 by 3 metres (18.0 by 9.8 ft) in size and its northern half two rows of brick installations; each row consists of two further rows: a northern three low pillars and a southern three flat podiums opposite each others.[177] There is a gap in the floor between each pillar and podium that could have been fitted with a slab of stone;[177] the pillar would have supported the stone from behind while the podium would have worked as pedestal.[177] However, the Betyles are missing,[177] and there is evidence that they were robbed as the lime plaster of the floor is broken and pushed around the pillars.[178]
  22. ^ The "international style" of the Eastern Mediterranean and Western Asian art of the second half of the second millennium BC is a heavily debated concept in archaeology;[194] it is defined as an artistic style that is impossible to trace to a certain regional origin as it lacks any regional characters.[195]
  23. ^ The motif is called many names such as the "composite plants", "stylized trees" and the "tree of life".[196]
  24. ^ Pfälzner argues that the palace did have religious importance.[220]

References edit

Citations edit

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  18. ^ Al-Maqdissi 2008, p. 216.
  19. ^ a b c Morandi-Bonacossi 2009, p. 63.
  20. ^ Morandi Bonacossi 2012, p. 541.
  21. ^ Pfälzner 2012, p. 783.
  22. ^ a b Morandi-Bonacossi 2007, p. 229.
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Further reading edit

  • Bork, Ferdinand (1940). "Die Sprache von Qatna". Altkaukasische Studien (in German). Harrassowitz. 2. OCLC 557897303.
  • Friedrich, Johannes (1940). "Zur Sprache von Qaṭna". Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes (in German). Department of Oriental Studies, University of Vienna. 47. ISSN 0030-5383.

External links edit

 
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Qatna.
  • Qatna: Prunkvolle Relikte aus der Bronzezeit Digital reconstruction of the royal palace (in German)
  • Grabungsprojekt Qatna Collection of photos from the city and its artifacts (in German)
  • The scenario of Idanda's dinner with his ancestors in the royal tomb

February 16, 2024
qatna, modern, arabic, تل, المشرفة, tell, mishrifeh, also, tell, misrife, tell, mishrifeh, ancient, city, located, homs, governorate, syria, remains, constitute, tell, situated, about, northeast, homs, near, village, mishrifeh, city, important, center, through. Qatna modern Arabic تل المشرفة Tell al Mishrifeh also Tell Misrife or Tell Mishrifeh was an ancient city located in Homs Governorate Syria Its remains constitute a tell situated about 18 km 11 mi northeast of Homs near the village of al Mishrifeh The city was an important center through most of the second millennium BC and in the first half of the first millennium BC It contained one of the largest royal palaces of Bronze Age Syria and an intact royal tomb that has provided a great amount of archaeological evidence on the funerary habits of that period QatnaA satellite image of Qatna with the archaeological sites markedQatnaShown within SyriaAlternative nameTell el Mishrifeتل المشرفةLocational Mishrifeh Homs Governorate SyriaCoordinates34 50 06 N 36 51 57 E 34 83500 N 36 86583 E 34 83500 36 86583TypeSettlementHistoryFoundedc 3300 BCAbandoned1982 ADPeriodsBronze Age Iron AgeCulturesAmorite ArameanSite notesExcavation dates1924 1927 1929 1994 1999 2011ArchaeologistsRobert du Mesnil du Buisson Michel Al Maqdissi Daniele Morandi Bonacossi and Peter PfalznerConditionRuinedOwnershipPublicPublic accessYesWebsitehttp www qatna de First inhabited for a short period in the second half of the fourth millennium BC it was repopulated around 2800 BC and continued to grow By 2000 BC it became the capital of a regional kingdom that spread its authority over large swaths of the central and southern Levant The kingdom enjoyed good relations with Mari but was engaged in constant warfare against Yamhad By the 15th century BC Qatna lost its hegemony and came under the authority of Mitanni It later changed hands between the former and Egypt until it was conquered and sacked by the Hittites in the late 14th century BC Following its destruction the city was reduced in size before being abandoned by the 13th century BC It was resettled in the 10th century BC becoming a center of the kingdoms of Palistin then Hamath until it was destroyed by the Assyrians in 720 BC which reduced it to a small village that eventually disappeared in the 6th century BC In the 19th century AD the site was populated by villagers who were evacuated into the newly built village of al Mishrifeh in 1982 The site has been excavated since the 1920s Qatna was inhabited by different peoples most importantly the Amorites who established the kingdom followed by the Arameans Hurrians became part of the society in the 15th century BC and influenced Qatna s written language The city s art is distinctive and shows signs of contact with different surrounding regions The artifacts of Qatna show high quality workmanship The city s religion was complex and based on many cults in which ancestor worship played an important role Qatna s location in the middle of the Near East trade networks helped it achieve wealth and prosperity it traded with regions as far away as the Baltic and Afghanistan The area surrounding Qatna was fertile with abundant water which made the lands suitable for grazing and supported a large population that contributed to the prosperity of the city Contents 1 Etymology 2 Site 2 1 Qatna s landmarks 2 1 1 Palaces 2 1 2 Tombs 2 1 3 Other landmarks 3 History 3 1 Chalcolithic 3 2 Early Bronze 3 3 Kingdom of Qatna 3 3 1 Zenith 3 3 2 Decline 3 3 3 Foreign domination 3 3 3 1 Possible incorporation into Nuhasse 3 3 3 2 The campaigns of Suppiluliuma I 3 3 3 2 1 Collapse 3 4 Post Hittite destruction 3 5 Syro Hittite and following periods 4 Society 4 1 Population and language 4 2 Religion 4 2 1 The cult of gods 4 2 2 The cult of the Betyles 4 2 3 Royal ancestors cult 4 3 Culture 4 4 Economy 4 5 Government 5 Excavations 6 See also 7 Notes 8 References 8 1 Citations 8 2 Sources 8 3 Further reading 9 External linksEtymology editThird millennium texts do not mention the name Qatna 1 the archive of Ebla mentions the toponym Gudadanum or Ga da nu 2 3 which has been identified with Qatna by some scholars such as Giovanni Pettinato and Michael Astour 4 5 but this is debated 1 Aside from an obscure passage in the 20th century BC Egyptian Story of Sinuhe where the name Qatna is not clearly mentioned 6 the earliest occurrence of the name comes from the Middle Bronze Age archive of Mari where the city is mentioned as Qatanum 6 an Akkadianized format alQa ta nimki 7 8 In Alalakh the name Qa ta na was used 9 10 an Amorite format that was shortened into Qatna during the Late Bronze Age 7 5 The name is Semitic 11 it derives from the root q ṭ n meaning thin or narrow in a number of Semitic languages such as Akkadian Syriac and Ethiopian 2 Ga da nu from the Eblaite archive may also derive from that root 2 The toponym Qatna is strictly related to waterways and lakes 2 this could be a reference to the artificial narrowing that created a lake from the springs located southwest of the city since Qatna grew on the eastern shore of a now dried up lake 11 Site edit nbsp The region of QatnaThe city is located in the countryside 18 km 11 mi north of Homs 12 It was founded on a limestone plateau 13 and its extensive remains suggest fertile surroundings with abundant water which is not the case in modern times 14 Three northward flowing tributary wadis Mydan Zorat and Slik of the Orontes River cross the region of Qatna 15 enclosing an area 26 km 16 mi north south and 19 km 12 mi east west 14 The city lay along the central wadi Zorat 15 surrounded by at least twenty five satellite settlements most of them along the Mydan marking the eastern border of the region and Slik marking the western border of the region wadis 15 16 The wadis are now dry most of the year but during the rainy season their discharge is disproportional to the size of their valleys suggesting that the region was much more humid and water was more abundant in the past 15 The early city dating to the Early Bronze Age IV 2200 2100 BC was built in a circular plan 17 this circular site became the upper city acropolis of Qatna s later phases and was surrounded by a lower rectangular city 18 Qatna s landmarks edit Palaces edit nbsp The royal palace area H Building 8 The structure is dated to the transition period between the third and second millennia BC and was abandoned in the late Middle Bronze Age II 1800 1600 BC 19 Its walls which are still preserved are 7 5 metres 25 ft tall and 4 metres 13 ft wide 19 The function of the building is not known but its monumental nature and location on the upper city s summit plus the existence of a pair of royal statues in it suggest that it might have been a royal palace especially since it preceded the erection of the main Royal palace of Qatna 19 In the 1970s a concrete water tower was built to supply the modern village of al Mushrifah the new structure destroyed the eastern and northern walls of the building 20 The royal palace Covering an area of 16 000 square metres 170 000 sq ft it was the biggest palace in the Levant of its time 21 The palace s northeastern part consisted of two stories 22 as did the northwestern wing 23 In total the first story contained at least eighty rooms 24 Compared to other palaces of the era in the region such as the Royal Palace of Mari Qatna s palace was gigantic 25 including massive halls such as hall C formerly known as the temple of Belet Ekallim Ninegal note 1 28 which was 1 300 square metres 14 000 sq ft in size 22 and hall A which was 820 square metres 8 800 sq ft in size 25 The palace was constructed during the Middle to Late Bronze Age transition period c 1600 BC note 2 30 in the northern part of the acropolis above an abandoned necropolis 31 The southern palace Located immediately south of the royal palace it had at least twenty rooms and concrete floors 32 The structure is heavily damaged making the dating of its construction difficult 32 The eastern palace Located to the east of the royal palace in the upper city 33 it is dated to the Middle Bronze Age II and consisted of at least one big courtyard and fifteen rooms 11 The lower city palace Located in the northern part of the lower city it was built in the 16th century BC 34 It contains at least sixty rooms 35 Tombs edit Tomb IV This was discovered in the 1920s by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson 36 he dated it to 2500 2400 BC while Claude Frederic Armand Schaeffer assigned it to the period between 2200 and 1900 BC 37 The tomb is a multi chambered shaft burial the only one of this kind in the city 38 The Middle Bronze Age necropolis located near the northern edge of the upper city and heavily damaged by the royal palace constructed above it 39 The necropolis contained three types of burials simple graves bordered by bricks cooking vessels or shafts cut into the rocks 40 The most notable shafts are tombs I II III and V 41 The Royal Hypogeum tomb VI 42 This is located 12 metres 39 ft beneath the royal palace 43 at the northern edge 44 The tomb consists of four chambers cut in the bedrock beneath the palace s foundations 45 and a corridor 40 metres 130 ft long that connects it to hall A of the royal palace 44 Four doors divide the corridor which then takes a turn to the east and stops abruptly an antechamber 5 metres 16 ft beneath the floor of the corridor follows and a wooden stair is used to descend to it 44 after which a door leads to the burial chambers 46 The hypogeum was in use for around 350 years 46 and bodies of both genders and different ages were interred in it 47 a minimum of 19 24 individuals were found in the tomb 48 Tomb VII This is located beneath the northwest wing of the royal palace 49 It consists of an antechamber and a double chamber shaped like a kidney 23 The tomb contained at least 79 individuals in a striking contrast with the much bigger tomb VI that contained far fewer remains 48 Peter Pfalzner suggested that tomb VII was a place for re burial the very long period of the Royal Hypogeum s usage meant that it needed to be cleared sometimes to make room for new interments and the older remains were thus transferred to tomb VII 50 Other landmarks edit The walls A large rampart surrounded Qatna reaching 18 metres 59 ft in height and 60 metres 200 ft to 90 metres 300 ft in width at the base note 3 17 The rampart contained many gates note 4 and according to a tablet from Qatna the name of one of them was city gate of the palace the royal palace lies east of the gate in the western rampart and might have been the palace named in the tablet 52 Mishrifeh Lake Qatna grew on the shore of a lake that dried completely toward the end of the Bronze Age in c 1200 BC 53 When the defenses were constructed the northern and western parts of the rampart were built inside the lake dividing it into an inner lake fed by a spring located in the northern foot of the upper city 54 while the larger part locked outside the walls constituted a reservoir for the inhabitants 55 History edit nbsp Qatna s archaeological phasesChalcolithic edit The site was first occupied during the Late Chalcolithic IV period 3300 3000 BC 13 56 This early settlement was concentrated on the central part of the upper town its function is unknown and it ended in the late fourth millennium BC note 5 13 Early Bronze edit After a hiatus of several centuries the site was reoccupied around 2800 BC during the Early Bronze Age III 13 56 The last two centuries of the third millennium BC saw widespread disruption of urban settlements in Syria and the abandonment of many cities 57 however Qatna seems to be an exception as it continued to grow 58 During the Early Bronze Age IV Qatna reached a size of 25 ha 62 acres 59 it included a dense residential quarter and facilities for the storage and processing of grains 36 especially a large multi roomed granary similar to the one in Tell Beydar 60 The city may have been one of the urban centers of the Ib al federation 58 perhaps the center of a king or prince 59 The early city occupied the acropolis and none of its remains were found in the lower city 59 Most of the small settlements surrounding Qatna 1 ha 2 5 acres to 2 ha 4 9 acres appeared during this period this might have been connected with the emergence of a central institution in the city 61 Kingdom of Qatna edit Kingdom of QatnaQatnac 2000 BC c 1340 1334 BC nbsp Qatna at its height in the eighteenth century BCCapitalQatnaCommon languagesAmorite languageReligionancient Levantine ReligionGovernmentMonarchyHistorical eraBronze Age Establishedc 2000 BC Disestablishedc 1340 1334 BCSucceeded byHittites nbsp Today part ofSyriaLebanonIn the Middle Bronze the Kingdom of Qatna was established around 2000 BC 62 At the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age I the city expanded and covered an area of 110 ha 270 acres 63 This growth reduced the number of the small settlements as people were drawn into the expanded metropolis 58 It is probable that the earliest mention of Qatna by this name dates to the same period 2 According to Thomas Schneider a city named Qedem mentioned in a controversial passage in the Story of Sinuhe dating to the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty of Egypt early 20th century BC is most probably to be identified with Qatna note 6 65 Qedem in the Egyptian text is written Qdm 65 and in Egyptian Qatna is written as Qdn 66 If Schneider s interpretation is correct then this is the first known written mention of the city 63 The text also mentions that the title of the ruler was Mekim or Mekum a royal title known from Ebla note 7 17 The theory of Schneider is debated in Sinuhe s story the protagonist turned back to Qedem after reaching Byblos 69 Joachim Friedrich Quack pointed out that the Egyptian verb ḥs i used in the text was known to indicate that a certain expedition had reached its final destination and was now returning to Egypt indicating that Qedem was south of Byblos while Qatna is to the north of Byblos 70 Zenith edit The next mention of Qatna after the Story of Sinuhe comes from Mari in the 18th century BC during the reign of Isḫi Addu of Qatna 68 However a tablet found in Tuttul dating to the early reign of the Mariote king Yahdun Lim in the late 19th century BC mentions a king named Amut piʾel who is most probably the father of Isḫi Addu this would make him the first known king of Qatna 71 Also during the reign of Yahdun Lim the kingdom of Yamhad in Aleppo and its king Sumu Epuh enter the historical record through the texts of Mari 71 Early in their history Qatna and Yamhad had hostile relations 72 Amut piʾel I in alliance with Yahdun Lim and Ḫammu Nabiḫ probably king of Tuttul 73 attacked the Yamhadite city of Tuba which was a personal possession of Aleppo s royal family and took a large booty 71 Later Yahdun Lim embarked on an expedition to the Mediterranean Sea that was used for ideological purposes as it was meant to echo Gilgamesh s deeds the journey likely had undeclared political motives as well when seen in the context of the alliance with Qatna 74 The Mariote Qaṭanean alliance which was probably cemented by dynastic marriage note 8 must have provoked Yamhad which supported rebellions in Mari to preoccupy Yahdun Lim with his own problems 72 Despite the tension and battles a full scale war with Yamhad was avoided 72 Qatna was at its apex during the reign of Isḫi Addu 75 Mari was conquered by Shamshi Adad I of Assyria who appointed his son Yasmah Adad as its king 74 Isḫi Addu was allied with Shamshi Adad and is attested corresponding with Mari for a period of six years between c 1783 and 1778 BC 74 At its height the kingdom extended from the upper valley of the Orontes to Qades in the west 76 while Palmyra was Qatna s easternmost city 77 It was bordered by Yamhad in the north 78 while the south was dominated by Hazor a Qaṭanean vassal 79 The many kingdoms of Amurru which controlled the central Levantine coast between Byblos and Ugarit bordered Qatna from the west and were counted among Ishi Addu s vassals 80 Also under the rule of Qatna were various cities in the Beqaa Valley and the cities in the region of Apum in the modern Damascus Oasis 80 The kingdom was sometimes threatened by nomads a letter sent to Yasmah Adad informs him that 2000 Suteans conducted a raid against Qatna 81 Relations with Yamhad worsened during Isḫi Addu s reign and the conflict evolved into border warfare 74 Qatna occupied the city of Parga in the region of Hamath for a while before Sumu Epuh retook it 82 In the south Isḫi Addu faced a general rebellion 74 the alliance with Assyria was cemented by the marriage of Isḫi Addu s daughter to Yasmah Adad in c 1782 BC 83 The following year after petitions by Qatna Shamshi Adad sent an army to help Isḫi Addu deal with the rebellion note 9 82 The Assyrian troops avoided engaging Yamhad and did not participate in its war with Qatna while Isḫi Addu took up residence in Qades to oversee the suppression of the rebellion 82 which apparently was supported by Yamhad 84 After four years in the service of Qatna Shamshi Adad ordered his troops to return this might have been connected to a peace treaty between Assyria and Yarim Lim I son of Sumu Epuh Isḫi Addu who in the past had declared that even if Shamshi Adad would conclude peace with Sumu epuh I will never make peace with Sumu epuh as long as I live was delivered a heavy blow but Mari s sources are silent on how the king dealt with the situation and by the time they resumed mentioning Qatna in c 1772 BC Isḫi Addu was dead and succeeded by his son Amut piʾel II 84 Decline edit The political and military balance in the region changed dramatically during the reign of Amut piʾel II 84 Shamshi Adad I had died by about 1775 BC and his empire disintegrated 85 while Yasmah Adad was removed from his throne and replaced with Zimri Lim 84 Yarim Lim I gained the upper hand and turned his kingdom into the supreme power in the Levant Qatna was forced to respect the borders and interests of Yamhad 84 In Mari Zimri Lim who was Yarim Lim s protege 86 married Amut piʾel II s sister and Yasmah Adad s widow Dam Ḫuraṣi and this seemed to satisfy the king of Qatna as his relations with Mari were never hostile note 10 85 In 1772 BC the Banu Yamina tribes revolted against Zimri Lim who asked Qatna for help Amut piʾel II sent his troops to Dur Yahdun Lim probably modern Deir ez Zor to support Mari but when he asked for Mariote military support at a later time Zimri Lim hesitated as Yarim Lim I was expressly against such a dispatch 88 When Qatna tried to establish an alliance with Eshnunna Mari which was at war with Eshnunna arrested the messengers on the pretext that Zimri Lim feared for their safety in reality the king of Mari was probably acting on behalf of Yamhad to prevent Qatna from establishing such an alliance 88 nbsp The royal palaceThe archive of Mari reports a plan between Zimri Lim the king of Carchemish and the king of Eshnunna who made peace with Mari to attack Qatna 88 Such an alliance could not have been realized without the participation of Yamhad overlord of both Mari and Carchemish in the end the plan was not pursued and the tense relations between Qatna and Yamhad eased toward the last years of Yarim Lim s reign 88 In a letter written to Zimri Lim 89 Yarim Lim I agreed to establish peace with Qatna if Amut piʾel II were to come by himself to Aleppo thus acknowledging the supremacy of Yamhad no proof can be shown for a meeting taking place between the two kings note 11 91 Just before his death in 1765 BC Yarim Lim called a meeting of his vassals and Zimri Lim traveled to Aleppo where he met messengers from Qatna and Hazor indicating that Amut piʾel II started recognizing the supremacy of Yarim Lim and that Hazor Qatna s vassal was now obeying Yamhad 92 Yarim Lim s successor Hammurabi I arranged a peace with Qatna that probably did not require the Qaṭanean king to visit Aleppo personally 91 but indicated Qatna s acceptance of Yamhad s superiority 93 This apparent yielding seems a mere formality as Qatna continued its aspirations for power as became clear in its behavior during the Elamite invasion of Mesopotamia in year ten of Zimri Lim s reign 93 An Elamite messenger reached Emar and sent three of his servants to Qatna Hammurabi I of Yamhad learned of this and sent troops to intercept them on their return 94 The servants were captured and questioned revealing that Amut piʾel II told them to tell their monarch that The country is delivered to you come up to me if you come up you will not be taken by surprise 94 The Qaṭanean king also sent two messengers to Elam but they were probably captured in Babylon 94 The hegemony of Yamhad affected Qatna s economy the trade route connecting Mesopotamia and Mari to Qatna through Palmyra lost its importance while the trade routes from the Mediterranean to Mesopotamia came under the full control of Aleppo contributing to Qatna s loss of wealth 93 Following the destruction of Mari by Hammurabi of Babylon around 1761 BC information about Qatna becomes scarce 95 in the late 17th century BC Yamhad invaded and defeated Qatna during the reign of Yarim Lim III 96 The political and commercial importance of Qatna declined quickly during the Late Bronze Age LB I around 1600 BC as a result of growing Egyptian and Mitannian influences 97 Numerous small states appeared in the region and detached from Qatna 97 Foreign domination edit It is not known when Qatna lost its independence It became a Mitannian vassal in the 16th century BC 98 but the archive of Qatna proves that even in its final period during the 14th century BC Qatna maintained a certain degree of autonomy 98 Early Egyptian military intrusions to the region occurred under Thutmose I r 1506 1493 BC The name Qedem appears in an inscription found on a fragmented gateway from Karnak dated to the reign of Thutmose mentioning a military campaign in the northern Levant 99 The inscription suggests that the mentioned cities submitted to the king 100 The geographic sequence given in the inscription is Qedem Qdm Tunip Twnjp and Ḏj3 wny maybe Siyannu Qatna Qdn in Egyptian would fit better in the geographic sequence and Alexander Ahrens suggested that the inscription might have meant Qatna 99 Any oaths of loyalty to Egypt taken by Levantine rulers were forgotten after Thutmose I s death 101 The Egyptians returned under the leadership of Thutmose III r 1479 1425 BC who reached Qatna during his eighth Asiatic campaign c 1446 BC 102 103 Thutmose III did not rule directly in Qatna but established vassalage ties and attended an archery contest with the Qaṭanean king 104 Towards the end of Thutmose III s reign and under the influence of Mitanni the Syrian states changed their loyalty causing Thutmose s successor Amenhotep II r 1427 1401 1397 BC to march north in his seventh year on the throne 105 where he fought troops from Qatna near the city note 12 106 The threat of the Hittites prompted Mitanni s king to sue for peace Artatama I approached Amenhotep II for an alliance and long negotiations started 107 The talks lasted until after Amenhotep s death when his successor Thutmose IV r 1401 1397 1391 1388 BC finally sealed a treaty that divided the Levant between the two powers 107 Qatna and the states north of it such as Nuhasse fell into the sphere of Mitanni 108 Despite its reduced status Qatna still controlled the Lebanon Mountains 80 km 50 mi away in the 14th century BC 109 Possible incorporation into Nuhasse edit During the reign of Adad Nirari of Nuhasse in the 14th century BC Qatna may have become part of his kingdom 110 In 1977 Astour considered Qatna a constituent part of the lands of Nuhasse and identified a king of Qatna named Adad Nirari with the Nuhassite king 111 Astour was followed by Thomas Richter in 2002 who considered Qatna to be a secondary city in the domain of the Nuhassite king The tablets of Qatna mention a sakkanakku military governor named Lullu and Richter considered him an official of Nuhasse 112 The hypothesis of Richter is debated a number of scholars accept it for example Pfalzner who suggested that the Nuhassite king may have resided in Qatna s royal palace 110 Richter dated the rule of the Nuhassite king to the period preceding the Hittite king Suppiluliuma I s first Syrian war during which Adad Nirari of Nuhasse opposed the Hittites was defeated and according to Richter had his kingdom split between different Hittite puppets including Idanda of Qatna 113 Gernot Wilhelm saw no ground for Richter s assumption concerning the identification of the Nuhassite monarch with the Qaṭanean king 114 This identification rests on the theory that Qatna belonged geographically to the region of Nuhasse note 13 but no solid evidence supports this assumption 116 and the Shattiwaza treaty between the Hittites and Mitannians clearly mentioned Qatna as a different realm from Nuhasse during the first Syrian war when the Nuhassite king ruled 117 118 If Qatna was part of the Nuhassite kingdom its submission to the Hittites would not have been mentioned separately in the treaty 117 It is a fact that Qatna was ruled by Idanda during the first war and the Hittite documents do not mention a change of rulers in Qatna made by Suppiluliuma leaving no reason to suspect that Idanda ascended the throne as a result of the war 119 Jacques Freu likewise rejected Richter s hypothesis Citing different arguments he concluded that Adad Nirari of Nuhasse was a contemporary of Idanda the successor of the Qaṭanean Adad Nirari 120 The campaigns of Suppiluliuma I edit Early in his reign 121 the Hittite king Suppiluliuma I r c 1350 1319 BC aimed at conquering Mitanni s lands west of the Euphrates 122 Suppiluliuma waged several campaigns to achieve his goal the first Syrian foray the second Syrian foray the first Syrian war and the second Syrian war note 14 136 The events and chronology of the Hittites subjugation of Qatna are debated 137 King Idanda was a Hittite vassal a letter sent by the Hittite general Ḫanutti contains a demand that Idanda fortify the city 137 Freu believed that Idanda abandoned Mitanni and joined the Hittites as a result of Suppiluliuma s first Syrian foray 138 The Mitannian king Tushratta retaliated by invading Qatna 120 and burning the royal palace 139 an event dated to around 1340 BC note 15 45 Wilhelm on the other hand believed that Idanda submitted to the Hittites as a result of the first Syrian war 141 Collapse edit The events leading to the destruction of the royal palace did not cause the destruction of the whole city 139 The Shattiwaza treaty which describes the events of the first Syrian war mentions that Qatna was invaded and destroyed and its people were deported during the war 142 However Idanda s successor Akizzi was ruling in the second half of the Egyptian pharaoh Akhenaten s reign following the first Syrian war 143 or shortly before the second Syrian war note 16 144 This discrepancy can be explained if the treaty did not mention the events in a chronological order many scholars such as Wilhelm believe that the author of the document organized the text according to the principle of association rather than following the sequence of events 142 But now the king of Ḫatti has sent them i e the temples up in flames The king of Ḫatti has taken the gods and the fighting men of Qatna Translation of letter EA 55 written by king Akizzi of Qatnadescribing the destruction of his kingdom 145 Akizzi contacted Egypt and declared himself a servant to the pharaoh 146 An anti Hittite coalition probably organized by Akizzi was established Suppiluliuma tried diplomatic means to solve the conflict but Akizzi rejected them 147 Hittite military intervention soon followed and Akizzi asked Egypt for troops but received none 148 Suppiluliuma himself came to Qatna aided by Aziru of Amurru The Hittite monarch took with him a statue of the sun deity which had been given to Qatna by an ancestor of Akhenaten This move symbolized the final capitulation of the kingdom 148 Akizzi survived the destruction of his city and continued his communication with the pharaoh for some time 149 148 in an Amarna letter EA 55 the king of Qatna described to Akhenaten the actions of Suppiluliuma and his plundering of Qatna 148 150 Hence the final sack of Qatna occurred after the royal palace was destroyed in 1340 BC 139 and before the death of Akhenaten to whom the letter was addressed in c 1334 BC 150 151 Trevor Bryce suggested that Akizzi might have accepted Hittite overlordship again 152 In any case he was the last known king 6 The city lost its importance following its sacking and never regained its former status 6 Post Hittite destruction edit The destruction of the royal palace constituted a break in Qatna s history 32 all other palaces were abandoned and the political system collapsed 140 A pottery workshop was built in the place of the southern palace while the lower city palace was replaced by two adjacent courtyards surrounded by walls 140 Archaeological data suggest a much reduced settlement with no regional role 153 Following the 13th century BC no archaeological evidence exists to prove the city was occupied the toponym Qatna stopped appearing and the next occupation level dates to the late 10th century BC suggesting it was uninhabited for three centuries note 17 153 Syro Hittite and following periods edit In the late 10th century and early 9th century BC the site was reoccupied but its name during that time is unknown note 18 153 three human head sculptures made of basalt were discovered in the site they probably date to the mid 9th century BC 154 At this time the region was probably under the control of Palistin 155 with Qatna under the rule of Hamath which was probably part of Palistin 155 The basalt heads bear similarities to a statue discovered in Palistin s capital 154 but there is not enough information to allow a general conclusion over the borders of Palistin and its extent into Qatna 156 The settlement was a small one it included large buildings that were used both as residences and manufacturing facilities 155 By the 8th century the site saw a revival in settlement the city expanded and many houses public buildings and storage areas were built 156 The newly expanded settlement was a contrast to the earlier 10th 9th century one 156 the existence of official buildings and the emergence of many satellite settlements surrounding Qatna suggest that the city was a local center in the kingdom of Hamath 157 The official buildings were violently destroyed probably at the hands of the Assyrian king Sargon II r 722 705 BC who annexed the region in 720 BC 158 The site continued to be inhabited during the Iron Age III following the Assyrian destruction but the settlement shrank considerably being reduced to a village comprising the central part of the acropolis It was abandoned in the mid 6th century BC 159 In the mid 19th century a modern village al Mishrifeh was built within the ancient site 160 Houses were built on top of the royal palace floors damaging them to a certain degree but also protecting the underlying ruins 161 In 1982 the Syrian Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums resettled the inhabitants in a new village next to the ancient tell thus making the site available for modern archaeological research 161 Society editPopulation and language edit The kingdom of Qatna had a predominantly Semitic Amorite population all the personal names from Qatna in the Mari archive were Amorite 86 The royal family was also Amorite and it stayed as such during the Mitannian era which witnessed the expansion of Hurrians 162 by the fifteenth century BC Qatna had a sizable Hurrian element 163 The Arameans were responsible for the re occupation of the site in the first millennium BC 156 The Amorites in Qatna spoke their own language 164 165 but kings communicated with their counterparts using Akkadian 166 which was the language of writing in the city 12 Qatna s Akkadian became heavily influenced by Hurrian in the 15th and 14th centuries BC 97 167 Richter argued that a special Akkadian Hurrian hybrid dialect developed in Qatna 97 Texts from Qatna exhibit many Hurrian elements proving that Hurrian was prominent among scribes but its predominance as a spoken language by the general public cannot be determined 167 Religion edit nbsp Statuette of a seated god from QatnaDetails about the religious life in Qatna are not available due to the rarity of written evidence from the city in general many cults seems to have existed and mixed in Qatna 168 most prominently the royal ancestor cult the cult of gods and the cult of the dead 169 The cult of gods edit nbsp An inventory listing gifts offered to the gods of the king Belet Ekallim Ninegal was a prominent deity in Qatna the inventories of gifts presented to the gods found in hall C of the palace show that she was a prominent element in the royal liturgy 170 where she was called the lady of the palace and Belet Qatna making her effectively the goddess of the city 26 However no trace of a temple or shrine has been found in the building note 19 170 The inventories also mention the gods of the king it is debated whether this referred to deities or to royal ancestors 172 Jean Bottero identified the gods of the king with the sun god Samas whom Akizzi called the god of my father in his letter to Akhenaten note 20 172 Gregorio del Olmo Lete considered Samas the god of Qatna s dynasty but the gods of the king probably included other deities as well 172 Jean Marie Durand considers Addu to be the god of the city based on a seal dating to Isḫi Addu s reign describing Addu as such 174 Another indication of the deities worshiped in Qatna comes from the archive of Mari the daughter of Isḫi Add was devoted to the goddess Ishtar and Zimri Lim once invited Amut piʾel II to Mari to take part in rituals for that goddess indicating that the cult of Ishtar was prominent in Qatna 170 The cult of the Betyles edit The texts of Mari show that the cult of stones especially the sikkanum i e Betyles sacred stones was widespread in western Syria 170 and its practice in Qatna is plausible 175 Du Mesnil du Buisson named room F in the royal palace Haut Lieu and considered it a shrine of Asera 176 Research done after 1999 ruled out du Mesnil du Buisson s hypothesis and concluded that the room is a bathroom but further research showed that the bathroom interpretation must also be wrong 176 Pfalzner based on its architecture being suitable for containing sacred stones note 21 suggested that room F was the palace shrine for the cult of Betyles 177 Pfalzner concludes that an ultimate proof however for the function of Room F at Qaṭna cannot be deduced from this parallel Nor is there a clue as to the dedication of the possible Betyle sanctuary at Qaṭna 169 Royal ancestors cult edit Ancestors were worshiped in Qatna 179 the royal hypogeum provided a large amount of data concerning the cult of ancestor worshiping and the practices associated with it 180 Two kinds of burials are distinguished a primary burial intended to transport the dead into the netherworld 181 and a secondary burial that was intended to transform the deceased into their ultimate form an ancestor 182 The royal hypogeum provides hints at the different rituals taking place during a secondary burial a noticeable character is that skeletons were not complete and no skulls are found for the majority of secondary burial remains 182 There is no evidence that skulls decayed as they would have left behind teeth of which very few were found indicating that the skulls were removed to be venerated in another location 183 Bones in the secondary burial were arranged without respect for anatomical order 182 it is plausible to assume that the distribution process was the result of symbolic rituals that indicated the changing of the deceased s role by incorporating him or her into the group of royal ancestors 183 Pottery vessels were deposited next to the secondary burial remains they were fixed on top of food offerings meant as a food supply for the dead giving evidence for the performance of Kispu nourishing and caring for one s ancestor through a regular supply of food and drink 184 Hundreds of pilled vessels provide evidence that the living participated and dined with their ancestors venerating them 184 Pfalzner argues for a third burial process which he calls the tertiary burial the eastern chamber of the hypogeum was used as an ossuary where human remains and animal bones left from the Kispu were mixed and pilled 184 Pfalzner conclude that bones left in that chamber were deposited there because they had become useless in funerary rituals thus the chamber was their final resting place 185 Bones in the eastern chamber were stored with no respect for the unity of an individual indicating that the persons buried were now part of the collective group of ancestors this did not mean that the individuals were no longer cared for as the many bowls in the chamber indicate the continuation of food offerings to those ancestors 185 According to Pfalzner a final burial stage can be noticed which he calls the quaternary burial 186 Tomb VII which most probably contained remains taken out of the royal hypogeum 186 seems to have worked as a storage for the remains of individuals whose Kispu cycle came to an end 187 very few bowls were found in that tomb 186 The Kispu was important for demonstrating the legitimacy of the king thus it needed to be public and visible to a large crowd Pfalzner suggests that hall A in the royal palace was the place for the public Kispu and that the antechamber of the royal hypogeum was dedicated for private Kispu that included only the king and the spirits of his ancestors 26 Culture edit Due to its location in the middle of the trade network of the ancient world the cultural and social landscape of the city was complex as the inhabitants had to deal with traders and envoys who brought with them different customs from distant regions 188 The inventories of gifts presented to deities from the royal palace indicate that Qatna used the sexagesimal numeral system 189 nbsp The head of Yarim Lim of Alalakh closely resembles the royal statues found in the royal hypogeum 30 Textiles dyed with royal purple a symbol of social status were found in the royal hypogeum 190 Judging by the royal statues found in the royal hypogeum antechamber a king of Qatna wore clothes different from those worn in Mesopotamia his robes would have reached his ankles and the hem on his shawl would have been in the shape of a thick rope while his beard was short and his headdress consisted of a broad band 191 For royal primary burials several steps were followed constructing the burial container anointing the body with oil heating the body leading the burial procession laying the sarcophagus floor with textiles burying the body with another layer of textiles and finally depositing a layer of plants and herbs 192 Elephants which lived in western Syria were esteemed in Qatna and connected to the royal family they were apparently hunted by the royals and the king himself as there is evidence that their bones were displayed in the palace thus elephants were part of the royal ideology and hunting an elephant was a symbol of prestige that glorified the strength of the king 193 An international style in art did not exist in Qatna note 22 instead a regional hybrid style prevailed where international motifs appear along with regional ones yet all the pieces reveal enough features to trace them to Qatna 195 The volute shaped plant is one of the most widespread international motifs note 23 many pieces from the royal hypogeum were decorated with the motif 197 but Qatna had its own typical volute 198 where the crown is a single long lobe with dotted pendants branching out of the corners of the upper volute 199 The wall painting in Qatna s royal palace attests to contact with the Aegean region they depict typical Minoan motifs such as palm trees and dolphins 200 Qatna also had a distinctive local craftsmanship the wall paintings in the royal palace though including Aegean motifs depict elements that are not typical either in Syria or the Aegean region such as turtles and crabs 201 This hybrid style of Qatna prompted Pfalzner to suggest a craftsmanship interaction model 200 which is based on the assumption that Aegean artists were employed in local Syrian workshops 202 Local workshops modeled amber in Syrian style many pieces were found in the royal hypogeum including 90 beads and a vessel in the shape of a lion head 203 Ivory was connected to the royal family and the pieces discovered reflect a high level of craftsmanship that was influenced by Egyptian traditions 204 Jewelry was made to fit local tastes even when the origin of the concept was foreign an example would be the scarabs traditional Egyptian objects that were modified in Qatna by engraving them with local motifs and encasing them with gold which is atypical for Egyptian specimens 205 Aside from two golden beads that seem imported from Egypt no jewelry discovered was of foreign origin 205 Typical western Syrian architectural traditions are seen in the eastern palace which has an asymmetrical plan and tripartite reception halls 206 The lower city palace also shows typical second millennium Syrian features being elongated and lacking the huge courtyards that were a traditional Mesopotamian feature instead the palace had several small courtyards spread within it 207 Qatna s royal palace was unique in its monumental architecture it had a distinctive foundation and the throne room walls were 9 metres 30 ft wide which does not occur elsewhere in the architecture of the ancient Near East 208 The period following the destruction of the royal palace shows a clear break in culture 140 evidenced by the poor building materials and architectural techniques 153 Economy edit nbsp The sphinx of ItaFinds in Tomb IV indicate that Qatna was engaged in long distance trade since its early history 36 The city s location on the edges of the Syrian steppes turned it into a strategic stop for caravans traveling to the Mediterranean Sea from the east 36 The countryside surrounding the city provided the key for its success in the Early Bronze Age IV those lands were capable of supporting both agriculture and pastoralism 36 Despite the modern scarcity of water geoarchaeological research on the wadis of the region confirm the abundance of water during the Bronze Age 15 The land was abundant in pasture lands when drought struck Mari Isḫi Addu allowed its nomads to graze their flocks in Qatna 209 The written sources do not offer deep insight on the economy of the kingdom 210 it counted mainly on agriculture during the Middle Bronze Age but by the Late Bronze Age it became based on trade with surrounding regions 211 Securing raw materials scarce near the city was an important concern for the rulers 212 basalt was an important building tool and it was probably acquired from the Salamiyah region or Al Rastan 213 Calcite was provided from either the Syrian coast or Egypt amber came from the Baltic region while regions in modern Afghanistan provided carnelian and lapis lazul 213 The main routes passing Qatna were from Babylon to Byblos through Palmyra from Ugarit to Emar and from Anatolia to Egypt 191 Taxes on caravans crossing the trade routes allowed the city s royalty to get rich 191 an insight into Qatna s wealth can be acquired from the dowry of Isḫi Addu s daughter who was endowed with 10 talents of silver 288 kg and 5 talents of textiles worth 144 kg of silver 210 White horses were among Qatna s most famous exports 214 in addition to high quality wines 210 woods from the nearby Lebanon mountain 209 and goods such as chariots from a highly skilled craft industry 215 Many Egyptian imports were found in the city 216 including the sphinx of Ita which represents a daughter of the Egyptian pharaoh Amenemhat II 216 and a vessel with the name of Senusret I inscribed on it plus around 50 stone vessels in the royal hypogeum 217 Another vessel lists the name of Queen Ahmose Nefertari wife of 18th dynasty Pharaoh Ahmose I 218 Two units of weight and payment measurement are prominent in Qatna the mina and the shekel 189 The mina had different values from region to region but it seems that in Qatna the preferred value was 470 g while the preferred value of the shekel is hard to figure 189 Government edit The existence of agricultural facilities on the acropolis during the EB IV early city indicates that a central authority oversaw the production process 36 perhaps the city was a center of one of the princes of Ib al 59 Another piece of evidence is Tomb IV which contained the remains of 40 people 300 pottery vessels weapons and ornaments 36 The tomb probably belonged to the elite or the ruling family of the city 36 In the kingdom of Qatna the crown prince had the city of Nazala as his domain 82 219 The palace was mainly a political and administrative institution devoid of religious functions in contrast to the palace of Mari note 24 221 In the realm of Hamath Qatna was an administrative center probably in control of the kingdom s southern regions 222 During the Assyrian period Qatna lost its administrative role and even its urban character until its abandonment 222 Known kings of Qatna are 223 162 King ReignAmut piʾel IIsḫi Addu c 1783 BCAmut piʾel II c 1772 BCNaplimma c 1450 BCSinaduAdad NirariIdanda c 1340 BCAkizziExcavations editDu Mesnil du Buisson led excavations starting in 1924 and annually from 1927 to 1929 224 the third millennium BC remains provided scarce samples and most of the data come from Tomb IV 225 In 1994 a Syrian mission led by Michel Al Maqdissi conducted several surveys and surface excavations 224 then in 1999 a joint Syrian Italian German mission was formed that was headed by Al Maqdissi Daniele Morandi Bonacossi and Pfalzner 226 Due to the development of the excavations the Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums split the mission into Syrian headed by Al Maqdissi Syrian German headed by Pfalzner and Syrian Italian headed by Morandi Bonacossi missions in 2004 224 Research was focused on the upper city while the lower city remained largely untouched by 2006 only 5 of the site s total area had been excavated 13 The royal palace was split into two excavation areas operation G covering the western part and operation H covering the eastern part 161 Operation J covers the summit of the acropolis 227 while the lower city palace is covered by operation K 228 One of the most important discoveries came in 2002 when the archive of king Idanda was discovered containing 67 clay tablets 229 230 As a result of the Syrian Civil War excavations stopped in 2011 231 See also edit nbsp Asia portalAl Rawda Amqu Niya List of cities of the ancient Near EastNotes edit Robert du Mesnil du Buisson discovered the hall in the 1920s and thought it along with the whole western part of the palace was a temple that he called the temple of Nin Egal 26 because it contained the inventories of the offerings presented to the goddess Nin Egal 27 Modern research showed the supposed temple to be a hall of the royal palace and it was named room C 26 The date of the palace s construction is debated du Mesnil du Buisson dated it to the late third early second millennium BC while Ella Dardaillon Peter Pfalzner and Mirko Novak believe it was built during the Middle Bronze I Middle Bronze II ages transition period 29 Daniele Morandi Bonacossi prefers the 1600 BC date 30 Investigations of Qatna s fortifications were not carried out hindering the determination of the rampart s age 17 however considering that similar large cities in the region such as Ebla had their fortifications built during the Middle Bronze Age I a similar date is hypothesized for Qanta s rampart 17 However they might have been built during the late Middle Bronze Age II based on radiocarbon dating of the western section of the rampart the only section to have been dated this way 17 The number of gates and their dates is debated 51 four main gates are visible 52 but further investigation is needed 51 Pise installations and fireplaces were discovered 13 The text was studied by many scholars who presented similar readings of a sentence mentioning a ruler of a city 64 the name of that city was read by different scholars as Kedme Alan Gardiner Kedemi Adolf Erman Qedem Gustave Lefebvre and Kedem William Kelly Simpson 64 The title in the Egyptian text is Meki a variant of Mekim 67 Although ancient Mesopotamians treated the term Mekim as a proper name and various modern scholars share this view most researchers agree that Mekim is a title derived from the Semitic root Malakum meaning Ruling 68 Gabetum a consort of Yahdun Lim was perhaps a princess from Qatna 74 Shamshi Adad planned to send an army of 20 000 soldiers and for his son Yasmah Adad to lead them but these plans could not be realized Instead a much more modest army was sent under command of generals who were placed in the service of Isḫi Addu for four years c 1781 1778 BC 82 Although the identification of Dam Ḫuraṣi wife of Zimri Lim with the widow of Yasmah Adad has an academic consensus some scholars such as Jack M Sasson argue against it 87 Yarim Lim wrote we will establish good relations between me and him an oath by the gods and a firm treaty 90 Amenhotep did not state that Qatna was in a revolt he only spoke of a few Asiatics from the town of Qatna who came to cause troubles 106 Richter considered the Nuhasse lands to include Nuhasse Qatna and Ugulzat 115 The campaigns of Suppiluliuma I in Syria are debated 123 and divided into four main phases by scholars First Syrian foray the term was coined by Kenneth Kitchen 123 it probably took place in southeastern Anatolia on the borders between Mitanni and the Hittites ending with a Mitannian victory 123 Michael Astour dates the event to the period between years 30 and 34 of the Egyptian pharaoh Amenhotep III s reign 1391 1353 or 1388 1351 BC 124 this offensive might have been led by Suppiluliuma s father Tudhaliya II 125 Second Syrian foray also first suggested by Kitchen 126 this was supposedly aimed at western Syria but its occurrence is highly debated 127 Suppiluliuma I in his treaty with the Mitannian king Shattiwaza mentions that he plundered the lands west of the Euphrates i e western Syria long before his one year campaign which happened after the second Syrian foray 127 and reached Mount Niblani Lebanon 128 129 Astour dates the second foray to the eleventh regnal year of the Egyptian pharaoh Akhenaten 1353 1336 or 1351 1334 BC 130 The first Syrian war or one year campaign 131 was a direct confrontation between Mitanni and Suppiluliuma and is given different dates by various scholars William J Murnane places it at any point between Akhenaten s 9th and 14th year 132 A more suitable date would be the beginning of Akhenaten s 12th year on the throne 132 The account of the first war is handed down in the historical prologue of the Shattiwaza treaty 133 The second Syrian war also known as the six year campaign 134 or the Hurrian war was a conflict that brought Syria firmly under the rule of Suppiluliuma I it started at least ten years following Akhenaten s death 135 Pfalzner attributed the destruction of the palace to Suppiluliuma I 32 while Richter believed that it was a Syrian state that opposed the Hittites such as Amurru 140 Freu insisted that Qatna was destroyed during the first Syrian war citing the fact that the letters sent by Akizzi to Egypt asking for help date to the Amarna Period while the second Syrian war took place long after the abandonment of Amarna 138 An early 12th century BC document from Emar mention the destruction of a land named KURqa ad t ṭ na by a governor of Sukhi Murray R Adamthwaite identified the land with Qatna but another city known as Qattunam or Qattun Qatni located in the Lower Khabur can also be a candidate 153 In the 8th century BC the toponym qt n was mentioned in Hama but the possibility that it refers to Qatna was denied by Edward Lipinski who noted that qt n was associated with the toponym Rg corresponding to the al Rouge plain therefore Lipinski identify qt n as the ancient name of Qastun 153 After it became evident that hall C is not a temple of Belet Ekallim 26 Pfalzner suggested that only a small chamber code named room P located in the north eastern corner of hall C called the Saint des Saintes by du Mesnil du Buisson and the area GO in front of it called the Sanctuaire by du Mesnil du Buisson can be considered as the sanctuary of Belet Ekallim 26 Dominique Charpin argued that no evidence for a Belet Ekallim sanctuary exists in the palace he believes that the temple should be looked for in Qatna but outside the palace 26 One of Charpin s arguments is that four inventories were found in the palace but only inventory I mentions Belet Ekallim while the others speak about the gods of the king and no temple is mentioned 171 More precisely Akizzi mentioned Simigi the Hurrian equivalent of Samas 173 The lime floor of room F had a gap that could have supported a wooden threshold that separated a rectangular area from the rest of the room 177 This area was 5 5 by 3 metres 18 0 by 9 8 ft in size and its northern half two rows of brick installations each row consists of two further rows a northern three low pillars and a southern three flat podiums opposite each others 177 There is a gap in the floor between each pillar and podium that could have been fitted with a slab of stone 177 the pillar would have supported the stone from behind while the podium would have worked as pedestal 177 However the Betyles are missing 177 and there is evidence that they were robbed as the lime plaster of the floor is broken and pushed around the pillars 178 The international style of the Eastern Mediterranean and Western Asian art of the second half of the second millennium BC is a heavily debated concept in archaeology 194 it is defined as an artistic style that is impossible to trace to a certain regional origin as it lacks any regional characters 195 The motif is called many names such as the composite plants stylized trees and the tree of life 196 Pfalzner argues that the palace did have religious importance 220 References editCitations edit a b Cremaschi Morandi Bonacossi amp Valsecchi 2008 p 53 a b c d e Morandi Bonacossi 2007 p 73 Morandi Bonacossi 2009 p 57 Pettinato 1991 p 145 a b Astour 2002 p 121 a b c d Novak 2004 p 312 a b Unger 2014 p 125 Gamkrelidze 2008 p 173 Hess 1999 p 522 Dietrich amp Oswald 2005 p 89 a b c Morandi Bonacossi 2008 p 233 a b Feldman 2006 p 109 a b c d e f Morandi Bonacossi 2007 p 66 a b Cremaschi Morandi Bonacossi amp Valsecchi 2008 p 51 a b c d e Cremaschi Morandi Bonacossi amp Valsecchi 2008 p 52 Morandi Bonacossi 2007 p 71 a b c d e f Morandi Bonacossi 2007 p 221 Al Maqdissi 2008 p 216 a b c Morandi Bonacossi 2009 p 63 Morandi Bonacossi 2012 p 541 Pfalzner 2012 p 783 a b Morandi Bonacossi 2007 p 229 a b Pfalzner 2014 p 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978 1 400 87449 1 Cooper Lisa 2013 The Northern Levant Syria During the Early Bronze Age In Steiner Margreet L Killebrew Ann E eds The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant c 8000 332 BCE Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 166255 3 Cordani Violetta 2011 Dating the Ascension to the Throne of Suppiluliuma I KASKAL LoGisma Editore 8 ISBN 978 88 97530 07 7 Cordani Violetta 2013 Suppiluliuma in Syria after the First Syrian War the Non Evidence of the Amarna Letters In de Martino Stefano Miller Jared L eds New Results and New Questions on the Reign of Suppiluliuma I Eothen Vol 19 LoGisma Editore ISBN 978 8 897 53010 7 Cremaschi Mauro Morandi Bonacossi Daniele Valsecchi Verushka 2008 Settlement and Environment at Tell Mishrifeh Qatna and its Region A Preliminary Reconstruction In Kuhne Hartmut Czichon Rainer Maria Kreppner Florian Janoscha eds Proceedings of the 4th International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East 29 March 3 April 2004 Freie Universitat Berlin Vol 1 Otto Harrassowitz Verlag ISBN 978 3 447 05703 5 Devecchi Elena 2007 A Fragment of a Treaty with Mukis Studi Micenei ed Egeo Anatolici Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche CNR Istituto di Studi sulle Civilta dell Egeo e del Vicino Oriente 49 ISSN 1126 6651 Devecchi Elena 2013 Suppiluliuma s Syrian Campaigns in Light of the Documents from Ugarit In de Martino Stefano Miller Jared L eds New Results and New Questions on the Reign of Suppiluliuma I Eothen Vol 19 LoGisma Editore ISBN 978 8 897 53010 7 Dietrich Manfried Oswald Loretz 2005 Alalah Texte der Schicht VII I Historische und juristische Dokumente Ugarit Forschungen in German Ugarit Verlag 36 ISBN 978 3 934 62865 6 Duistermaat Kim 2013 Iamoni M The Late MBA and LBA Pottery Horizons at Qatna Innovation and Conservation in the Ceramic Tradition of a Regional Capital and the Implications for Second Millennium Syrian Chronology Studi Archeologici Su Qatna 2 Forum Editrice Universitaria Udinese Udine 2012 360 p ISBN 978 88 8420 729 6 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2 Gromova Daria 2012 Kogan Leonid ed Idanda Archive and the Syrian Campaigns of SuppiluliumaI New Pieces for the Puzzle Babel und Bibel Eisenbrauns 6 doi 10 5325 j ctv1bxh5gx 19 ISBN 978 1 575 06228 0 Gzella Holger 2013 Peoples and Languages of the Levant During the Bronze and Iron Ages In Steiner Margreet L Killebrew Ann E eds The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant c 8000 332 BCE Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 166255 3 Heimpel Wolfgang 2003 On the Recently Published Old Babylonian Texts from Tuttul Orientalia Pontificium Institutum Biblicum 72 3 OCLC 557711946 Hess Richard S 1999 The Onomastics of Ugarit In Watson Wilfred Wyatt Nicolas eds Handbook of Ugaritic Studies Handbook of Oriental Studies Vol 1 The Near and Middle East Brill ISBN 978 9 004 29410 3 ISSN 0169 9423 James Matthew A Reifarth Nicole Mukherjee Anna J Crump Matthew P Gates Paul J Sandor Peter Robertson Francesca Pfalzner Peter Evershed Richard P 2009 High Prestige Royal Purple Dyed Textiles from the Bronze Age Royal Tomb at Qatna Syria Antiquity Cambridge University Press 83 322 1109 1118 doi 10 1017 S0003598X00099397 ISSN 0003 598X S2CID 162563421 Kitchen Kenneth 1962 Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs A Study in Relative Chronology Liverpool Monographs in Archaeology and Oriental Studies Vol 5 Liverpool University Press OCLC 222536 Klengel Horst 1992 Syria 3000 to 300 B C a Handbook of Political History Akademie Verlag ISBN 978 3 050 01820 1 Klengel Horst 2000 Qaṭna Ein Historischer Uberblick Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient Gesellschaft Deutschen Orientgesellschaft 132 ISSN 0342 118X Kottsieper Ingo 2007 The Tel Dan Inscription KAI 310 and the Political Relations between Aram Damascus and Israel in the First Half of the First Millennium BCE In Grabbe Lester L ed Ahab Agonistes The Rise and Fall of the Omri Dynasty T amp T Clarck ISBN 978 0 567 04540 9 Ladynin Ivan A Nemirovski Alexander A 2010 Year 12 of Akhenaten in the Context of the Near Eastern Political and Military History Cultural Heritage of Egypt and Christian Orient Institute of Oriental Studies Russian Academy of Sciences 5 ISBN 978 5 892 82430 9 Lauinger Jacob 2015 Following the Man of Yamhad Settlement and Territory at Old Babylonian Alalah Culture and History of the Ancient Near East Vol 75 Brill ISBN 978 90 04 29289 5 Laessoe Jorgen 1963 People of Ancient Assyria Their Inscriptions and Correspondencee Translated by Leigh Browne Frederick Sebastian Routledge amp Kegan Paul OCLC 473972582 Luciani Marta 2006 Ivory at Qatna In Czerny Ernst Hein Ermgard Hunger Hermann Melman Dagmar Schwab Angela eds Timelines Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak Volume III Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Vol 149 Peeters Publishers amp Department of Oriental Studies Leuven ISSN 0777 978X Magli Giulio 2013 Architecture Astronomy and Sacred Landscape in Ancient Egypt Cambridge University Press ISBN 978 1 107 03208 8 Magnetti Donald L 1978 The Function of the Oath in the Ancient Near Eastern International Treaty The American Journal of International Law American Society of International Law 72 4 815 829 doi 10 2307 2199778 ISSN 0002 9300 JSTOR 2199778 S2CID 147546223 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2005a The Royal Palace of Qatna In Morandi Bonacossi Daniele al Maqdissi Michel eds The Metropolis of the Orontes Art and Archaeology from the Ancient Kingdom of Qatna Seven Years of Syrian Italian Collaboration at Mishrifeh Qatna Salhani Printing Establishment OCLC 496581031 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2005b The History of Mishrifeh In Morandi Bonacossi Daniele al Maqdissi Michel eds The Metropolis of the Orontes Art and Archaeology from the Ancient Kingdom of Qatna Seven Years of Syrian Italian Collaboration at Mishrifeh Qatna Salhani Printing Establishment OCLC 496581031 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2005c The Ancient Lake of Mishrifeh In Morandi Bonacossi Daniele al Maqdissi Michel eds The Metropolis of the Orontes Art and Archaeology from the Ancient Kingdom of Qatna Seven Years of Syrian Italian Collaboration at Mishrifeh Qatna Salhani Printing Establishment OCLC 496581031 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2007 The Chronology of the Royal Palace of Qatna Revisited A Reply to a Paper by Mirko Novak Egypt and the Levant 14 2004 Agypten und Levante Egypt and the Levant Austrian Academy of Sciences Press 17 ISSN 1015 5104 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2007 Qatna and its Hinterland during the Bronze and Iron Ages A Preliminary Reconstruction of Urbanism and Settlement in the Mishrifeh Region In Morandi Bonacossi Daniele ed Urban and Natural Landscapes of an Ancient Syrian Capital Settlement and Environment at Tell Mishrifeh Qatna and in Central Western Syria Proceedings of the International Conference held in Udine9 11 December 2004 Studi archeologici su Qatna Vol 1 Forum Editrice Universitaria Udinese ISBN 978 88 8420 418 9 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2008 The Acropolis of Tell Mishrifeh During the Second and First Millennia BC Preliminary Results of the Work of the Italian Component of the Syrian Italian German Project at Tell Mishrifeh Qatna In Kuhne Hartmut Czichon Rainer Maria Kreppner Florian Janoscha eds Proceedings of the 4th International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East 29 March 3 April 2004 Freie Universitat Berlin Vol 2 Otto Harrassowitz Verlag ISBN 978 3 447 05757 8 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2008 Italian Archaeological Research at Qatna In Aruz Joan Benzel Kim Evans Jean M eds Beyond Babylon Art Trade and Diplomacy in the Second Millennium B C Metropolitan Museum of Art ISBN 978 1 58839 295 4 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2008 Excavations on the Acropolis of Mishrifeh Operation J A New Early Bronze Age III Iron Age III Sequence for Central Inner Syria Part 1 Stratigraphy Chronology and Architecture Akkadica Assyriological Center Georges Dossin 129 1 ISSN 1378 5087 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2009 Continuity and Change in the Town Planning and Material Culture of Iron Age II and III Mishrifeh Central Syria Syria Archeologie Art et Histoire l Institut Francais du Proche Orient 86 ISSN 0039 7946 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele Da Ros Monica Garna Giancarlo Iamoni Marco Merlino Matteo 2009 The Eastern Palace and the Residential Architecture of Area T at Mishrifeh Qatna Preliminary Report on the 2006 2008 Excavation Campaigns of the Italian Component of the Syro Italian Archaeological Project Mesopotamia Rivista di Archeologia Epigrafia e Storia Orientale Antica Le Lettere 44 ISSN 0076 6615 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2009 Parr Peter J ed Tell Mishrifeh and its Region During The EBA IV and the EBA MBA Transition A First Assessment PEF Annual The Palestine Exploration Fund IX The Levant in Transition ISBN 978 1 90435 099 6 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2011 The Middle Bronze Age Necropolis at Mishrifeh In Pfalzner Peter al Maqdissi Michel eds Interdisziplinare Studien zur Konigsgruft in Qatna Qaṭna Studien Forschungsergebnisse und Vergleichende Untersuchungen des Deutsch Syrischen Archaologischen Projektsauf dem Tall Misrife Vol 1 Otto Harrassowitz Verlag ISBN 978 3 447 06541 2 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2012 Ritual Offering and Termination Rituals in a Middle Bronze Age Sacred Area in Qatna s Upper Town In Lanfranchi Giovanni B Morandi Bonacossi Daniele Pappi Cinzia Ponchia Simonetta eds Leggo Studies Presented to Frederick Mario Fales on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday Leipziger Altorientalistische Studien Vol 2 Otto Harrassowitz Verlag ISBN 978 3 447 06659 4 ISSN 2193 4436 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2013 Yener K Aslihan ed The Crisis of Qatna at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age II and the Iron Age II Settlement Revival A Regional Trajectory towards the Collapse of the Late Bronze Age Palace System in the Northern Levant Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement Series Vol 42 Across the Border Late Bronze Iron Age Relations between Syria and Anatolia Proceedings of a Symposium held at the Research Center of Anatolian Studies Koc University Istanbul May 31 June 1 2010 Peeters ISBN 978 9 042 92715 5 Morandi Bonacossi Daniele 2014 Some Considerations on the Urban Layout of Second Millennium BC Qatna In Baffi Francesca Fiorentino Roberto Peyronel Luca eds Tell Tuqan Excavations and Regional Perspectives Cultural Developments in Inner Syria from the Early Bronze Age to the Persian Hellenistic Period Proceedings of the International Conference May 15th 17th 2013 Lecce Congedo Editore ISBN 978 8 867 66103 9 Novak Mirko 2004 The Chronology of the Royal Palace of Qatna Agypten und Levante Egypt and the Levant Austrian Academy of Sciences Press 14 ISSN 1015 5104 Oldenburg Ulf 1969 The Conflict between El and Ba al in Canaanite Religion Dissertationes ad Historiam Religionum Pertinentes Vol 3 Brill ISSN 0419 4233 OCLC 63449 Oliva Juan 2014 Abouzayd Shafiq ed On Syrian Inner Chronology at the end of the Amorite Period ARAM Periodical Aram Society for Syro Mesopotamian Studies Peeters Publishers 26 1 amp 2 ISBN 978 1 326 71743 8 ISSN 0959 4213 Oren Eliezer D 1973 The Northern Cemetery of Beth Shan Museum Monograph of the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania Brill ISBN 978 9 004 03673 4 Otto Adelheid 2000 1999 Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Klassisch Syrischen Glyptik Untersuchungen zur Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archaologie in German Vol 8 Walter de Gruyter ISBN 978 3 110 16359 9 ISSN 0502 7012 Pappi Cinzia 2007 The Religious Landscape of Qatna during the Mari Period In Morandi Bonacossi Daniele ed Urban and Natural Landscapes of an Ancient Syrian Capital Settlement and Environment at Tell Mishrifeh Qatna and in Central Western Syria Proceedings of the International Conference held in Udine9 11 December 2004 Studi archeologici su Qatna Vol 1 Forum Editrice Universitaria Udinese ISBN 978 88 8420 418 9 Pettinato Giovanni 1991 Ebla a new look at history Johns Hopkins University Press ISBN 978 0 8018 4150 7 Pfalzner Peter 2007 Archaeological Investigations in the Royal Palace of Qatna In Morandi Bonacossi Daniele ed Urban and Natural Landscapes of an Ancient Syrian Capital Settlement and Environment at Tell Mishrifeh Qatna and in Central Western Syria Proceedings of the International Conference held in Udine9 11 December 2004 Studi archeologici su Qatna Vol 1 Forum Editrice Universitaria Udinese ISBN 978 88 8420 418 9 Pfalzner Peter 2008 The Royal Palace at Qatna Power and Prestige in the Late Bronze Age In Aruz Joan Benzel Kim Evans Jean M eds Beyond Babylon Art Trade and Diplomacy in the Second Millennium B C Metropolitan Museum of Art ISBN 978 1 58839 295 4 Pfalzner Peter von Ruden Constance 2008 Between the Aegean and Syria the Wall Paintings from the Royal Palace of Qatna In Bonatz Dominik Czichon Rainer Maria Kreppner Florian Janoscha eds Fundstellen Gesammelte Schriften zur Archaologie und Geschichte Altvorderasiens ad Honorem Hartmut Kuhne Otto Harrassowitz Verlag ISBN 978 3 447 05770 7 Pfalzner Peter 2011 Die Konigsgruft von Qaṭna als architektonisches Ensemble In Pfalzner Peter al Maqdissi Michel eds Interdisziplinare Studien zur Konigsgruft in Qatna Qaṭna Studien Forschungsergebnisse und Vergleichende Untersuchungen des Deutsch Syrischen Archaologischen Projektsauf dem Tall Misrife in German Vol 1 Otto Harrassowitz Verlag ISBN 978 3 447 06541 2 Pfalzner Peter 2012 Levantine Kingdoms of the Late Bronze Age In Potts Daniel T ed A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East Vol 1 John Wiley amp Sons ISBN 978 1 4443 6077 6 Pfalzner Peter 2012 Pfalzner Peter Niehr Herbert Pernicka Ernst Wissing Anne eds How Did They Bury the Kings of Qatna Qaṭna Studien Supplementa Ubergreifende und vergleichende Forschungsaktivitaten des Qaṭna Projekts der Universitat Tubingen Otto Harrassowitz Verlag 1 Re Constructing Funerary Ritualsin the Ancient Near East Proceedings of the First International Symposium of the Tubingen Post Graduate School Symbols of the Dead in May 2009 ISBN 978 3 447 06820 8 ISSN 2195 4305 Pfalzner Peter 2013 The Elephant Hunters of Bronze Age Syria In Aruz Joan Graff Sarah B Rakic Yelena eds Cultures in Contact From Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean in the Second Millennium B C Metropolitan Museum of Art ISBN 978 1 58839 475 0 Pfalzner Peter 2014 Pfalzner Peter Niehr Herbert Pernicka Ernst Lange Sarah Koster Tina eds Royal Funerary Practices and Inter regional Contacts in the Middle Bronze Age Levant New Evidence from Qaṭna Qaṭna Studien Supplementa Ubergreifende und vergleichende Forschungsaktivitaten des Qaṭna Projekts der Universitat Tubingen Otto Harrassowitz Verlag 3 Contextualising Grave Inventories in the Ancient Near East Proceedings of a Workshop at the London 7th ICAANE in April 2010 and an International Symposium in Tubingen in November 2010 both Organised by the Tubingen Post Graduate School Symbols of the Dead ISBN 978 3 447 10237 7 ISSN 2195 4305 Pfalzner Peter 2015 Pfalzner Peter ed The Art of Qatna and the Question of the International Style Qaṭna Studien Supplementa Ubergreifende und vergleichende Forschungsaktivitaten des Qaṭna Projekts der Universitat Tubingen Otto Harrassowitz Verlag 2 Qaṭna and the Networks of Bronze Age Globalism Proceedings of an International Conference in Stuttgart and Tubingen in October 2009 ISBN 978 3 447 10350 3 ISSN 2195 4305 Pfalzner Peter 2015 A House of Kings and Gods Ritual Places in Syrian Palaces BAAL Bulletin d Archeologie et d Architecture Libanaises Beyrouth Ministere de la Culture Direction Generale des Antiquites Hors Serie X Cult and ritual on the Levantine coast and its impact on the eastern Mediterranean realm proceedings of the International Symposium Beirut 2012 ISSN 1683 0083 Pitard Wayne T 2001 1998 Before Israel Syria Palestine in the Bronze Age In Coogan Michael David ed The Oxford History of the Biblical World revised ed Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 513937 2 Podany Amanda H 2010 Brotherhood of Kings How International Relations Shaped the Ancient Near East Oxford University Press ISBN 978 0 19 979875 9 Quack Joachim Friedrich 2010 From Group Writing to Word Association Representation and Integration of Foreign Words in Egyptian Script In de Voogt Alexander J Finkel Irving L eds The Idea of Writing Play and Complexity Brill ISBN 978 90 04 17446 7 Redford Donald B 2003 The Wars in Syria and Palestine of Thutmose III Culture and History of the Ancient near East Series Vol 16 Brill ISBN 978 9 004 12989 4 ISSN 1566 2055 Richter Thomas 2002 Der Einjahrige Feldzug Suppiluliumas I von Hatti in Syrien nach Textfunden des Jahres 2002 in Misrife Qatna Ugarit Forschungen in German Ugarit Verlag 34 ISBN 978 3 934 62833 5 Richter Thomas 2005 Qatna in the Late Bronze Age Preliminary Remarks In Owen David I Wilhelm Gernot eds General Studies and Excavations at Nuzi 11 1 Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians Vol 15 CDL Press ISBN 978 1 883 05389 5 ISSN 1080 9686 Richter Thomas 2007 Topographical Names in Late Bronze Age Texts Unearthed in Misrife Qatna In Morandi Bonacossi Daniele ed Urban and Natural Landscapes of an Ancient Syrian Capital Settlement and Environment at Tell Mishrifeh Qatna and in Central Western Syria Proceedings of the International Conference held in Udine9 11 December 2004 Studi archeologici su Qatna Vol 1 Forum Editrice Universitaria Udinese ISBN 978 88 8420 418 9 Rossberger Elisa 2014 Pfalzner Peter ed Things to Remember Jewellery Collective Identity and Memory at the Royal Tomb of Qaṭna Qaṭna Studien Supplementa Ubergreifende und vergleichende Forschungsaktivitaten des Qaṭna Projekts der Universitat Tubingen Harrassowitz Verlag 3 Contextualising Grave Inventories in the Ancient Near East Proceedings of a Workshop at the London 7th ICAANE in April 2010 and an International Symposium in Tubingen in November 2010 both Organised by the Tubingen Post Graduate School Symbols of the Dead ISBN 978 3 447 10237 7 ISSN 2195 4305 Sasson Jack M 2010 On the Ishi Addu Seal from Qatna with Comments on Qatna Personnel in the OB Period In Donmez Sevket ed Veysel Donbaz a Sunulan Yazilar DUB SAR E DUB BA A Studies presented in honour of Veysel Donbaz Ege Publications ISBN 978 6 055 60718 0 Schneider Thomas 2002 Sinuhes Notiz uber die Konige Syrisch Anatolische Herrschertitel in Agyptischer Uberlieferung Agypten und Levante Egypt and the Levant in German Austrian Academy of Sciences Press 12 ISSN 1015 5104 Silver Minna A 2014 Abouzayd Shafiq ed Equid Burials in Archaeological Contexts in the Amorite Hurrian and Hyksos Cultural Intercourse ARAM Periodical Aram Society for Syro Mesopotamian Studies Peeters Publishers 26 1 amp 2 ISBN 978 1 326 71743 8 ISSN 0959 4213 Spalinger Anthony J 2005 War in Ancient Egypt The New Kingdom Blackwell Publishing ISBN 978 0 470 77750 3 Streck Michael P 2011 Babylonian and Assyrian In Weninger Stefan Khan Geoffrey Streck Michael P Watson Janet C E eds The Semitic Languages An International Handbook Handbucher zur Sprach und Kommunikationswissenschaft Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science Vol 36 Walter de Gruyter ISBN 978 3 110 25158 6 ISSN 1861 5090 Turri Luigi 2015 The Ponderal Systems of Qatna In Archi Alfonso Bramanti Armando eds Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East Proceedings of the 57th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale at Rome 4 8 July 2011 Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale RAI Vol 57 Eisenbrauns ISBN 978 1 57506 313 3 Unger Merrill F 2014 1957 Israel and the Aramaeans of Damascus A Study in Archaeological Illumination of Bible History Wipf and Stock Publishers ISBN 978 1 625 64606 4 Van Koppen Frans 2007 Syrian Trade Routes of the Mari Age and MB II Hazor In Bietak Manfred Czerny Ernst eds The Synchronisation of Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium B C Proceedings of the SCIEM 2000 2nd EuroConference Vienna 28th of May 1st of June 2003 Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean Vol 9 Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften ISBN 978 3 700 13527 2 Van Koppen Frans 2015 Pfalzner Peter ed Qaṭna in altsyrischer Zeit Qaṭna Studien Supplementa Ubergreifende und vergleichende Forschungsaktivitaten des Qaṭna Projekts der Universitat Tubingen in German Otto Harrassowitz Verlag 2 Qaṭna and the Networks of Bronze Age Globalism Proceedings of an International Conference in Stuttgart and Tubingen in October 2009 ISBN 978 3 447 10350 3 ISSN 2195 4305 Wilhelm Gernot 2012 Suppiluliuma I und die Chronologie der Amarna Zeit In Hachmann Rolf ed Kamid el Lōz Die Keilschriftbriefe und der Horizont von el Amarna Saarbrucker Beitrage zur Altertumskunde Vol 87 Habelt ISBN 978 3 774 93746 8 Wilhelm Gernot 2015 Pfalzner Peter ed Suppiluliuma and the Decline of the Mittanian Kingdom Qaṭna Studien Supplementa Ubergreifende und vergleichende Forschungsaktivitaten des Qaṭna Projekts der Universitat Tubingen Otto Harrassowitz Verlag 2 Qaṭna and the Networks of Bronze Age Globalism Proceedings of an International Conference in Stuttgart and Tubingen in October 2009 ISBN 978 3 447 10350 3 ISSN 2195 4305 Ziegler Nele 2007 Les Donnees des Archives Royales de Mari Sur le Milieu Baturel et l Occupation Humaine en Syrie Centrale In Morandi Bonacossi Daniele ed Urban and Natural Landscapes of an Ancient Syrian Capital Settlement and Environment at Tell Mishrifeh Qatna and in Central Western Syria Proceedings of the International Conference held in Udine9 11 December 2004 Studi archeologici su Qatna in French Vol 1 Forum Editrice Universitaria Udinese ISBN 978 88 8420 418 9 Further reading edit Bork Ferdinand 1940 Die Sprache von Qatna Altkaukasische Studien in German Harrassowitz 2 OCLC 557897303 Friedrich Johannes 1940 Zur Sprache von Qaṭna Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes in German Department of Oriental Studies University of Vienna 47 ISSN 0030 5383 External links edit nbsp Wikimedia Commons has media related to Qatna Qatna Prunkvolle Relikte aus der Bronzezeit Digital reconstruction of the royal palace in German Grabungsprojekt Qatna Collection of photos from the city and its artifacts in German Syrian Royal Tomb The scenario of Idanda s dinner with his ancestors in the royal tomb Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Qatna amp oldid 1186574653, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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