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Intermarium

Intermarium (Polish: Międzymorze, Polish pronunciation: [mʲɛnd͡zɨˈmɔʐɛ]) was a post-World War I geopolitical plan conceived by Józef Piłsudski to unite former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth lands within a single polity. The plan went through several iterations, some of which anticipated the inclusion as well of other, neighboring states. The proposed multinational polity would have incorporated territories lying between the Baltic, Black and Adriatic Seas, hence the name Intermarium (Latin for "Between-Seas").

Piłsudski's post-World War I Intermarium concept ranging from the Baltic sea in the north to the Mediterranean and Black Seas in the south. In light green: eastern parts of Ukrainian and Belarusian lands incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1922.

Prospectively a federation[1][2][3][4][5] of Central and Eastern European countries, the post-World War I Intermarium plan pursued by Piłsudski sought to recruit to the proposed federation the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia), Finland,[6] Belarus, Ukraine, Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia.[7][8] The Polish name Międzymorze (from między, "between"; and morze, "sea"), meaning "Between-Seas", was rendered into Latin as Intermarium.[9]

The proposed federation was meant to emulate the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, that, from the end of the 16th century to the end of the 18th, had united the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Intermarium complemented Piłsudski's other geopolitical vision, Prometheism, whose goal was the dismemberment of the Russian Empire and that Empire's divestment of its territorial acquisitions.[10][11][12][13]

Intermarium was perceived by some Lithuanians as a threat to their newly established independence, and by some Ukrainians as a threat to their aspirations for independence,[14][15][16] and while France backed the proposal, it was opposed by the Soviet Union and by most other Western powers.[17][18][19] Within two decades of the failure of Piłsudski's grand scheme, all the countries that he had viewed as candidates for membership in the Intermarium federation had fallen to the Soviet Union or to Nazi Germany, except for Finland (which suffered some territorial losses in the 1939–40 Winter War with the Soviet Union).

Precedents

 
Polish–Lithuanian union at its greatest extent, 1386–1434
 
The Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth at its greatest extent, 1635

Commonwealth

A Polish–Lithuanian union and military alliance had come about as a mutual response to common threats posed by the Teutonic Order, the Golden Horde and the Grand Duchy of Moscow. The alliance was first established in 1385 by the Union of Krewo,[20] solemnized by the marriage of Poland's Queen Jadwiga and Lithuania's Grand Duke Jogaila of the Gediminid dynasty, who became King Władysław II Jagiełło of Poland.

A longer-lasting federation subsequently came about in 1569 in the form of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, an arrangement that lasted until 1795, i.e., until the Third Partition of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.

The Polish–Lithuanian alliance thus lasted a total of 410 years, and constituted at times the largest state in Europe.

Under the Commonwealth, proposals were advanced to establish expanded, Polish–Lithuanian-Muscovite or Polish–Lithuanian–Ruthenian Commonwealths. Though the Commonwealth temporarily controlled parts of Russia and governed much of Ruthenia for centuries, these proposals were never implemented at a constitutional level.

Czartoryski's plan

Between the November and January Uprisings, in the period between 1832 and 1861, the idea of resurrecting an updated Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth was advocated by Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, residing in exile at the Hôtel Lambert in Paris.[21]

In his youth Czartoryski had fought against Russia in the Polish–Russian War of 1792; he would have done so again in the Kościuszko Uprising of 1794 had he not been arrested at Brussels on his way back to Poland. Subsequently, in 1795, he and his younger brother had been commanded to enter the Russian army, and Catherine the Great had been so favorably impressed with them that she had restored to them part of their confiscated estates. Adam Czartoryski subsequently served the Russian Emperors Paul and Alexander I as a diplomat and foreign minister, establishing an anti-French coalition during the Napoleonic Wars. Czartoryski, one of the leaders of the Polish November 1830 Uprising, had been sentenced to death after its suppression by Russia, but was eventually allowed to go into exile in France.

In Paris the "visionary"[22] statesman and former friend, confidant and de facto foreign minister of Russia's Emperor Alexander I acted as the "uncrowned king and unacknowledged foreign minister" of a nonexistent Poland.[23]

In his book, Essai sur la diplomatie (Essay on Diplomacy), completed in 1827 but published only in 1830, Czartoryski observed that, "Having extended her sway south and west, and being by the nature of things unreachable from the east and north, Russia becomes a source of constant threat to Europe." He argued that Russia would have done better cultivating "friends rather than slaves". He also identified a future threat from Prussia and urged the incorporation of East Prussia into a resurrected Poland.[24]

Czartoryski's diplomatic efforts anticipated Piłsudski's Prometheist project in linking efforts for Polish independence with similar movements of other subjugated nations in Europe, as far east as the Caucasus Mountains, most notably in Georgia.[25]

Czartoryski aspired above all to reconstitute—with French, British and Turkish support—a sort of "pan-Slavic" Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth federated with the Czechs, Slovaks, Hungarians, Romanians and all the South Slavs of the future Yugoslavia. Poland, in his concept, could have mediated the conflicts between Hungary and the Slavs, and between Hungary and Romania.[26] The plan seemed achievable[27] during the period of national revolutions in 1848–49 but foundered on lack of western support, on Hungarian intransigence toward the Czechs, Slovaks and Romanians, and on the rise of German nationalism.[28]

Marian Kamil Dziewanowski writes that "the Prince's endeavor constitutes a [vital] link [between] the 16th-century Jagiellon [federative prototype] and Józef Piłsudski's federative-Prometheist program [that was to follow after World War I]."[26]

Piłsudski's Międzymorze

 
Piłsudski's initial plan for Intermarium: a resurrected Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth

Józef Piłsudski's strategic goal was to resurrect an updated, democratic form of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, while working for the disintegration of the Russian Empire, and later the Soviet Union, into its ethnic constituents.[29] (The latter was his Prometheist project.)[29] Piłsudski saw an Intermarium federation as a counterweight to Russian and German imperialism.[30][31]

According to Dziewanowski, the plan was never expressed in systematic fashion but instead relied on Piłsudski's pragmatic instincts.[32] According to British scholar George Sanford, about the time of the Polish-Soviet War of 1920 Piłsudski recognized that the plan was not feasible.[33]

Opposition

Piłsudski's plan faced opposition from virtually all quarters. The Soviets, whose sphere of influence was directly threatened, worked to thwart the Intermarium agenda.[18] The Allied Powers assumed that Bolshevism was only a temporary threat and did not want to see their important (from the balance-of-power viewpoint) traditional ally, Russia, weakened. They resented Piłsudski's refusal to aid their White allies, viewed Piłsudski with suspicion, saw his plans as unrealistic, and urged Poland to confine itself to areas of clear-cut Polish ethnicity.[34][35][36] The Lithuanians,[35][37] who had re-established their independence in 1918, were unwilling to join; the Ukrainians, similarly seeking independence,[19] likewise feared that Poland might again subjugate them;[35] and the Belarusians, who had little national consciousness and were mostly Russophiles, were similarly not interested either in independence or in Piłsudski's proposals of union.[35] The chances for Piłsudski's scheme were not enhanced by a series of post-World War I wars and border conflicts between Poland and its neighbors in disputed territories—the Polish-Soviet War, the Polish–Lithuanian War, the Polish–Ukrainian War, and border conflicts between Poland and Czechoslovakia.

Piłsudski's concept was opposed within Poland itself, where National Democracy leader Roman Dmowski[38][39] argued for an ethnically homogeneous Poland in which minorities would be Polonized.[40][41] Many Polish politicians, including Dmowski, opposed the idea of a multiethnic federation, preferring instead to work for a unitary Polish nation-state.[39] Sanford has described Piłsudski's policies after his resumption of power in 1926 as similarly focusing on the Polonization of the country's Eastern Slavic minorities and on the centralization of power.[33]

While some scholars accept at face value the democratic principles claimed by Piłsudski for his federative plan,[42] others view such claims with skepticism, pointing out a coup d'état in 1926 when Piłsudski assumed nearly dictatorial powers.[13][43] In particular, his project is viewed unfavorably by most Ukrainian historians, with Oleksandr Derhachov arguing that the federation would have created a greater Poland in which the interests of non-Poles, especially Ukrainians, would have received short shrift.[15]

Some historians hold that Piłsudski, who argued that "There can be no independent Poland without an independent Ukraine", may have been more interested in splitting Ukraine from Russia than in assuring Ukrainians' welfare.[44][45] He did not hesitate to use military force to expand Poland's borders to Galicia and Volhynia, crushing a Ukrainian attempt at self-determination in disputed territories east of the Bug River which contained a substantial Polish presence[46] (a Polish majority mainly in cities such as Lwów, surrounded by a rural Ukrainian majority).

Speaking of Poland's future frontiers, Piłsudski said: "All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente—on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany", while in the east "there are doors that open and close, and it depends on who forces them open and how far".[47] In the eastern chaos, the Polish forces set out to expand as far as feasible. On the other hand, Poland had no interest in joining the western intervention in the Russian Civil War[46] or in conquering Russia itself.[48]

Failure

 
Piłsudski's revised Intermarium plan
 
Józef Beck's plan for "Third Europe" alliance of Poland, Romania, and Hungary

In the aftermath of the Polish-Soviet War (1919–1921), and the establishment of the Ukrainian SSR, Piłsudski's concept of a federation of Central and Eastern European countries, based on a Polish-Ukrainian axis, lost any chance of realization.[49]

Piłsudski next contemplated a federation or alliance with the Baltic and Balkan states. This plan envisioned a Central European union including Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Scandinavia, the Baltic states, Italy, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Greece—thus stretching not only west-east from the Baltic to the Black Sea, but north-south from the Arctic Ocean to the Mediterranean Sea.[49] This project also failed: Poland was distrusted by Czechoslovakia and Lithuania; and while it had relatively good relations with the other countries, they had tensions with their neighbors, making it virtually impossible to create in Central Europe a large block of countries that all had good relations with each other. In the end, in place of a large federation, only a Polish–Romanian alliance was established, beginning in 1921.[50] In comparison, Czechoslovakia had more success with its Little Entente (1920–1938) with Romania and Yugoslavia, supported by France.

Piłsudski died in 1935. A later, much reduced version of his concept was attempted by interwar Polish Foreign Minister Józef Beck, a Piłsudski protégé. His proposal, during the late 1930s, of a "Third Europe"—an alliance of Poland, Romania and Hungary—gained little ground before World War II supervened.[49] Beck's Third Europe concept failed to achieve any traction because Germany was the world's second largest economy and all of eastern Europe was dominated economically by the Reich.[51] For economic reasons, there was a tendency in eastern Europe to follow the lead of Berlin rather than Warsaw.[51]

Disregarding the 1932 Polish-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact, the Soviet Union allied itself with Nazi Germany to divide Central and Eastern Europe between them.[52] According to some historians, it was the failure to create a strong counterweight to Germany and the Soviet Union, as proposed by Piłsudski, that doomed Intermarium's prospective member countries to their fates in World War II.[30][31][53][54]

World War II and since

 
Polish World War II Premier General Władysław Sikorski

The concept of a "Central [and Eastern] European Union"—a triangular geopolitical entity anchored in the Baltic, Black, and Adriatic or Aegean Seas—was revived during World War II in Władysław Sikorski's Polish Government in Exile. A first step toward its implementation—1942 discussions between the Greek, Yugoslav, Polish and Czechoslovak governments in exile regarding prospective Greek-Yugoslav and Polish-Czechoslovak federations—ultimately foundered on Soviet opposition, which led to Czech hesitation and Allied indifference or hostility.[49] A declaration by the Polish Underground State in that period called for the creation of a Central and Eastern European federal union undominated by any one state.[55][56]

On 12 May 2011, the Visegrád Group countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary) announced the formation of a Visegrád Battlegroup under Poland's command. The battlegroup was in place by 2016 as an independent force, not part of the NATO command. In addition, starting in 2013, the four countries were to begin joint military exercises under the auspices of the NATO Response Force. Some scholars saw this as a first step toward close Central European regional cooperation.[57]

On 6 August 2015, Polish President Andrzej Duda, in his inaugural address, announced plans to build a regional alliance of Central European states, modeled on the Intermarium concept.[58][59][60] In 2016 the Three Seas Initiative held an initial summit meeting in Dubrovnik, Croatia.[61] The Three Seas Initiative has 12 member states along a north–south axis from the Baltic Sea to the Adriatic Sea and the Black Sea: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Austria, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Romania, Bulgaria.

See also

References

  1. ^ Aviel Roshwald, "Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires: Central Europe, the Middle East and Russia, 1914–1923", Routledge (UK), 2001, ISBN 0-415-17893-2, p. 37
  2. ^ Richard K Debo, Survival and Consolidation: The Foreign Policy of Soviet Russia, 1918–1921, McGill-Queen's Press, 1992, ISBN 0-7735-0828-7, p. 59.
  3. ^ James H. Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, Transaction Publishers, ISBN 0-7658-0471-9, p. 432
  4. ^ Andrzej Paczkowski, The Spring Will Be Ours: Poland and the Poles from Occupation to Freedom, Penn State Press, 2003, ISBN 0-271-02308-2, p. 10
  5. ^ David Parker, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, W. W. Norton & Company, 2001, ISBN 0-393-02025-8, p.194
  6. ^ Mark Hewitson, Matthew D'Auria Europe in Crisis: Intellectuals and the European Idea, 1917–1957, 2012, p. 191 "... of the other national movements that had found themselves included in Piłsudski's project, especially the Lithuanians. ... The somewhat nostalgic image of 'Intermarium', the land of cultural and historical diversity destroyed by the wave of ..."
  7. ^ Miloslav Rechcígl, Studies in Czechoslovak history, Czechoslovak Society of Arts and Sciences in America, 1976, Volume 1, p. 282. "This new policy, which was labeled the Intermarium, or Third Europe Project, called for the establishment of ..."
  8. ^ Fritz Taubert, "The myth of Munich 1938", 2002 page 351 "... range détente with Germany and in the chance of creating a Polish-led 'Third Europe' or 'Intermarium' as illusory."
  9. ^ Tomasz Piesakowski, Akcja niepodległościowa na terenie międzynarodowym, 1945–1990, 1999, p. 149: "... przyjmując łacińskie określenie 'Intermarium' (Międzymorze). Podkreślano, że 'Intermarium' to nie tylko pojęcie obszaru geopolitycznego zamieszkanego przez 16 narodów, ale idea wspólnoty wszystkich wolnych narodów tego obszaru."
  10. ^
    • "Józef Pilsudski, Polish revolutionary and statesman, the first chief of state (1918–22) of the newly independent Poland established in November 1918." ("Józef Pilsudski", Encyclopædia Britannica)
    • "Released in November 1918, [Piłsudski] returned to Warsaw, assumed command of the Polish armies, and proclaimed an independent Polish republic, which he headed." ("Piłsudski, Joseph", Columbia Encyclopedia)
  11. ^
    • Timothy Snyder, Covert Polish missions across the Soviet Ukrainian border, 1928–1933 (p.55, p.56, p.57, p.58, p.59, in Cofini, Silvia Salvatici, Rubbettino, 2005).
    • Timothy Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine, Yale University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-300-10670-X, (p.41, p.42, p.43)
  12. ^ "Pilsudski hoped to build not merely a Polish nation state but a greater federation of peoples under the aegis of Poland which would replace Russia as the great power of Eastern Europe. Lithuania, Belorussia and Ukraine were all to be included. His plan called for a truncated and vastly reduced Russia, a plan which excluded negotiations prior to military victory." Richard K Debo, Survival and Consolidation: The Foreign Policy of Soviet Russia, 1918–1992, p. 59, McGill-Queen's Press, 1992, ISBN 0-7735-0828-7.
  13. ^ a b "Pilsudski's program for a federation of independent states centered on Poland; in opposing the imperial power of both Russia and Germany it was in many ways a throwback to the romantic Mazzinian nationalism of Young Poland in the early nineteenth century." James H. Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p. 432, Transaction Publishers, ISBN 0-7658-0471-9
  14. ^ Oleksa Pidlutsky, "Figures of the 20th century. Józef Piłsudski: the Chief who Created a State for Himself", Zerkalo Nedeli [Mirror Weekly], 3–9 February 2001, available online in Russian 2005-11-26 at the Wayback Machine and in Ukrainian 2005-11-07 at the Wayback Machine.
  15. ^ a b "The essence of [Józef Piłsudski's 'federalist' program] was that after the overthrow of tsardom and the disintegration of the Russian empire, a large, strong and mighty Poland was to be created in Eastern Europe. It would be the reincarnation of the Rzeczpospolita on 'federative' principles. It was to include the Polish, Lithuanian, Belarusian and Ukrainian lands. The leading role, of course, was to be given to the Polish ethnic, political, economic and cultural element. ... As such two influential and popular political doctrines with regard to Ukraine—the 'incorporationist' and the 'federalist'—even before the creation of Polish statehood, were based on ignoring the right of the Ukrainian people to self-determination and put forward claims to rule over the Ukrainian territories ..." "Ukraine in Polish concepts of foreign policy", in Oleksandr Derhachov (ed.), Ukrainian Statehood in the Twentieth Century: Historical and Political Analysis, Kyiv, 1996, ISBN 966-543-040-8.
  16. ^ Roman Szporluk, Imperiia ta natsii, Kyiv, Dukh i Litera, 2001, ISBN 966-7888-05-3, section II (in Ukrainian)
  17. ^ "Intermarium Alliance – Will the idea become reality?". www.unian.info. Retrieved 2015-11-01.
  18. ^ a b "Between Imperial Temptation And Anti-Imperial Function In Eastern European Politics: Poland From The Eighteenth To Twenty-First Century". Andrzej Nowak. Accessed September 14, 2007.
  19. ^ a b Alfonsas Eidintas, Vytautas Zalys, Lithuania in European Politics: The Years of the First Republic, 1918–1940, Palgrave, 1999, ISBN 0-312-22458-3. pp. 78–81
  20. ^ "Union of Krewo (Act of Kreva)". Polish History. 2022-08-13. Retrieved 2023-02-24.
  21. ^ Marian Kamil Dziewanowski, "Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy" ("A Polish Pioneer of a United Europe"), Gwiazda Polarna (Pole Star), Sept. 17, 2005, pp. 10–11.
  22. ^ "The Prince [Czartoryski] thus shows himself a visionary (emphasis added], the outstanding Polish statesman of the period between the November and January Uprisings." Dziewanowski, "Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy," p. 11.
  23. ^ Dziewanowski, "Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy," p. 10.
  24. ^ Dziewanowski, Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy, p. 10.
  25. ^ Dziewanowski, "Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy," pp. 10–11.
  26. ^ a b Dziewanowski, "Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy," p. 11.
  27. ^ "Adam Czartoryski's great plan, which had seemed close to realization (emphasis added) during the Spring of Nations in 1848–49, failed..." Dziewanowski, "Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy," p. 11.
  28. ^ Dziewanowski, "Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy", p. 11.
  29. ^ a b Jonathan Levy (6 June 2007). The Intermarium: Wilson, Madison, & East Central European Federalism. Universal-Publishers. pp. 166–167. ISBN 978-1-58112-369-2. Retrieved 11 April 2011.
  30. ^ a b Janusz Cisek (26 September 2002). Kościuszko, we are here!: American pilots of the Kościuszko Squadron in defense of Poland, 1919-1921. McFarland. p. 47. ISBN 978-0-7864-1240-2. Retrieved 11 April 2011.
  31. ^ a b Joshua B. Spero (2004). Bridging the European divide: middle power politics and regional security dilemmas. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 36. ISBN 978-0-7425-3553-4. Retrieved 11 April 2011.
  32. ^ Kenneth F. Lewalski (March 1972). "Review of Joseph Pilsudski: A European Federalist, 1918–1922, by M. K. Dziewanowski". Journal of Modern History. Accessed September 16, 2007.
  33. ^ a b George Sanford, Democratic Government in Poland: Constitutional Politics since 1989. Palgrave Macmillan 2002. ISBN 0-333-77475-2. pp. 5–6.
  34. ^ Adam Bruno Ulam, Stalin: The Man and His Era, Beacon Press, 1989, ISBN 0-8070-7005-X, p. 185
  35. ^ a b c d "Polish-Soviet War: Battle of Warsaw". 2007-10-07 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed September 30, 2007.
  36. ^ Norman Davies, White Eagle, Red Star, Polish edition, Wydawnictwo Znak, 1997, ISBN 83-7006-761-1, p.228
  37. ^ Piotr Łossowski, Konflikt polsko-litewski 1918–1920, Książka i Wiedza, 1995, ISBN 83-05-12769-9, p.13–16 and p. 36
  38. ^ (in Polish) "Wojna polsko-bolszewicka". 2013-11-11 at the Wayback Machine. Internetowa encyklopedia PWN. Accessed 27 October 2006.
  39. ^ a b "Pilsudski dreamed of drawing all the nations situated between Germany and Russia into an enormous federation in which Poland, by virtue of its size, would be the leader, while Dmowski wanted to see a unitary Polish state, in which other Slav peoples would become assimilated." Andrzej Paczkowski, The Spring Will Be Ours: Poland and the Poles from Occupation to Freedom, p. 10, Penn State Press, 2003, ISBN 0-271-02308-2
  40. ^ Manfred F. Boemeke, Gerald D. Feldman, Elisabeth Glaser, The Treaty of Versailles: A Reassessment After 75 Years, Cambridge University Press, 1998, ISBN 0-521-62132-1, p.314
  41. ^ Roman Dmowski has been quoted as saying: "Wherever we can multiply our forces and our civilizational efforts, absorbing other elements, no law can prohibit us from doing so, as such actions are our duty." J. Tomaszewski, Kresy Wschodnie w polskiej mysli politycznej XIX i XX w./Między Polską etniczną a historyczną. Polska myśl polityczna XIX i XX wieku, vol. 6, Warsaw, 1988, p. 101. Cited in Oleksandr Derhachov, ibid.
  42. ^ Aviel Roshwald, Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires: Central Europe, the Middle East and Russia, 1914–1923, 2001, Routledge (UK), ISBN 0-415-24229-0, p. 49
  43. ^ Yohanan Cohen, Small Nations in Times of Crisis and Confrontation, SUNY Press, 1989, ISBN 0-7914-0018-2 p. 65
  44. ^ "The newly founded Polish state cared much more about the expansion of its borders to the east and southeast ('between the seas') than about helping the dying [Ukrainian] state of which Petlura was de facto dictator." "A Belated Idealist", Zerkalo Nedeli [Mirror Weekly], 22–28 May 2004. Available online in Russian 2006-01-16 at the Wayback Machine and in Ukrainian 2007-03-10 at the Wayback Machine. Piłsudski is quoted to have said: "After Polish independence we will see about Poland's size." (ibid)
  45. ^ A month before his death, Pilsudski told an aide: "My life is lost. I failed to create a Ukraine free of the Russians." (in Russian and Ukrainian) Oleksa Pidlutskyi, "Józef Piłsudski: The Chief who Created Himself a State", in Postati XX stolittia [Figures of the 20th century], Kyiv, 2004, ISBN 966-8290-01-1, LCCN 2004-440333. reprinted in Zerkalo Nedeli [Mirror Weekly], Kyiv, 3–9 February 2001, in Russian 2005-11-26 at the Wayback Machine and in Ukrainian 2005-11-07 at the Wayback Machine.
  46. ^ a b Anna M. Cienciala, 2004. "The Rebirth of Poland" 2020-11-08 at the Wayback Machine (lecture notes). University of Kansas. Asccessed 2 June 2006.
  47. ^ MacMillan, Margaret, Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World, Random House, 2003, ISBN 0-375-76052-0, p. 212
  48. ^ Joseph Pilsudski. Interview by Dymitr Merejkowsky, 1921. Translated from the Russian by Harriet E Kennedy B. A. London & Edinburgh, Sampson Low, Marston & Co Ltd 1921. Piłsudski said: "Poland can have nothing to do with the restoration of old Russia. Anything rather than that–even Bolshevism".
  49. ^ a b c d Tadeusz Marczak, "Międzymorze wczoraj i dziś 2009-03-03 at the Wayback Machine [Międzymorze Yesterday and Today], a Polish-language version of the paper, Myezhdumorye vchera i syevodnia [Międzymorze Yesterday and Today], published in Беларусь — Польша: путь к сотрудничеству (Belarus and Poland: the Path toward Cooperation. Materials of an International Scholarly Conference), Minsk, Belarus, 2005.
  50. ^ Hugh Ragsdale, The Soviets, the Munich Crisis, and the Coming of World War II, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge ISBN 0-521-83030-3
  51. ^ a b Greenwood, Sean (2002). "Danzig: the phantom crisis, 1939". In Gordon Martel (ed.). Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered A.J.P. Taylor and the Historians. London: Taylor & Francis. p. 227. ISBN 9781134714186.
  52. ^ Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, Intermarium: The Land between the Black and Baltic Seas. Transaction: New Brunswick, New Jersey, 2012.
  53. ^ Alexandros Petersen (18 February 2011). The World Island: Eurasian Geopolitics and the Fate of the West. ABC-CLIO. pp. 77–78. ISBN 978-0-313-39137-8. Retrieved 12 April 2011.
  54. ^ Alexandros Petersen (18 February 2011). The World Island: Eurasian Geopolitics and the Fate of the West. ABC-CLIO. p. 153. ISBN 978-0-313-39137-8. Retrieved 12 April 2011.
  55. ^ Garliński, Józef (April 1975). "The Polish Underground State 1939–1945". Journal of Contemporary History. 10 (2): 246. doi:10.1177/002200947501000202. JSTOR 260146. S2CID 159844616.
  56. ^ Krystyna Kersten (1991). The establishment of Communist rule in Poland, 1943–1948. University of California Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-0-520-06219-1. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
  57. ^ "Visegrad: New European Military Force" 2013-09-18 at the Wayback Machine, 16 May 2011.
  58. ^ . Geostrategy. Archived from the original on 2019-05-26. Retrieved 2015-08-18.
  59. ^ "Sojusz państw od Bałtyku po Morze Czarne? Duda chce odnowić międzywojenną ideę miedzymorza". 5 August 2015.
  60. ^ . Archived from the original on 2019-04-17. Retrieved 2015-08-18.
  61. ^ "The Three Seas Initiative: Central and Eastern Europe takes charge of its own destiny". Visegrád Post. 28 August 2016. Retrieved 2017-07-04.

Bibliography

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  • Peter Jordan, Central Union of Europe, introduction by Ernest Minor Patterson, Ph.D., President, The American Academy of Political and Social Science, New York, Robert M. McBride & Company, 1944.
  • Jonathan Levy, The Intermarium: Madison, Wilson, and East Central European Federalism, ISBN 1-58112-369-8, 2006 [1]
  • Sławomir Łukasiewicz, Trzecia Europa: Polska myśl federalistyczna w Stanach Zjednoczonych, 1940–1971 (Third Europe: Polish Federalist Thought in the United States, 1940–1971), Warsaw, Institute for National Remembrance (Instytut Pamięci Narodowej), 2010, ISBN 978-83-7629-137-6.
  • Anna Mazurkiewicz (University of Gdańsk), review of Sławomir Łukasiewicz, Trzecia Europa: Polska myśl federalistyczna w Stanach Zjednoczonych, 1940–1971, in Polish American Studies: A Journal of Polish American History and Culture, Published by the Polish American Historical Association, vol. LXVIII, no. 1 (Spring 2011), ISSN 0032-2806, pp. 77–81.
  • Piotr Okulewicz, Koncepcja "miedzymorza" w myśli i praktyce politycznej obozu Józefa Piłsudskiego w latach 1918–1926 (The Concept of Międzymorze in the Political Thought and Practice of Józef Piłsudski's Camp in the Years 1918–1926), Poznań, 2001, ISBN 83-7177-060-X.
  • Antoni Plutynski, We Are 115 Millions, with a foreword by Douglas Reed, London, Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1944.
  • David J. Smith, Artis Pabriks, Aldis Purs, Thomas Lane, The Baltic States: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, Routledge (UK), 2002, ISBN 0-415-28580-1 Google Print, p.30 (also available here).

Further reading

  • Visegrad Group Defence Cooperation (published 1 May 2019) [2]

External links

  • Intermarium. Televisions program of BelSat.

intermarium, polish, międzymorze, polish, pronunciation, mʲɛnd, zɨˈmɔʐɛ, post, world, geopolitical, plan, conceived, józef, piłsudski, unite, former, polish, lithuanian, commonwealth, lands, within, single, polity, plan, went, through, several, iterations, som. Intermarium Polish Miedzymorze Polish pronunciation mʲɛnd zɨˈmɔʐɛ was a post World War I geopolitical plan conceived by Jozef Pilsudski to unite former Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth lands within a single polity The plan went through several iterations some of which anticipated the inclusion as well of other neighboring states The proposed multinational polity would have incorporated territories lying between the Baltic Black and Adriatic Seas hence the name Intermarium Latin for Between Seas Pilsudski s post World War I Intermarium concept ranging from the Baltic sea in the north to the Mediterranean and Black Seas in the south In light green eastern parts of Ukrainian and Belarusian lands incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1922 Prospectively a federation 1 2 3 4 5 of Central and Eastern European countries the post World War I Intermarium plan pursued by Pilsudski sought to recruit to the proposed federation the Baltic states Lithuania Latvia Estonia Finland 6 Belarus Ukraine Hungary Romania Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia 7 8 The Polish name Miedzymorze from miedzy between and morze sea meaning Between Seas was rendered into Latin as Intermarium 9 The proposed federation was meant to emulate the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea that from the end of the 16th century to the end of the 18th had united the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania Intermarium complemented Pilsudski s other geopolitical vision Prometheism whose goal was the dismemberment of the Russian Empire and that Empire s divestment of its territorial acquisitions 10 11 12 13 Intermarium was perceived by some Lithuanians as a threat to their newly established independence and by some Ukrainians as a threat to their aspirations for independence 14 15 16 and while France backed the proposal it was opposed by the Soviet Union and by most other Western powers 17 18 19 Within two decades of the failure of Pilsudski s grand scheme all the countries that he had viewed as candidates for membership in the Intermarium federation had fallen to the Soviet Union or to Nazi Germany except for Finland which suffered some territorial losses in the 1939 40 Winter War with the Soviet Union Contents 1 Precedents 1 1 Commonwealth 1 2 Czartoryski s plan 2 Pilsudski s Miedzymorze 2 1 Opposition 2 2 Failure 3 World War II and since 4 See also 5 References 6 Bibliography 7 Further reading 8 External linksPrecedents Edit Polish Lithuanian union at its greatest extent 1386 1434 The Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth at its greatest extent 1635 Commonwealth Edit Main articles Polish Lithuanian Ruthenian Commonwealth and Treaty of Hadiach A Polish Lithuanian union and military alliance had come about as a mutual response to common threats posed by the Teutonic Order the Golden Horde and the Grand Duchy of Moscow The alliance was first established in 1385 by the Union of Krewo 20 solemnized by the marriage of Poland s Queen Jadwiga and Lithuania s Grand Duke Jogaila of the Gediminid dynasty who became King Wladyslaw II Jagiello of Poland A longer lasting federation subsequently came about in 1569 in the form of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth an arrangement that lasted until 1795 i e until the Third Partition of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth The Polish Lithuanian alliance thus lasted a total of 410 years and constituted at times the largest state in Europe Under the Commonwealth proposals were advanced to establish expanded Polish Lithuanian Muscovite or Polish Lithuanian Ruthenian Commonwealths Though the Commonwealth temporarily controlled parts of Russia and governed much of Ruthenia for centuries these proposals were never implemented at a constitutional level Czartoryski s plan Edit Between the November and January Uprisings in the period between 1832 and 1861 the idea of resurrecting an updated Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth was advocated by Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski residing in exile at the Hotel Lambert in Paris 21 In his youth Czartoryski had fought against Russia in the Polish Russian War of 1792 he would have done so again in the Kosciuszko Uprising of 1794 had he not been arrested at Brussels on his way back to Poland Subsequently in 1795 he and his younger brother had been commanded to enter the Russian army and Catherine the Great had been so favorably impressed with them that she had restored to them part of their confiscated estates Adam Czartoryski subsequently served the Russian Emperors Paul and Alexander I as a diplomat and foreign minister establishing an anti French coalition during the Napoleonic Wars Czartoryski one of the leaders of the Polish November 1830 Uprising had been sentenced to death after its suppression by Russia but was eventually allowed to go into exile in France Coat of arms for a proposed Polish Lithuanian Ruthenian Commonwealth during the January 1863 Uprising Polish White Eagle Lithuanian Pagaune and Ruthenian Archangel Michael In Paris the visionary 22 statesman and former friend confidant and de facto foreign minister of Russia s Emperor Alexander I acted as the uncrowned king and unacknowledged foreign minister of a nonexistent Poland 23 In his book Essai sur la diplomatie Essay on Diplomacy completed in 1827 but published only in 1830 Czartoryski observed that Having extended her sway south and west and being by the nature of things unreachable from the east and north Russia becomes a source of constant threat to Europe He argued that Russia would have done better cultivating friends rather than slaves He also identified a future threat from Prussia and urged the incorporation of East Prussia into a resurrected Poland 24 Czartoryski s diplomatic efforts anticipated Pilsudski s Prometheist project in linking efforts for Polish independence with similar movements of other subjugated nations in Europe as far east as the Caucasus Mountains most notably in Georgia 25 Czartoryski aspired above all to reconstitute with French British and Turkish support a sort of pan Slavic Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth federated with the Czechs Slovaks Hungarians Romanians and all the South Slavs of the future Yugoslavia Poland in his concept could have mediated the conflicts between Hungary and the Slavs and between Hungary and Romania 26 The plan seemed achievable 27 during the period of national revolutions in 1848 49 but foundered on lack of western support on Hungarian intransigence toward the Czechs Slovaks and Romanians and on the rise of German nationalism 28 Marian Kamil Dziewanowski writes that the Prince s endeavor constitutes a vital link between the 16th century Jagiellon federative prototype and Jozef Pilsudski s federative Prometheist program that was to follow after World War I 26 Pilsudski s Miedzymorze Edit Pilsudski s initial plan for Intermarium a resurrected Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth Jozef Pilsudski Jozef Pilsudski s strategic goal was to resurrect an updated democratic form of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth while working for the disintegration of the Russian Empire and later the Soviet Union into its ethnic constituents 29 The latter was his Prometheist project 29 Pilsudski saw an Intermarium federation as a counterweight to Russian and German imperialism 30 31 According to Dziewanowski the plan was never expressed in systematic fashion but instead relied on Pilsudski s pragmatic instincts 32 According to British scholar George Sanford about the time of the Polish Soviet War of 1920 Pilsudski recognized that the plan was not feasible 33 Opposition Edit Pilsudski s plan faced opposition from virtually all quarters The Soviets whose sphere of influence was directly threatened worked to thwart the Intermarium agenda 18 The Allied Powers assumed that Bolshevism was only a temporary threat and did not want to see their important from the balance of power viewpoint traditional ally Russia weakened They resented Pilsudski s refusal to aid their White allies viewed Pilsudski with suspicion saw his plans as unrealistic and urged Poland to confine itself to areas of clear cut Polish ethnicity 34 35 36 The Lithuanians 35 37 who had re established their independence in 1918 were unwilling to join the Ukrainians similarly seeking independence 19 likewise feared that Poland might again subjugate them 35 and the Belarusians who had little national consciousness and were mostly Russophiles were similarly not interested either in independence or in Pilsudski s proposals of union 35 The chances for Pilsudski s scheme were not enhanced by a series of post World War I wars and border conflicts between Poland and its neighbors in disputed territories the Polish Soviet War the Polish Lithuanian War the Polish Ukrainian War and border conflicts between Poland and Czechoslovakia Pilsudski s concept was opposed within Poland itself where National Democracy leader Roman Dmowski 38 39 argued for an ethnically homogeneous Poland in which minorities would be Polonized 40 41 Many Polish politicians including Dmowski opposed the idea of a multiethnic federation preferring instead to work for a unitary Polish nation state 39 Sanford has described Pilsudski s policies after his resumption of power in 1926 as similarly focusing on the Polonization of the country s Eastern Slavic minorities and on the centralization of power 33 While some scholars accept at face value the democratic principles claimed by Pilsudski for his federative plan 42 others view such claims with skepticism pointing out a coup d etat in 1926 when Pilsudski assumed nearly dictatorial powers 13 43 In particular his project is viewed unfavorably by most Ukrainian historians with Oleksandr Derhachov arguing that the federation would have created a greater Poland in which the interests of non Poles especially Ukrainians would have received short shrift 15 Some historians hold that Pilsudski who argued that There can be no independent Poland without an independent Ukraine may have been more interested in splitting Ukraine from Russia than in assuring Ukrainians welfare 44 45 He did not hesitate to use military force to expand Poland s borders to Galicia and Volhynia crushing a Ukrainian attempt at self determination in disputed territories east of the Bug River which contained a substantial Polish presence 46 a Polish majority mainly in cities such as Lwow surrounded by a rural Ukrainian majority Speaking of Poland s future frontiers Pilsudski said All that we can gain in the west depends on the Entente on the extent to which it may wish to squeeze Germany while in the east there are doors that open and close and it depends on who forces them open and how far 47 In the eastern chaos the Polish forces set out to expand as far as feasible On the other hand Poland had no interest in joining the western intervention in the Russian Civil War 46 or in conquering Russia itself 48 Failure Edit Pilsudski s revised Intermarium plan Jozef Beck s plan for Third Europe alliance of Poland Romania and Hungary In the aftermath of the Polish Soviet War 1919 1921 and the establishment of the Ukrainian SSR Pilsudski s concept of a federation of Central and Eastern European countries based on a Polish Ukrainian axis lost any chance of realization 49 Pilsudski next contemplated a federation or alliance with the Baltic and Balkan states This plan envisioned a Central European union including Poland Czechoslovakia Hungary Scandinavia the Baltic states Italy Romania Bulgaria Yugoslavia and Greece thus stretching not only west east from the Baltic to the Black Sea but north south from the Arctic Ocean to the Mediterranean Sea 49 This project also failed Poland was distrusted by Czechoslovakia and Lithuania and while it had relatively good relations with the other countries they had tensions with their neighbors making it virtually impossible to create in Central Europe a large block of countries that all had good relations with each other In the end in place of a large federation only a Polish Romanian alliance was established beginning in 1921 50 In comparison Czechoslovakia had more success with its Little Entente 1920 1938 with Romania and Yugoslavia supported by France Pilsudski died in 1935 A later much reduced version of his concept was attempted by interwar Polish Foreign Minister Jozef Beck a Pilsudski protege His proposal during the late 1930s of a Third Europe an alliance of Poland Romania and Hungary gained little ground before World War II supervened 49 Beck s Third Europe concept failed to achieve any traction because Germany was the world s second largest economy and all of eastern Europe was dominated economically by the Reich 51 For economic reasons there was a tendency in eastern Europe to follow the lead of Berlin rather than Warsaw 51 Disregarding the 1932 Polish Soviet Non Aggression Pact the Soviet Union allied itself with Nazi Germany to divide Central and Eastern Europe between them 52 According to some historians it was the failure to create a strong counterweight to Germany and the Soviet Union as proposed by Pilsudski that doomed Intermarium s prospective member countries to their fates in World War II 30 31 53 54 World War II and since Edit Polish World War II Premier General Wladyslaw Sikorski The concept of a Central and Eastern European Union a triangular geopolitical entity anchored in the Baltic Black and Adriatic or Aegean Seas was revived during World War II in Wladyslaw Sikorski s Polish Government in Exile A first step toward its implementation 1942 discussions between the Greek Yugoslav Polish and Czechoslovak governments in exile regarding prospective Greek Yugoslav and Polish Czechoslovak federations ultimately foundered on Soviet opposition which led to Czech hesitation and Allied indifference or hostility 49 A declaration by the Polish Underground State in that period called for the creation of a Central and Eastern European federal union undominated by any one state 55 56 On 12 May 2011 the Visegrad Group countries Poland Czech Republic Slovakia and Hungary announced the formation of a Visegrad Battlegroup under Poland s command The battlegroup was in place by 2016 as an independent force not part of the NATO command In addition starting in 2013 the four countries were to begin joint military exercises under the auspices of the NATO Response Force Some scholars saw this as a first step toward close Central European regional cooperation 57 On 6 August 2015 Polish President Andrzej Duda in his inaugural address announced plans to build a regional alliance of Central European states modeled on the Intermarium concept 58 59 60 In 2016 the Three Seas Initiative held an initial summit meeting in Dubrovnik Croatia 61 The Three Seas Initiative has 12 member states along a north south axis from the Baltic Sea to the Adriatic Sea and the Black Sea Estonia Latvia Lithuania Poland Czech Republic Slovakia Austria Hungary Slovenia Croatia Romania Bulgaria See also EditBalkan Pact 1934 Balkan Pact 1953 Baltic Entente British Polish Ukrainian trilateral pact Czech Corridor Giedroyc Doctrine Hellenoturkism Intermarium region Intermediate Region Kresy List of proposed state mergers Lithuanian Polish Ukrainian Brigade Lublin Triangle Georgian Polish alliance Polish Lithuanian Ruthenian Commonwealth Polish Romanian alliance Polish Ukrainian alliance Prometheism Reunavaltiopolitiikka FI a Finnish policy of the era aiming to ally with countries of the region Romanian Bridgehead Three Seas Initiative Union of Bulgaria and Romania Union of Hungary and Romania Visegrad GroupReferences Edit Aviel Roshwald Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires Central Europe the Middle East and Russia 1914 1923 Routledge UK 2001 ISBN 0 415 17893 2 p 37 Richard K Debo Survival and Consolidation The Foreign Policy of Soviet Russia 1918 1921 McGill Queen s Press 1992 ISBN 0 7735 0828 7 p 59 James H Billington Fire in the Minds of Men Transaction Publishers ISBN 0 7658 0471 9 p 432 Andrzej Paczkowski The Spring Will Be Ours Poland and the Poles from Occupation to Freedom Penn State Press 2003 ISBN 0 271 02308 2 p 10 David Parker The Tragedy of Great Power Politics W W Norton amp Company 2001 ISBN 0 393 02025 8 p 194 Mark Hewitson Matthew D Auria Europe in Crisis Intellectuals and the European Idea 1917 1957 2012 p 191 of the other national movements that had found themselves included in Pilsudski s project especially the Lithuanians The somewhat nostalgic image of Intermarium the land of cultural and historical diversity destroyed by the wave of Miloslav Rechcigl Studies in Czechoslovak history Czechoslovak Society of Arts and Sciences in America 1976 Volume 1 p 282 This new policy which was labeled the Intermarium or Third Europe Project called for the establishment of Fritz Taubert The myth of Munich 1938 2002 page 351 range detente with Germany and in the chance of creating a Polish led Third Europe or Intermarium as illusory Tomasz Piesakowski Akcja niepodleglosciowa na terenie miedzynarodowym 1945 1990 1999 p 149 przyjmujac lacinskie okreslenie Intermarium Miedzymorze Podkreslano ze Intermarium to nie tylko pojecie obszaru geopolitycznego zamieszkanego przez 16 narodow ale idea wspolnoty wszystkich wolnych narodow tego obszaru Jozef Pilsudski Polish revolutionary and statesman the first chief of state 1918 22 of the newly independent Poland established in November 1918 Jozef Pilsudski Encyclopaedia Britannica Released in November 1918 Pilsudski returned to Warsaw assumed command of the Polish armies and proclaimed an independent Polish republic which he headed Pilsudski Joseph Columbia Encyclopedia Timothy Snyder Covert Polish missions across the Soviet Ukrainian border 1928 1933 p 55 p 56 p 57 p 58 p 59 in Cofini Silvia Salvatici Rubbettino 2005 Timothy Snyder Sketches from a Secret War A Polish Artist s Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine Yale University Press 2005 ISBN 0 300 10670 X p 41 p 42 p 43 Pilsudski hoped to build not merely a Polish nation state but a greater federation of peoples under the aegis of Poland which would replace Russia as the great power of Eastern Europe Lithuania Belorussia and Ukraine were all to be included His plan called for a truncated and vastly reduced Russia a plan which excluded negotiations prior to military victory Richard K Debo Survival and Consolidation The Foreign Policy of Soviet Russia 1918 1992 p 59 McGill Queen s Press 1992 ISBN 0 7735 0828 7 a b Pilsudski s program for a federation of independent states centered on Poland in opposing the imperial power of both Russia and Germany it was in many ways a throwback to the romantic Mazzinian nationalism of Young Poland in the early nineteenth century James H Billington Fire in the Minds of Men p 432 Transaction Publishers ISBN 0 7658 0471 9 Oleksa Pidlutsky Figures of the 20th century Jozef Pilsudski the Chief who Created a State for Himself Zerkalo Nedeli Mirror Weekly 3 9 February 2001 available online in Russian Archived 2005 11 26 at the Wayback Machine and in Ukrainian Archived 2005 11 07 at the Wayback Machine a b The essence of Jozef Pilsudski s federalist program was that after the overthrow of tsardom and the disintegration of the Russian empire a large strong and mighty Poland was to be created in Eastern Europe It would be the reincarnation of the Rzeczpospolita on federative principles It was to include the Polish Lithuanian Belarusian and Ukrainian lands The leading role of course was to be given to the Polish ethnic political economic and cultural element As such two influential and popular political doctrines with regard to Ukraine the incorporationist and the federalist even before the creation of Polish statehood were based on ignoring the right of the Ukrainian people to self determination and put forward claims to rule over the Ukrainian territories Ukraine in Polish concepts of foreign policy in Oleksandr Derhachov ed Ukrainian Statehood in the Twentieth Century Historical and Political Analysis Kyiv 1996 ISBN 966 543 040 8 Roman Szporluk Imperiia ta natsii Kyiv Dukh i Litera 2001 ISBN 966 7888 05 3 section II in Ukrainian Intermarium Alliance Will the idea become reality www unian info Retrieved 2015 11 01 a b Between Imperial Temptation And Anti Imperial Function In Eastern European Politics Poland From The Eighteenth To Twenty First Century Andrzej Nowak Accessed September 14 2007 a b Alfonsas Eidintas Vytautas Zalys Lithuania in European Politics The Years of the First Republic 1918 1940 Palgrave 1999 ISBN 0 312 22458 3 pp 78 81 Union of Krewo Act of Kreva Polish History 2022 08 13 Retrieved 2023 02 24 Marian Kamil Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy A Polish Pioneer of a United Europe Gwiazda Polarna Pole Star Sept 17 2005 pp 10 11 The Prince Czartoryski thus shows himself a visionary emphasis added the outstanding Polish statesman of the period between the November and January Uprisings Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy p 11 Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy p 10 Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy p 10 Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy pp 10 11 a b Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy p 11 Adam Czartoryski s great plan which had seemed close to realization emphasis added during the Spring of Nations in 1848 49 failed Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy p 11 Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy p 11 a b Jonathan Levy 6 June 2007 The Intermarium Wilson Madison amp East Central European Federalism Universal Publishers pp 166 167 ISBN 978 1 58112 369 2 Retrieved 11 April 2011 a b Janusz Cisek 26 September 2002 Kosciuszko we are here American pilots of the Kosciuszko Squadron in defense of Poland 1919 1921 McFarland p 47 ISBN 978 0 7864 1240 2 Retrieved 11 April 2011 a b Joshua B Spero 2004 Bridging the European divide middle power politics and regional security dilemmas Rowman amp Littlefield p 36 ISBN 978 0 7425 3553 4 Retrieved 11 April 2011 Kenneth F Lewalski March 1972 Review of Joseph Pilsudski A European Federalist 1918 1922 by M K Dziewanowski Journal of Modern History Accessed September 16 2007 a b George Sanford Democratic Government in Poland Constitutional Politics since 1989 Palgrave Macmillan 2002 ISBN 0 333 77475 2 pp 5 6 Adam Bruno Ulam Stalin The Man and His Era Beacon Press 1989 ISBN 0 8070 7005 X p 185 a b c d Polish Soviet War Battle of Warsaw Archived 2007 10 07 at the Wayback Machine Accessed September 30 2007 Norman Davies White Eagle Red Star Polish edition Wydawnictwo Znak 1997 ISBN 83 7006 761 1 p 228 Piotr Lossowski Konflikt polsko litewski 1918 1920 Ksiazka i Wiedza 1995 ISBN 83 05 12769 9 p 13 16 and p 36 in Polish Wojna polsko bolszewicka Archived 2013 11 11 at the Wayback Machine Internetowa encyklopedia PWN Accessed 27 October 2006 a b Pilsudski dreamed of drawing all the nations situated between Germany and Russia into an enormous federation in which Poland by virtue of its size would be the leader while Dmowski wanted to see a unitary Polish state in which other Slav peoples would become assimilated Andrzej Paczkowski The Spring Will Be Ours Poland and the Poles from Occupation to Freedom p 10 Penn State Press 2003 ISBN 0 271 02308 2 Manfred F Boemeke Gerald D Feldman Elisabeth Glaser The Treaty of Versailles A Reassessment After 75 Years Cambridge University Press 1998 ISBN 0 521 62132 1 p 314 Roman Dmowski has been quoted as saying Wherever we can multiply our forces and our civilizational efforts absorbing other elements no law can prohibit us from doing so as such actions are our duty J Tomaszewski Kresy Wschodnie w polskiej mysli politycznej XIX i XX w Miedzy Polska etniczna a historyczna Polska mysl polityczna XIX i XX wieku vol 6 Warsaw 1988 p 101 Cited in Oleksandr Derhachov ibid Aviel Roshwald Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires Central Europe the Middle East and Russia 1914 1923 2001 Routledge UK ISBN 0 415 24229 0 p 49 Yohanan Cohen Small Nations in Times of Crisis and Confrontation SUNY Press 1989 ISBN 0 7914 0018 2 p 65 The newly founded Polish state cared much more about the expansion of its borders to the east and southeast between the seas than about helping the dying Ukrainian state of which Petlura was de facto dictator A Belated Idealist Zerkalo Nedeli Mirror Weekly 22 28 May 2004 Available online in Russian Archived 2006 01 16 at the Wayback Machine and in Ukrainian Archived 2007 03 10 at the Wayback Machine Pilsudski is quoted to have said After Polish independence we will see about Poland s size ibid A month before his death Pilsudski told an aide My life is lost I failed to create a Ukraine free of the Russians in Russian and Ukrainian Oleksa Pidlutskyi Jozef Pilsudski The Chief who Created Himself a State in Postati XX stolittia Figures of the 20th century Kyiv 2004 ISBN 966 8290 01 1 LCCN 2004 440333 reprinted in Zerkalo Nedeli Mirror Weekly Kyiv 3 9 February 2001 in Russian Archived 2005 11 26 at the Wayback Machine and in Ukrainian Archived 2005 11 07 at the Wayback Machine a b Anna M Cienciala 2004 The Rebirth of Poland Archived 2020 11 08 at the Wayback Machine lecture notes University of Kansas Asccessed 2 June 2006 MacMillan Margaret Paris 1919 Six Months That Changed the World Random House 2003 ISBN 0 375 76052 0 p 212 Joseph Pilsudski Interview by Dymitr Merejkowsky 1921 Translated from the Russian by Harriet E Kennedy B A London amp Edinburgh Sampson Low Marston amp Co Ltd 1921 Pilsudski said Poland can have nothing to do with the restoration of old Russia Anything rather than that even Bolshevism a b c d Tadeusz Marczak Miedzymorze wczoraj i dzis Archived 2009 03 03 at the Wayback Machine Miedzymorze Yesterday and Today a Polish language version of the paper Myezhdumorye vchera i syevodnia Miedzymorze Yesterday and Today published in Belarus Polsha put k sotrudnichestvu Belarus and Poland the Path toward Cooperation Materials of an International Scholarly Conference Minsk Belarus 2005 Hugh Ragsdale The Soviets the Munich Crisis and the Coming of World War II Cambridge University Press Cambridge ISBN 0 521 83030 3 a b Greenwood Sean 2002 Danzig the phantom crisis 1939 In Gordon Martel ed Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered A J P Taylor and the Historians London Taylor amp Francis p 227 ISBN 9781134714186 Marek Jan Chodakiewicz Intermarium The Land between the Black and Baltic Seas Transaction New Brunswick New Jersey 2012 Alexandros Petersen 18 February 2011 The World Island Eurasian Geopolitics and the Fate of the West ABC CLIO pp 77 78 ISBN 978 0 313 39137 8 Retrieved 12 April 2011 Alexandros Petersen 18 February 2011 The World Island Eurasian Geopolitics and the Fate of the West ABC CLIO p 153 ISBN 978 0 313 39137 8 Retrieved 12 April 2011 Garlinski Jozef April 1975 The Polish Underground State 1939 1945 Journal of Contemporary History 10 2 246 doi 10 1177 002200947501000202 JSTOR 260146 S2CID 159844616 Krystyna Kersten 1991 The establishment of Communist rule in Poland 1943 1948 University of California Press p 50 ISBN 978 0 520 06219 1 Retrieved 8 April 2011 Visegrad New European Military Force Archived 2013 09 18 at the Wayback Machine 16 May 2011 Duda s mission Recover Pilsudski s Intermarium and Giedroyc s commitment to Ukraine Geostrategy Archived from the original on 2019 05 26 Retrieved 2015 08 18 Sojusz panstw od Baltyku po Morze Czarne Duda chce odnowic miedzywojenna idee miedzymorza 5 August 2015 Plan Intermarium Britain will support you not against France Ukraine and Poland will do Archived from the original on 2019 04 17 Retrieved 2015 08 18 The Three Seas Initiative Central and Eastern Europe takes charge of its own destiny Visegrad Post 28 August 2016 Retrieved 2017 07 04 Bibliography EditJanusz Cisek Kilka uwag o mysli federacyjnej Jozefa Pilsudskiego Miedzymorze Polska i kraje Europy srodkowo wschodniej XIX XX wiek Some Remarks on Jozef Pilsudski s Federationist Thought Miedzymorze Poland and the East Central European Countries in the 19th 20th Centuries Warsaw 1995 Marek Jan Chodakiewicz Intermarium The Land between the Black and Baltic Seas Transaction Publishers New Brunswick NJ 2012 Marian Kamil Dziewanowski Polski pionier zjednoczonej Europy A Polish Pioneer of a United Europe Gwiazda Polarna Pole Star vol 96 no 19 September 17 2005 pp 10 11 M K Dziewanowski Czartoryski and His Essai sur la diplomatie 1971 ASIN B0072XRK6 M K Dziewanowski Joseph Pilsudski a European Federalist 1918 1922 Stanford Hoover Institution 1979 Peter Jordan Central Union of Europe introduction by Ernest Minor Patterson Ph D President The American Academy of Political and Social Science New York Robert M McBride amp Company 1944 Jonathan Levy The Intermarium Madison Wilson and East Central European Federalism ISBN 1 58112 369 8 2006 1 Slawomir Lukasiewicz Trzecia Europa Polska mysl federalistyczna w Stanach Zjednoczonych 1940 1971 Third Europe Polish Federalist Thought in the United States 1940 1971 Warsaw Institute for National Remembrance Instytut Pamieci Narodowej 2010 ISBN 978 83 7629 137 6 Anna Mazurkiewicz University of Gdansk review of Slawomir Lukasiewicz Trzecia Europa Polska mysl federalistyczna w Stanach Zjednoczonych 1940 1971 in Polish American Studies A Journal of Polish American History and Culture Published by the Polish American Historical Association vol LXVIII no 1 Spring 2011 ISSN 0032 2806 pp 77 81 Piotr Okulewicz Koncepcja miedzymorza w mysli i praktyce politycznej obozu Jozefa Pilsudskiego w latach 1918 1926 The Concept of Miedzymorze in the Political Thought and Practice of Jozef Pilsudski s Camp in the Years 1918 1926 Poznan 2001 ISBN 83 7177 060 X Antoni Plutynski We Are 115 Millions with a foreword by Douglas Reed London Eyre amp Spottiswoode 1944 David J Smith Artis Pabriks Aldis Purs Thomas Lane The Baltic States Estonia Latvia and Lithuania Routledge UK 2002 ISBN 0 415 28580 1 Google Print p 30 also available here Further reading EditVisegrad Group Defence Cooperation published 1 May 2019 2 External links EditIntermarium Televisions program of BelSat Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Intermarium amp oldid 1147423807, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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