Syrian Catholics of Malabar

The Paḻayakūṟ (Pazhayakoor; English: "Old Allegiance"), also known as Romo-Syrians ^[1] or Syrian Catholics of Malabar, are the East Syriac denominations of the Saint Thomas Christian Church, which claim ultimate apostolic origin from the Indian mission of Thomas the Apostle in the 1st century AD.

Syrian Catholics of Malabar
Type	Eastern Christian
Classification	Eastern Catholic
Theology	Diophysitism
Polity	Episcopal
Metropolitan Archbishop	Metropolitan of Kodungallūr
Region	Kerala, India
Language	Suriyani Malayalam, Classical Syriac, Malayalam
Liturgy	East Syriac Rite- Liturgy of Addai and Mari
Headquarters	Angamaly
Founder	Thomas the Apostle as per tradition.
Origin	52 AD (1st century as per tradition)
Branched from	St. Thomas Christians
Separations	Syro-Malabar Church, Chaldean Syrian Church

The Saint Thomas Christians were in full communion with the Church of the East of Persia from whom they inherited the East Syriac liturgical rite. Through the Schism of 1552, a faction of the Church of the East enters the Catholic Church. Following the 1599 Synod of Diamper, the Latin Church Padroado missionaries took over the Thomas Christian jurisdiction of Angamaly.^[2][3][a] The Paḻayakūṟ descends from the faction that remained within the Catholic fold and held fast to an East Syriac identity after the historic Coonan Cross Oath of 1653, while being part of the community that seceded from the Portuguese Padroado.^[6]

The modern descendants of the Paḻayakūṟ are the Syro-Malabar Church and the Chaldean Syrian Church. Among these, the former is an Eastern Catholic church in full communion with the Holy See and the latter is an integral part of the Assyrian Church of the East, one of the traditionalist descendants of the Church of the East.^[7]

History

Early history of Christianity in India

Traditionally, Thomas the Apostle is credited for the establishment of Christianity in India. He is believed to have come to Muziris on the Malabar coast, which is in Kerala, in AD 52.^{[8][9][10][11]}

The Jewish community in India are known to have existed in Kerala in the 1st century AD,^[12][13] and it was possible for an Aramaic-speaking Jew, such as St. Thomas from Galilee, to make a trip to Kerala then.^[14] The earliest known source connecting the Apostle to India is the Acts of Thomas, likely written in the early 3rd century, perhaps in Edessa.^[b] The tradition of origin of the Christians in Kerala is found in a version of the Songs of Thomas or Thomma Parvam,^[19][20] in which, Thomas is described as arriving in or around Maliankara and founding Seven Churches, or Ezharapallikal: Kodungallur, Kottakavu , Palayoor, Kokkamangalam, Nilackal, Niranam and Kollam.^[21] Some other churches, namely Thiruvithamcode Arappally (a "half church"),^[22][23][24] Malayattoor and Aruvithura are often called Arappallikal.^[25] The Thomma Parvam further narrates St Thomas's mission in the rest of South India and his martyrdom at Mylapore in present-day Chennai, Tamil Nadu.^[15][26]

Church of the East in India

An organized Christian presence in India dates to the arrival of East Syriac settlers and missionaries from Persia, members of what would become the Church of the East, in around the 3rd century.^[18] Saint Thomas Christians trace the further growth of their community to the arrival of Jewish-Christians from the region of Mesopotamia led by Knāi Thoma, which is said to have occurred in 345.^[18] However, most experts believe that the arrival of Knai Thoma must have occurred in the ninth century.^[27] The subgroup of the Saint Thomas Christians known as the Knanaya or Southists trace their lineage to Thomas of Cana, while the group known as the Northists claim descent from the early Christians evangelized by Thomas the Apostle.^[27] Byzantine traveller Cosmas Indicopleustes wrote of Syrian Christians he met in India and Sri Lanka in the 6th century.^[28]

Even in Taprobané [Sri Lanka], an island in Further India, where the Indian sea is, there is a Church of Christians, with clergy and a body of believers, but I know not whether there be any Christians in the parts beyond it. In the country. called Malé [Malabar],' where the pepper grows, there is also a church, and at another place called Calliana there is moreover a bishop, who is appointed from Persia.

Until the seventh century, the Saint Thomas Christians were included in the Metropolitanate of Persia. The metropolitan of Rev Ardashir, the head of the province, used to consecrated bishops for the Diocese of India. Patriarch Ishoyahb III (650-660) criticises Shemʿon, metropolitan of Rev Ardashir:

"As far as your province is concerned, from the time you showed recalcitrance against ecclesiastical canons, the episcopal succession has been interrupted in India, and this country has since sat in darkness, far from the light of divine teaching by means of rightful bishops: not only India that extends from the borders of the Persian empire, to the country which is called Kaleh, which is a distance of one thousand and two hundred parasangs, but even your own Persia."^[29]

The port at Kollam, then known as Quilon, was founded in 825 by Maruvān Sapir Iso, a Persian Christian merchant, with sanction from Ayyanadikal Thiruvadikal, the king of the independent Venad or the State of Quilon, a feudatory under Sthanu Ravi Varma Perumal of the Chera kingdom.^[27] Sapir Iso was the East Syriac Christian merchant who led the East Syriac bishops Mar Sabor and Mar Proth to the Christians of Malabar. The two bishops were instrumental in founding many Christian churches with Syrian liturgy along the Malabar coast and were venerated as Qandishangal (saints) since then by the Thomas Christians.^[27] It was during this period that Christians disappeared from the Coromandel Coast.^[27]

After the schism

Following the Synod of Diamper held in 1599 and organised by Aleixo de Menezes, the Primate of East Indies and Archbishop of Goa, many traditions and numerous Syriac books of the native Saint Thomas Christians were condemned. Although the Synod proposed a highly Latinised form of liturgy, it was resisted by most of them.^[30] Francisco Ros, the Latin Jesuit bishop who was appointed to the now downgraded bishopric of Angamaly, openly renounced the Synod of Diamper and called for a new synod at Angamaly to substitute it.^[31] This second Synod of Angamaly implemented a Latinised form of the Chaldean Rite among the Saint Thomas Christians.^[31] Being, a highly skilled Syriacist, this new Syriac liturgy was introduced by Roz himself. The text of the new liturgy largely consisted of translations from the Latin and intended to re-place the original East Syriac (Chaldean) rite of the local Christians. After the Coonan Cross Oath, the Puthenkoor faction, led by Thoma I, allied with the Syriac Orthodox Church while resisting the Latin missionaries and thereby gradually shifted to West Syriac Rite and Miaphysitism. However, the majority among the Pazhayakoor also resisted the latinisation and a long struggle began for maintaining the Chaldaean rite and the contact with both the patriarchates of the Church of the East while identifying themselves Catholic in communion with the Holy See of Rome.^[30]

Friction with the propaganda

Bishop Palliveettil Chandy tried to consecrate Thoma II, the leader of the Puthenkoor, as his successor, in an attempt to reunify both the Puthenkoor and the Pazhayakoor under a common Catholic hierarchy. However, this attempt was spoiled by the missionaries. Meanwhile, the missionaries assured Chandy that his successor will be a native. Hence, Chandy held his archdeacon as his rightful successor. But after Chandy's death, the missionaries appointed a half-Indian Portuguese, Raphael Figueredo (c. d. 1695) as the Vicar Apostolic of Malabar for Saint Thomas Christians.^[32] This appointment shook the confidence they had in the propaganda Carmelites and quarrels started to escalate. Many churches protested against the move and some even joined Thoma II.^[33] Soon, Bishop Raphael Figueredo also lost the favour of the Carmelites and he was replaced with Custodius de Pinho (c. d. 1697) as the Vicar Apostolic of Malabar. Chandy died in 1687 and with him the initial attempts for reunification of both factions also died out.^[33]

Metropolitan Shemʿon and his mission in Malabar

During this time, Metropolitan Shemʿon of ʿAda (d. c. 1720)^[34] arrived in India. He was originally sent by Patriarch Eliah IX Yohannan Augen of the 'Eliah' Patriarchate of the Church of the East and was previously his representative in Rome to discuss Church union.^[35] He travelled to India in a Portuguese ship and reached Goa. However he was arrested and deported. Later he approached the 'Josephite' Patriarchate and made a Catholic profession of faith. He was consequently appointed as Metropolitan by Patriarch Joseph II for the faithful in India.^[36] He travelled to India once again and reached Surat.^[35] There, he was detained in a Capuchin monastery. He informed that he was a Catholic bishop sent from the Chaldean Patriarch.^[35] Moreover, during the same time the Rome wanted to curtail the Padroado authority in India, through the propaganda administration.^[35] Rome had appointed Angelo Francisco Vigliotti, a Carmelite missionary, to be the future bishop of Verapoly. This plan would enable Rome to surpass the Padroado administration in India. Fearing about these plans and reluctant to share authority, the Padroado declined the request to consecrate the newly appointed bishop-elect.^[35] Therefore, the missionaries accepted Shemʿon's Catholic faith just in order to make him consecrate the Carmelite bishop. On 22 May 1701, Shemʿon was escorted to Alangad, where he was made to consecrate Angelo Francisco at midnight.^[37][38][35] The Carmelites took every precaution so that he could not meet anyone from the Saint Thomas Christians. He was then secretly deported to Pondicherry.^[35] There he lived in home custody until his death on 16 August 1720.^[39][35] Although all these happened in utmost secrecy, a letter that he sent from the Capuchin monastery of Surat to the Saint Thomas Christians, was preserved and his memory was cherished by them. Shemʿon's dead body was found in a well near where he was detained in Pondicherry and thus the Saint Thomas Christians believed that he was murdered by the missionaries.^[40] His tragedy inspired them and he was hailed as a martyr for the efforts to maintain the Church of the East's jurisdiction and East Syriac Rite among them.^[40]

 

St. Mary's Syro-Malabar Church, Alangad

An excerpt from the letter of Metropolitan Shemʿon addressed to the Saint Thomas Christians in MS Mannanam Mal 14, 46r-45v folios:

After praying that you be in spiritual peace and enquiring about your condition I let it know to your graceful love that I came from Mar Eliah, Patriarch of the East; let his glorious see be fortified! Amen. First I went to Jerusalem and from there I went to the great Rome and to Spain and to the land of Portugal; from there I came to the land of India, to the city of Anjuna and asked about you and he [whom I asked] told me: “Those people are not here, the people whom you seek, but go to the city of Surat, there you will find them.” I went to Surat and did not see anybody from among you, but I saw a Jew and a book [letter] of yours was with him. I took it from him, kissed it and read, rejoiced very much and asked him: “Where would be these Christians?” - and he told me: “In the land of Kochi.”.....

Metropolitan Gabriel and his temporary success

 

By 1705, another East Syrian bishop was working in Southern Malabar, sent by the Catholicos of the East, Patriarch Eliah X Augen.^[41][42][43] His mission was roughly coterminous with that of Shemʿon of ʿAda, however much more fruitful.^[44] He was Gabriel of Ardishai, the Metropolitan of Azerbaijan.^[41][45] Unlike Metropolitan Shem˓on, Gabriel neither explicitly claim to be Chaldean Catholic bishop nor was he interested in a friendship with the Latin missionaries.^[46] However, he implicitly presented himself as a Catholic bishop sent from the Chaldean Patriarchate.^[47] Previously he was in Rome and he had interactions with the Propaganda in an aim to get approval as the bishop for Saint Thomas Christians.^[47] In 1704, he wrote profession faith to be examined. However it was rejected by the Propaganda as they found it unsound to Catholic doctrine. He was asked to make necessary corrections, which he did not and without getting Rome's approval, he made his journey to Malabar.^[47]

However, in one of his two letters preserved in the Saint Joseph's Monastery at Mannanam, dated 1708, he makes a perfect Catholic confession of "the Lady Mary the Mother of God and Ever virgin Mary" and sent it to Angelo Francisco.^[47] Gabriel then declares that he is the “Metropolitan of all India of the Syrians”. The second letter is written in 1712 and is entitled "Letter of Gabriel Metropolitan of all India". In it, Gabriel answers an inquiry from the Paḻayakūṟ faithful concerning his faith: “If you ask me about my faith, my faith is like the faith of the holy Lord Pope”.^[47]

 

Changanassery church

Meanwhile, Giuseppe Sagribanti, Prefect of the Propaganda and writing in the name of Pope Innocent XIII, rejects his claims by saying that Gabriel has no authority from the Pope.^[47] In 1712, the Propaganda sent him another letter, ordering him to retreat from Malabar to his flock in Azerbaijan.^[47] Meanwhile, Gabriel ignored the letters of the Propaganda and instead of making a new confession of faith to be sent to Rome, he made the aforementioned confession of faith in a letter addressed to Angelo Francisco in order to make peace with him and with the Carmelites residing in Malabar.^[48] Gabriel was then residing near the church in Changanassery. In the letter, it is also declared among others things that Gabriel was celebrating the Eucharist with unleavened bread.^[49] However, it is clear that he used both leavened and unleavened bread opportunistically.^[49] Meanwhile, Angelo Francisco received the letter of Giuseppe Sagribanti that alerted the Carmelites.^[49] They were successful in persuading the natives and thereby ousting Gabriel from the Changanassery. Gabriel then found residence in Kottayam Minor church. This church was then used by both factions of Saint Thomas Christians.^[50] Individuals and families belonging to both factions had close relationships and the allegiance to the faction to which one belonged often owed more to local reasons than to faith. Opposition and rivalries was more personal than theological.^[50]

 

Kottayam Minor Church

During this period, the leader of the Puthenkur was Thoma IV (c. d. 1728).^[50] Gabriel opposed him and was successful in winning back a number of churches and faithful from his faction.^[50] Many churches from the Paḻayakūṟ also joined him. He claimed to have secured about 44 churches in his leadership.^[51] Thoma IV was by this time a supporter of Miaphysitism, brought by the Syriac Orthodox prelates, and he regarded Gabriel as a Nestorian heretic.^[50] In 1709, he wrote a letter to the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch, pleading that bishops be sent to aid him in countering Gabriel's arguments.^[50]

Gabriel strongly opposed the Portuguese but sought the support of the Dutch. His letter to Jacobus Canter Visscher, a Dutch chaplain at Kochi,^[50] gives an apologetic detail of the history of Christianity in India and expresses staunch opposition to the Portuguese missionaries. Following is an excerpt from the letter, entitled "The antiquity of the Syrian Christians, and Historical events relating to them", addressed to Visscher:

And in the days of this persecution, the upright, God-fearing, justice-loving, and peaceable Dutch were sent to Malabar by the inspiration of Almighty God and by order of the East India Company, under the command of the noble Lord Admiral Ryklop van Goens, and like as the heathen were driven out of the land of Isso Biranon Kinan [Canaan] so have they driven the worse than heathen Portuguese out of Cochin and other cities and fortresses of Malabar; and through Divine Providence the Syrian christians have been from that time forward protected and defended from them, and their pastors have again visited this coun try without let or hindrance.^[52]

Gabriel received certain amount of support and favour from the Dutch and he remained in India until his death in 1731.^[50] Visscher gives the following account of Metropolitan Gabriel:

Mar Gabriel, a white man, and sent hither from Bagdad, is aged and venerable in appearance, and dresses nearly in the same fashion as the Jewish priests of old, wearing a cap fashioned like a turban, and a long white beard. He is courteous and God-fearing, and not at all addicted to extravagant pomp. Round his neck he wears a golden crucifix. He lives with the utmost sobriety, abstaining from all animal food ... He holds the Nestorian doctrine respecting the union of the two natures in our Saviour's person.^[50]

Indigenous attempts for reunification

Following the arrival of West Syriac prelates in 1751, Thoma VI, the leader of the Puthenkūr was troubled by their increasing influence among his faction.^[53] Therefore, in order to reunite his faction with the Paḻayakūṟ and thus to prevent the West Syriac prelates, he initiated efforts to submit to the Pope and profess the Catholic creed.^[54] However, the Carmelite missionaries working among the Pazhayakūr were reluctant to reciprocate to his efforts fearing that the indigenous bishop would take away their authority and influence over the faction after the proposed reunification of the Saint Thomas Christians was fulfilled.^[3] Baselios Shakrallah Qasabgi, the head of the Syriac Orthodox delegation, consecrated Kurian Kattumangat as Bishop Abraham Koorilose in 1764.^[53] These West Syriac bishops were skeptical about the validity of Sacraments administered by Thoma VI.^[3] They often re-ordained priests who were already ordained by him.^[3] Very often they appointed their own candidates as priests without even consulting the native bishop. They were in a process of replacing the Latinised East Syriac Rite and traditions of the Putthenkūṟ with a separate West Syriac identity.^[3] They insisted on removing from the churches of Putthenkur crucifixes and statues of saints and Mary, which were kept and venerated in these churches ever since the onset of Portuguese influence among them.^[3] This led to frequent conflicts between the adherents of new rite and those following the old.^[3] This led to eventual division of churches between Paḻayakūṟ and the Putthenkūṟ fractions of the St.Thomas Christians.^[3] By 1770, the prelates forced Thoma VI to be reconsecrated as 'Dionysios I'.^[55][53] Thoma VI had to receive all orders of priesthood from the tonsure to the episcopal consecration.^[56] Thoma VI received support from Pazhayakūr leaders, who informed him of the ill-treatment and discrimination that they faced from the missionaries.^[3] In 1773, the leaders and representatives of the Paḻayakūṟ community assembled at the Great church in Angamāly to discuss the church union. This general meeting at Angamaly was dominated by strong emotions against the colonial religious missionaries and the Padroado and Propaganda bishops working then in Kerala.^[3] The representatives from the Edappally church narrated the way how the European missionaries put their parish priest to death.^[3]

On the feast-day of Theresa of Avila there was a 40 hours adoration at Verapoly. Puthenpurackal Jacob Kathanar, the parish priest of Edappilly church also went for the adoration and returned to his parish church along with other people. The European Carmelite missionaries forgot to lock the church after dinner and on the next day the gold monstrance was found to be missing. Suspecting Jacob Kathanar to be the thief he was taken by force to Verapoly by the missionaries and was denied food for several days. He fell ill and died. His last request before death for receiving Holy Communion too was denied. He was also denied a church burial, as his body was wrapped up in a mat and buried near a pond.^[57]

Consequently, they selected two priests: Kariattil Iousep and Paremmakkal Thoma to meet the Pope to convey the message of Thoma VI and to negotiate the union of the dissident Putthenkūṟ faction.^[49][3] They also decided to meet the Portuguese monarch, who was in charge of the Padroado Real.^[3] This movement was led by the instigation and the financial backing of a rich Christian merchant and the first Christian minister of the King of Travancore, Thachil Matthoo Tharakan.^[58] Other members of the community contributed by selling or pawning their jewellery and property.^[3] Kariattil was previously a student at the school of the Propaganda in Rome and had earned a doctoral degree there.^[58] Kariyattil Iousep, accompanied by Paremmakkal Thoma and two other deacons, made the trip from Kerala in 1778.^[3] Meanwhile, the Propaganda missionaries, who had already achieved the trust of the pope, managed to spoil the efforts at Rome.^[3] But, the Portuguese Queen, who was impressed with Kariyattil Iousep for his sincere effort and knowledge, decided to bestow the title of Archbishop of Cranganore upon him using her Padroado rights.^[3] He was thus consecrated as the Archbishop of Cranganore in 1782,^[59] effectively making him the Metropolitan of the united Malankara Church.^[58] However, Kariattil died in unclear circumstances in Goa.^[3][58] Thus the efforts drastically failed and planned Church reunion could not be realised.^[58][59][3] Following this, the Paḻayakūṟ was led by Thomas Paremmakkal who took charge as the administrator of the Archdiocese of Cranganore.^[58] The Padroado authorities in Goa and the Propaganda missionaries in Malabar recognised his authority in the fear of protest from the Paḻayakūṟ Christians.^[3] Following this in 1787, representatives from the eighty-four Pazhayakūr churches assembled at Angamaly and drew up the Angamāly Padiyōla against the colonial Latin hegemony, declaring their allegiance to the Paremmakkal Thoma and urged for the reinstatement of their native East Syriac hierarchy.^[60][3] Varthamanappusthakam, written by Thoma Kathanar in 1785, provides the detail of this journey until the death of the archbishop.^[59][3]

Thomas Paremmakkal, supported by Thachil Matthoo Tharakan, continued the negotiations with Dionysius I.^[58] In 1796, they sent a delegation to the Chaldean Catholic Patriarchate.^[58] The delegation was led by Paulose Pandari, a Paḻayakūṟ priest.^[58] They met Patriarch Yohannan VII Hormizd at the Monastery of Rabban Hormizd and requested him to send East Syriac bishops to India.^[58] The Patriarch consecrated Paulose Pandari as Metropolitan of Malabar under the episcopal name Mar Abraham and sent him to India.^[58] It was symbolic gesture from the Chaldean Patriarchate presenting the Metropolitan as the episcopal successor of Abraham, the last East Syriac Metropolitan of the undivided Church of the East in India. In 1799, Dionysius I paid obedience at the Thathampally Church in Alappuzha.^[58] However, Metropolitan Abraham Pandari soon became sick.^[58] According to the diary of Kuriakose Elias Chavara, he grew mad and thus proved to be unable to administer the Church.^[58] There were other attempts in 1799 to bring a new bishop to replace Pandari.^[58] However, none of those attempts materialised. Thus this short lived reunion failed.^[61]

An excerpt from the letter of Patriarch Yohannan VII Hormizd addressed to the faithful in Malabar gives a detail of the attempts for restoration of the East Syriac hierarchy.

After duly enquiring about your spiritual well-being and asking about your condition, we let it be known to your beloved kindness that from the day when we sent Priest Joseph and Priest Hormizd, there came to us no reply from you, until now. Now we have sent Reader Abdisho, who will go to your place of residence to find out about your condition and will come and let us know about your condition. He will let you know about our condition; he will let you know everything about our activity now that we are asking our Lord and are soliciting the abundant ocean of His mercy that He may bless you with all heavenly blessing and take away and make depart from you the sufferings and the affliction and that He may liberate you from the temptations and the rebellion and the evil scandals, by the prayer of the Apostles and the Fathers, so that during your lifetime you may remain healthy and be preserved in the sign of the living Cross of the Lord. Yes and Amen.

One of the reasons for weakening of their vigour was Thachil Matthu Tharakan's misfortune.^[62] Thachil Matthoo Tharakan was troubled by Veluthampy Dalava's rising influence in the royal court of Travancore. His properties were confiscated and he was imprisoned.^[63] Although the King later repented for the indiscriminate actions of the Dalava,^[63] the church union movement had already lost its powerful economic backing.^[62]

Notes

1. "In the travelogue Varthamanappusthakam (dated to 1790) written by Paremmakkal Thoma Kathanar, the author uses the terms Malankara Pallikkar, Malankara Idavaka, Malankara Sabha etc. to refer the Syrian Catholic community.^[4] In modern day ecclesiastic language “Malankara” denote the West Syriac rite of the “Malankra Orthodox”, “Malankara Jacobite”, “Malankara Mar Thoma” and “Syro Malankra”. The “ Malabar” denote the East Syriac rite of the “ Syro Malabar Church”.^[5]
2. ^{[15][16][17][18]}

Sources

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2. Koonammakkal (2013).
3. Malekandathil (2013).
4. Thoma Kathanar, Paremmakkal (2014). Varthamanappusthakam (Translation of John Malieckal). Oriental Institute of Religious Studies India Publications, Vadavathoor. ISBN 978-93-82762-15-7.
5. ""THE VARTHAMANAPPUSTHAKAM" written by Cathanar Thomman Paremmakkal". nasrani.net. from the original on 27 April 2013. Retrieved 23 August 2010. The Author mostly uses the term 'Malankara' in Varthamanappusthakam to represent Catholics of those times. It has been rendered in translation as "Malabar". Both " Malankara" and "Malabar" stands for the same region. In today's ecclesiastic language " Malankara" denote the West Syriac rite of the "Malankra Orthodox", "Malankara Jacobite", "Malankara Mar Thoma" and "Syro Malankra". The " Malabar" denote the East Syriac rite of the " Syro Malabar Church".
6. Perczel (2013), p. 417.
7. Perczel (2013), p. 435-436.
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24. Adrian Hastings (15 August 2000). A World History of Christianity. Wm. B. Eerdmans. p. 149. ISBN 978-0-8028-4875-8.
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49. Perczel (2013), p. 431.
50. Neill (2002), p. 62.
51. Visscher (1862), p. 109.
52. Visscher, Jacobus Canter [in Dutch] (1862). Heber Drury (ed.). "Letter XVI". Letters from Malabar, Tr.: To Which is Added an Account of Travancore, and Fra Bartolomeo's Travels in That Country. By H. Drury: 105–109.
53. Fenwick, John R. K. (2011). "Malabar Independent Syrian Church". In Sebastian P. Brock; Aaron M. Butts; George A. Kiraz; Lucas Van Rompay (eds.). Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage: Electronic Edition. Gorgias Press. Retrieved 22 September 2016.
54. Neill (2002), p. 68 – 69.
55. Joseph, Thomas (2011). "Malankara Syriac Orthodox Church". In Sebastian P. Brock; Aaron M. Butts; George A. Kiraz; Lucas Van Rompay (eds.). Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage: Electronic Edition. Gorgias Press. Retrieved 22 September 2016.
56. Neill (2004), p. 67 – 68.
57. Paremmakkal, Thomas. Varthamanappusthakam.
58. Perczel (2013), p. 432.
59. Brock, Sebastian P. (2011). "Malabar Catholic Church". In Sebastian P. Brock; Aaron M. Butts; George A. Kiraz; Lucas Van Rompay (eds.). Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage: Electronic Edition. Gorgias Press. Retrieved 22 September 2016.
60. . St.George's Basilica, Angamāly. Archived from the original on 2012-07-23.
61. Perczel (2013), p. 432-433.
62. Perczel (2013), p. 433.
63. "Swarnacheviyude utama: Thachil Mathoo Tharakan". Deepika (in Malayalam).

See also

• Latin Catholics of Malabar

Bibliography

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