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Guðrøðr Rǫgnvaldsson

August 24, 2023

Guðrøðr Rǫgnvaldsson (died 1231), also known as Guðrøðr Dond, was a thirteenth-century ruler of the Kingdom of the Isles.[note 1] He was a member of the Crovan dynasty, and a son of Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles, the eldest son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of Dublin and the Isles. Although the latter may have intended for his younger son, Óláfr, to succeed to the kingship, the Islesmen instead settled upon Rǫgnvaldr, who went on to rule the Kingdom of the Isles for almost forty years. The bitterly disputed royal succession divided the Crovan dynasty for three generations, and played a central role in Guðrøðr's recorded life.

Guðrøðr Rǫgnvaldsson
King of the Isles
Guðrøðr's name as it appears on folio 42v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII (the Chronicle of Mann): "Godredus".[1]
Died1231
Lewis and Harris
IssueHaraldr Guðrøðarson
HouseCrovan dynasty
FatherRǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson

Guðrøðr's mother was Rǫgnvaldr's wife. Whilst the name of this woman is unknown, she appears to have been a member of the Clann Somhairle kindred. Although Rǫgnvaldr was able to orchestrate a marriage between Óláfr and her sister, Óláfr was able to oversee the nullification this alliance and proceeded to marry the daughter of a leading Scottish magnate. In consequence, Guðrøðr's mother ordered her son to attack Óláfr. Although Guðrøðr is recorded to have ravaged Óláfr's lands on Lewis and Harris, the latter was able to escape to the protection of his father-in-law on the Scottish mainland. In about 1223, Óláfr, and his adherent Páll Bálkason, invaded Skye, defeated Guðrøðr, and blinded and castrated him.

Guðrøðr's maiming marks a turning point in the feud between Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr. With the escalation of hostilities, Rǫgnvaldr bound himself to Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway. Although Rǫgnvaldr was greatly aided by Alan's military might, Óláfr eventually gained the upper-hand, and Rǫgnvaldr was slain in 1229. Afterwards, Alan and his Clann Somhairle allies continued to pressure Óláfr, forcing him from the Isles to Norway where news of the continual warfare had already reached Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway. As a result, Hákon elevated an apparent Clann Somhairle dynast, a certain Óspakr, as King of the Isles, and outfitted him with a fleet to secure control of the Isles.

Guðrøðr seems to have been one of Óspakr's principal supporters, and accompanied him in the ensuing campaign that reached the Isles in 1230. Óspakr seems to died from injuries sustained in the midst of the operation after which command fell to Óláfr. Although the latter proceeded to divert the fleet to Mann where he was reinstalled as king, Guðrøðr was recognised as king of the Hebridean portion of the realm. The following year, after the Norwegians vacated the Isles, both Guðrøðr and Páll are reported to have been killed. Although Óláfr consolidated control of the entirety of the Crovan dynasty's realm, ruling it for the rest of his life, Guðrøðr's son, Haraldr, continued the dynastic feud with Óláfr's successors, and temporarily held the kingship at the midpoint of the century.

Antecessors

 
Locations relating to Guðrøðr's life and times.

Guðrøðr was a son of Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles,[23] and a member of the Crovan dynasty.[24] Guðrøðr's mother was Rǫgnvaldr's wife,[25] a woman who is styled Queen of the Isles by the thirteenth- to fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann.[26] Although her parentage is uncertain,[27] the chronicle describes her father as a nobleman from Kintyre,[28] which suggests that he was a member of Clann Somhairle.[29] Rǫgnvaldr was a son of Guðrøðr Óláfsson, King of Dublin and the Isles.[30] Other children of this ruler include Affrica,[31] Ívarr,[32] Óláfr,[33] a daughter whose name is unknown,[34] and possibly a son named Ruaidhrí.[24]

 
The name of Guðrøðr's father, Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson, as it appears on folio 40v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Reginaldus filjus Godredi".[35]

Whilst Óláfr's mother was Fionnghuala Nic Lochlainn,[36] an Irishwoman whose marriage to Guðrøðr Óláfsson was formalised (at about the time of Óláfr's birth) in 1176/1177,[37] Rǫgnvaldr's mother appears to have been another Irishwoman named Sadbh.[38] When Guðrøðr Óláfsson died in 1187, the chronicle reports that he left instructions for Óláfr to succeed to the kingship since the latter had been born "in lawful wedlock".[39] Whether this is an accurate record of events is uncertain,[40] as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead, because unlike Óláfr, who was only a child at the time, Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king.[41] The fact that Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr had different mothers may well explain the intense conflict between the two men in the years that followed.[42] This continuing kin-strife is one of the main themes of Rǫgnvaldr's long reign.[43]

 
A king gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[44][note 2]

At some point after assuming control of the kingdom, the chronicle reports that Rǫgnvaldr gave Óláfr possession of a certain island called "Lodhus".[48] Whilst the name of this island appears to refer to Lewis—the northerly half of the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis and Harris—the chronicle's text seems to instead refer to Harris—the southerly half.[49] In any case, the chronicle further relates that Óláfr later confronted Rǫgnvaldr for a larger share of the realm, after which Rǫgnvaldr had him seized and sent to William I, King of Scotland, who kept him imprisoned for almost seven years until about the time of the latter's death in 1214.[50] Since William died in December 1214, Óláfr's incarceration appears to have spanned between about 1207/1208 and 1214/1215.[51] Upon Óláfr's release, the chronicle reveals that the half-brothers met on Mann, after which Óláfr set off on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.[52]

Scandinavian sojourn

 
A rook gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[53][note 3]

In 1210, Rǫgnvaldr appears to have found himself the target of renewed Norwegian hegemony in the Isles.[55] Specifically, the Icelandic annals reveal that a military expedition from Norway to the Isles was in preparation in 1209. The following year, the same source makes note of "warfare" in the Isles, and specifies that the holy island of Iona was pillaged.[56] These reports are corroborated by Bǫglunga sǫgur, a thirteenth-century saga-collection that survives in two versions. Both versions reveal that a fleet of Norwegians plundered in the Isles, and the shorter version notes how men of the Birkibeinar and the Baglar—two competing sides of the Norwegian civil war—decided to recoup their financial losses with a twelve-ship raiding expedition into the Isles.[57] The longer version states that "Ragnwald" (styled "Konge aff Möen i Syderö") and "Gudroder" (styled "Konge paa Manö") had not paid their taxes due to the Norwegian kings. In consequence, the source records that the Isles were ravaged until the two travelled to Norway and reconciled themselves with Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway, whereupon the two took their lands from Ingi as a lén (fief).[58]

 
The name of Ingi Bárðarson as it appears on folio 139v of AM 47 fol (Eirspennill): "Inga Barðar s(son)".[59] The thirteenth-century kings of Norway were nominal overlords of the kings of the Isles.

The two submitting monarchs of the saga most likely represent Rǫgnvaldr and Guðrøðr.[60][note 4] Their submission appears to have been undertaken in the context facing the strengthening position of the Norwegian Crown following the settlement between the Birkibeinar and Baglar,[64] and the simultaneous weakening of the Crovan dynasty due to internal infighting.[65] The destructive Norwegian activity in the Isles may have been some sort of officially sanctioned punishment from Norway due to Rǫgnvaldr's recalcitrance in terms of, not only his Norwegian obligations, but his recent reorientation towards the English Crown.[66] The fact that Ingi turned his attention to the Isles so soon after peace was brokered in Norway may well indicate the importance that he placed on his relations with Rǫgnvaldr and his contemporaries in the Isles.[67][note 5] There is reason to suspect that Óláfr had earlier approached Ingi in an attempt to garner support in gaining his perceived birthright before Rǫgnvaldr was able to have Óláfr imprisoned by the Scots.[69] With Óláfr thus neutralised, Rǫgnvaldr could well have submitted to the Norwegian Crown in the context of further securing his hold of the kingship.[70] In any event, the albeit confused titles accorded to Rǫgnvaldr and Guðrøðr by the saga seem to reveal that Guðrøðr possessed some degree of power in the Isles by the early thirteenth century.[71]

Kin-strife

 
A queen gaming piece of the so-called Lewis chessmen.[72]

Upon Óláfr's return from his pilgrimage, the chronicle records that Rǫgnvaldr had Óláfr marry "Lauon", the sister of his own wife. Rǫgnvaldr then granted Lodhus back to Óláfr, where the newly-weds proceeded to live until the arrival of Reginald, Bishop of the Isles. The chronicle claims that the bishop disapproved of the marriage on the grounds that Óláfr had formerly had a concubine who was a cousin of Lauon. A synod was then assembled, after which the marriage is stated to have been nullified.[73] Although the chronicle alleges that Óláfr's marriage was doomed for being within a prohibited degree of kinship, there is reason to suspect that the real reason for its demise was the animosity between the half-brothers.[74] Once freed from his arranged marriage, Óláfr proceeded to marry Cairistíona, daughter of Fearchar mac an tSagairt,[75] a man closely aligned with Alexander II, King of Scotland.[76][note 6]

 
The royal title of Lauon's sister—Guðrøðr's mother—as it appears on folio 42v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "regina Insularum" ("Queen of the Isles").[86] Almost nothing is known of queenship in the Isles.[87]

If the chronicle is to be believed, Óláfr's separation from Lauon enraged her sister—the wife of Rǫgnvaldr and mother of Guðrøðr—who surreptitiously tricked Guðrøðr into attacking Óláfr in 1223. Following what he thought were his father's orders, Guðrøðr gathered a force on Skye[88]—where he was evidently based[89][note 7]—and proceeded to Lodhus, where he is reported to have laid waste to most of the island. Óláfr is said to have only narrowly escaped with a few men, and to have fled to the protection of his father-in-law on the mainland in Ross. Óláfr is stated to have been followed into exile by Páll Bálkason, a vicecomes on Skye who refused to take up arms against him.[88] At a later date, Óláfr and Páll are reported to have returned to Skye and defeated Guðrøðr in battle.[91][note 8]

 
Eilean Chaluim Chille, Kilmuir, Skye. This meadow was once a loch, and may have been the site where Guðrøðr was attacked and defeated by Óláfr.

The chronicle specifies that Guðrøðr was overcome on "a certain island called the isle of St Columba".[96] This location may be identical to Skeabost Island in the mouth of the river Snizort (NG41824850).[97] Another possibility is that the isle in question is the now-landlocked island of Eilean Chaluim Chille in the Kilmuir district (NG37706879).[98] This island once sat in Loch Chaluim Chille before the loch was drained of water and turned into a meadow.[99] There is archaeological evidence to suggest that a fortified site sat on another island in the loch, and that this islet was connected to the monastic island by a causeway. If correct, the fortification could account for Guðrøðr's presence near an ecclesiastical site.[100] According to the chronicle, Óláfr's forces consisted of five boats, and encircled the island after having launched from the opposite shore two stadia from it. This distance, about 2 furlongs (400 metres), suggests that the island is more likely Eilean Chaluim Chille than Skeabost Island, as the former appears to have sat between 285 metres (935 feet) and 450 metres (1,480 feet) from the surrounding shores of Loch Chaluim Chille.[101][note 9] In any case, in consequence of the defeat, Guðrøðr's captured followers were put to death, whilst Guðrøðr himself was blinded and castrated.[91] It is possible that Óláfr was aided by Fearchar in the strike against Guðrøðr.[107] Certainly, the chronicle's account seems to suggest that Óláfr accumulated his forces whilst sheltering in Ross.[108] Although the chronicle maintains that Óláfr was unable to prevent this torture, and specifically identifies Páll as the instigator of the act,[109] the Icelandic annals record that Óláfr was indeed responsible for his nephew's plight, and make no mention of Páll.[110][note 10]

 
The name of Páll Bálkason as it appears on folio 42v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Pol filius Boke".[1]

The mutilation and killing of high status kinsmen during power-struggles was not an unknown phenomenon in the peripheral-regions of the British Isles during the High Middle Ages.[112][note 11] For instance, in only the century-and-a-half of its existence, at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination.[114] For instance, in only the century-and-a-half of its existence, at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination.[115] As such, there is reason to regard this vicious internecine violence as the Crovan dynasty's greatest weakness.[116] To contemporaries, the tortures of blinding and emasculation were a means of depriving power from a political opponent. Not only would the punishment deny a man the ability to sire descendants, it would divest him of personal power, limiting his ability to attract supporters, and further offset the threat of future vengeance.[117] The maiming inflicted upon Guðrøðr seems to exemplify Óláfr's intent to wrest his perceived birthright from Rǫgnvaldr's bloodline. It is unknown why Rǫgnvaldr did not similarly neutralise Óláfr when he had the chance years before, although it may have had something to do with the preservation of international relations. For example, it is possible that his act of showing leniency to Óláfr had garnered Scottish support against the threat of Norwegian overlordship.[118] In any case, the neutralisation of Guðrøðr appears to mark a turning point in the struggle between the Óláfr and Rǫgnvaldr.[119]

Escalation of warfare

 
The seal of Alan fitz Roland, Rǫgnvaldr's ally against Óláfr.[120]

In 1224, the year following Guðrøðr's defeat, the chronicle reveals that Óláfr took hostages from the leading men of the Hebridean portion of the realm, and confronted Rǫgnvaldr on Mann directly. It was then agreed that the kingdom would be split between the two: with Rǫgnvaldr keeping Mann itself along with the title of king, and Óláfr retaining the a share in the Hebrides.[121][note 12] With Óláfr's rise at Rǫgnvaldr expense, the latter turned to Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway,[125] one of Scotland's most powerful magnates.[126] Whilst the pair are elsewhere stated to have campaigned in the Hebrides,[127] the chronicle recounts that their operations came to nought because the Manx were unwilling to battle against Óláfr and the Hebrideans.[128]

 
Detail from Maughold IV,[129] a Manx runestone displaying a contemporary sailing vessel.[130] The power of the kings of the Isles laid in their armed galley-fleets.[131]

A short time later, perhaps in about 1225 or 1226, the chronicle reveals that Rǫgnvaldr oversaw the marriage of a daughter of his to Alan's young illegitimate son, Thomas. Unfortunately for Rǫgnvaldr, this marital alliance appears to have cost him the kingship, since the Manxmen are further reported to have had him removed from power and replaced with Óláfr.[132] The recorded resentment of the union could indicate that Alan's son was intended to eventually succeed Rǫgnvaldr,[133] who had reigned for almost forty years and was perhaps about sixty years-old at the time,[134] and whose grandchildren were presumably still very young.[118] In fact, it is possible that, in light of Rǫgnvaldr's advanced age and Guðrøðr's maiming, a significant number of the Islesmen regarded Óláfr as the rightful heir. Such a view could well account for the lack of enthusiasm that the Manxmen had for Alan and Rǫgnvaldr's campaign in the Hebrides.[135] Since Thomas was likely little more than a teenager at the time, it may well have been obvious to contemporary observers that Alan was the one who would hold the real power in the kingdom.[136]

 
Tynwald Hill, near St John's may have been a national assembly site of the Kingdom of the Isles.[137] Tynwald was the site of the final conflict between Óláfr and Rǫgnvaldr.[138] It may well have been the place where the Islesmen publicly inaugurated their kings,[139] proclaimed new laws, and resolved disputes.[140][note 13]

At this low point of his career, the deposed Rǫgnvaldr appears to have gone into exile at Alan's court in Galloway.[142] In 1228, whilst Óláfr and his chieftains were absent in Hebrides, Rǫgnvaldr, Alan, and (Alan's brother) Thomas fitz Roland seized control of Mann.[143] Suffering serious setbacks at the hands of his opponents, Óláfr reached out for English assistance against his half-brother,[144] and eventually regained possession of the island.[145] In what was likely early January 1229, Rǫgnvaldr successfully invaded Mann.[146] According to the chronicle, Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr led their armies to Tynwald, where Rǫgnvaldr's forces were routed with Rǫgnvaldr amongst the slain.[147] Although the latter's fall is laconically corroborated by the Icelandic annals,[148] other sources appear to suggest that his death was due to treachery. The fourteenth-century Chronicle of Lanercost, for example, states that Rǫgnvaldr "fell a victim to the arms of the wicked";[149] whilst the Chronicle of Mann notes that, although Óláfr grieved at his half-brother's death, he never exacted vengeance upon his killers.[147] Although the chronicle's accounts of Guðrøðr's maiming and Rǫgnvaldr's death could be evidence that Óláfr was unable to control his supporters during these historical episodes, it is also possible that the compilers of this source sought to disassociate Óláfr from these acts of violence against his kin.[150]

Invasion of the Isles

 
Guðrøðr's name and epithet as it appears on folio 44v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Ghotdredo Don".[151] The epithet refers to the colour brown.[152]

The death of Alan's ally did not deter Gallovidian interests in the Isles. In fact, it is apparent that Alan and members of the Clann Dubhghaill branch of Clann Somhairle upheld pressure upon Óláfr.[153] Reports of open warfare in the Isles reached the royal court of Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway in the summer of 1229.[154] The thirteenth-century Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar specifically singles out Alan as one of the principal perpetrators of unrest in the Isles,[155] along with several members of Clann Somhairle: Dubhghall mac Dubhghaill, Donnchadh mac Dubhghaill, and a certain Somhairle.[156] Although Óláfr arrived at the Norwegian court early in 1230, having been forced from the Isles by Alan and his allies, it is evident that Hákon had already decided upon a course of action.[157]

 
The name of Óspakr-Hákon, an apparent Clann Somhairle dynast, as it appears on folio 163v of AM 47 fol: "Uspakr konungr".[158]

The Icelandic annals, the Chronicle of Mann, the saga, and the Chronicle of Lanercost all reveal that Hákon handed over the kingship of the Isles to Óspakr,[159] an apparent member of Clann Dubhghaill who had long served outwith the Isles in Norway.[160] Other Islesmen in Norway before Óláfr's arrival were Páll and Guðrøðr,[118] the latter who seems to have been one of Óspakr's principal supporters.[161][note 14] According to saga, Hákon not only granted Óspakr the kingship, but also gave him command of the Norwegian fleet tasked with restoring peace in the Isles.[170] Within days of Óláfr's arrival in Norway, the saga reveals that Óspakr's fleet set sail for the Isles, and swelled in number after reaching Orkney.[171] Whilst the Eirspennill version of the saga numbers the fleet in Norway at twelve ships, the Flateyjarbók, Frísbók, and Skálholtsbók versions give the number eleven;[172] and whilst the former version relates that the fleet gained twenty ships from Orkney, the latter three versions state that the fleet numbered twenty when it left Orkney.[173][note 15] Once in the Isles, the fleet linked up with three leading members of Clann Somhairle on Islay.[177]

 
Ruinous Rothesay Castle. According to saga accounts, Óspakr's forces attacked the castle's soft stone walls, whilst the Scots poured boiling pitch down upon them.[178] Later in the century, the castle appears to have undergone considerable reconstructional enhancement.[179]

News of the gathering Norwegian fleet soon reached Alexander II, who appears to have made straight for the western coast, diverting his attention to the now rapidly developing crisis. On 28 May, Alan is recorded in Alexander II's presence at Ayr, where the Scottish royal forces appear to have assembled.[180] It was probably May or June when Óspakr's fleet rounded the Mull of Kintyre, entered the Firth of Clyde, and made landfall on Bute, where his forces successfully stormed and captured a fortress that is almost certainly identical to Rothesay Castle.[181] The Flateyjarbók, Frísbók, and Skálholtsbók versions of the saga specify that the castle fell after three days of battle,[182] and that three hundred Norwegians and Islesmen fell in the assault.[183] By this stage in the campaign, the fleet is stated to have reached a size of eighty ships,[184] a tally which may indicate that Óspakr's fighting-force numbered over three thousand men.[185] Reports that Alan was in the vicinity, at the command of a massive fleet, are stated to have forced the Norwegians to withdraw to Kintyre.[186] Whilst the Eirspennill version of the saga numbers Alan's fleet at almost two hundred ships, the Flateyjarbók, Frísbók, and Skálholtsbók versions give a tally of one hundred and fifty.[187] These totals suggest that Alan commanded a force of two thousand[188] or three thousand men.[189]

 
Coat of arms of Hákon Hákonarson as depicted on folio 216v of Cambridge Corpus Christi College Parker Library 16II (Chronica majora).[190][note 16]

Having withdrawn his fleet to Kintyre, Óspakr took ill and died,[193] presumably succumbing to injuries sustained from the assault on Bute.[194] According to the saga, the king's death was bitterly lamented amongst his followers.[195] In consequence of Óspakr's fall, the Chronicle of Lanercost, the Chronicle of Mann, and the saga reveal that command of the fleet was assumed by Óláfr, who successfully eluded Alan's forces, and capitalised upon the situation by diverting the armada to Mann. Although Óláfr succeeded in being reinstated as king after overwhelming some initial opposition, he was nevertheless forced to partition the realm with Guðrøðr, who took up kingship in the Hebrides.[196]

Despite Óspakr's elevation as king, it is uncertain how Hákon envisioned the governance of the Kingdom of the Isles. On one hand, it is possible that Hákon intended for Óspakr and Guðrøðr to divide the kingdom at Óláfr's expense.[197] On the other hand, the fact that Óláfr's struggle against Alan and Clann Somhairle is acclaimed by the saga could be evidence that Hákon did not intend to replace Óláfr with Óspakr. Instead, Hákon may have planned for Óspakr to reign over the sprawling domain of Clann Somhairle as a way to ensure the kindred's obedience. Óspakr's prospective realm, therefore, seems to have comprised Argyll, Kintyre, and the Inner Hebrides.[198] If correct, the fleet's primary design would appear to have been the procurement of Óspakr's domain, whilst a secondary objective—adopted very late in the campaign—seems to have been the restoration of Óláfr on Mann.[199]

 
The name and title of Óláfr Guðrøðarson as it appears on folio 44r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII: "Olavus rex".[151]

It is also possible that Hákon originally ordered a division of power between Óláfr and Guðrøðr,[200] and that Hákon originally promised to lend support to Óláfr's cause on the condition of a concession of authority to Guðrøðr,[201] who—like Óspakr—could have been recognised as king by the Norwegian Crown.[202] An accommodation between Óláfr and Guðrøðr could well have benefited both men, as it would have safeguarded their kindred against the dynastic ambitions of Alan, offsetting the royal marriage between this man's son and Guðrøðr's sister.[203] In any case, the Chronicle of Mann and the saga reveal that the Norwegian forces left Mann for home in the following spring, and established Guðrøðr in the Hebrides. Before the end of 1231, both Páll and Guðrøðr are reported to have been killed. Whilst the saga merely locates Guðrøðr's death to the Suðreyjar[204]—an Old Norse term roughly equating to the Hebrides and Mann[205]—the chronicle specifically locates the incident on Lodhus.[204]

Upon the homeward return of the Norwegians, the saga declares that Hákon's "honours had been won" as a result of the expedition, and that he himself heartily thanked the men for their service.[206] The operation itself seems to mark a turning point in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles. Although the kings that ruled the realm before Rǫgnvaldr could afford to ignore Norwegian royal authority, it is apparent that those who ruled after him required a closer relationship with the Norwegian Crown.[207] Óláfr went on to rule the realm until his death in 1237.[208] Although Scottish sources fail to note the Norwegian campaign, its magnitude is revealed by English sources such as the Chronicle of Lanercost,[209] and the thirteenth-century Annales de Dunstaplia, with the latter reporting that the campaigning Norwegians and Islesmen were only overcome with much labour after they had invaded Scotland and Mann and inflicted considerable casualties.[210]

 
Guðrøðr's name and epithet as it appears on folio 163v of AM 47 fol: "Gudʀeði Svarta".[158] This epithet—accorded to Guðrøðr by Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar—refers to the colour black.[167]

The context of Guðrøðr's final fall suggests that, despite his injuries and impairment, he was able to swiftly assert his authority and eliminate Páll.[211] Although the Norwegians' presence may have temporarily constrained the implacable animosities of the Islesmen, the fleet's departure appears to have been the catalyst of renewed conflict.[118] Evidently still an adherent of Óláfr—certainly, the two are reported to have sailed on the same ship on the outset of Óspakr's campaign[212]—Páll's annihilation suggests that Guðrøðr avenged his father's destruction and his own mutilation.[213] The fact that Óláfr was able to regain and retain control of the realm after Guðrøðr's demise suggests that Óláfr may have moved against him once the Norwegians left the region.[118]

Óláfr was succeeded by his son, Haraldr,[214] who was in turn succeeded by another son, Rǫgnvaldr.[215] This monarch was slain in 1249, seemingly by an associate of Guðrøðr's son, Haraldr, whereupon the latter assumed the kingship.[216] This abrupt seizure of royal power by Guðrøðr's son—almost twenty years after Guðrøðr's death—exposes the fact that the inter-dynastic strife between lines of (Guðrøðr's father) Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr carried on for yet another generation.[217] The infighting only came to an end in the reign of the dynasty's final monarch, Óláfr's son, Magnús.[218]

Notes

  1. ^ Since the 1980s, academics have accorded Guðrøðr various personal names in English secondary sources: Godfred,[2] Godfrey,[3] Godred,[4] Gofraid,[5] Guðrøð,[6] Guðrǫðr,[7] and Guðrøðr.[8] During the same period, Guðrøðr has been accorded various epithets in English secondary sources: Godfrey Donn,[9] Godfrey the Black,[10] Godred Don,[11] Godred don,[12] Godred Dond,[13] Godred the Brown-haired,[14] Gofraid Donn,[5] Guðrøð the Black,[6] Guðrøðr Don,[15] Guðrøðr 'Don',[16] and Guðrøðr Dond.[17] Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Guðrøðr various patronyms in English secondary sources: Godred Ranaldson,[18] Godred Rognvaldsson,[19] Guðrøð Rǫgnvaldsson,[6] Guðrøðr Rögnvaldarson,[20] Guðrøðr Rǫgnvaldsson,[21] and Guðrǫðr Rǫgnvaldsson.[22]
  2. ^ Comprising some four sets,[45] the pieces are thought to have been crafted in Norway in the twelfth- and thirteenth centuries.[46] They were uncovered in Lewis in the early nineteenth century.[47]
  3. ^ The Scandinavian connections of leading members of the Isles may have been reflected in their military armament, and could have resembled that depicted upon such gaming pieces.[54]
  4. ^ Another possibility is that the two named kings instead refer to Rǫgnvaldr's like-named first cousin, Raghnall mac Somhairle, and Rǫgnvaldr himself.[61] This identification rests on the fact that Raghnall and Rǫgnvaldr bore the same personal names[62]—the Gaelic Raghnall is an equivalent of the Old Norse Rǫgnvaldr[63]—coupled with the possibility that the source's "Gudroder" is the result of confusion regarding Rǫgnvaldr's patronym.[62]
  5. ^ The longer version of the saga also relates that a fleet of Norwegians made landfall in Shetland and Orkney, whereupon Bjarni Kolbeinsson, Bishop of Orkney, and the two co-earls of Orkney—Jón Haraldsson and Davið Haraldsson—were compelled to journey to Norway and submit to Ingi rendering him hostages and a large fine.[68]
  6. ^ The father of Rǫgnvaldr's wife and Lauon may well have been either Raghnall,[77] or Raghnall's son, Ruaidhrí[78]—both of whom appear to have been styled "Lord of Kintyre" in contemporary sources[79]—or possibly even Raghnall's younger son, Domhnall.[80] In 1221/1222, Alexander II seems to have overseen a series of invasions into Argyll,[81] The king's campaign appears to have resulted in a local regime change, with Ruaidhrí being replaced by Domhnall in Kintyre.[82] Óláfr's concurrent matrimonial realignment with Fearchar could well have been influenced by Scots' royal campaign against Ruaidhrí.[83] One reason why the chronicle fails to name the father-in-law of Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr could be that the chronicle is biased against him. Another possibility is that the chronicler may have simply not known his name.[84] Likewise, the fact that the chronicle fails to name Lauon's sister—a woman alleged to have played a significant role in the kin-strife between Rǫgnvaldr and Óláfr—could be evidence of a specific bias against her.[85]
  7. ^ There is reason to suspect that the record of Guðrøðr on Skye indicates that he possessed the island in the context of acting as Rǫgnvaldr's heir-apparent. If correct, Rǫgnvaldr's earlier grant of Lodhus to Óláfr could indicate that Óláfr had previously been recognised as Rǫgnvaldr's heir. On the other hand, this grant may have merely been given in the context of appeasing a disgruntled dynast passed over for the kingship.[90]
  8. ^ The chronicle describes Páll as a vicecomes. This Latin term has been translated into English as "sheriff",[92] but may represent a Scandinavian title.[93] It is possible that the term vicecomes is utilised as a result of English and Scottish influences in the Isles.[94] In any case, the chronicle's account of Páll reveals that he was an important figure in the Isles—describing him as a "vigorous and powerful man throughout the kingdom"[95]—and appears to indicate that he acted as a royal representative on Skye.[93]
  9. ^ The fact that, according to local tradition in Kilmuir, Páll or his father appears to be traditionally associated with the district[102]—and called in Gaelic Fear Caisteal Eilein Chaluim Chille ("the man of the castle of Eilean Chaluim Chille")[103]—may confirm that Loch Chaluim Chille was indeed the site of Guðrøðr's stand against Óláfr and Páll.[2] Kilmuir is also the site of Blar a' Bhuailte ("the field of the stricken"), where Vikings are traditionally said to have made a last stand in battle on Skye.[104] Whilst the name of the island could suggest that the chronicle refers to Iona,[105] the most famous island associated with St Columba, the context of passage reveals that the events took place on Skye.[106]
  10. ^ Guðrøðr's defeat to Óláfr and Páll is also noted—albeit in an extremely garbled form—by the seventeenth-century Sleat History.[111]
  11. ^ According to the twelfth-century Descriptio Kambriæ, in an English account of succession dispute disputes among the Welsh, "the most frightful disturbances occur in their territories as a result, people being murdered, brothers killing each other and even putting each other's eyes out, for as everyone knows from experience it is very difficult to settle disputes of this sort".[113]
  12. ^ Also that year, the thirteenth-century Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar reports that a certain Gillikristr, Óttar Snækollsson, and many Islesmen, travelled to Norway and presented Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway with letters pertaining to the needs of their lands.[122] One possibility is that these so-called needs refer to the violent kin-strife and recent treaty between the half-brothers.[123] The saga may therefore reveal that the Norwegian Crown was approached by either representatives of both sides of the inter-dynastic conflict, or perhaps by neutral chieftains caught in the middle.[124]
  13. ^ Much of the visible site dates only to the eighteenth-, nineteenth-, and twentieth century.[137] The first specific record of Tynwald as an assembly site dates to 1237.[141]
  14. ^ Whilst this man is probably identical to Guðrøðr, there is reason to suspect that he could have been an otherwise unrecorded like-named brother.[162] For example, it is only at about this point that the Chronicle of Mann accords Guðrøðr an epithet.[163] Guðrøðr is accorded several epithets by numerous sources. For instance, the chronicle gives Don, an epithet derived from the Gaelic donn ("brown"),[164] and means "brown" or "brown-haired".[152] Guðrøðr's like-named great-great grandfather, Guðrøðr Crovan, King of Dublin and the Isles, is also accorded several Gaelic epithets.[165] Such names partly evidence the significant Gaelic influence upon the Scandinavian aristocracy of the Isles.[166] Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar accords Guðrøðr an epithet meaning "black".[167] Whether this source has confused the Gaelic donn for dubh ("black"),[168] or confused Guðrøðr with another man, is unknown.[169] Much like the saga, the Sleat History identifies Guðrøðr as "the black".[111]
  15. ^ Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar exists in several mediaevel redactions.[174] The most authoritative of these is the Eirspennill version.[175] Whilst the fleet was Orkney, the saga reports that a detachment of ships, led by Páll's son, Bálki, and a certain Óttarr Snækollr, journeyed to Skye where they fought and killed Þórkell Þórmóðarson, in what may have been the culmination of a family feud.[176] If word of Óspakr's royal fleet had not reached Alan and the Scots at the time of its arrival at Orkney, news of it could well have been passed on from Fearchar when the Islesmen clashed at Skye.[118]
  16. ^ This coat of arms is blazoned: gules, three galleys with dragon heads at each end or, one above the other.[191] The coat of arms concerns Hákon's coronation, and its associated caption reads in Latin: "Scutum regis Norwagiae nuper coronati, qui dicitur rex Insularum".[190] The coat of arms was illustrated by Matthew Paris, a man who met Hákon in 1248/1249, the year after the king's coronation. The emphasise that Matthew placed upon the Norwegian realm's sea power appears to be underscored in the heraldry he attributed to Hákon.[192]

Citations

  1. ^ a b Munch; Goss (1874) p. 86; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  2. ^ a b Sellar (1997–1998).
  3. ^ McDonald (2008); Barrow (2006); MacLeod (2002); Sellar (2000); Sellar; Maclean (1999); Sellar (1997–1998); McDonald (1997).
  4. ^ McDonald (2019); Ó Cróinín (2017); Cochran-Yu (2015); Crawford (2014); Thomas (2014); Crawford (2013); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); McNamee (2005); Power (2005); Duffy (2004); Broderick (2003); Oram (2000); Fellows-Jensen (1998); Oram (1988); Sawyer (1982); Matheson (1978–1980).
  5. ^ a b Veach (2014).
  6. ^ a b c Williams (1997).
  7. ^ Beuermann (2011); Steinsland; Sigurðsson; Rekdal et al. (2011).
  8. ^ McDonald (2016); Oram (2013); McDonald (2012); Oram (2011); Beuermann (2010); Downham (2008); McDonald (2007b); Woolf (2007); Gade (1994).
  9. ^ Barrow (2006); MacLeod (2002); Sellar (2000); Sellar; Maclean (1999); Sellar (1997–1998).
  10. ^ Barrow (2006).
  11. ^ McDonald (2019); Ó Cróinín (2017); McNamee (2005); Broderick (2003); Fellows-Jensen (1998); Oram (1988); Matheson (1978–1980).
  12. ^ Power (2005).
  13. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015); Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005); Duffy (2004); Oram (2000).
  14. ^ Duffy (2004).
  15. ^ McDonald (2012); McDonald (2007b).
  16. ^ McDonald (2016).
  17. ^ Oram (2011).
  18. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015).
  19. ^ McDonald (2019); Oram (2000).
  20. ^ Oram (2013).
  21. ^ Beuermann (2010); Gade (1994).
  22. ^ Veach (2014); Steinsland; Sigurðsson; Rekdal et al. (2011).
  23. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; MacLeod (2002) p. 275 tab.; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 200 tab. ii; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2. tab.
  24. ^ a b McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1.
  25. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Sellar (1997–1998).
  26. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 79, 163; Anderson (1922) p. 458; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 86–87.
  27. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60–61; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 116–117.
  28. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60, 66; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007a) p. 73 n. 35; McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 116; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Pollock (2005) p. 27 n. 138; Duffy (2004); Woolf (2003) p. 178; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) p. 457; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 84–85.
  29. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60–61; McDonald (2007a) p. 73 n. 35; Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  30. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; McNamee (2005); Duffy (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i.
  31. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2. tab.
  32. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2. tab.
  33. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Oram (2011) p. xvi tab. 5; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 1; Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Brown, M (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; MacLeod (2002) p. 275 tab.; Sellar (2000) p. 192 tab. i; McDonald (1997) p. 259 tab.; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 200 tab. ii; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2. tab.
  34. ^ Power (2005) p. 34 tab.; Anderson (1922) p. 467 n. 2 tab.
  35. ^ Munch; Goss (1874) p. 78; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  36. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1, 71–72; McNamee (2005).
  37. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 71–72.
  38. ^ McDonald (2019) p. ix tab. 1; McDonald (2007b) pp. 27 tab. 1.
  39. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 66, 77; Beuermann (2014) p. 87; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71, 94, 170; Duffy (2004); Broderick (2003); Oram (2000) p. 105; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–79.
  40. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 156; McDonald (2007b) p. 94.
  41. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 46, 48, 66, 77; Oram (2011) pp. 156, 169; Flanagan (2010) p. 195 n. 123; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70–71; Duffy (2004); Oram (2000) pp. 105, 124; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Williams (1997) p. 260; Anderson (1922) pp. 313–314; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 78–79.
  42. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 73.
  43. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 167.
  44. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 156 fig. 1g.
  45. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 197–198.
  46. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 165, 197–198.
  47. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 155, 168–173.
  48. ^ McDonald (2012) pp. 154, 167; McDonald (2007b) pp. 44, 77; Barrow (2006) p. 145; Oram (2000) p. 125; McDonald (1997) pp. 85, 151; Anderson (1922) p. 456; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 82–83.
  49. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 44 n. 8; McDonald (1997) p. 151 n. 86.
  50. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 66; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2012) pp. 154–155, 167; Oram (2011) p. 169; McDonald (2008) p. 145, 145 n. 74; McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 152; Woolf (2007) pp. 80–81; Barrow (2006) p. 145; Pollock (2005) p. 18 n. 76; Oram (2000) p. 125; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Duffy (1993) p. 64; Anderson (1922) p. 457; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 82–85.
  51. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 66; McDonald (2012) p. 176 n. 73; McDonald (2008) p. 145, 145 n. 74; McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 152; Woolf (2007) p. 80; Oram (2000) p. 125; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 95.
  52. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 78, 152; Woolf (2007) pp. 80–81; Oram (2000) p. 125; McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) p. 457; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 84–85.
  53. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) pp. 161 fig. 6g, 185 fig. 12.
  54. ^ Strickland (2012) p. 113.
  55. ^ Beuermann (2011) p. 125; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–144; McDonald (2007b) pp. 133–137; Johnsen (1969) p. 33.
  56. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 163; McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Power (2005) p. 38; Oram (2000) p. 115; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 143 § 4; Storm (1977) p. 123 § iv; Anderson (1922) pp. 378, 381–382; Vigfusson (1878) pp. 366–367; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 523.
  57. ^ Michaelsson (2015) p. 30 ch. 17; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Beuermann (2012) p. 1; McDonald (2012) p. 163; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–143; McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Oram (2005) p. 8; Power (2005) p. 38; Beuermann (2002) p. 420 n. 6; Oram (2000) p. 115; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 143 § 4; Anderson (1922) pp. 378–381, 379 n. 2; Jónsson (1916) p. 468 ch. 18; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) pp. 192–195.
  58. ^ Crawford (2014) pp. 72–73; McDonald (2012) p. 163; Oram (2011) p. 169; Beuermann (2011) p. 125; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107, 106 n. 19; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–143; McDonald (2007b) p. 134; Brown, M (2004) p. 74; Beuermann (2002) p. 420 n. 6; Oram (2000) p. 115; Williams (1997) pp. 114–115; Johnsen (1969) p. 23, 23 n. 3; Anderson (1922) p. 381, 381 nn. 1–2; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) pp. 194–195.
  59. ^ Jónsson (1916) p. 472 ch. 2; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  60. ^ Crawford (2014) pp. 72–73; Crawford (2013) § 6.6.1; McDonald (2012) p. 163; Beuermann (2011) p. 125; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107, 106 n. 20; McDonald (2008) p. 143; McDonald (2007b) p. 134; Brown, M (2004) p. 74; Duffy (2004); Oram (2000) p. 115; Johnsen (1969) p. 23.
  61. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 180 n. 140; McDonald (2008) p. 143 n. 63; McDonald (2007b) p. 134 n. 61; Power (2005) p. 39.
  62. ^ a b Power (2005) p. 39.
  63. ^ Valante (2010); McDonald (2007b) p. 13.
  64. ^ Beuermann (2011) p. 125; Beuermann (2010) p. 106; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–144; McDonald (2007b) pp. 133–137.
  65. ^ Beuermann (2010) p. 106.
  66. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 135.
  67. ^ Beuermann (2011) p. 125.
  68. ^ Crawford (2014) pp. 72–73; Beuermann (2012) p. 8; Beuermann (2011) p. 125; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–143; McDonald (2007b) pp. 133–134; Oram (2005) p. 8; Williams (1997) pp. 114–115; Anderson (1922) pp. 380–381; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) pp. 192–195.
  69. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 169.
  70. ^ Williams (1997) p. 115.
  71. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 163; McDonald (2008) p. 143; McDonald (2007b) p. 134.
  72. ^ Caldwell; Hall; Wilkinson (2009) p. 157 fig. 2a, 163 fig. 8d, 187 fig. 14.
  73. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 61, 63, 66; McDonald (2016) pp. 339, 342; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 78–79, 116, 152, 190; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Murray (2005) p. 290 n. 23; Pollock (2005) p. 27, 27 n. 138; Brown, M (2004) pp. 76–78; Duffy (2004); Woolf (2003) p. 178; Oram (2000) p. 125; Sellar (1997–1998); McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) pp. 457–458; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 84–87.
  74. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; McDonald (2007b) p. 152.
  75. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 61, 66; McDonald (2016) p. 339; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 79, 152–153, 190; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Barrow (2006) p. 145; Murray (2005) p. 290 n. 23; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Woolf (2003) p. 178; Grant (2000) p. 123; Stringer, KJ (2000) p. 162 n. 142; Oram (2000) p. 125; Sellar (1997–1998); McDonald (1997) p. 85; Anderson (1922) p. 458; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 86–87.
  76. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 66.
  77. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 117, 152; Woolf (2007) p. 81.
  78. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60–61; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 189; McDonald (2007b) pp. 117 n. 68, 152; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Pollock (2005) pp. 4, 27, 27 n. 138; Raven (2005) p. 57; Woolf (2004) p. 107; Woolf (2003) p. 178; Oram (2000) p. 125.
  79. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 117; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 219 § 3; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 565–565; Paul (1882) pp. 670 § 3136, 678 § 3170; Document 3/30/1 (n.d.); Document 3/32/1 (n.d.); Document 3/32/2 (n.d.).
  80. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 82.
  81. ^ MacInnes (2019) pp. 134–135; Neville (2016) pp. 10, 19; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Strickland (2012) p. 107; Oram (2011) pp. 185–186; Ross, A (2007) p. 40; Murray (2005) pp. 290–292; Oram (2005) p. 36; Brown, M (2004) p. 75; Stringer, K (2004); Ross, AD (2003) p. 203; Oram (2000) pp. 122, 125, 130; Sellar (2000) p. 201; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 95; McDonald (1997) pp. 83–84; Duncan (1996) p. 528; Cowan (1990) p. 114; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) p. 2; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 199.
  82. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 186; Murray (2005) pp. 290–291; Brown, M (2004) p. 75; Woolf (2004) p. 107; Sellar (2000) p. 201; McDonald (1997) p. 84; Cowan (1990) p. 114; Dunbar; Duncan (1971) p. 2; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) pp. 199–200.
  83. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 189; Oram (2000) p. 125.
  84. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 60–61.
  85. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 76–77, 93.
  86. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 79, 163; Anderson (1922) p. 458; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 86–87; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  87. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 163.
  88. ^ a b McDonald (2019) pp. viii, 14, 47, 61–62, 67, 76, 93; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) pp. 79–80, 93; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Barrow (2006) p. 145; Power (2005) p. 43; Oram (2000) p. 125; Sellar (1997–1998); McDonald (1997) p. 85; Williams (1997) p. 258; Matheson (1978–1980); Anderson (1922) p. 458; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 86–87.
  89. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 93–94; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Oram (2000) p. 125.
  90. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 94.
  91. ^ a b McDonald (2019) p. 67; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; Thomas (2014) p. 259; Veach (2014) p. 200; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) pp. 80, 93; Woolf (2007) p. 81; Barrow (2006) p. 145; Power (2005) p. 43; Broderick (2003); Grant (2000) p. 123; Oram (2000) p. 125; Sellar (1997–1998); McDonald (1997) p. 85; Williams (1997) p. 258, 258 n. 99; Gade (1994) pp. 199, 201, 203; Anderson (1922) pp. 458–459; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 86–89.
  92. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) p. 93; Barrow (2006) p. 144; Broderick (2003); Sellar (1997–1998); Williams (1997) p. 261; Anderson (1922) pp. 458–459; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 86–89.
  93. ^ a b Barrow (2006) p. 144; Sellar (1997–1998).
  94. ^ Williams (1997) p. 261.
  95. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 47, 67; McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) pp. 79, 93; Sellar (1997–1998); Anderson (1922) p. 458; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 86–87.
  96. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; Thomas (2014) p. 259; McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) p. 80; Barrow (2006) p. 145; Sellar (1997–1998); Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 88–89.
  97. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; McDonald (2012) p. 155; McDonald (2007b) p. 80; Sellar (1997–1998).
  98. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 67, 82 n. 42; Thomas (2014) p. 259; Barrow (2006) p. 145, 145 n. 24; Sellar (1997–1998); MacLeod (2002) p. 13.
  99. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; Barrow (2006) p. 145 n. 24; Donaldson (1923) p. 170; Forbes (1923) p. 244; Skye, Eilean Chaluim Chille (n.d.).
  100. ^ Sellar (1997–1998); The Royal Commission on Ancient (1928) pp. 165–166 § 535.
  101. ^ Thomas (2014) p. 259; Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 88–89.
  102. ^ Sellar (1997–1998); Matheson (1978–1980); Sinclair (1795) p. 538.
  103. ^ Sellar (1997–1998); Matheson (1978–1980).
  104. ^ Donaldson (1923) pp. 171–172; Forbes (1923) p. 244.
  105. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 67, 82 n. 42; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 36; McDonald (2007b) p. 80, 80 n. 55; Power (2005) pp. 32, 43; Sellar (1997–1998); Williams (1997) p. 258.
  106. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 67, 82 n. 42; McDonald (2007b) p. 80, 80 n. 55; Sellar (1997–1998).
  107. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 36–38; Munro; Munro (2008); Grant (2000) p. 123; McDonald (1997) p. 85.
  108. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 36–37.
  109. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) p. 80; Power (2005) p. 43; Sellar (1997–1998); Williams (1997) p. 258, 258 n. 99; Gade (1994) p. 201; Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 88–89.
  110. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; McDonald (2007b) p. 80; Sellar (1997–1998); Gade (1994) pp. 199, 201; Storm (1977) pp. 24 § i, 63 § iii, 126 § iv, 185 § v, 326 § viii, 479 § x; Anderson (1922) pp. 454–455; Vigfusson (1878) p. 369; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 526.
  111. ^ a b Sellar; Maclean (1999) p. 11; Sellar (1997–1998); Macphail (1914) pp. 7–8.
  112. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 73; McDonald (2007b) pp. 96–98; Gillingham (2004).
  113. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 73; Thorpe (1978) p. 261 bk. 2 ch. 4; The Itinerary Through Wales (1908) p. 193 bk. 2 ch. 4; Dimock (1868) pp. 211–212 bk. 2 ch. 3.
  114. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 96.
  115. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 96.
  116. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 72–73; McDonald (2007b) p. 91.
  117. ^ Gade (1994) pp. 199–200.
  118. ^ a b c d e f Oram (2013) ch. 4.
  119. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; McDonald (2012) p. 155.
  120. ^ Stevenson (1914) pp. 16–17 pl. 1 fig. 6, 17, 17 n. 7.
  121. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 47, 67; Veach (2014) p. 200; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 189; McDonald (2007a) p. 63; McDonald (2007b) pp. 52–53, 80, 153, 212; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 126; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 88–89.
  122. ^ Brown, D (2016) p. 148; Veach (2014) p. 201; Beuermann (2010) p. 111, 111 n. 39; Power (2005) p. 44; McDonald (2004) p. 195; McDonald (1997) pp. 88–89; Williams (1997) p. 117, 117 n. 142; Gade (1994) pp. 202–203; Cowan (1990) p. 114; Anderson (1922) p. 455; Jónsson (1916) p. 522 ch. 98; Kjær (1910) p. 390 ch. 106/101; Dasent (1894) pp. 89–90 ch. 101; Vigfusson (1887) p. 87 ch. 101; Unger (1871) p. 440 ch. 105; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 61 ch. 84; Regesta Norvegica (n.d.) vol. 1 p. 168 § 501.
  123. ^ McDonald (1997) p. 89; Williams (1997) p. 117; Gade (1994) p. 203; Regesta Norvegica (n.d.) vol. 1 p. 168 § 501 n. 1.
  124. ^ Williams (1997) p. 117; Regesta Norvegica (n.d.) vol. 1 p. 168 § 501 n. 1.
  125. ^ Oram (2011) pp. 189–190; McDonald (2007b) pp. 80–81, 153, 155–156; McNamee (2005); Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 126.
  126. ^ Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 83.
  127. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McNamee (2005); Oram (2000) pp. 125–126; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Oram (1988) pp. 136–137; Bain (1881) pp. 158–159 § 890; Sweetman (1875) pp. 185–186 § 1218.
  128. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 47–48; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 189; McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 155; Oram (2000) p. 126; McDonald (1997) p. 86; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) p. 459; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 88–89.
  129. ^ McDonald (2007a) p. 59; McDonald (2007b) pp. 128–129 pl. 1; Rixson (1982) pp. 114–115 pl. 1; Cubbon (1952) p. 70 fig. 24; Kermode (1915–1916) p. 57 fig. 9.
  130. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007a) pp. 58–59; McDonald (2007b) pp. 54–55, 128–129 pl. 1; Wilson (1973) p. 15.
  131. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 337; McDonald (2012) p. 151; McDonald (2007b) pp. 120, 128–129 pl. 1.
  132. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 24–25, 46, 48, 62; Brown, D (2016) p. 192 n. 190; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) pp. 189–190; McDonald (2007a) pp. 64–65 n. 87; McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 155; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 126; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) pp. 459–460; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 88–91.
  133. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) p. 155; McNamee (2005); Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 126; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 96; McDonald (1997) p. 92.
  134. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 155.
  135. ^ Oram (2000) p. 126.
  136. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 126, 139 n. 107.
  137. ^ a b Broderick (2003).
  138. ^ Fee (2012) p. 129; McDonald (2007b) p. 82.
  139. ^ Crawford (2014) pp. 74–75.
  140. ^ Insley; Wilson (2006).
  141. ^ Insley; Wilson (2006); O'Grady (2008) p. 58; Anderson (1922) p. 508; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 94–95.
  142. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 67; McDonald (2007b) p. 81; Duffy (1993) p. 106.
  143. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 38; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 190; McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 155–156; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Duffy (2004); Oram (2004); Oram (2000) p. 127; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 95; Duffy (1993) p. 106; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) p. 465; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 90–91.
  144. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 149; Oram (2000) p. 127; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 95; Duffy (1993) p. 105; Oram (1988) p. 137; Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 136 § 9; Document 1/16/1 (n.d.).
  145. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 81, 156; Anderson (1922) pp. 465–466; Munch; Goss (1874a) pp. 90–91.
  146. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 67–68; Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 38; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 190; McDonald (2007a) p. 63; McDonald (2007b) pp. 70, 81; Harrison (2002) p. 16; Oram (2000) pp. 127–128; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 90–91.
  147. ^ a b McDonald (2019) pp. 24, 68; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 190; McDonald (2007b) p. 82; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) pp. 127–128; Williams (1997) p. 258; Oram (1988) p. 137; Anderson (1922) p. 466; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 92–93.
  148. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 29; Storm (1977) pp. 128 § iv, 480 § x; Anderson (1922) p. 467; Vigfusson (1878) p. 371; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 527.
  149. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 68; McDonald (2007b) p. 82, 82 n. 72; McLeod (2002) p. 28 n. 12; Anderson (1922) p. 467; Stevenson (1839) p. 40.
  150. ^ Williams (1997) p. 258.
  151. ^ a b Munch; Goss (1874) p. 92; Cotton MS Julius A VII (n.d.).
  152. ^ a b Ó Cróinín (2017) p. 258; McDonald (2016) p. 338; McDonald (2007b) p. 86; Power (2005) p. 47; Fellows-Jensen (1998) p. 30; Sellar (1997–1998); Sawyer (1982) p. 111; Megaw (1976) p. 16; Anderson (1922) p. 472 n. 5.
  153. ^ Oram (2011) p. 192; McDonald (1997) p. 89; Oram (2000) p. 128; Cowan (1990) p. 114; Oram (1988) p. 138; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201.
  154. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 68; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Power (2005) p. 44; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 97; McDonald (1997) p. 88; Oram (1988) p. 138; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 200; Anderson (1922) p. 464, 464 n. 4; Jónsson (1916) p. 555 ch. 164; Kjær (1910) p. 461 ch. 177/162; Dasent (1894) p. 150 ch. 162; Vigfusson (1887) p. 144 ch. 162; Unger (1871) p. 475 ch. 168; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 100 ch. 135.
  155. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Strickland (2012) p. 104; Carpenter (2003) ch. 10 ¶ 63; Oram (2000) p. 128; Oram (1988) p. 138; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201; Anderson (1922) p. 464, 464 n. 4; Jónsson (1916) p. 555 ch. 165; Kjær (1910) p. 462 ch. 178/163; Dasent (1894) p. 150 ch. 163; Vigfusson (1887) p. 144 ch. 163; Unger (1871) pp. 475–476 ch. 169; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 100 ch. 136.
  156. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Power (2005) p. 44; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; McDonald (1997) p. 89; Cowan (1990) p. 114; Johnsen (1969) p. 26; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) pp. 200–202; Anderson (1922) pp. 464–465; Jónsson (1916) p. 555 ch. 165; Kjær (1910) p. 462 ch. 178/163; Dasent (1894) p. 150 ch. 163; Vigfusson (1887) p. 144 ch. 163; Unger (1871) p. 476 ch. 169; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 100 ch. 136.
  157. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 192; McNamee (2005); Power (2005) p. 44; Oram (2000) p. 128; McDonald (1997) p. 89; Oram (1988) p. 138.
  158. ^ a b Jónsson (1916) p. 557 ch. 169; AM 47 Fol (n.d.).
  159. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 68; McDonald (2007b) p. 86; McDonald (1997) pp. 89–90; Storm (1977) pp. 24 § i, 64 § iii, 128 § iv, 187 § v, 327 § viii; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201; Anderson (1922) pp. 471–473; Jónsson (1916) p. 556 ch. 167; Kjær (1910) p. 463 ch. 180/165; Dasent (1894) p. 151 ch. 164; Vigfusson (1887) p. 145 ch. 165; Vigfusson (1878) p. 371; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 92–93; Unger (1871) p. 476 ch. 171; Flateyjarbok (1868) pp. 101 ch. 137, 527; Stevenson (1839) p. 41.
  160. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Beuermann (2010) p. 107 n. 25; Power (2005) p. 44.
  161. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McNamee (2005).
  162. ^ Downham (2008); McDonald (2007b) pp. 86–87.
  163. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 86.
  164. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 68; McDonald (2016) p. 338; McDonald (2007b) p. 86; Duffy (2002) p. 191 n. 18; Sellar (1997–1998); Megaw (1976) p. 16; Anderson (1922) p. 472, 472 n. 5; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 92–93.
  165. ^ Ó Cróinín (2017) p. 258; McDonald (2016) p. 339; Fellows-Jensen (1998) p. 30; Sawyer (1982) p. 111; Megaw (1976) p. 16.
  166. ^ McDonald (2016) p. 339; Duffy (2002) p. 191 n. 18; Fellows-Jensen (1998) p. 30; Sawyer (1982) p. 111.
  167. ^ a b McDonald (2019) p. 82 n. 50; McDonald (2007b) p. 86 n. 93; Sellar (1997–1998); Megaw (1976) pp. 16–17; Anderson (1922) pp. 472 n. 5, 478; Dasent (1894) p. 154 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 148 ch. 167.
  168. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 82 n. 50; McDonald (2007b) p. 86 n. 93; Megaw (1976) pp. 16–17.
  169. ^ Megaw (1976) pp. 16–17.
  170. ^ Oram (2000) p. 128; McDonald (1997) pp. 89–90; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) pp. 200–201; Anderson (1922) pp. 473–474; Jónsson (1916) p. 556 ch. 167; Kjær (1910) p. 463 ch. 180/165; Dasent (1894) p. 151 ch. 164; Vigfusson (1887) p. 145 ch. 165; Unger (1871) p. 476 ch. 171; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 101 ch. 137.
  171. ^ Murray (2005) p. 293; Oram (2005) p. 40; Oram (2000) p. 128; Williams (1997) p. 117; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201; Anderson (1922) p. 474, 474 n. 2, 474 n. 9; Jónsson (1916) p. 556 ch. 168; Kjær (1910) p. 464 ch. 181/166; Dasent (1894) p. 152 ch. 166; Vigfusson (1887) p. 146 ch. 166; Unger (1871) p. 477 ch. 172; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 101 ch. 138.
  172. ^ Anderson (1922) p. 474, 474 n. 2; Jónsson (1916) p. 556 ch. 168; Kjær (1910) p. 464 ch. 181/166; Dasent (1894) p. 152 ch. 166; Vigfusson (1887) p. 146 ch. 166; Unger (1871) p. 477 ch. 172; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 101 ch. 138.
  173. ^ Anderson (1922) p. 474, 474 n. 9; Jónsson (1916) p. 556 ch. 168; Kjær (1910) p. 464 ch. 181/166; Dasent (1894) p. 152 ch. 166; Vigfusson (1887) p. 146 ch. 166; Unger (1871) p. 477 ch. 172; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 101 ch. 138.
  174. ^ Schach (2016); Power (2005) p. 13 n. 9.
  175. ^ Power (2005) p. 13 n. 9.
  176. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Anderson (1922) pp. 474–475, 475 n. 1, 475 n. 3; Jónsson (1916) pp. 556–557 ch. 168; Kjær (1910) p. 464 ch. 181/166; Dasent (1894) p. 152 ch. 166; Vigfusson (1887) p. 146 ch. 166; Unger (1871) p. 477 ch. 172; Flateyjarbok (1868) pp. 101–102 ch. 138.
  177. ^ Murray (2005) p. 293; McDonald (1997) p. 90; Cowan (1990) pp. 114–115; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201; Anderson (1922) p. 475; Jónsson (1916) p. 557 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 465 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) pp. 152–153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) pp. 146–147 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 477 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  178. ^ Stell (2000) p. 277; Pringle (1998) p. 152; Anderson (1922) p. 476, 476 n. 5; Jónsson (1916) p. 557 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 465 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 147 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 477 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  179. ^ Stell (2000) p. 278; McGrail (1995) p. 41.
  180. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 192; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 250; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 129; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 97; Registrum Monasterii de Passelet (1832) pp. 47–48; Document 1/7/164 (1832).
  181. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 192; Boardman (2007) p. 95; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) pp. 251–252; Tabraham (2005) p. 26; Brown, M (2004) p. 78; Oram (2000) p. 129; Pringle (1998) p. 152; McDonald (1997) pp. 90, 243; McGrail (1995) pp. 39–42; Cowan (1990) p. 115; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201.
  182. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 252 n. 34; Pringle (1998) p. 152; Anderson (1922) p. 476 n. 8; Kjær (1910) p. 466 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 147 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 477 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  183. ^ Stell (2000) p. 277; Anderson (1922) p. 476 n. 9; Kjær (1910) p. 466 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 147 ch. 167; Unger (1871) pp. 477–478 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  184. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 158; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 251; Pringle (1998) p. 152; McGrail (1995) p. 39; Anderson (1922) p. 476; Jónsson (1916) p. 557 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 465 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 147 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 477 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  185. ^ Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 251.
  186. ^ Oram (2011) p. 192; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 252; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201; Anderson (1922) p. 476, 476 n. 12; Jónsson (1916) p. 557 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 466 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 147 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 478 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  187. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 71–72; McDonald (2007b) p. 156; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 84; McDonald (1997) p. 92; Anderson (1922) p. 476, 476 n. 12; Jónsson (1916) p. 557 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 466 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 147 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 478 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  188. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 71–72; McDonald (2007b) p. 156; Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 84; McDonald (1997) p. 92.
  189. ^ McDonald (2007a) pp. 71–72; McDonald (2007b) p. 156; Smith (1998); Stringer, KJ (1998) p. 84; McDonald (1997) p. 92.
  190. ^ a b Imsen (2010) p. 13 n. 2; Lewis (1987) p. 456; Tremlett; London; Wagner (1967) p. 72.
  191. ^ Lewis (1987) p. 456; Tremlett; London; Wagner (1967) p. 72.
  192. ^ Imsen (2010) pp. 13–14, 13 n. 2.
  193. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 192; McDonald (2007b) p. 158; Power (2005) p. 45; Oram (2000) p. 129; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201; Anderson (1922) pp. 476–477; Jónsson (1916) p. 557 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 466 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 148 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 478 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  194. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) p. 158; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 252; Oram (2000) p. 129; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201.
  195. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) p. 158; Anderson (1922) p. 477; Jónsson (1916) p. 557 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 466 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 153 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 148 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 478 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 102 ch. 138.
  196. ^ McDonald (2019) pp. 69, 75; Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2011) p. 192; McDonald (2007b) pp. 87, 92, 158–159; Forte; Oram; Pedersen (2005) p. 252; Oram (2000) p. 129; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201; Anderson (1922) pp. 471–472, 477; Jónsson (1916) pp. 557–558 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 466 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) pp. 153–154 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 148 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 478 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) pp. 102–103 ch. 138; Stevenson (1839) p. 41.
  197. ^ Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 38.
  198. ^ Murray (2005) p. 295, 295 n. 47; McDonald (1997) p. 91; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201.
  199. ^ Duncan (1996) p. 548; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 201.
  200. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 69; McDonald (2007b) p. 87; Oram (2000) p. 128; Williams (1997) p. 151; Oram (1988) p. 139.
  201. ^ Oram (2000) p. 128; Oram (1988) p. 139.
  202. ^ Beuermann (2010) p. 107 n. 25.
  203. ^ Oram (1988) p. 139.
  204. ^ a b McDonald (2019) p. 69; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) pp. 87, 92; Power (2005) pp. 45–46; Sellar (1997–1998); Williams (1997) p. 117; Gade (1994) p. 201; Oram (1988) p. 140; Matheson (1978–1980); Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) p. 202; Anderson (1922) pp. 472, 478; Jónsson (1916) p. 558 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 467 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 154 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 148 ch. 167; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 92–95; Unger (1871) p. 478 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 103 ch. 138.
  205. ^ McDonald (2012) p. 152.
  206. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 158; Carpenter (2003) ch. 10 ¶ 64; McDonald (1997) p. 90; Anderson (1922) p. 478; Jónsson (1916) p. 558 ch. 169; Kjær (1910) p. 467 ch. 182/167; Dasent (1894) p. 154 ch. 167; Vigfusson (1887) p. 148 ch. 167; Unger (1871) p. 478 ch. 173; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 103 ch. 138.
  207. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 159.
  208. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 69; McDonald (2007b) pp. 87, 159; McNamee (2005); Williams (1997) pp. 117–118; Duffy (1993) p. 106.
  209. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Anderson (1922) pp. 471–472; Stevenson (1839) p. 41.
  210. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; Oram (2000) p. 131; Anderson (1922) p. 478; Luard (1866) p. 126.
  211. ^ Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2007b) p. 87.
  212. ^ McDonald (2019) p. 69; McDonald (2007b) p. 87; Anderson (1922) p. 474, 474 n. 8; Jónsson (1916) p. 556 ch. 168; Kjær (1910) p. 464 ch. 181/166; Dasent (1894) p. 152 ch. 166; Vigfusson (1887) p. 146 ch. 166; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 101 ch. 138.
  213. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 87; Barrow (2006) pp. 145–146.
  214. ^ Beuermann (2010) p. 107; McDonald (2007b) p. 87; McNamee (2005); Williams (1997) p. 118; Johnsen (1969) p. 26.
  215. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 88; McNamee (2005).
  216. ^ McDonald (2007b) p. 88.
  217. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 88–89.
  218. ^ McDonald (2007b) pp. 86, 89–90.

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  •   Media related to Guðrøðr Rǫgnvaldsson at Wikimedia Commons

August 24, 2023
guðrøðr, rǫgnvaldsson, died, 1231, also, known, guðrøðr, dond, thirteenth, century, ruler, kingdom, isles, note, member, crovan, dynasty, rǫgnvaldr, guðrøðarson, king, isles, eldest, guðrøðr, Óláfsson, king, dublin, isles, although, latter, have, intended, you. Gudrodr Rǫgnvaldsson died 1231 also known as Gudrodr Dond was a thirteenth century ruler of the Kingdom of the Isles note 1 He was a member of the Crovan dynasty and a son of Rǫgnvaldr Gudrodarson King of the Isles the eldest son of Gudrodr olafsson King of Dublin and the Isles Although the latter may have intended for his younger son olafr to succeed to the kingship the Islesmen instead settled upon Rǫgnvaldr who went on to rule the Kingdom of the Isles for almost forty years The bitterly disputed royal succession divided the Crovan dynasty for three generations and played a central role in Gudrodr s recorded life Gudrodr RǫgnvaldssonKing of the IslesGudrodr s name as it appears on folio 42v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII the Chronicle of Mann Godredus 1 Died1231Lewis and HarrisIssueHaraldr GudrodarsonHouseCrovan dynastyFatherRǫgnvaldr GudrodarsonGudrodr s mother was Rǫgnvaldr s wife Whilst the name of this woman is unknown she appears to have been a member of the Clann Somhairle kindred Although Rǫgnvaldr was able to orchestrate a marriage between olafr and her sister olafr was able to oversee the nullification this alliance and proceeded to marry the daughter of a leading Scottish magnate In consequence Gudrodr s mother ordered her son to attack olafr Although Gudrodr is recorded to have ravaged olafr s lands on Lewis and Harris the latter was able to escape to the protection of his father in law on the Scottish mainland In about 1223 olafr and his adherent Pall Balkason invaded Skye defeated Gudrodr and blinded and castrated him Gudrodr s maiming marks a turning point in the feud between Rǫgnvaldr and olafr With the escalation of hostilities Rǫgnvaldr bound himself to Alan fitz Roland Lord of Galloway Although Rǫgnvaldr was greatly aided by Alan s military might olafr eventually gained the upper hand and Rǫgnvaldr was slain in 1229 Afterwards Alan and his Clann Somhairle allies continued to pressure olafr forcing him from the Isles to Norway where news of the continual warfare had already reached Hakon Hakonarson King of Norway As a result Hakon elevated an apparent Clann Somhairle dynast a certain ospakr as King of the Isles and outfitted him with a fleet to secure control of the Isles Gudrodr seems to have been one of ospakr s principal supporters and accompanied him in the ensuing campaign that reached the Isles in 1230 ospakr seems to died from injuries sustained in the midst of the operation after which command fell to olafr Although the latter proceeded to divert the fleet to Mann where he was reinstalled as king Gudrodr was recognised as king of the Hebridean portion of the realm The following year after the Norwegians vacated the Isles both Gudrodr and Pall are reported to have been killed Although olafr consolidated control of the entirety of the Crovan dynasty s realm ruling it for the rest of his life Gudrodr s son Haraldr continued the dynastic feud with olafr s successors and temporarily held the kingship at the midpoint of the century Contents 1 Antecessors 2 Scandinavian sojourn 3 Kin strife 4 Escalation of warfare 5 Invasion of the Isles 6 Notes 7 Citations 8 References 8 1 Primary sources 8 2 Secondary sourcesAntecessors Edit Locations relating to Gudrodr s life and times Gudrodr was a son of Rǫgnvaldr Gudrodarson King of the Isles 23 and a member of the Crovan dynasty 24 Gudrodr s mother was Rǫgnvaldr s wife 25 a woman who is styled Queen of the Isles by the thirteenth to fourteenth century Chronicle of Mann 26 Although her parentage is uncertain 27 the chronicle describes her father as a nobleman from Kintyre 28 which suggests that he was a member of Clann Somhairle 29 Rǫgnvaldr was a son of Gudrodr olafsson King of Dublin and the Isles 30 Other children of this ruler include Affrica 31 Ivarr 32 olafr 33 a daughter whose name is unknown 34 and possibly a son named Ruaidhri 24 The name of Gudrodr s father Rǫgnvaldr Gudrodarson as it appears on folio 40v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Reginaldus filjus Godredi 35 Whilst olafr s mother was Fionnghuala Nic Lochlainn 36 an Irishwoman whose marriage to Gudrodr olafsson was formalised at about the time of olafr s birth in 1176 1177 37 Rǫgnvaldr s mother appears to have been another Irishwoman named Sadbh 38 When Gudrodr olafsson died in 1187 the chronicle reports that he left instructions for olafr to succeed to the kingship since the latter had been born in lawful wedlock 39 Whether this is an accurate record of events is uncertain 40 as the Islesmen are stated to have chosen Rǫgnvaldr to rule instead because unlike olafr who was only a child at the time Rǫgnvaldr was a hardy young man fully capable to reign as king 41 The fact that Rǫgnvaldr and olafr had different mothers may well explain the intense conflict between the two men in the years that followed 42 This continuing kin strife is one of the main themes of Rǫgnvaldr s long reign 43 A king gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 44 note 2 At some point after assuming control of the kingdom the chronicle reports that Rǫgnvaldr gave olafr possession of a certain island called Lodhus 48 Whilst the name of this island appears to refer to Lewis the northerly half of the Outer Hebridean island of Lewis and Harris the chronicle s text seems to instead refer to Harris the southerly half 49 In any case the chronicle further relates that olafr later confronted Rǫgnvaldr for a larger share of the realm after which Rǫgnvaldr had him seized and sent to William I King of Scotland who kept him imprisoned for almost seven years until about the time of the latter s death in 1214 50 Since William died in December 1214 olafr s incarceration appears to have spanned between about 1207 1208 and 1214 1215 51 Upon olafr s release the chronicle reveals that the half brothers met on Mann after which olafr set off on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela 52 Scandinavian sojourn Edit A rook gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 53 note 3 In 1210 Rǫgnvaldr appears to have found himself the target of renewed Norwegian hegemony in the Isles 55 Specifically the Icelandic annals reveal that a military expedition from Norway to the Isles was in preparation in 1209 The following year the same source makes note of warfare in the Isles and specifies that the holy island of Iona was pillaged 56 These reports are corroborated by Bǫglunga sǫgur a thirteenth century saga collection that survives in two versions Both versions reveal that a fleet of Norwegians plundered in the Isles and the shorter version notes how men of the Birkibeinar and the Baglar two competing sides of the Norwegian civil war decided to recoup their financial losses with a twelve ship raiding expedition into the Isles 57 The longer version states that Ragnwald styled Konge aff Moen i Sydero and Gudroder styled Konge paa Mano had not paid their taxes due to the Norwegian kings In consequence the source records that the Isles were ravaged until the two travelled to Norway and reconciled themselves with Ingi Bardarson King of Norway whereupon the two took their lands from Ingi as a len fief 58 The name of Ingi Bardarson as it appears on folio 139v of AM 47 fol Eirspennill Inga Bardar s son 59 The thirteenth century kings of Norway were nominal overlords of the kings of the Isles The two submitting monarchs of the saga most likely represent Rǫgnvaldr and Gudrodr 60 note 4 Their submission appears to have been undertaken in the context facing the strengthening position of the Norwegian Crown following the settlement between the Birkibeinar and Baglar 64 and the simultaneous weakening of the Crovan dynasty due to internal infighting 65 The destructive Norwegian activity in the Isles may have been some sort of officially sanctioned punishment from Norway due to Rǫgnvaldr s recalcitrance in terms of not only his Norwegian obligations but his recent reorientation towards the English Crown 66 The fact that Ingi turned his attention to the Isles so soon after peace was brokered in Norway may well indicate the importance that he placed on his relations with Rǫgnvaldr and his contemporaries in the Isles 67 note 5 There is reason to suspect that olafr had earlier approached Ingi in an attempt to garner support in gaining his perceived birthright before Rǫgnvaldr was able to have olafr imprisoned by the Scots 69 With olafr thus neutralised Rǫgnvaldr could well have submitted to the Norwegian Crown in the context of further securing his hold of the kingship 70 In any event the albeit confused titles accorded to Rǫgnvaldr and Gudrodr by the saga seem to reveal that Gudrodr possessed some degree of power in the Isles by the early thirteenth century 71 Kin strife Edit A queen gaming piece of the so called Lewis chessmen 72 Upon olafr s return from his pilgrimage the chronicle records that Rǫgnvaldr had olafr marry Lauon the sister of his own wife Rǫgnvaldr then granted Lodhus back to olafr where the newly weds proceeded to live until the arrival of Reginald Bishop of the Isles The chronicle claims that the bishop disapproved of the marriage on the grounds that olafr had formerly had a concubine who was a cousin of Lauon A synod was then assembled after which the marriage is stated to have been nullified 73 Although the chronicle alleges that olafr s marriage was doomed for being within a prohibited degree of kinship there is reason to suspect that the real reason for its demise was the animosity between the half brothers 74 Once freed from his arranged marriage olafr proceeded to marry Cairistiona daughter of Fearchar mac an tSagairt 75 a man closely aligned with Alexander II King of Scotland 76 note 6 The royal title of Lauon s sister Gudrodr s mother as it appears on folio 42v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII regina Insularum Queen of the Isles 86 Almost nothing is known of queenship in the Isles 87 If the chronicle is to be believed olafr s separation from Lauon enraged her sister the wife of Rǫgnvaldr and mother of Gudrodr who surreptitiously tricked Gudrodr into attacking olafr in 1223 Following what he thought were his father s orders Gudrodr gathered a force on Skye 88 where he was evidently based 89 note 7 and proceeded to Lodhus where he is reported to have laid waste to most of the island olafr is said to have only narrowly escaped with a few men and to have fled to the protection of his father in law on the mainland in Ross olafr is stated to have been followed into exile by Pall Balkason a vicecomes on Skye who refused to take up arms against him 88 At a later date olafr and Pall are reported to have returned to Skye and defeated Gudrodr in battle 91 note 8 Eilean Chaluim Chille Kilmuir Skye This meadow was once a loch and may have been the site where Gudrodr was attacked and defeated by olafr The chronicle specifies that Gudrodr was overcome on a certain island called the isle of St Columba 96 This location may be identical to Skeabost Island in the mouth of the river Snizort NG41824850 97 Another possibility is that the isle in question is the now landlocked island of Eilean Chaluim Chille in the Kilmuir district NG37706879 98 This island once sat in Loch Chaluim Chille before the loch was drained of water and turned into a meadow 99 There is archaeological evidence to suggest that a fortified site sat on another island in the loch and that this islet was connected to the monastic island by a causeway If correct the fortification could account for Gudrodr s presence near an ecclesiastical site 100 According to the chronicle olafr s forces consisted of five boats and encircled the island after having launched from the opposite shore two stadia from it This distance about 2 furlongs 400 metres suggests that the island is more likely Eilean Chaluim Chille than Skeabost Island as the former appears to have sat between 285 metres 935 feet and 450 metres 1 480 feet from the surrounding shores of Loch Chaluim Chille 101 note 9 In any case in consequence of the defeat Gudrodr s captured followers were put to death whilst Gudrodr himself was blinded and castrated 91 It is possible that olafr was aided by Fearchar in the strike against Gudrodr 107 Certainly the chronicle s account seems to suggest that olafr accumulated his forces whilst sheltering in Ross 108 Although the chronicle maintains that olafr was unable to prevent this torture and specifically identifies Pall as the instigator of the act 109 the Icelandic annals record that olafr was indeed responsible for his nephew s plight and make no mention of Pall 110 note 10 The name of Pall Balkason as it appears on folio 42v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Pol filius Boke 1 The mutilation and killing of high status kinsmen during power struggles was not an unknown phenomenon in the peripheral regions of the British Isles during the High Middle Ages 112 note 11 For instance in only the century and a half of its existence at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination 114 For instance in only the century and a half of its existence at least nine members of the Crovan dynasty perished from mutilation or assassination 115 As such there is reason to regard this vicious internecine violence as the Crovan dynasty s greatest weakness 116 To contemporaries the tortures of blinding and emasculation were a means of depriving power from a political opponent Not only would the punishment deny a man the ability to sire descendants it would divest him of personal power limiting his ability to attract supporters and further offset the threat of future vengeance 117 The maiming inflicted upon Gudrodr seems to exemplify olafr s intent to wrest his perceived birthright from Rǫgnvaldr s bloodline It is unknown why Rǫgnvaldr did not similarly neutralise olafr when he had the chance years before although it may have had something to do with the preservation of international relations For example it is possible that his act of showing leniency to olafr had garnered Scottish support against the threat of Norwegian overlordship 118 In any case the neutralisation of Gudrodr appears to mark a turning point in the struggle between the olafr and Rǫgnvaldr 119 Escalation of warfare Edit The seal of Alan fitz Roland Rǫgnvaldr s ally against olafr 120 In 1224 the year following Gudrodr s defeat the chronicle reveals that olafr took hostages from the leading men of the Hebridean portion of the realm and confronted Rǫgnvaldr on Mann directly It was then agreed that the kingdom would be split between the two with Rǫgnvaldr keeping Mann itself along with the title of king and olafr retaining the a share in the Hebrides 121 note 12 With olafr s rise at Rǫgnvaldr expense the latter turned to Alan fitz Roland Lord of Galloway 125 one of Scotland s most powerful magnates 126 Whilst the pair are elsewhere stated to have campaigned in the Hebrides 127 the chronicle recounts that their operations came to nought because the Manx were unwilling to battle against olafr and the Hebrideans 128 Detail from Maughold IV 129 a Manx runestone displaying a contemporary sailing vessel 130 The power of the kings of the Isles laid in their armed galley fleets 131 A short time later perhaps in about 1225 or 1226 the chronicle reveals that Rǫgnvaldr oversaw the marriage of a daughter of his to Alan s young illegitimate son Thomas Unfortunately for Rǫgnvaldr this marital alliance appears to have cost him the kingship since the Manxmen are further reported to have had him removed from power and replaced with olafr 132 The recorded resentment of the union could indicate that Alan s son was intended to eventually succeed Rǫgnvaldr 133 who had reigned for almost forty years and was perhaps about sixty years old at the time 134 and whose grandchildren were presumably still very young 118 In fact it is possible that in light of Rǫgnvaldr s advanced age and Gudrodr s maiming a significant number of the Islesmen regarded olafr as the rightful heir Such a view could well account for the lack of enthusiasm that the Manxmen had for Alan and Rǫgnvaldr s campaign in the Hebrides 135 Since Thomas was likely little more than a teenager at the time it may well have been obvious to contemporary observers that Alan was the one who would hold the real power in the kingdom 136 Tynwald Hill near St John s may have been a national assembly site of the Kingdom of the Isles 137 Tynwald was the site of the final conflict between olafr and Rǫgnvaldr 138 It may well have been the place where the Islesmen publicly inaugurated their kings 139 proclaimed new laws and resolved disputes 140 note 13 At this low point of his career the deposed Rǫgnvaldr appears to have gone into exile at Alan s court in Galloway 142 In 1228 whilst olafr and his chieftains were absent in Hebrides Rǫgnvaldr Alan and Alan s brother Thomas fitz Roland seized control of Mann 143 Suffering serious setbacks at the hands of his opponents olafr reached out for English assistance against his half brother 144 and eventually regained possession of the island 145 In what was likely early January 1229 Rǫgnvaldr successfully invaded Mann 146 According to the chronicle Rǫgnvaldr and olafr led their armies to Tynwald where Rǫgnvaldr s forces were routed with Rǫgnvaldr amongst the slain 147 Although the latter s fall is laconically corroborated by the Icelandic annals 148 other sources appear to suggest that his death was due to treachery The fourteenth century Chronicle of Lanercost for example states that Rǫgnvaldr fell a victim to the arms of the wicked 149 whilst the Chronicle of Mann notes that although olafr grieved at his half brother s death he never exacted vengeance upon his killers 147 Although the chronicle s accounts of Gudrodr s maiming and Rǫgnvaldr s death could be evidence that olafr was unable to control his supporters during these historical episodes it is also possible that the compilers of this source sought to disassociate olafr from these acts of violence against his kin 150 Invasion of the Isles Edit Gudrodr s name and epithet as it appears on folio 44v of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Ghotdredo Don 151 The epithet refers to the colour brown 152 The death of Alan s ally did not deter Gallovidian interests in the Isles In fact it is apparent that Alan and members of the Clann Dubhghaill branch of Clann Somhairle upheld pressure upon olafr 153 Reports of open warfare in the Isles reached the royal court of Hakon Hakonarson King of Norway in the summer of 1229 154 The thirteenth century Hakonar saga Hakonarsonar specifically singles out Alan as one of the principal perpetrators of unrest in the Isles 155 along with several members of Clann Somhairle Dubhghall mac Dubhghaill Donnchadh mac Dubhghaill and a certain Somhairle 156 Although olafr arrived at the Norwegian court early in 1230 having been forced from the Isles by Alan and his allies it is evident that Hakon had already decided upon a course of action 157 The name of ospakr Hakon an apparent Clann Somhairle dynast as it appears on folio 163v of AM 47 fol Uspakr konungr 158 The Icelandic annals the Chronicle of Mann the saga and the Chronicle of Lanercost all reveal that Hakon handed over the kingship of the Isles to ospakr 159 an apparent member of Clann Dubhghaill who had long served outwith the Isles in Norway 160 Other Islesmen in Norway before olafr s arrival were Pall and Gudrodr 118 the latter who seems to have been one of ospakr s principal supporters 161 note 14 According to saga Hakon not only granted ospakr the kingship but also gave him command of the Norwegian fleet tasked with restoring peace in the Isles 170 Within days of olafr s arrival in Norway the saga reveals that ospakr s fleet set sail for the Isles and swelled in number after reaching Orkney 171 Whilst the Eirspennill version of the saga numbers the fleet in Norway at twelve ships the Flateyjarbok Frisbok and Skalholtsbok versions give the number eleven 172 and whilst the former version relates that the fleet gained twenty ships from Orkney the latter three versions state that the fleet numbered twenty when it left Orkney 173 note 15 Once in the Isles the fleet linked up with three leading members of Clann Somhairle on Islay 177 Ruinous Rothesay Castle According to saga accounts ospakr s forces attacked the castle s soft stone walls whilst the Scots poured boiling pitch down upon them 178 Later in the century the castle appears to have undergone considerable reconstructional enhancement 179 News of the gathering Norwegian fleet soon reached Alexander II who appears to have made straight for the western coast diverting his attention to the now rapidly developing crisis On 28 May Alan is recorded in Alexander II s presence at Ayr where the Scottish royal forces appear to have assembled 180 It was probably May or June when ospakr s fleet rounded the Mull of Kintyre entered the Firth of Clyde and made landfall on Bute where his forces successfully stormed and captured a fortress that is almost certainly identical to Rothesay Castle 181 The Flateyjarbok Frisbok and Skalholtsbok versions of the saga specify that the castle fell after three days of battle 182 and that three hundred Norwegians and Islesmen fell in the assault 183 By this stage in the campaign the fleet is stated to have reached a size of eighty ships 184 a tally which may indicate that ospakr s fighting force numbered over three thousand men 185 Reports that Alan was in the vicinity at the command of a massive fleet are stated to have forced the Norwegians to withdraw to Kintyre 186 Whilst the Eirspennill version of the saga numbers Alan s fleet at almost two hundred ships the Flateyjarbok Frisbok and Skalholtsbok versions give a tally of one hundred and fifty 187 These totals suggest that Alan commanded a force of two thousand 188 or three thousand men 189 Coat of arms of Hakon Hakonarson as depicted on folio 216v of Cambridge Corpus Christi College Parker Library 16II Chronica majora 190 note 16 Having withdrawn his fleet to Kintyre ospakr took ill and died 193 presumably succumbing to injuries sustained from the assault on Bute 194 According to the saga the king s death was bitterly lamented amongst his followers 195 In consequence of ospakr s fall the Chronicle of Lanercost the Chronicle of Mann and the saga reveal that command of the fleet was assumed by olafr who successfully eluded Alan s forces and capitalised upon the situation by diverting the armada to Mann Although olafr succeeded in being reinstated as king after overwhelming some initial opposition he was nevertheless forced to partition the realm with Gudrodr who took up kingship in the Hebrides 196 Despite ospakr s elevation as king it is uncertain how Hakon envisioned the governance of the Kingdom of the Isles On one hand it is possible that Hakon intended for ospakr and Gudrodr to divide the kingdom at olafr s expense 197 On the other hand the fact that olafr s struggle against Alan and Clann Somhairle is acclaimed by the saga could be evidence that Hakon did not intend to replace olafr with ospakr Instead Hakon may have planned for ospakr to reign over the sprawling domain of Clann Somhairle as a way to ensure the kindred s obedience ospakr s prospective realm therefore seems to have comprised Argyll Kintyre and the Inner Hebrides 198 If correct the fleet s primary design would appear to have been the procurement of ospakr s domain whilst a secondary objective adopted very late in the campaign seems to have been the restoration of olafr on Mann 199 The name and title of olafr Gudrodarson as it appears on folio 44r of British Library Cotton Julius A VII Olavus rex 151 It is also possible that Hakon originally ordered a division of power between olafr and Gudrodr 200 and that Hakon originally promised to lend support to olafr s cause on the condition of a concession of authority to Gudrodr 201 who like ospakr could have been recognised as king by the Norwegian Crown 202 An accommodation between olafr and Gudrodr could well have benefited both men as it would have safeguarded their kindred against the dynastic ambitions of Alan offsetting the royal marriage between this man s son and Gudrodr s sister 203 In any case the Chronicle of Mann and the saga reveal that the Norwegian forces left Mann for home in the following spring and established Gudrodr in the Hebrides Before the end of 1231 both Pall and Gudrodr are reported to have been killed Whilst the saga merely locates Gudrodr s death to the Sudreyjar 204 an Old Norse term roughly equating to the Hebrides and Mann 205 the chronicle specifically locates the incident on Lodhus 204 Upon the homeward return of the Norwegians the saga declares that Hakon s honours had been won as a result of the expedition and that he himself heartily thanked the men for their service 206 The operation itself seems to mark a turning point in the history of the Kingdom of the Isles Although the kings that ruled the realm before Rǫgnvaldr could afford to ignore Norwegian royal authority it is apparent that those who ruled after him required a closer relationship with the Norwegian Crown 207 olafr went on to rule the realm until his death in 1237 208 Although Scottish sources fail to note the Norwegian campaign its magnitude is revealed by English sources such as the Chronicle of Lanercost 209 and the thirteenth century Annales de Dunstaplia with the latter reporting that the campaigning Norwegians and Islesmen were only overcome with much labour after they had invaded Scotland and Mann and inflicted considerable casualties 210 Gudrodr s name and epithet as it appears on folio 163v of AM 47 fol Gudʀedi Svarta 158 This epithet accorded to Gudrodr by Hakonar saga Hakonarsonar refers to the colour black 167 The context of Gudrodr s final fall suggests that despite his injuries and impairment he was able to swiftly assert his authority and eliminate Pall 211 Although the Norwegians presence may have temporarily constrained the implacable animosities of the Islesmen the fleet s departure appears to have been the catalyst of renewed conflict 118 Evidently still an adherent of olafr certainly the two are reported to have sailed on the same ship on the outset of ospakr s campaign 212 Pall s annihilation suggests that Gudrodr avenged his father s destruction and his own mutilation 213 The fact that olafr was able to regain and retain control of the realm after Gudrodr s demise suggests that olafr may have moved against him once the Norwegians left the region 118 olafr was succeeded by his son Haraldr 214 who was in turn succeeded by another son Rǫgnvaldr 215 This monarch was slain in 1249 seemingly by an associate of Gudrodr s son Haraldr whereupon the latter assumed the kingship 216 This abrupt seizure of royal power by Gudrodr s son almost twenty years after Gudrodr s death exposes the fact that the inter dynastic strife between lines of Gudrodr s father Rǫgnvaldr and olafr carried on for yet another generation 217 The infighting only came to an end in the reign of the dynasty s final monarch olafr s son Magnus 218 Notes Edit Since the 1980s academics have accorded Gudrodr various personal names in English secondary sources Godfred 2 Godfrey 3 Godred 4 Gofraid 5 Gudrod 6 Gudrǫdr 7 and Gudrodr 8 During the same period Gudrodr has been accorded various epithets in English secondary sources Godfrey Donn 9 Godfrey the Black 10 Godred Don 11 Godred don 12 Godred Dond 13 Godred the Brown haired 14 Gofraid Donn 5 Gudrod the Black 6 Gudrodr Don 15 Gudrodr Don 16 and Gudrodr Dond 17 Since the 1990s academics have accorded Gudrodr various patronyms in English secondary sources Godred Ranaldson 18 Godred Rognvaldsson 19 Gudrod Rǫgnvaldsson 6 Gudrodr Rognvaldarson 20 Gudrodr Rǫgnvaldsson 21 and Gudrǫdr Rǫgnvaldsson 22 Comprising some four sets 45 the pieces are thought to have been crafted in Norway in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 46 They were uncovered in Lewis in the early nineteenth century 47 The Scandinavian connections of leading members of the Isles may have been reflected in their military armament and could have resembled that depicted upon such gaming pieces 54 Another possibility is that the two named kings instead refer to Rǫgnvaldr s like named first cousin Raghnall mac Somhairle and Rǫgnvaldr himself 61 This identification rests on the fact that Raghnall and Rǫgnvaldr bore the same personal names 62 the Gaelic Raghnall is an equivalent of the Old Norse Rǫgnvaldr 63 coupled with the possibility that the source s Gudroder is the result of confusion regarding Rǫgnvaldr s patronym 62 The longer version of the saga also relates that a fleet of Norwegians made landfall in Shetland and Orkney whereupon Bjarni Kolbeinsson Bishop of Orkney and the two co earls of Orkney Jon Haraldsson and David Haraldsson were compelled to journey to Norway and submit to Ingi rendering him hostages and a large fine 68 The father of Rǫgnvaldr s wife and Lauon may well have been either Raghnall 77 or Raghnall s son Ruaidhri 78 both of whom appear to have been styled Lord of Kintyre in contemporary sources 79 or possibly even Raghnall s younger son Domhnall 80 In 1221 1222 Alexander II seems to have overseen a series of invasions into Argyll 81 The king s campaign appears to have resulted in a local regime change with Ruaidhri being replaced by Domhnall in Kintyre 82 olafr s concurrent matrimonial realignment with Fearchar could well have been influenced by Scots royal campaign against Ruaidhri 83 One reason why the chronicle fails to name the father in law of Rǫgnvaldr and olafr could be that the chronicle is biased against him Another possibility is that the chronicler may have simply not known his name 84 Likewise the fact that the chronicle fails to name Lauon s sister a woman alleged to have played a significant role in the kin strife between Rǫgnvaldr and olafr could be evidence of a specific bias against her 85 There is reason to suspect that the record of Gudrodr on Skye indicates that he possessed the island in the context of acting as Rǫgnvaldr s heir apparent If correct Rǫgnvaldr s earlier grant of Lodhus to olafr could indicate that olafr had previously been recognised as Rǫgnvaldr s heir On the other hand this grant may have merely been given in the context of appeasing a disgruntled dynast passed over for the kingship 90 The chronicle describes Pall as a vicecomes This Latin term has been translated into English as sheriff 92 but may represent a Scandinavian title 93 It is possible that the term vicecomes is utilised as a result of English and Scottish influences in the Isles 94 In any case the chronicle s account of Pall reveals that he was an important figure in the Isles describing him as a vigorous and powerful man throughout the kingdom 95 and appears to indicate that he acted as a royal representative on Skye 93 The fact that according to local tradition in Kilmuir Pall or his father appears to be traditionally associated with the district 102 and called in Gaelic Fear Caisteal Eilein Chaluim Chille the man of the castle of Eilean Chaluim Chille 103 may confirm that Loch Chaluim Chille was indeed the site of Gudrodr s stand against olafr and Pall 2 Kilmuir is also the site of Blar a Bhuailte the field of the stricken where Vikings are traditionally said to have made a last stand in battle on Skye 104 Whilst the name of the island could suggest that the chronicle refers to Iona 105 the most famous island associated with St Columba the context of passage reveals that the events took place on Skye 106 Gudrodr s defeat to olafr and Pall is also noted albeit in an extremely garbled form by the seventeenth century Sleat History 111 According to the twelfth century Descriptio Kambriae in an English account of succession dispute disputes among the Welsh the most frightful disturbances occur in their territories as a result people being murdered brothers killing each other and even putting each other s eyes out for as everyone knows from experience it is very difficult to settle disputes of this sort 113 Also that year the thirteenth century Hakonar saga Hakonarsonar reports that a certain Gillikristr ottar Snaekollsson and many Islesmen travelled to Norway and presented Hakon Hakonarson King of Norway with letters pertaining to the needs of their lands 122 One possibility is that these so called needs refer to the violent kin strife and recent treaty between the half brothers 123 The saga may therefore reveal that the Norwegian Crown was approached by either representatives of both sides of the inter dynastic conflict or perhaps by neutral chieftains caught in the middle 124 Much of the visible site dates only to the eighteenth nineteenth and twentieth century 137 The first specific record of Tynwald as an assembly site dates to 1237 141 Whilst this man is probably identical to Gudrodr there is reason to suspect that he could have been an otherwise unrecorded like named brother 162 For example it is only at about this point that the Chronicle of Mann accords Gudrodr an epithet 163 Gudrodr is accorded several epithets by numerous sources For instance the chronicle gives Don an epithet derived from the Gaelic donn brown 164 and means brown or brown haired 152 Gudrodr s like named great great grandfather Gudrodr Crovan King of Dublin and the Isles is also accorded several Gaelic epithets 165 Such names partly evidence the significant Gaelic influence upon the Scandinavian aristocracy of the Isles 166 Hakonar saga Hakonarsonar accords Gudrodr an epithet meaning black 167 Whether this source has confused the Gaelic donn for dubh black 168 or confused Gudrodr with another man is unknown 169 Much like the saga the Sleat History identifies Gudrodr as the black 111 Hakonar saga Hakonarsonar exists in several mediaevel redactions 174 The most authoritative of these is the Eirspennill version 175 Whilst the fleet was Orkney the saga reports that a detachment of ships led by Pall s son Balki and a certain ottarr Snaekollr journeyed to Skye where they fought and killed THorkell THormodarson in what may have been the culmination of a family feud 176 If word of ospakr s royal fleet had not reached Alan and the Scots at the time of its arrival at Orkney news of it could well have been passed on from Fearchar when the Islesmen clashed at Skye 118 This coat of arms is blazoned gules three galleys with dragon heads at each end or one above the other 191 The coat of arms concerns Hakon s coronation and its associated caption reads in Latin Scutum regis Norwagiae nuper coronati qui dicitur rex Insularum 190 The coat of arms was illustrated by Matthew Paris a man who met Hakon in 1248 1249 the year after the king s coronation The emphasise that Matthew placed upon the Norwegian realm s sea power appears to be underscored in the heraldry he attributed to Hakon 192 Citations Edit a b Munch Goss 1874 p 86 Cotton MS Julius 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3 Anderson 1922 p 381 381 nn 1 2 Fornmanna Sogur 1835 pp 194 195 Jonsson 1916 p 472 ch 2 AM 47 Fol n d Crawford 2014 pp 72 73 Crawford 2013 6 6 1 McDonald 2012 p 163 Beuermann 2011 p 125 Beuermann 2010 pp 106 107 106 n 20 McDonald 2008 p 143 McDonald 2007b p 134 Brown M 2004 p 74 Duffy 2004 Oram 2000 p 115 Johnsen 1969 p 23 McDonald 2012 p 180 n 140 McDonald 2008 p 143 n 63 McDonald 2007b p 134 n 61 Power 2005 p 39 a b Power 2005 p 39 Valante 2010 McDonald 2007b p 13 Beuermann 2011 p 125 Beuermann 2010 p 106 McDonald 2008 pp 142 144 McDonald 2007b pp 133 137 Beuermann 2010 p 106 McDonald 2007b p 135 Beuermann 2011 p 125 Crawford 2014 pp 72 73 Beuermann 2012 p 8 Beuermann 2011 p 125 McDonald 2008 pp 142 143 McDonald 2007b pp 133 134 Oram 2005 p 8 Williams 1997 pp 114 115 Anderson 1922 pp 380 381 Fornmanna Sogur 1835 pp 192 195 Oram 2013 ch 4 Oram 2011 p 169 Williams 1997 p 115 McDonald 2012 p 163 McDonald 2008 p 143 McDonald 2007b p 134 Caldwell Hall Wilkinson 2009 p 157 fig 2a 163 fig 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Kjaer 1910 p 466 ch 182 167 Dasent 1894 p 153 ch 167 Vigfusson 1887 p 148 ch 167 Unger 1871 p 478 ch 173 Flateyjarbok 1868 p 102 ch 138 Oram 2013 ch 4 McDonald 2007b p 158 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 252 Oram 2000 p 129 Duncan Brown 1956 1957 p 201 Oram 2013 ch 4 McDonald 2007b p 158 Anderson 1922 p 477 Jonsson 1916 p 557 ch 169 Kjaer 1910 p 466 ch 182 167 Dasent 1894 p 153 ch 167 Vigfusson 1887 p 148 ch 167 Unger 1871 p 478 ch 173 Flateyjarbok 1868 p 102 ch 138 McDonald 2019 pp 69 75 Oram 2013 ch 4 Oram 2011 p 192 McDonald 2007b pp 87 92 158 159 Forte Oram Pedersen 2005 p 252 Oram 2000 p 129 Duncan Brown 1956 1957 p 201 Anderson 1922 pp 471 472 477 Jonsson 1916 pp 557 558 ch 169 Kjaer 1910 p 466 ch 182 167 Dasent 1894 pp 153 154 ch 167 Vigfusson 1887 p 148 ch 167 Unger 1871 p 478 ch 173 Flateyjarbok 1868 pp 102 103 ch 138 Stevenson 1839 p 41 Cochran Yu 2015 p 38 Murray 2005 p 295 295 n 47 McDonald 1997 p 91 Duncan Brown 1956 1957 p 201 Duncan 1996 p 548 Duncan Brown 1956 1957 p 201 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ISBN 9780140443394 OL 22125679M Unger CR ed 1871 Codex Frisianus En Samling Af Norske Konge Sagaer Norske historiske kildeskriftfonds skrifter 9 Oslo P T Mallings Forlagsboghandel hdl 2027 hvd 32044084740760 OL 23385970M Vigfusson G ed 1878 Sturlunga Saga Including the Islendinga Saga of Lawman Sturla Thordsson and Other Works Vol 2 Oxford Clarendon Press Vigfusson G ed 1887 Icelandic Sagas and Other Historical Documents Relating to the Settlements and Descents of the Northmen on the British Isles Rerum Britannicarum Medii AEvi Scriptores Vol 2 London Her Majesty s Stationery Office Secondary sources Edit Argyll An Inventory of the Monuments Vol 4 The Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland 1982 ISBN 0 11 491728 0 Barrow GWS 2006 Skye From Somerled to A D 1500 PDF In Kruse A Ross A eds Barra and Skye Two Hebridean Perspectives Edinburgh The Scottish Society for Northern Studies pp 140 154 ISBN 0 9535226 3 6 Archived from the original PDF on 4 March 2016 Retrieved 30 September 2017 Beuermann I 2002 Metropolitan Ambitions and Politics Kells Mellifont and Man amp the Isles Peritia 16 419 434 doi 10 1484 J Peri 3 497 eISSN 2034 6506 ISSN 0332 1592 Beuermann I 2012 The Norwegian Attack on Iona in 1209 10 The Last Viking Raid Iona Research Conference April 10th to 12th 2012 pp 1 10 Retrieved 22 February 2013 Beuermann I 2010 Norgesveldet South of Cape Wrath Political Views Facts and Questions In Imsen S ed The Norwegian Domination and the Norse World c 1100 c 1400 Trondheim Studies in History Trondheim Tapir Academic Press pp 99 123 ISBN 978 82 519 2563 1 Beuermann I 2011 Jarla Sǫgur Orkneyja Status and Power of the Earls of Orkney According to Their Sagas In Steinsland G Sigurdsson JV Rekdal JE Beuermann I eds Ideology and Power in the Viking and Middle Ages Scandinavia Iceland Ireland Orkney and the Faeroes The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 109 161 ISBN 978 90 04 20506 2 ISSN 1569 1462 Beuermann I 2014 No Soil for Saints Why was There No Native Royal Martyr in Man and the Isles In Sigurdsson JV Bolton T eds Celtic Norse Relationships in the Irish Sea in the Middle Ages 800 1200 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 81 95 ISBN 978 90 04 25512 8 ISSN 1569 1462 Boardman S 2007 The Gaelic World and the Early Stewart Court PDF In Broun D MacGregor M eds Miorun Mor nan Gall The Great Ill Will of the Lowlander Lowland Perceptions of the Highlands Medieval and Modern Centre for Scottish and Celtic Studies University of Glasgow pp 83 109 OCLC 540108870 Broderick G 2003 Tynwald A Manx Cult Site and Institution of Pre Scandinavian Origin Studeyrys Manninagh ISSN 1478 1409 Archived from the original on 7 February 2009 Brown D 2016 Hugh de Lacy First Earl of Ulster Rising and Fall in Angevin Ireland Irish Historical Monographs Woodbridge The Boydell Press ISBN 978 1 78327 134 4 ISSN 1740 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Man and the Earldom of Orkney Some Comparisons In Sigurdsson JV Bolton T eds Celtic Norse Relationships in the Irish Sea in the Middle Ages 800 1200 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 65 80 ISBN 978 90 04 25512 8 ISSN 1569 1462 Cubbon W 1952 Island Heritage Dealing With Some Phases of Manx History Manchester George Falkner amp Sons OL 24831804M Donaldson MEM 1923 Wanderings in the Western Highland and Islands Paisley Alexander Gardner Downham C 2008 Review of RA McDonald Manx Kingship in its Irish Sea Setting 1187 1229 King Rognvaldr and the Crovan Dynasty The Medieval Review ISSN 1096 746X Duffy S 1993 Ireland and the Irish Sea Region 1014 1318 PhD thesis Trinity College Dublin hdl 2262 77137 Duffy S 2002 The Bruce Brothers and the Irish Sea World 1306 29 In Duffy S ed Robert the Bruce s Irish Wars The Invasions of Ireland 1306 1329 Stroud Tempus Publishing pp 45 70 ISBN 0 7524 1974 9 Duffy S 2004 Ragnvald d 1229 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 50617 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Dunbar JG Duncan AAM 1971 Tarbert Castle A Contribution to the History of Argyll Scottish Historical Review 50 1 1 17 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25528888 Duncan AAM 1996 1975 Scotland The Making of the Kingdom The Edinburgh History of Scotland Edinburgh Mercat Press ISBN 0 901824 83 6 Duncan AAM Brown AL 1956 1957 Argyll and the Isles in the Earlier Middle Ages PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 90 192 220 doi 10 9750 PSAS 090 192 220 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 189977430 Fee CR 2012 Med Logum Skal Land Vort Byggja With Law Shall the Land be Built Law as a Defining Characteristic of Norse Society in Saga Conflicts and Assembly Sites Throughout the Scandinavian North Atlantic In Hudson B ed Studies in the Medieval Atlantic The New Middle Ages New York Palgrave Macmillan 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Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 114 134 ISBN 0 511 03855 0 Grant A 2000 The Province of Ross and the Kingdom of Alba In Cowan EJ McDonald RA eds Alba Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages East Linton Tuckwell Press pp 88 126 ISBN 1 86232 151 5 Harrison A 2002 Sources for the Documentary History of Peel Castle In Freke D ed Excavations on St Patrick s Isle Peel Isle of Man 1982 88 Prehistoric Viking Medieval and Later Centre for Manx Studies Monographs Liverpool Liverpool University Press pp 15 23 ISBN 0 85323 336 5 Imsen S 2010 Introduction In Imsen S ed The Norwegian Domination and the Norse World c 1100 c 1400 Trondheim Studies in History Trondheim Tapir Academic Press pp 13 33 ISBN 978 82 519 2563 1 Wilson DM 1973 Manx Memorial Stones of the Viking Period PDF Saga Book 18 1 18 Insley J Wilson D 2006 Tynwald Germanische Altertumskunde Online De Gruyter Retrieved 7 March 2015 Johnsen AO 1969 The Payments From the Hebrides and Isle of Man to the Crown of Norway 1153 1263 Annual Ferme or Feudal Casualty Scottish Historical Review 48 1 18 64 eISSN 1750 0222 ISSN 0036 9241 JSTOR 25528786 Kermode PMC 1915 1916 Further Discoveries of Cross Slabs in the Isle of Man PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 50 50 62 doi 10 9750 PSAS 050 50 62 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 223924724 Lewis S 1987 The Art of Matthew Paris in Chronica Majora California Studies in the History of Art Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California Press ISBN 0 520 04981 0 OL 3163004M MacInnes IA 2019 A Somewhat too Cruel Vengeance was Taken for the Blood of the Slain Royal Punishment of Rebels Traitors and Political Enemies in Medieval Scotland c 1100 c 1250 In Tracy L ed Treason Medieval and Early Modern Adultery Betrayal and Shame Explorations in Medieval Culture Leiden Brill pp 119 146 ISBN 978 90 04 40069 6 ISSN 2352 0299 LCCN 2019017096 MacLeod N 2002 Raasay The Island and its People Edinburgh Birlinn Limited ISBN 1 84158 235 2 dead link Matheson W 1978 1980 The Ancestry of the MacLeods Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness 51 68 80 McDonald RA 1997 The Kingdom of the Isles Scotland s Western Seaboard c 1100 c 1336 Scottish Historical Monographs East Linton Tuckwell Press ISBN 978 1 898410 85 0 McDonald RA 2004 Coming in From the Margins The Descendants of Somerled and Cultural Accommodation in the Hebrides 1164 1317 In Smith B ed Britain and Ireland 900 1300 Insular Responses to Medieval European Change Cambridge Cambridge University Press pp 179 198 ISBN 0 511 03855 0 McDonald RA 2007a Dealing Death From Man Manx Sea Power in and around the Irish Sea 1079 1265 In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 45 76 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 McDonald RA 2007b Manx Kingship in its Irish Sea Setting 1187 1229 King Rǫgnvaldr and the Crovan Dynasty Dublin Four Courts Press ISBN 978 1 84682 047 2 McDonald RA 2008 Man Ireland and England The English Conquest of Ireland and Dublin Manx Relations In Duffy S ed Medieval Dublin Vol 8 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 131 149 ISBN 978 1 84682 042 7 McDonald RA 2012 The Manx Sea Kings and the Western Oceans The Late Norse Isle of Man in its North Atlantic Context 1079 1265 In Hudson B ed Studies in the Medieval Atlantic The New Middle Ages New York Palgrave Macmillan pp 143 184 doi 10 1057 9781137062390 6 ISBN 978 1 137 06239 0 McDonald RA 2016 Sea Kings Maritime Kingdoms and the Tides of Change Man and the Isles and Medieval European Change AD c1100 1265 In Barrett JH Gibbon SJ eds Maritime Societies of the Viking and Medieval World The Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph Milton Park Abingdon Routledge pp 333 349 doi 10 4324 9781315630755 ISBN 978 1 315 63075 5 ISSN 0583 9106 McDonald RA 2019 Kings Usurpers and Concubines in the Chronicles of the Kings of Man and the Isles Cham Palgrave Macmillan doi 10 1007 978 3 030 22026 6 ISBN 978 3 030 22026 6 S2CID 204624404 McGrail MJ 1995 The Language of Authority The Expression of Status in the Scottish Medieval Castle MA thesis McGill University McLeod W 2002 Ri Innsi Gall Ri Fionnghall Ceannas nan Gaidheal Sovereignty and Rhetoric in the Late Medieval Hebrides Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 43 25 48 ISSN 1353 0089 McNamee C 2005 Olaf 1173 4 1237 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography May 2005 ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 20672 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Megaw B 1976 Norseman and Native in the Kingdom of the Isles A Reassessment of the Manx Evidence Scottish Studies The Journal of the School of Scottish Studies University of Edinburgh 20 1 44 ISSN 0036 9411 Munro R Munro J 2008 Ross Family per c 1215 c 1415 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography October 2008 ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 54308 ISBN 978 0 19 861411 1 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Murray N 2005 Swerving From the Path of 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Alexander II In Oram RD ed The Reign of Alexander II 1214 49 The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 1 47 ISBN 90 04 14206 1 ISSN 1569 1462 Oram RD 2011 Domination and Lordship Scotland 1070 1230 The New Edinburgh History of Scotland Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press ISBN 978 0 7486 1496 7 Archived from the original on 18 June 2019 Retrieved 13 June 2019 Oram RD 2013 2012 Alexander II King of Scots 1214 1249 Edinburgh Birlinn ISBN 978 1 907909 05 4 o Croinin D 2017 1995 Early Medieval Ireland 400 1200 2nd ed Milton Park Abingdon Routledge ISBN 978 1 315 55878 3 Pollock M 2005 Rebels of the West 1209 1216 Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 50 1 30 ISSN 1353 0089 Power R 2005 Meeting in Norway Norse Gaelic Relations in the Kingdom of Man and the Isles 1090 1270 PDF Saga Book 29 5 66 ISSN 0305 9219 Pringle D 1998 Rothesay Castle and the Stewarts Journal of the British Archaeological Association 151 1 149 169 doi 10 1179 jba 1998 151 1 149 eISSN 1747 6704 ISSN 0068 1288 Raven JA 2005 Medieval Landscapes and Lordship in South Uist PhD thesis Vol 1 University of Glasgow Rixson D 1982 The West Highland Galley Edinburgh Birlinn ISBN 1 874744 86 6 Ross A 2007 Moray Ulster and the MacWilliams In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 24 44 Ross AD 2003 The Province of Moray c 1000 1230 PhD thesis Vol 1 University of Aberdeen Sawyer PH 1982 Kings and Vikings Scandinavia and Europe 700 1100 London Methuen ISBN 0 416 74180 0 Schach P 2016 1993 Hakonar Saga Gamla Hakonarsonar In Pulsiano P Wolf K eds Medieval Scandinavia An Encyclopedia Routledge Revivals Milton Park Abingdon Routledge pp 259 260 Sellar WDH 1997 1998 The Ancestry of the MacLeods Reconsidered Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness 60 233 258 Sellar WDH Maclean A 1999 The Highland Clan MacNeacail MacNicol A History of the Nicolsons of Scorrybreac Lochbay Maclean Press ISBN 1 899272 02 X Sellar WDH 2000 Hebridean Sea Kings The Successors of Somerled 1164 1316 In Cowan EJ McDonald RA eds Alba Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages East Linton Tuckwell Press pp 187 218 ISBN 1 86232 151 5 Skye Eilean Chaluim Chille Canmore n d Retrieved 25 June 2017 Smith JS 1998 Review of RA McDonald The Kingdom of the Isles Scotland s Western Seaboard c 1100 c 1336 Northern Scotland 18 1 109 112 doi 10 3366 nor 1998 0010 eISSN 2042 2717 ISSN 0306 5278 Steinsland G Sigurdsson JV Rekdal JE Beuermann I eds 2011 Index Ideology and Power in the Viking and Middle Ages Scandinavia Iceland Ireland Orkney and the Faeroes The Northern World North Europe and the Baltic c 400 1700 AD Peoples Economics and Cultures Leiden Brill pp 387 405 ISBN 978 90 04 20506 2 ISSN 1569 1462 Stell G 2000 War Damaged Castles The Evidence From Medieval Scotland Chateau Gaillard Vol 19 Caen CRAM pp 275 286 ISBN 2 902685 09 2 Stevenson JH 1914 Heraldry in Scotland Vol 1 Glasgow James Maclehose and Sons OL 24871335M Strickland MJ 2012 The Kings of Scots at War c 1093 1286 In Spiers EM Crang JA Strickland MJ eds A Military History of Scotland Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press pp 94 132 ISBN 978 0 7486 3204 6 Stringer K 2004 Alexander II 1198 1249 Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online ed Oxford University Press doi 10 1093 ref odnb 322 Retrieved 5 July 2011 Subscription or UK public library membership required Stringer KJ 1998 1993 Periphery and Core in Thirteenth Century Scotland Alan Son of Roland Lord of Galloway and Constable of Scotland In Grant A Stringer KJ eds Medieval Scotland Crown Lordship and Community Edinburgh Edinburgh University Press pp 82 113 ISBN 0 7486 1110 X Stringer KJ 2000 Reform Monasticism and Celtic Scotland Galloway c 1140 c 1240 In Cowan EJ McDonald RA eds Alba Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages East Linton Tuckwell Press pp 127 165 ISBN 1 86232 151 5 Tabraham C 2005 1997 Scotland s Castles London BT Batsford ISBN 0 7134 8943 X The Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments amp Constructions of Scotland Ninth Report With Inventory of Monuments and Constructions in the Outer Hebrides Skye and the Small Isles Edinburgh His Majesty s Stationery Office 1928 Thomas S 2014 From Cathedral of the Isles to Obscurity the Archaeology and History of Skeabost Island Snizort PDF Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 144 245 264 doi 10 9750 PSAS 144 245 264 eISSN 2056 743X ISSN 0081 1564 S2CID 220620368 Tremlett TD London HS Wagner A 1967 Rolls of Arms Henry III Publications of the Harleian Society London Harleian Society Valante MA 2010 Review of RA McDonald Manx Kingship in Its Irish Sea Setting 1187 1229 King Rǫgnvaldr and the Crovan Dynasty Speculum 85 1 171 172 doi 10 1017 S0038713409990418 eISSN 2040 8072 ISSN 0038 7134 JSTOR 27866810 Veach C 2014 Lordship in Four Realms The Lacy Family 1166 1241 Manchester Medieval Studies Manchester Manchester University Press ISBN 978 0 7190 8937 4 Williams DGE 1997 Land Assessment and Military Organisation in the Norse Settlements in Scotland c 900 1266 AD PhD thesis University of St Andrews hdl 10023 7088 Woolf A 2003 The Diocese of the Sudreyar In Imsen S ed Ecclesia Nidrosiensis 1153 1537 Sokelys pa Nidaroskirkens og Nidarosprovinsens Historie Tapir Akademisk Forlag pp 171 181 ISBN 978 82 519 1873 2 Woolf A 2004 The Age of Sea Kings 900 1300 In Omand D ed The Argyll Book Edinburgh Birlinn pp 94 109 ISBN 1 84158 253 0 Woolf A 2007 A Dead Man at Ballyshannon In Duffy S ed The World of the Galloglass Kings Warlords and Warriors in Ireland and Scotland 1200 1600 Dublin Four Courts Press pp 77 85 ISBN 978 1 85182 946 0 Media related to Gudrodr Rǫgnvaldsson at Wikimedia Commons Retrieved from https en wikipedia org w index php title Gudrodr Rǫgnvaldsson amp oldid 1160163830, wikipedia, wiki, book, books, library,

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